Natalie Hristova: Fundamentals of the Refugee Camp

AL ZAATARI : FUNDAMENTALS OF THE REFUGEE CAMP Natalie Hristova / 201593867

AL ZAATARI : FUNDAMENTALS OF THE REFUGEE CAMP Natalie Hristova / 201593867

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my appreciation to all individuals that motivated me to undertake this research. Special commendations to the following professionals that actively supported me throughout this project: Dr. David Grierson

Dissertation supervisor

Ms. Jacqueline Lister

Supervisor

Damyan Hristov

Structural engineer, MSc Engineering

Tsvetelina Hristova

Economist, BSc Economic & Accounting

Craig MacDonald

Master Architecture Student, Aberdeen

Petya Marcheva

Master Art student, Art Academy, Sofia

FOREWORD The refugee crisis demonstrates a lack of preparation among nations to address such an international emergency. In our highly globalized world, people now erect more barriers to separate each other. This phenomenon provoked an interest to study the nature of the refugee camp as a walled settlement making asylum seekers start their lives from scratch.

Al Zaatari is the largest Syrian Refugee camp in the Middle East and it is now accommodating approximately 80 000 Syrians (UNHCR). In July 2012, the camp was set in the north of Jordan for just nine days, without the expectations it will grow so significantly. For less than a year time, Al Zaatari expanded tremendously and in April 2013 it supported 200 000 people. With the unpredicted development, numerous situations occurred that challenged the planning strategy and the United Nation’s and the local NGO’s approach towards setting up a camp.

The research focuses on Al Zaatari as it is a complex entity that addresses cultural, social, housing, urban and environmental issues. The chosen refugee camp is used as a case study to analyse the UN Handbook for Emergencies and how adequate are the planning requirements in it according to the real life situation.

The dissertation, inspired by Rem Koolhas’ 2014 Venice Biennale topic- Fundamentals, sets a series of fundamental elements that define the refugee camp. Those elements are juxtaposed to the UN guidelines and to the way they evolved in Al Zaatari. The findings introduce the important role of culture in the refugee camp and how the gap between the refugees background and the planning strategy is the indicator for problems within the base.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) had strictly recorded the development of the Al Zaatari camp. The data on the UNHCR official website serves as an adequate support towards the development of the dissertation. The UNHCR recorded information in all spheres such as mapping land use, social activities, available services on site and density. All this gathered information reminds greatly of information architects and urban planners collect when analyzing urban settlements.

The analogue proposes an opportunity to study the camp not as a temporary site, but as a new form of urbanism.

Word Count: 9487

CONTENTS 01 HUMANITARIAN CRISIS THE SYRIA CONFLICT AL ZAATARI FUNDAMENTALS 03

Fundamentals 01: SITE PLANNING LOCATION AL ZAATARI & JORDAN THE GRID or BREAKING THE GRID 17

Fundamentals 02: THE WALL INSIDE THE WALL

19 Fundamentals 03: THE PUBLIC REALM & FACILITIES INFORMAL PUBLIC SPACES THE STREET 25

Fundamentals 04: THE LIVING UNIT THE UNHCR MODULAR “HOME” TRADITIONAL SYRIAN ARCHITECTURE THE COURTYARD HOUSE IMPERMANENT PERMANENCE

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Fundamentals 05: AL ZAATARI & THE CHILDREN 43

THE CAMP : A CITY FROM SCRATCH

“The Syria conflict has triggered the world's largest humanitarian crisis since World War II.�

(European Commission)

HUMANITARIAN CRISIS : THE SYRIA CONFLICT The world stage is changing. Natural and human disasters challenge architects around to globe to find innovative ways of adapting and reshaping the built environment.

While it is possible to still find individuals denying the global shifts, educational institutions on the other hand have stepped forward and now offer courses in response to these increasing and challenging demands. Such examples are the International University of Catalonia (IUC), which offers Masters in International Collaboration: Sustainable Emergency Architecture or the Royal Danish Academy of Fine Arts (KADK) with their course in Architecture and Extreme Environments.

The most recent and provocative humanitarian situation is the Syrian conflict which challenged international relations and even convinced the European Union to reconsider its borderless agreement - the Schengen Area (UNHCR).

The Syrian refugee crisis demonstrates how unprepared is humanity and even developed countries such as the ones in the European Union to tackle an issue of that nature.

The key problem to the refugee crisis is that the majority of the host countries threat the refugees as a temporary condition.

In the field of architecture, humanitarian architects are the one raising the topic why designers are necessary in the planning of refugee camps. In 2013, Katherine Allen brings the issue directly by releasing an article on ArchDaily with the title “Beyond the Tent: Why Refugee Camps Need Architects (Now More than Ever).� Two years later, the refugee crisis is pushing the boundaries of global relations and approach to refugee accommodation remains underestimated, grid oriented and socially sterile.

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Fig.1 Above Map of Syria and Jordan on which the refugee camp Al Zaatari is located.

Fig. 2 Opposite above Map showing Al Zaatari in proximity to the millitary town of Al Mafraq (approx.10km) and the Syrian Border (approx 15 km away from Al Zaatari) Fig.3 Opposite below Map of key settlemenets in Jordan ( including biggest refugee camps and important cities)

AL ZAATARI Al Zaatari is so far the greatest, in size and population, Syrian refugee site. It was set on the north border of Jordan in July 2012, a year after the Syria conflict began (UNHCR, 2015). The camp was established in just nine days with the expectation to accommodate 15 000 people and it did not predict it would require to accommodate 60 000 people six months later (UNHCR, 2015).

For the past four years, Al Zaatari altered its size and appearance and its growth is questioning the planning legislation of refugee camps. The fact that it is now among the largest settlements in Jordan suggests studying the role of refugee camps within their host country. The following analysis of Al Zaatari will consider the camp-refugee relation and what are the fundamental elements defining the nature of the refugee camp. As a starting point, the first identified Fundamental is the Site Planning as an essential part of the formation and development of Al Zaatari.

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FUNDAMENTALS 01: SITE PLANNING LOCATION The first step towards planning a refugee camp is to negotiate a location with the country that offers asylum.

The UNHCR Handbook for Emergencies discusses that camps are usually allocated in neighboring countries in proximity to the borders as it shortens the transportation distance and eases the process of return for the refugees (UNHCR Handbook for Emergencies, p. 209). Following the guidelines, Al Zaatari is located in the area of Al Mafraq, Jordan in proximity to the North border of Jordan with Syria (See Fig. 2). The camp is approximately 15 km away from the border and 10 km away from the closest town Al Mafraq.

The fact the camp is close to Syria makes it not only easy to reach, but also suggests that the natural environment is similar to the one in Syria due to its geographical location.

This factor helps displaced people to adapt easier and minimizes any climatic and cultural shocks (Refugee Camp Planning and Construction Handbook, p. 35). According to the UNHCR planning guidelines, Al Zaatari’s location is appropriate to provide asylum to Syrian refugees.

The local extreme conditions are an important part of the planning process as this establishes a starting point for the site layout (Refugee Camp Planning and Construction Handbook, p. 32). The climate in Jordan is dry and hot with long summers and short cool winters (WeatherOnline). Daily temperatures in summer reach above 40°C with chance of strong dry winds that cause sandstorms. The information suggests that shading is vital on site in combination with spaces protecting from the dust caused by sandstorms.

The maps reveal that the camp site is on an exposed flatland and the one storey tents on site make it easy for sandstorms to affect the site and its population. The lack of shading structures (see Fig.4) is disturbing as those are essential for the public realm in the hot climate of Jordan.

The Refugee Camp Planning and Construction Handbook advices organizations to consider site topography, accessibility, environmental hazards, access to potable water and the refugees’ cultural expectations during the initial site planning stage (Refugee Camp Planning and Construction Handbook, p.32).

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Fig.4 Image of Al Zaatari showing the exposure and the lack of shaded outdoor spaces for communal use.

Fig. 5 Opposite above Map of Al Zaatari and its site dimensions

AL ZAATARI and JORDAN ‘It is because you are a refugee. They have a country.

You do not.’

(Di Cintio, 2011, p.17) The 80 000 population of Al Zaatari makes it a significant settlement and among the largest ones in Jordan. These statistics in addition to the fact that it has been existing since 2012 make people perceive it more as a city rather than a temporary refugee camp.

The closest city to Al Zaatari is Al Mafraq with population of approximately 60 000 people, which is less than the refugee camp itself accounting for 80 000 inhabitants.

The fact the camp has a bigger population of refugees than the city itself can cause pressure between locals and asylum seekers. The homeland of ones becomes sanctuary for others. As refugee camps do not have an expiration dates and Al Zaatari has been existing and developing as a city for the last four years implies that it is likely for it to become a settlement with a permanent status. Suddenly the refugees become a factor in the demographics of the host country. Jordan’s population now accounts for 6 million people and according to UNHCR statistics in December 2015 there were 1 million refugees in the country which makes almost 20 % of the host population (UNHCR, 2015).

Such a demographical change can significantly impact the culture and the architectural language of a country.

From a humanitarian point of view, the proximity of Al Zaatari to another existing settlement gives a sense of security. The camp can rely on the public facilities the city Al Mafraq has to offer such as fire brigades, healthcare and police control (UNHCR, 2015). Al Mafraq was a military town and it is positioned on a couple of important routes connecting cities like Damascus(the capital of Syria), Riyadh (capital of Saudi Arabia) and Amman (capital of Jordan). The proximity of Al Zaatari to Al Mafraq positions the camp on those key roads and sets the foundation for good future connections, if the camp continues becomes a permanent settlement (Al Albayt).

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SITE PLANNING Al Zaatari was set spontaneously and due to its close location to the borders it attracted more refugees than the other large camp in Jordan, Al Azraq (see Fig. 3 for location of camps, UNHCR, 2015). The latter accommodates 40 000 people whereas as mentioned before Al Zaaatari gives shelter to 80 000 Syrians, which is twice as much as Al Azraq.

Suddenly planning a temporary settlement for so many traumatized individuals becomes a challenging task.

The handbook identifies three categories of refugee settlements which are as follows: dispersed settlements and host families, mass shelters (tend to be public buildings and community facilities) and camps that can be either spontaneous or planned (UNHCR Handbook for Emergencies).

According to UHNCR data, Al Zaatari is a spontaneous camp as it was constructed in nine days and only small part of it was developed with shelters, while the rest was land left for expansion (UNHCR, 2015). The camp initially accommodated 15 000 people, but later it grew drastically.

The growth of the camp allowed for a more beneficial distribution of services , which is also a more economical solution. On the other side, The high population within the camp can lead to health risks, security issues and a negative environmental impact (UNHCR Handbook for Emergencies, p. 207).

In the beginning, the site of Al Zaatari was partially inhabited with tents. The maps from 2012 to 2014 show the drastic change of the size of the camp, which now uses all the land provided for the emergency accommodation (See Fig.6). With the sudden densification of the land comes the question whether there is a sufficient amount of space for all refugees.

According to the UNHCR guidebook, 30 m2 is the absolute minimum surface area per person excluding garden space. It is suggested that each individual is allotted 15 m2 of green space, which makes a total of 45 m2/ person. Fig.5 is extracted from Google maps and using the provided scale, it is estimated that the approximate size of the camp is 1.75km x 2.5 km, resulting in 4.375 km2 total area.

By doing basic calculations of dividing the area by the 45 m2/ person, it is concluded that 97 000 people can fit on the provided site. The current population of Al Zaatari is 80 000 people, therefore each individuals gets 55m2 of land which is 10m2 higher than the bare minimum. Even though now there is sufficient space for the refugees, the same was not applicable in the spring of 2013.

The UNHCR statistics reveal that in April 2013 Al Zaatari accommodated a total of 200 000 people, therefore each individual was getting a maximum of 22 m2. The calculations reveal that in the spring of 2013, space in Al Zaatari was scarce and it certainly brought chaos on site.

Once the space is not sufficient, it is logical that there was shortage of housing and communal facilities that brought chaos on site.

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Fig. 6 Opposite Satellite view maps of Al Zaatari from 2012 to 2015 that reveal the rapid and great expansion of the refugee camp.

Fig. 7 Above & Fig. 8 Middle Aerial images of Al Zaatari showing how vast the camp is Fig. 9 Below Aerial of the East side of Al Zaatari showing linear urban layout Fig.10 Opposite Map of Al Zaatari provided by the UNHCR that shows all the facilities within the camp

“Large camps of over 20 000 people should generally be avoided” ( UNHCR Handbook for Emergencies , p. 211) The Handbook recalls for camps that are no larger than 20 000 people, a number four times smaller than the existing Al Zaatari population. This demographic clash reveals the weakness point between the theory of planning camps and the real life situation. As the site of the refugee camp is observed, it is apparent that there is an abundance of empty land around it. This gives birth to the idea that Al Zaatari could have been set up as 4 camps x 20 000 people that are close to each other. This variation gives an opportunity to develop smaller therefore safer settlements that form stronger communities. Fig.14 is a diagram demonstrating that four 1km x 1km settlements could have easily been located on the territory of the existing camp.

Even though now it seems logical to break down Al Zaatari, the emergency did not provide NGOs with longer planning time in order to analyse the options. The advantage of having a larger camp is that it reduces the costs for central facilities and security access points. It also helps keep relatives together rather than allocating them in separate camps, which is a way for the refugees to go through the trauma and to adapt easier.

Considering that the size of Al Zaatari is larger than the handbook planning suggestions, its size of approximately 3 x 1.5 km still makes it a feasible to be a walkable settlement (see Fig. 12). Jan Gehl in his book Cities for People states that an acceptable distance to walk is 1 km (Gehl, p. 121). The diagram (See Fig.12) reveals that approximately 4 walking zone with 1 km diameter can be fitted within Al Zaatari. The camp appears as an easily accessible pedestrian area that allows people from different communities to relate to different zones from the camp.

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Fig. 11 Map Al Zaatari showing all districts of the camp Fig. 12 Opposite Above Map of Al Zaatari with 4 x 1 km walkable circles as per Jan Gehl’s analysis Fig.13 Opposite Middle Map of Al Zaatari showing the overall size of the camp Fig.14 Opposite Below Map of Al Zaatari with potential of 4 x 20 000 refugee settlements

THE GRID or BREAKING THE GRID The grid layout is the most common approach towards the planning of refugee camps. Multiple camps adopt the grid as a way to offer an asylum to refugees. The grid is often a functional and logical decision when planned from an aerial point of view, but it becomes static, monotonous and boring solution when experienced at human scale.

The modularity of the shelters makes the street elevations identical and hypnotic with their similarity.

The Architect Aldo Rossi identifies the gridiron, the radial and the triangular system as the three methods of city planning (Rossi, p. 34). Al Zaatari can identify partially with the gridiron system (Fig.20), which is the most popular one among the planning of refugee camps. In some cases, the grid implies a disturbing feeling of control and order as in the case of the vast refugee camp Kilis in Turkey (See Fig. 17-19). The case of Kilis differentiates from Al Zaatari, as it is a planned camp, whereas Al Zaatari appeared as a spontaneous settlement that kept growing and developing naturally in time similar to the way cities progress. The diagram on Fig. 20 shows the structure of the camp where different districts have a different urban layout. Some of it relates more to the grid whereas others are more organic following the natural growth of the camp. Fig.10 and Fig. 15 reveal the linearity applied to the Al Zaatari camp planning when initially tents were provided to refugees. There is a lack of private outdoor space and distance between tents is minimal. Temporary is the most appropriate word to define the appearance of the camp in 2013 (See Fig. 15). Katherine Allen’s words below refer exactly to this impermanent character of the refugee sites, which often last much longer than anticipated.

“Land is negotiated for and a grid layout is set. The method, while general, is meticulous – adequate for an issue with an expiration date. Or at least it would be if the issue were, in fact, TEMPORARY.” (Katherine Allen for ArchDaily, 2013) Katherine Allen discusses the grid layout as a key trait of refugee camps (See Fig.17-19). What is outstanding in the case of Al Zaatari is that a third of the camp consists of a dense almost natural urban layout whereas the rest is a mixture of controlled and chaotic planning approach. The graphical analysis of different parts of the camp clearly points out the variable density and urban formation of Al Zaatari (See Fig.16). Looking at those diagrams it is hard to imagine they all belong to the same settlement. The east end is characterized with its dense and intense built form structure where units have merged into larger building elements. The central part of the camp consists of multiple units that with their various arrangements form interesting semi-private and private outdoor spaces. The noli plan shows the formation of courtyards in-between the streets.

The south kept to a higher degree the initial planning structure of multiple streets and lined up caravans. While most districts have a layout tendency , the west side of the camp is chaotic and has no clear definition of street, public and private space.

The changes that occurred on the plan of Al Zaatari since 2012 are captivating. The 2015 map demonstrates a significant densification of the site, absent on the 2013 map (See Fig.25 & Fig.26).

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Fig.15 Above Linear layout of the tents at Al Zaatari, 2013 Fig. 16 Opposite Noli plan of different urban grid patterns in Al Zaatari depending on the district of the camp

Fig. 17 Above Fi.g 18 Middle Aerial of the grid at the refugee camp Kilis, Turkey Fig. 19 Below Image showing the repetative, sterile camp layout at Kilis, Turkey Fig. 20 Opposite Above Diagram of the grid and the urbans structure at Al Zaatari Fig. 21 Opposite Below Diagram of the street system in Al Zaatari

Fig. 22 Above Map of water reservoir points in the camp Fig. 23 Middle Map of playgrounds and sport fields in Al Zaatari Fig.24 Below Map of schools in Al Zaatari Fig. 25 Opposite Above Map of Al Zaatai 2013 showing densification Fig.26 Opposite Below Map of Al Zaatari 2015 showing densification

FUNDAMENTALS 02: THE WALL A fundamental trait of the refugee camp is the fence around it that defines its edges. Al Zaatari is surrounded by a metal mesh fence that allows visual connection on both sides, but does not change the fact that refugees’ freedom expands to the walls of the camp (See Fig. 27).

The Canadian author, Marcello Di Cintio writes predominantly political novels. In his award winning book WALLS: Travels Along the Barricades , Di Cintio states that no matter of their structure and permeability, all barriers are walls.

“I decided earlier on to call ALL the barriers I would visit WALLS.” ( Di Cintio, p.9 )

Fig. 27 Opposite Above Map of Al Zaatari showing the boundary line / the wall around the camp and the core of the settlement

The Cambridge Dictionary defines the WALL as “a vertical structure that divides or surrounds something” (Cambridge).

The wall can be given a variety of functions such as to separate, to hide, to protect and to obstruct vision and physical access. In the case of refugee camps, fences are erected in order to define the boundaries of the camps, to claim the land and to protect refugees.

Fig. 28 Above 1 The nature of the fence in the camp

Fortification is the greatest example of walls surrounding a settlement in the human history. Their purpose is to keep inhabitants safe and to impede attacks and occupation.

Aldo Rossi in his book Architecture of the City defines the wall as a significant urban element in ancient cities (Rossi, p. 88). Rossi states that walled settlements tend to have a nucleus structure with a point of attraction at the core (Rossi, p. 89). By using those principles, Fig. 27 reveals that the same is applied to Al Zaatari, where the core of the camp has a concentration of public amenities. The UNHCR map allocates a school, a hospital, a playground, women’s and maternity center, a health centre and a Red Cross Psychosocial support centre (UNHCR, 2015). Facilities essential to the support and existence of the camp are centralized in order to improve and ease access to them. While this seems as a logical planning decision, it is worth analyzing what is accommodated around the wall of the camp.

Fig. 30 Middle 3 The barrier between the refugees and the other world

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Fig.29 Middle 2 The camp as seen from the outside of the wall. Gated communities

Fig.31 Below 4 Children and the fence Al Zaatari

The north of the camp’s border is preoccupied with registration and distribution points and camp office facilities.

On the external side of the wall at the south border there are multiple community facilities such as a multi activity centre, schools, playgrounds and fields, a mosque and a bread distribution bakery point (UNHCR, 2015). From an urban point of view, it is extraordinary that social spaces are located at the boundary of the settlements.

Usually, as Aldo Rossi describes, points of public attraction are the primary elements around which housing and other developments aggregate (Rossi, p. 89). As Al Zaatari is a refugee camp and its main point is to be secure, it is logical that it shifts from the traditional urban settlement layout.

The exposure of private units to the external of the camp is reduced. Al Zaatari allocates large communal structures along the long sides of the walls – the north and the south and thus contact of private areas with the fence occures only to the shorter east and west sides.

Even though security is a priority for organizations that manage refugee camps, it cannot be denied that the idea of living in a gated community affects the individual’s psychology. Marcello Di Cintio quoted below believes that walls separate us and emphasize on the differences rather than the commons between people.

“The only cure for the Wall Disease was to bring the Wall down” (Di Cintio, p.17) The presence of a barrier always causes the side effect of curiosity, which makes an individual wonder what is like to be on the other side. Photographs (See Fig. 30) reveal the inquisitiveness among children that spend a lot of their time around the fence exploring the outer world. The location map of Al Zaatari shows that the camp is in the nothingness, a desert like flatland landscape, which resembles eternity.

The refugees do have a choice, they can leave the camp, and some do so. By leaving the camp, they are no more protected and granted shelter and food aid. The unknown future is a mental barrier for all the current 80 000 inhabitants of Al Zaatari that chose to stay within the walls. Di Cintio’s words “There is courage in patience, after all” are powerful as the lack of freedom can be frustrating and upsetting state (Di Cintio, p.17). The choice to remain within the camp cannot be judged as the easier solution as it is not clear when the conflict will terminate and when people will be able to go back to their homeland. As a result, there is the challenging condition of being captivated without knowing when the release date is.

“The Wall is a symbol of incarceration rather than exclusion.

It didn’t keep them out, but it reminds them they are caged within.”

(Di Cintio, 2011, p. 40)

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FUNDAMENTALS 03: THE PUBLIC REALM As discussed in FUNDAMENTALS 01, the grid within Al Zaatari is very inconsistent. Due to the unpredicted camp growth, there is not a single grid theme occurring throughout out the camp. The lack of a uniform layout caused the emerging of a variety of informal break out spaces. The refugees lifestyle is characterized by a level of repetative activities and a sense of standstill.

“This frustrated me at first, but I soon surrendered to the camp’s rhythm of slowness.”

(Di Cintio, 2011, p.17)

INFORMAL PUBLIC SPACES The public realm in all human settlements is the space where individuals socialize, demonstrate their skills and use the public space either as a stage for their talents or a system to blend it. Those spaces have always been present in civilization either in a formal or non-formal ways.

The 2015 contrast map (See Fig. 32) reveals that the lack of consistent density throughout the camp led to the formation of spaces with different qualities. The east side of the camp, which was the first one to be developed, has a high density of living units and therefore the public spaces are minimal. Shared area constitutes just of the lanes allowing circulation around the district. This area is characterized with the way refugees privatized outdoor space. Fig. 35 demonstrate a tenement layout in the east district of the camp. There is a urban rhythm applied which is as follows: street, housing, back garden, housing, street.

The rest of the camp, in particular its west side, has a much lower density levels (Fig. 32) which results in the presence of large public realm areas with no particular function. The scale of those outdoor spaces attract less refugees and do not encourage activities as they give a sense of exposure and lack of protection to the pedestrian. In urbanism, Jan Gehl in his book Cities for People defines such spaces as the Brasilia Syndrome. The term relates to the grandeur urban spaces that diminished the role of the individual (Gehl, p.195, See Fig. 34). In the same manner, vast undeveloped and not inhabited parts of Al Zaatari do not attract human interaction and refugees just hurry to cross those spaces without spending time there (See Fig. 34) The flat topography and the lack of greenery contribute to the sense of exposure and humans cannot relate to any object around them except the closest container units.

Al Zaatari is a vast flat land with absence of greenery and natural protection. Therefore it is logical to introduce man made forms that provide shelter and shaded space.

The plan of Al Zaatari reveals the lack of purpose made squares that can be found in cities. The spill out spaces in front of public amenities such as schools and health centres have the potential to function as plazas, but as they are exposed to the climate conditions people tend to avoid staying there. Photographs of the camp prove that the street remains the most preferable and inhabited typology of public realm within the camp as it is the most enclosed and protected form of an outdoor space.

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Fig. 32 Opposite Above Contrast map of Al Zaatari showing empty vs. built spaces Fig.33 Opposite Middle 1 Aerial of the East side of Al Zaatari showing linear urban layout Fig. 34 Opposite Middle 2 Image showing the emptiness of vast public spaces in the camp Fig.35 Opposite Below Diagram of urban rhythm in the east side of Al Zaatari

THE STREET Al Zaatari evolved into a complex living system for the last 3 years accommodating a variety of social activities encouraged by the refugees themselves. It is important to renown the fact that the asylum seekers are people who come with their skills and social status to the refugee camp.

As a result, all those individuals with different backgrounds find their way to express themselves within the new community. The limit of private space has a benefit of encouraging outdoor social life among the ones in exile.

The public realm being robust and bare gives freedom to the inhabitants to adapt it according to their perceptions.

The existence of the street as a structural element of the human settlement cannot be avoided. The street is literally a circulation space necessary to move in-between volumes and allows people to get from one point to another (Moughtin, p. 129). There are no requirements whether it shall be straight, paved, narrow or wide.

“The street is a legitimate element of civic design” (Moughtin, p.128) According to Cliff Moughtin in his book Urban Design: Street and Square, the street accounts for the largest space of the urban public realm. It is vital to clarify that there is a significant difference between a road and a street, where the road resembles the act of driving and the street reads as a three dimensional space harvesting human activities (Moughtin, p.132).

“The street in addition to being a physical element in the city is also a social fact” (Moughtin, p.129) In the book The Economic life of Refugees, the author Karen Jacobsen states that TRADE is the most common camp activity. Camp markets begin to emerge and the street becomes the most appropriate public space to do so (Jacobsen, p. 26). As camps tend to exist much longer than anticipated, refugees see the opportunity to provide the services that are of basic need. The most common businesses involve restaurants, cafes, grocery and clothing shops, tailoring and hairdressing (Jacobsen, p.29).

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Fig. 36, Fig.37 & Fig.38 Opposite Groceries and footwear shops can be found at the refugees’ version of Champs Elysees in Al Zaatari. Local economy and market is thriving.

In Al Zaatari, one main promenade street accommodates the trade activities Karen Jacobsen refers to when describing the economic life in the refugee camps. Locals have named the main street of Al Zaatari Champs Ellysees drawing a parallel with the Parisian boulevard (Telegraph, 2015). The street accommodates a variety of refugee run businesses meeting the same needs of society, as an urban street would, such as grocery, clothing and footwear shops, bakery, hairdressing , even a wedding dresses shop.

The so called Champs Ellysees adds a vibrant character to the camp’s system as it becomes a point of attraction and concentration of human activity.

“Our streets no longer work. Streets are an obsolete notion” (Le Corbusier , extract from Cliff Moughtin p.129) The pioneer of modern architecture, Le Corbusier, obsessed by the idea of motion and the vehicle made a statement that streets as a social and pedestrian element are outdated (Moughtin, p.129). The Syrian refugees in Al Zaatari successfully prove that Le Corbusier’s words are not adequate. The asylum seekers were allocated in a sterile uniform environment and brought life into the plain streetscape of the camp. The images (Fig.41-43) reveal the vibrancy of the Syrian Champs Elysees adapted to an economically viable promenade.

The Muslim background of the refugees plays a key role in the formation of the public realm within Al Zaatari. In his analysis for Muslim Heritage, Dr. Rabah Saoud points out the natural environment as the primary factor that affected Muslim cities. Narrow, protected and shaded streets that accommodate variety of trade activities characterize Islamic urbanism. Urban and private elements such as gardens and courtyards also resemble the way people learnt to cope with the hot climate (Muslim Heritage, 2010, See Fig. 40). The photos of Al Zaatari demonstrate the intense use of the street as an urban element. Dr. Rabah Saoud states that Islamic cities have a network of streets that connect districts and that vary between public , semiprivate, private and cul-de – sac routes (Muslim Heritage, 2010). The analysis of Al Zaatari shows that the refugees’ cultural background led to the formation of variety of streetscapes and urban density. The hierarchy of streets can be observed within the camp. Champs Elysees is the most public street that accommodates the local trade facilities, whereas the rest of the camp has a complex network of narrow privatized lanes that serve smaller refugee communities.

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Fig. 39 Aerial of the main market street in Al Zaatari and its monumental linearity cutting through the camp Fig.40 Urban layout of Muslim cities where couryards and narrow shaded streets dominate Fig.41, Fig. 42 Opposite Photographs showing the vibrant character of the market street Fig. 43 Opposite Street of Widow Semi-private streets. Container blank elevations face the street to provide privcy

FUNDAMENTALS 04: THE LIVING UNIT THE UNHCR Modular Home Modularity and prefabrication are key words describing the housing units, the UNHCR provides to refugees. The two main types of emergency shelters are the tent and the container home. Those structures are basic and meet the primary need for protection. The UNHCR realizes that the existing prefabricated units may fulfill their principal function, but they certainly do not push the boundaries of design and temporary architecture (UNHCR, 2015).

The following chapter will analyse the UNHCR modular homes, how they are used in Al Zaatari and how refugees adapted the prefabricated homes to meet their needs and understanding of home.

The UNHCR handbook provides a list of requirements for emergency shelters. It is intriguing to observe that there are no conditions for the architectural language and character of those housing units, which gives a sense of design freedom to planning organizations in different emergencies. The handbook encourages the use of local materials and the formation of accommodation according to local conditions. Even though there is an opportunity to adapt shelters according to their local climate and culture, refugee camps tend to be occupied with the same UNHCR units – the tents and the containers (See Fig. 44-46).

The UNHCR tent was the initial shelter typology in Al Zaatari when the camp was set in 2012. The Family tent has a total area of 23 m2 accommodating a family of 5, with a minimum of 3.5 m2/ person. The UNHCR item description clarifies it is a short-term solution and has a life span of 1 year (UNHCR). The composition of the tent is polyester and cotton blended fibers. The fabric and the nature of the tent as a shelter make a political statement that the situation is a temporary one (Lotus, p.69). Even though organizations try to convey that refugee camps are transitory phenomena, the existence of Al Zaatari four years later proves otherwise.

“The tents … give evidence that the camps are not permanent settlements.

The tent has become a political signifier. ” (LOTUS, p. 69 ) 25

Fig. 44 Opposite Above Tent sheltes in Al Zaatari Fig.45 Opposite Middle The tent layout in Al Zaatari in 2013 with high density and linear layout Fig.46 2 container homes facing each other to form private shared space, where windows and doors are. Plain walls face the street to keep the families intimacy.

The Canadian author, Marcello Di Cintio shares his experience of the refugee camps in his political novel Walls: Travels Along the Barricades. The quote below represents Di Cintio’s understanding of the tent after he stayed in a refugee camp. He elaborates that the tent politically stands for impermanence, but for the refugees is their home.

I too started to associate “tent” with “family.”

(Di Cintio, 2011, P.18 ) The tent and its open plan layout deprive asylum seekers from privacy. The relation of the tent to the outdoor environment also causes privacy issues. Fig. 45 reveals the atmosphere in Al Zaatari when it was initially set. The minimal distance between the tents, the tent’s fabric materiality and the lack of private outdoor area make refugees feel exposed. In the UNHCR documentary A Day in the Life: Zaatari, it is recorded multiple times how refugees express dissatisfaction when they have to stay longer in the tents.

Those structures seem inappropriate for the hot climatic and sandstorm conditions of the desert topography of North Jordan.

The guidelines define the shelter as an element that provides the refugees with protection, security, privacy, living and storage space (UN Handbook, p. 41). In the case of the tent shelter typology, many of those conditions can be questioned as analysed above. The preferred shelter among refugees is the container home as it feels more solid and it conveys a stronger sense of privacy and security to its inhabitants (A Day in the Life).

The UNHCR states in the instruction manual that prefabricated emergency shelters have proven as a nonpractical option due to cost and cultural issues (UNHCR).

In opposition to this guideline, Al Zaatari neglects the opportunity to use local materials and provides modular identical container units to the refugees. At one point, this can be justified with the unpredicted camp growth. On the other side, the camp exists since 2012 and there should be at least notions of exploration to allow refugees to build their own homes. The prefabricated container unit comes on site with multiple disadvantages that the UNHCR already has identified. Except the high production and shipping costs and the lack of cultural qualities, the metal boxes are highly inappropriate for the hot climate in Jordan, they also require long production and shipping time and they disregard the refugees’ participation (UNHCR, 2015).

The consequences involve discontent and conflict situations as containers are not distributed at the same time to all families. Materiality again appears to be an issue as in the case of the tents. While the tents felt insecure and nomadic, the metal walls of the container give a less welcoming feeling (See Fig.51-52). The container reminds more or less of a construction site accommodation rather than a gentle comfortable design solution for asylums seekers.

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Fig. 51 & Fig. 52 shows the plain interior of the container homes, which even though are more secure and solid than the tents do not offer a better internal environment. The container is still a rectangular space with open plan layout, which does not suggest an appropriate living and storage space as per the UNHCR guidelines. The limited living space immediately questions why humanitarian designers have not developed strategies to offer a multifunctional interior design for those housing units.

The analysis so far shows that the UNHCR design principles are brief and ask for basic logical features such as protection and privacy. While going through the Handbook for Emergencies, it makes a significant impression how the UNHCR emphasizes on the cultural requirements as the foundation for the planning of refugee camps.

TRADITIONAL SYRIAN ARCHITECTURE In the handbook, the UNHCR points out multiple times the necessity to incorporate cultural traits within the camp’s organization as a way to reduce stress and give a sense of comfort and safety to the displaced population (UNHCR Handbook, p.42). The following paragraphs will analyse the traditional Syrian architecture and its characteristics. Then it will be compared to the existing structures in Al Zaatari and draw connections and differentiations between the layout of the Syrian housing and the one in the camp.

There are multiple discussions in the field of architecture that focus on the idea of pushing the boundaries of refugee accommodation design and form. Many designers argue that the living conditions shall be improved and this can be achieved through engaging the refugees in the design and layout of their living units.

“Its time to move beyond the tent” (Katherine Allen for ArchDaily) In order to fight the trauma and the challenges of living in a camp, planners shall investigate the opportunity to design camps based on a study of the living environment of the refugees’ country of origin. The following paragraphs will reveal the characteristics of Syrian housing units and lifestyle.

A thorough analysis of traditional Syrian architecture will be used to research whether any of those cultural traits are incorporated in the planning of the Al Zaatari refugee camp.

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Top-Bottom Fig.47 No traits left from the grid layout intially applied. All private sheltered expanded their intimate space and used old tents for shading.

Fig. 48 Man resting in back garden space he reclaimed from the public realm Fig. 49 Refugees expanding their private space by forming a shaded foyer next to their container shelter.

Opposite Top Bottom Fig.50 Al Zaatari form of urbanism determined by the needs of the refugees Fig.51 & Fig. 52 The interior of the prefabricated container homes

THE COURTYARD HOUSE The book The Courtyard House defines the courtyard dwelling as a significantly enduring architectural typology that goes beyond regional, historical and cultural boundaries (Rabbat, 2010). This house typology has a significant role within the Syrian culture and specifically the urban lifestyle. It has multiple functions in the sphere of construction, environmental control, social/familial structures providing the necessary privacy and intimacy (Corpus, p.13).

The origins of the courtyard house come from the Nomads during their travels and stays in the desert. In the past, the nomads organized their tents around a central space, which encircled the cattle and thus provided shelter and security. As the Arab-Islamic architecture developed, the courtyard remained a vital element of the overall house layout (Corpus, p.13, See Fig. 55).

Intimacy and privacy are key features of the Syrian home and they are expressed in the design of the courtyard house. The external elevations often have small openings that do not allow for a lot of visual connection between the street and the house. A deep entrance space is a break point between the street and the courtyard and it is the transition from public to private. The internal elevations facing the courtyard have wide openings that allow natural light to enter the interior spaces (Levant Corpus). Fig.55 reveals multiple traditional Syrian housing typologies that represent both the nomadic and the sedentary lifestyle.

All diagrams on Fig. 55 demonstrate spaces that cause shadow within the living spaces. Due to the hot and dry climatic conditions in the Arabic world, shade is vital for the comfort of inhabitants. Therefore, architectural elements such as overhangs and outdoor corridors provide the necessary level of shade that helps to cool living spaces.

In Al Zaatari, privacy is a common issue among refugees especially when their Syrian/ Islamic cultural background is considered. Numerous photographs reveal the refugees attempt to form a more enclosed, shaded and intimate environment. The first step towards achieving this is their privatization of the informal public spaces. In the first episode of the UNHCR documentary A Day in the Life, the camp manager Kilian Kleinschmidt immediately mentions privatization of public space and facilities as the refugee’s attitude towards making the camp feel more like their own home (UNHCR, A Day in the Life, ep.1). The photographic records (See Fig. 47-49) reveal straightforward the refugees method of claiming public space for their own needs in a way that resembles their traditional lifestyle and culture.

Old UNHCR tents have been used as canopies to form a foyer area in front of the container homes. Metal sheets privatized from public facilities have been adapted to fences to form small courtyards that give the necessary intimacy.

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Fig.53 & Fig. 54 Opposite Refugee men moving containers to locaiton that suit their needs and where they can set a small community with the rest of their relatives and friends Fig. 55 Following spread Analysis of the traditional Syrian architecture and dwelling and the courtyard house

The refugees take the initiative on site to form the housing layout the way they envision it. Kilian Klenschmidt states that caravans are constantly moving from the places where the crane installed them (UNHCR, A Day in the Life). The reason is that the layout does not satisfy the living habits of Syrians and they as ants move much bigger objects to built their own world (See Fig. 53-54). This momentum of the life in Al Zaatari is powerful and emblematic as it represents the gap between the planning approach and the refugees’ needs and vision for their new homes. At that point, it becomes clear that planners have neglected the UNHCR handbook guidelines which strongly advice on the consideration of the refugees cultural background.

Privacy is among the key requirements that a refugee camp living unit shall provide, which seems underestimated in Al Zaatari, a judgment made upon the refugees actions. The camp is a mixture of a controlled and chaotic environment and reaching intimacy within is challenging. As analysed above, the courtyard house is embedded in the Syrian lifestyle, therefore it is natural for the Syrian refugees to aim to achieve this form of private living environment. The ones in exile moved container units in order to group them between relatives and friends. The modular housing unit is used as a Lego block to form courtyards shared between close families (See Fig.47).

The notion of freedom in the refugees’ attitude towards the housing issues relates to the wrong perception of temporariness of the refugee camps (A Day in the Life).

Camps often are treated as if they have an expiration date, but on the contrary, no one can predict the end of a crisis that will make refugees flee the camps.

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IMPERMANENT PERMANENCE The UNHCR units and their form and materiality suggest the impermanent character of Al Zaatari. At the same time, the inhabitants keep developing the camp in a way to meet not only their basic needs, but also their social ones.

The settlement is formed of metal containers, tents and DIY facilities that give it a temporary status, but the ongoing Syria conflict and the camp’s four years longevity give it a permanent notion.

As part of this permanence, the plain container unit can be perceived as a white canvas encouraging the creativity of the refugees. The robust and modular container gives freedom to the Syrians to decorate and make their caravans unique. Fig. 57 demonstrates the initiative of the refugees to improve their living environment and to introduce a level of playfulness and variety within Al Zaatari.

The quote below extracted from the LOTUS architectural magazine 158th edition, makes a good point on how the camps character depends upon its inhabitants and their intentions for the stay.

“There are two groups of people on the camps: the ones who don’t want to establish anything permanent and the others who want to make their stay in the camps as comfortable as possible “ (LOTUS, p. 65).

In the 158th LOTUS architectural magazine edition People in Motion, it is stated that “the characteristics of the shelter, of the temporary refuge are that it has both a form and an essential incompleteness” (Lotus p. 17).

The idea of the incompleteness can relate to Alejandro Aravena’s approach to social housing revealed in his book ELEMENTAL. The Chilean architect developed a low cost design scheme for the Quinta Monroy housing project, which introduced ELEMENTAL’s half-house concept (See Fig.55-56). The architectural idea is to provide unfinished housing units that allow its owners to develop the other half in time, according to their own vision of space (DeZeen, 2016). With this project, Aravena celebrates the concept of participatory design and officially entitles the community to impact the way their living environment looks. The UNHCR containers unintentionally give the freedom to refugees to adapt their new homes according to their needs. As observed in the case of Al Zaatari, the refugees formed their own courtyard houses using multiple container units and on site materials.

The thorough analysis of the UNHCR housing units demonstrates the human’s tendency to apply cultural background in a new environment as a way to adapt.

The study above reveals the refugees approach to tackle trauma through their efforts to try to recreate their original living family environment.

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Fig.55 Opposite above left ELEMENTAL’s half-house project before inhabitnats to built the other half Fig.56 Opposite above right ELEMENTAL’s half-house after inhabitants completed the house Fig.57 Refugees’ approach to bring playfulness in the camp through decorating their plain container homes

FUNDAMENTALS 05: AL ZAATARI & ITS CHILDREN This section of the dissertation will focus on how children perceive the life in the refugee camp and how their needs are addressed in the UN handbook for Emergencies. The analysis so far referred to the refugee camp as an entity of urban elements such as the planning structure, the street and the housing unit. The reason to select the child as a key actor in the planning of the refugee camp is the fact that children (all under age of 18) account for 56 % of the Al Zaatari population (UNHCR, 2015).

It is vital to consider children as a fundamental part of the camp’s nature as they are the ones that spend most of their time exploring and challenging the camp planning and its facilities. While adults are preoccupied with routine activities, the young generation tries to imagine their future after the camp.

The book A Shattered World: The Mental Health needs of refugees and newly arrived communities examines in a separate section the behavior of refugee children. They are perceived as individuals that need a different approach compared to adults and therapy through activities is a much more successful methodology to overcome their shock (CVS Consultants, p.37). At that point comes the role of architecture and how it can be used as a tool to help youngster overcome trauma. Playgrounds, schools and kindergartens are the camp facilities available to children, but it is the public realm revealing the lifestyle of refugee kids.

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Fig.58 Opposite above Girls playing football on a field made by the UNHCR Fig. 59 Boys playing football in non-developed land Fig. 60 Child inside his home looking out the window Fig.61 Children playing on UNHCR playground

Despite the fact refugees live in a fenced settlement, there are some positive outcomes as well. The fact the camp has a controlled access point creates a sense of safety for the younger generation and they feel free to move around the refugee communities. The scarcity of variation and the monotonous building forms affect the creativity levels among children. The youngsters express their freedom as they claim shared land for their own personal use. Even though the camp offers playgrounds and football fields, it is the most natural reaction of the children to undertake activities when they want and where they want. Fig. 58 & 59 show how girls use neatly the football fields to enjoy a game whereas the boys in a more spontaneous way play football among the dusty covered in holes camp land.

Children do not need to be told what child friendly zones are. They easily make their own choice and adapt to what the site has to offer.

The Al Zaatari camp manager Kilian Kleinschmidt states in episode 7 of the UNHCR documentary A Day in the Life that it is everyone’s responsibility to form a better living environment for the children in the camp as they are the future of Syria. He shares experience of kids throwing stones at him as a protest that they are not enough caravans for their families and they have to stay in tents. The children act of aggression represents the pressure the situation puts on them. The lack of appropriate accommodation and a place to call home is a frustrating factor affecting ones state of comfort, security and balance.

As children account for above 50 % of the Al Zaatari population, providing education to all of them is a challenge. A lot of the youngster are left within the camp without particular tasks and learning activities(Kilian Kleinschmidt, A Day in the Life). Boredom is the biggest enemy of children and this often determines their actions (See Fig.62). The camp manager shares that children often abuse the authorities’ shelters as a manifestation of their sense of non-belonging. The documentary A Day in the Life: Zaatari reveals scenes where kids break down into multiple parts a police station, take all pieces away and re-use them to form a more private home setting. Their act brings to the surface one of the major camp issues – the temporariness as a quality of the camp’s environment.

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Fig.62 Above Boredom of child at camp at the vast exposed land Fig.63, Fig.64 & Fig. 65 Opposite Photographs of the interactive project with HERAKUT grafitti duo and the refugee children

An artistic intervention in the camp demonstrated how children’s explosion of energy can be redirected and rather than being destructive, it can be productive. The graffiti duo HERAKUT spent three weeks at Al Zaatari and engaged with local community and children towards introducing art to the monotonous and modular built environment of the camp (Upperunderground). The images (Fig.63-66) reveal HERAKUT’s contribution by using the containers as blank white canvas for their art and thus bringing diversity and playfulness to the elevations of the housing units. The photographs reveal how the murals brought colour not only to refugees shelters, but also motivated the children to participate towards a common goal for a better living environment. The act of engaging young people in the process of upgrading and improving their surroundings creates a sense of responsibility and appreciation among them.

The UN Convention for the Rights of Children states youngsters are entitled to “rest and leisure, to engage in play and recreation activities… to participate fully in cultural and artistic life” (Catalytic Action). The UN recognizes how vital is for children to be creative while they are growing and their right to do so shall be acknowledges even in the challenging environment of Al Zaatari.

Ibtasem is a participatory design project for refugee children in the town of Bar Elias, Lebanon. The scheme involved the design and building of a playground with the active participation of children themselves. Children were empowered to take design decisions, to implement their ideas and to add the final touches at the end of the construction process (Catalytic Action). The images show the collaboration between the volunteer team and the young refugees that carry out the project together (See Fig. 67). The realization of such projects improves the living environment of the refugee camps, creates a positive working environment and most importantly keeps the children busy and excited. As discussed above the youngsters in Al Zaatari are often bored and aggressive due to the lack attention and activities offered to them.

A creative project similar to the one in Lebanon can certainly bring a fresh new attitude and occupation to the Syrian children in Jordan. This approach towards designing the built environment is still architecture. It just doesn’t celebrate the polished concrete or the frameless window detail, but rather celebrates the power of community and the appreciation of their own design ideas.

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Fig. 66 HERAKUT Duo mural at Al Zaatari Fig. 67 Opposite Collaboration design project in Lebanon showing the acive participation of children during th process of building their environment

AL ZAATARI: A CITY FROM SCRATCH The dissertation defined 5 FUNDAMENTALS of Al Zaatari that play a key role in the planning and formation of refugee camps. Each one of those essential elements – the site planning, the wall, the public realm, the housing unit and the role of children contributed towards the character of Al Zaatari.

The study concludes that the UN Handbook for Emergencies should encourage planners to pay more attention to the cultural aspect of designing a refugee camp. Overall, in Al Zaatari, it seems that the disregard of the refugees’ cultural background during the planning process caused conflicts between NGO organizations and refugees.

Good evidence for this is the situation, where people in Al Zaatari moved and rearranged caravans to form courtyards as an expression of individuality and cultural belonging. The surveyors planning the caravan slots neglected this cultural element and chaos occurred on site. Refugees began altering and moving built elements in order to suit their needs and to match their vision of the built environment. They also claimed public space for private use in order to form traditional Syrian spaces.

The freedom the asylum seekers expressed through the reordering of the camp space relates to the concept of Handmade Urbanism. The term applies to communities that take the initiative to provide and build the urban spaces according to their shortages and needs. (Rosa, p. 18). The book Handmade Urbanism: From Community Initiatives to Participatory Models consists of series of case studies such as Sao Paolo, Mumbai and Istanbul, where the social ambitions of improving the urban environment led to a new approach of designing city public spaces (Rosa, p. 10). This bottom-up design approach teaches people to be active and to take care of their surroundings. “ It is much like a real republic, with people building their own town, creating their own world. If you could erase the UNHCR logo…… it would take you a long time to realize you were in a refugee camp ” (Jan Rothuizen, LOTUS, p. 73) Jan Rothuizen elaborates on the ambitions and entrepreneurship of refugees to amend the nature of the refugee camp into an urban multi-functional social system.

In an article at ABC News, the reporter Sophie McNeill writes about the surprise of the Al Zaatari managers that find it outstanding how refugees set up new lives and successful local businesses by starting from the absolute zero. The refugee camps in times of humanitarian crisis are inspiring.

They prove that settlements and their character depend entirely upon its inhabitants and their activities. The case study Al Zaatari demonstrates the mental ability for people to overcome trauma and to adapt to new conditions in order to keep their existence.

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Opposite Fig.68 Murals from the interactive grafitti project between refugee children and grafitti duo HERAKUT

“It is unbelievable how fast they have gone ….

In setting up their homes and setting up shops, in setting up some form of a new life” ( Kilian Kleinschmidt for ABC News, 2014) The refugees demonstrated exceptional skills of setting up a settlement that is much more than a refugee camp. They add cultural traits to it and treat the camp as a real city environment.

The analysis of Al Zaatari has shown that aerial planning is a wrong concept to make living spaces. The human scale should always be the driving force in city making and this comes across through the analysis not of a city, but of a refugee camp.

For the last four years, Al Zaatari progressed significantly as an urban settlement as refugees started to alter it through their prism for a city. Markets, street art, small courtyard communities and active refugee participation formed the camp in a new way.

The study demonstrated that the top-down planning approach is inadequate due to the lack of investigation in the culture and the background of the refugees. The analysis of the UHNCR guidelines concludes that the handbook should not only list series of suggestions, but it should rather focus on case studies that point out the positives and the flows of refugee camp planning. This methodology might result in being helpful to NGO organizations that can learn from previous case studies.

“The real problem in cities today is that the bottom up does not meet the top down” ( Alfredo Brillembourg, founder of Urban-Think-Tank ) Even though finances are always scarce for humanitarian projects, the refugees shall be encouraged to improve their living environment as in most cases they stay in camps longer than predicted. Voluntary art projects and collaborations can contribute towards the building up of a more creative and pleasant camp.

In conclusion, the study of Al Zaatari reminds of the fact that displaced people are in this situation not because it is their choice but because they are forced to flee their homeland. This fact does not mean these people do not deserve appropriate living environment and facilities that meet the lifestyle and the comfort of the 21st century population.

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LIST OF FIGURES Cover photo The National World. 2015 Source: http://www.thenational.ae/storyimage/AB/20150930/ARTICLE/150939902/AR/0/&NCS_modified=20150930172425&MaxW=640&imageVersion=default&AR-150939902.jpg Source: Fig.1 / Fig.2 / Fig.3 / Fig.5 / Fig.6 – Maps of Al Zaatari extracted from Google Maps Source: https://www.google.co.uk/maps/place/Al+Zaatari+Refugee+Camp,+Al+Mafraq,+%D 0%99%D0%BE%D1%80%D0%B4%D0%B0%D0%BD%D0%B8%D1%8F/@31.8500418,34.7486186,7.25z/ data=!4m2!3m1!1s0x151ba297062e537d:0x2fac81cf4cb35471?hl=bg Fig.10 Source: http://media.worldbulletin.net/news/2014/12/03/refugee-camp.jpg Fig.11 Source: http://images.huffingtonpost.com/2015-11-21-1448098848-8539494-0607TurkeySyria1-thumb.jpg Fig.12 Source: https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/About/General/2013/7/19/1374244031539/People-walk-between-conta-010.jpg?w=620&q=55&auto=format&usm=12&fit=max&s=6e0693b28e21bd799c41ccd4a8bde470 Fig.14 Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/6f/An_Aerial_View_of_the_ Za%27atri_Refugee_Camp.jpg/1024px-An_Aerial_View_of_the_Za%27atri_Refugee_Camp.jpg Fig. 15 / Fig. 16 / Fig.17 Source: https://www.facebook.com/search/175001625968963/photos-in Fig24/ Fig.25/ Fig. 26 / Fig.27 / Fig.32 Photographs from HERAKUT’s workshop drawing graffiti with refuge children in Al Zaatari Source: http://www.upperplayground.com/blogs/the-citrus-report/12770577-herakut-teams-up-withrefugee-kids-in-jordan

Fig.29 Source: https://encrypted-tbn1.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcT64xTLwQhMRi6nsRJUL2PVTAisp8yIP5mczvaPiYpTvgEyXSJ3

I too started to associate “tent” with “family.”

Di Cintio