Parashurama's Axe

PA R A S H U R A M A’ S A X E

PORTFOLIO

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A NOTE ON RED The colour used throughout this report is a digital approximation of alizarin crimson, a pigment traditionally obtained from the root of the madder plant and used as a dye in India and throughout the world. The colour can be synthesised from anthracene, a compound of benzene – a carcinogenic constituent of crude oil polluted in the oil refining process.

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PREFACE This report aims to outline the project as a revised and curated trajectory, understood in the context of the thesis. The report has a linear structure, inherited from the many narratives the project. It nevertheless endeavours to frame each theme separately in sections.

Urban concerns are highlighted in the first section concerning Mumbai’s relationship to water, development and pollution. The second section gives an overview of the origin myths of the city, vital in its redefinition.

The architectural proposal is then taken apart in detail in the third section, itself divided into the three parameters of existence in Mumbai which the architecture attempts to redefine, parameters of life (social and medical), parameters of edge (water edge, community edge), and parameters of ground.

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ABSTRACT

PA R A S H U R A M A’ S A X E Parashurama’s axe is a project developing an acute methodology to propose poised and sensitive architecture in Mumbai’s contested landscape. As the metropolis continues to grow, it absorbs a network of conflict and friction as dense as its population. The thesis does not propose a resolution between parties, but rather an alternative playing field.

An understanding of Mumbai based on the origin myths of its landscape leads to a conception of architecture and landscape linked in a state of continuous genesis and displacement, caught between actuality and myth, ground and sky.

The proposal is finely attuned to the many conflicts of water, pollution, and space through its remedial social and medical agencies, deployed at highly sensitive and deeply inter-dependent locations throughout the city. The Mahul Residents’ Agency administers much needed amenity to the local Koli villagers as well as to the rehoused ex-slum dwellers: civic space is provided by the market and the council, an ambulatory clinic cares for those affected by the high pollution levels.

The Juhu Blood Institute receives data from the Mahul Agency and endeavours with long term research on blood diseases and pollution.

Both agencies radically re-define the local parameters of social, political, and bodily existence by redefining the parameters of edge, ground, and life.

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MAHUL RESIDENT’S AGENCY 12

JUHU BLOOD INSTITUTE 13

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MAHUL

JUHU

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GLOSSARY

AXE: Parashurama’s mighty weapon from which he gets his name, Parashurama means Rama with an axe (parashu). The axe is imbued with supernatural properties and geomorphic power.

ARROW: Shot from Parashurama’s holy bow, bestowed to him by Shiva, his arrows have the power to invoke the water of the Ganges river when they pierce the earth.

BANGANGA: The holiest water tank of Mumbai, it was created when Parashurama shot an arrow from the top of the Western Ghats into the plains below. From the point where the arrow landed, water from the Ganges emerged in a holy spring. Banganga means Ganges Arrow (Ban-Ganga).

BRIMSTOWAD: The Brihanmumbai Storm Water Disposal System is a development project aimed at improving Mumbai’s drainage infrastructure.

It proposes to widen all of the city’s drains, namely the nullahs (see later entry). Originally proposed in 1993, it was only implemented after the catastrophic floods of 2005.

DISPLACEMENT: Refers to the forced migration of slum dwellers, to vectors transforming points in a parametrically defined surface, and to geographic paradoxes such as Ganges water appearing in Banganga Tank.

FLIGHT: The path and development in time and space specific to a projectile.

GHAT: Steps leading down to water. Applicable to all scales, this term either denotes a set of steps at the edge of a body of water, such as the steps of Banganga tank, or an imposing mountainous mass, such as the Western Ghats at the edge of the Arabian Sea. INSTANCE: A parallel and simultaneous occurrence of the same person, phenomenon or concept, whilst still retaining unique properties not entirely shared with other instances. For example, the water emerging from Banganga tank is the water of the Ganges, even if it is not geographically located in the Ganges river bed.

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KONKAN: The coast created by Parashurama upon throwing his axe into the Arabian Sea in his struggle against Varuna, the god of the sea. It lies between the Western Ghats and the Arabian Sea, and is the coast in which Mumbai sits.

MYTHOSOPHY: A neologism, it is the inherent and immanent wisdom of a myth. This wisdom is manifest through the apparent incorporation of the myth in question into the properties of that which is mythosophic.

MYTHOPOESIS: Traditionally the creation of a new myth, here specifically the adaptation of a myth as a productive metaphor.

NULLAH: A common body of water in Mumbai, forming much of the city’s waste water and flood water infrastructure. Usually located where natural creeks lay prior to the heavy urbanisation Mumbai has experienced in its development. Nullahs are conceived of between a river or creek and an open drain, and often have densely inhabited edges.

OART: A coconut grove, traditionally cultivated on the coast of Mumbai. The origins of the word in this sense come from Portuguese “orta”, though its origins lie in the Latin “hortus” for garden.

TDR: Transferable Development Rights have been an essential apparatus in the urban development of Mumbai since 1991. Development rights are granted to landowners whose land lies within the boundary of an infrastructural project. Developers have taken advantage of this mechanism in order to generate profit. By building such infrastructural projects pro bono, developers are granted rights to develop more lucrative projects in well-to-do areas of Mumbai for reduced rates.

TRAJECTORY: A specific instance of the flight of a projectile, understood as a continuum in time and space. Its study is not necessarily subject to the linearity of the flight of the projectile, but it does encompass the context, the start and end points, as well as the effects of the flight.

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REPORT TRAJECTORY

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U R B A N N A R R AT I V E FLOOD DISPLACEMENT DEVELOPMENT

M Y T H I C N A R R AT I V E AXE

ARROW

G H AT

R E D E F I N I N G PA R A M E T E RS PA R A M E T E R S O F L I F E

MEDICAL PROGRAMME

SOCIAL PROGRAMME

PA R A M E T E R S O F E D G E MAHUL EDGE NULLAH EDGE

PA R A M E T E R S O F G R O U N D REMEDIAL LANDSCAPES REMEDIAL ARCHITECTURE

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U R B A N N A R R AT I V E FLOOD DISPLACEMENT DEVELOPMENT

FLOOD

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THE 2005 DELUGE Unprecedented floods forced all Mumbaikars to a standstill on the 26th of July 2005. The city experienced the worst rainfall it had ever seen, 944 mm in a day—the equivalent of an entire monsoon season—and its antiquated drainage system failed to contain the catastrophe. Unbridled development and encroachment along the waste-clogged water ways only served to worsen the already dire situation. More than a thousand lives were lost as India’s financial capital struggled against the monsoon.

After the deluge, city officials were pressed to find a way of ensuring such a disaster could never repeat itself. Ironically, they found a proposal which was submitted to them the last time the city experienced vast floods, in 1985. Brimstowad, or the Brihanmumbai Storm Water Disposal System, is an ambitious urban infrastructural project which proposes to widen all of the city’s 300 km of waterways to increase the city’s drainage capacity from 25 to 50 mm per hour. Keeping in mind that Mumbai’s waterways host some of the city’s largest slums, Brimstowad is not only technically but socially bold.

Ten years have passed since the floods. As of the project’s 2015 deadline, it is only half completed.

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EXTENT OF FLOODS 25

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FLOOD

IRLA NULLAH The 2005 deluge left the JVPD underneath five feet of water, the Irla Nullah unable to cope with the staggering amount of rainfall.1 In response, residents of the affluent suburb turned on those encroaching along the nullah edge, documenting the illegal shops and settlements along the bank in order to pressure the city into clearing them from the area. Residents blamed these illegal dwellers for clogging the nullah, thereby causing the severe flooding of the surrounding area.2 However the Irla Nullah is the main sewage outlet for Juhu, with local sewage waste discharged into the water at several points along the channel. Residents of Juhu took it upon themselves to clear the nullah after the flood, removing almost 250 truckloads of waste.3

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PUMPING STATION

NULLAH EDGE CLEARED

EXTENSIVE WATER DAMAGE

NULLAH EDGE TO BE CLEARED

WATERSHED CATCHMENT

IRLA NULLAH AND CATCHMENT 29

CLEARING THE NULLAH EDGE

2005

2009

2015 30

A C C O M M O D AT I N G T H E D I S P L A C E D

2005

2009

2015 31

S LU M R E H A B I L I TAT I O N

LO N D O N 3 2 . 7 s q . m

NEW YO RK 2 6 .4 s q .m

C H I C AGO 17. 6 sq. m

TO KYO 4 sq. m

OPEN SPACE PER CITIZEN

P O P U L AT I O N D I S P L A C E M E N T Mumbai’s staggering population density of 21,000 inhabitants per square kilometre is a great challenge to its infrastructural development. Every Mumbaikar is fighting for space on a daily basis. To build in Mumbai is to displace what’s already there.

Mumbai’s slums are the most vulnerable to this displacement in the name of civic improvement. Slum dwellers whose homes are affected by infrastructural works are entitled to rehousing, as long as they can prove that they have lived there sine 1995. The Slum Rehabilitation Authority (SRA) handles the administration of this mechanism, relocating slum dwellers from their homes to housing further afield.

Living conditions in slums are arduous. The lack of electricity and running water, let alone any sanitation, rightfully puts the improvement of slum conditions on the forefront of Mumbai’s list of concerns. However, slums also provide a social infrastructure for its residents, as slum dwellers commonly live with their families and run businesses from their homes.

The SRA administers the construction of housing blocks in Mumbai where space is not as coveted as where the slums are. They are the undesirable outskirts of the city. Relatively underdeveloped because they are hard to reach, relatively uninhabited because there is little opportunity to live.

Trombay, across Mahul Creek from South Mumbai, is such a place. Host to the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre, a slew of oil refineries, and power stations, it has been the target of numerous SRA developments over the years.

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M U M BA I 1. 1 sq. m

T R O M B AY S R A D E V E L O P M E N T S

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T R O M B AY S R A D E V E L O P M E N T S

TDR AREA GE

NERATED

LULLABHAI COMPOUND TENEMENTS: 9,300 PROJECT: MUTP

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DEONAR TENEMENTS: 6,200 PROJECT: MUTP

TED TDR AREA GENERA

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T R O M B AY S R A D E V E L O P M E N T S

TDR GENERATED

ANIK TENEMENTS: 8,400 PROJECT: MUTP

TDR AREA GENERATED

ATED

ENER EA G

AR TDR

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ANIK TENE

TDR AREA GENERATED

REA

A TDR

ATED

ER GEN

ANIK TENEMENTS: 3,200 PROJECTS: MMRDA

HPCL OIL REFINERY

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DEVELOPMENT

350, 00 0 m²

SRA CONSUMPTION 300, 00 0 m²

250, 00 0 m²

200, 00 0 m²

150, 00 0 m²

100, 00 0 m²

50, 00 0 m²

RESERVATION ROAD H /E

H /W

K/ E

K/ W

P/ S

P/ N

R

L

M/E

M/W

N

M WARD TDR CONSUMPTION

TRANSFERABLE DEVELOPMENT RIGHTS Transferable Development Rights (TDR) have been an essential apparatus in the urban development of Mumbai since 1991. Development rights are granted to landowners whose land lies within the boundary of some infrastructural project, such as a highway, in another part of the city.

Similarly, if a developer’s project falls in line with such works, the city will grant them rights to build elsewhere. Developers have taken advantage of this mechanism in order to generate profit. By building such infrastructural projects pro bono, developers are granted rights to develop more lucrative projects in well-to-do areas of Mumbai for reduced rates.

Slum rehabilitation schemes fall under this category of urban infrastructural project, and are therefore coveted by developers as a money-making opportunities, especially as there is no statutory standard of quality for the works. These TDR generating projects are commonly poorly-built, using cheap materials, lacking in basic infrastructure such as sewage, and are impossibly cramped. In short, conditions in these compounds can be worse than in the slums of Mumbai.

In order to prevent the overcrowding of South Bombay, the city dictates that all TDR must be used north of the developement that generated the rights.

It is for this reason that the majority of SRA developments are constructed in wards M/East and M/West the industrial area of Trombay as the area lies south of Mumbai’s desirable suburbs. TDR is mostly used in the city’s desirable suburbs, H/West, K/East and in Juhu – K/West. By 1998, 120 of the 700 plots of the JVPD were redeveloped using TDR and the densification of Juhu has only continued since.4 38

S

T

K/West

K/East

239,976 m² 296,547 m²

20,000 FAMILIES DISPLACED BY BRIMSTOWAD

M/East

334,371 m²

H/West

2,174,478 m² TDR GENERATED

80,000 FAMILIES DISPLACED BY AIRPORT EXPANSION

M/West 50,000 FAMILIES DISPLACED BY MUTP

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MAHUL SRA DEVELOPMENT

CONTESTED TERRITORY Citing security risks, the construction of the 78 buliding development of more than 17,000 SRA residences north of Mahul village was opposed by the Bharat Petroleum Company (BPCL), Mumbai Police and the Government of India in the High Court of Bombay. The petitioners were concerned that the roofs of the proposed buildings adjacent to the oil refinery offered a vantage from which the refinery’s storage containers could be attacked.

As BPCL had previously opposed the land’s designation as a No Development Zone in order to expand into that territory themselves, the court decreed that the petitioners wish to return it to an NDZ invalid.

In light of the security risks, a compromise dictated that the 2,000 residences overlooking the Bharat Petroleum refinery would be inhabited by police, who would also have the authority to screen residents and deny access to housing in the development.

Whilst awaiting a resolution to this conflict, the new apartment buildings have been left to remain empty. Only one building is occupied. Abandoned shells towering over Mahul Village. In the meantime, the BRIMSTOWAD scheme is held up as the nullahs cannot be widened until people are displaced from their edges.

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TENEMENTS: 900 PROJECT: MHADA

TDR AREA GE

NERATED

MAHUL TENEMENTS: 17,000 PROJECT: BRIMSTOWAD

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POLLUTION

AIR QUALITY The proliferation of new residential buildings for the rehousing of slum dwellers in the industrial peninsula of Chembur poses questions regarding the health impact of life in such a microclimate. Mahul is surrounded by oil refineries, thermal power plants and chemical storage facilities. The benzene and other carcinogens expelled into the air by these industrial complexes are likely to seriously damage the health of those displaced to the area. Exposure to benzene in the air affects the blood. It is harmful to bone marrow and can cause a decrease in the red blood cell count. It also leads to blood cancer, increasing the risk of leukaemia.

The proliferation of new residential buildings for the rehousing of slum dwellers in the industrial peninsula of Chembur poses questions regarding the health impact of life in such a microclimate. Mahul is surrounded by oil refineries, thermal power plants and chemical storage facilities. The benzene and other carcinogens expelled into the air by these industrial complexes are likely to seriously damage the health of those displaced to the area. Exposure to benzene in the air affects the blood. It is harmful to bone marrow and can cause a decrease in the red blood cell count. It also leads to blood cancer, increasing the risk of leukaemia.

The World Health Organisation (WHO) recently found that 13 of the world’s 20 most polluted cities are in India. Mumbai’s rate of PM10 (particulate matter with a diameter of 10 microns or less) stands at 132 micrograms per cubic metre (µg/m³), not enough to make the top 20 but still well above the WHO’s guideline of 20 µg/m³. This target figure is an attempt to reduce the number of early deaths caused by breathing in a high quantity of small particles, an estimated 3.7 million worldwide. Mumbai’s PM10 level marks a sharp rise over the course of ten years.

Whilst the WHO figure was recorded in 2008 the World Bank reported a PM10 rate of 79 µg/ m³ in 1999, a rise of over 50 µg/m³.5 Archana Patankar has estimated that every 50 µg/m³ rise in Mumbai’s PM10 level will cost the city ₹8723.59 million, equivalent to more than £86 million.6 In comparison with other global cities, notoriously polluted Beijing has a lower rate of 121 µg/m³, Delhi has a rate of 198 µg/m³, Hong Kong 50 µg/m³ and London 29 µg/m³. Mumbai’s reading however only takes into account ‘residential’ areas, excluding any industrial or ’sensitive’ locations.7 The rate of industry in Mahul means the area has much higher average PM10 rate than the rest of the city, with one report measuring an average of 199 µg/m³.8 A further report measuring the PM10 level across the year found that in summer the rate was 98 µg/m³ in summer, rising to 233 µg/m³ in the monsoon and 270 µg/m³ in winter.9 These measures far exceed the Mumbai average, indicating the particular strain of the local environment on Mahul residents.

Since the construction of the Sealord Containers chemical storage facility, Mahul Village has noted a drastic deterioration in local air quality.10 Even one of the BMC’s own monitoring stations has shown a sharp rise in the level of pollutants in the local microclimate.11 Many of those living in the village have reported of nausea, dehydration and skin conditions. A study of one village building by the King Edward Memorial Hospital found that of the 97 residents, 86 suffered breathlessness, 84 from eye irritation and 78 from the strong smell.12 The villagers were moved to file an application against Sealord Containers with the National Green Tribunal, the Indian governmental body that deals with environmental cases. The tribunal ordered that unless the air quality in Mahul improved, action would be taken against Sealord, BPCL and other polluting industries of the area.13

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BHABHA ATOMIC RESEARCH CENTRE

REFINERIES

MAHUL

TATA POWER

OIL PIPELINE

BUTCHER ISLAND

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POLLUTION

OIL PIPELINES Due to the shallowness of the waters of Mahul Creek oil tankers are unable to access the area’s coastline. Instead, crude oil is shipped to and stored on Butcher Island and piped underwater to the Bharat Petroleum and Hindustan Petroleum refineries. The poor repair of these pipelines has lead to the contamination of the waters of the creek on numerous occasions, greatly affecting the health and livelihood of Mahul Village’s Koli fisherman population. Boats and nets are damaged by the oil, fish are either dead or inedible and rashes and blisters are commonplace. There appears to be no urgency to address this situation, with the Mumbai Port Trust merely plugging the cracks with planks of wood. An environmental disaster looms.

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MAHUL CREEK

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POLLUTION

A POLLUTED CREEK The waters of Mahul Creek are saturated with the effluent of surrounding industries. Untreated waste is discharged regularly into the creek in large quantities, polluting it with a range of toxic contaminants. This results in an average chemical oxygen demand level of 362.09 parts per million (ppm) with a peak level of 645.22 ppm, well above the national maximum standard of 250 ppm.14 The average water hardness of 2488.65 ppm is much greater than both the 180 ppm level at which water is considered very hard and the 300 ppm maximum set by the Indian Standard Institute.15 The Total Dissolved Solids average rate of 4199.5 ppm far exceeds the levels of 500 ppm (desirable drinking water), 1000 ppm (potable water), 2000 ppm (irrigation water) and 3000 ppm (water not safe for drinking or irrigation).16 The average electrical conductivity of 6122.81 μS cm-1 was well in excess of the limit for inland surface water of 1000 μS cm-1 set for the propagation of fisheries.17 These last statistics are particularly worrying for the Koli fishermen of Mahul village whose families rely on the health and abundance of the marine life of the creek and adjacent waters. The monsoon has a major impact on the quality of the water; carrying atmospheric and ground pollution into the creek whilst diluting the levels of contaminants already present.

MON SOON 8000

Conductivity (μS·cm-1)

7000

Chemical Oxygen Demand (0.1ppm)

6000

Total Dissolved Solids (ppm)

5000 4000 3000

COD limit ‘High Alkalinity’ threshold

Total Hardness (ppm)

2000

Alkalinity (0.1ppm) Conductivity limit TDS potability limit ‘Very Hard’ threshold

1000

JAN

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FEB

MA R

APR

M AY

JUN

JUL

AU G

SE P

OC T

NOV

DEC

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POLLUTION

MANGROVE DAMAGE The construction of the SRA scheme north of Mahul Village creates an access point for a section of the coastlines mangroves. This has led to the illegal dumping of oil sludge on on the mangroves, damaging the already strained forest.18 At one point around 15 trucks per week were dumping petroleum waste directly on the mangroves.19

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ABANDONED SRA BUILDINGS 52

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POLLUTION

REFUSAL TO MOVE The extreme pollution of Mahul has made it extremely difficult for the city to persuade Project Affected Persons to relocate to the SRA housing there.

Built specifically to rehouse those affected by BRIMSTOWAD, the BMC has now opened it up to all PAPs in order to utilise the buildings. When asked to relocate from the Rajawadi pipeline in Ghatkopar, just north of Chembur, the affected residents staged a protest and refused to move.20 Amit Kharat made their feelings clear, ‘That area is highly polluted. Even the BMC’s environment status report suggests that it has the highest level of pollution. There is nothing but pollution and chronic ailments in store for us in Mahul. We will not go there to die. Rather, we will start a fast unto death and die here in this area where we have lived for years.’21

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DEONAR LANDFILL

RASHTRIYA CHEMICALS & FERTILISERS

BPCL REFINERY HPCL REFINERY

SEA LORD CONTAINERS BHABHA ATOMIC RESEARCH CENTRE

TATA POWER

CHEMBUR INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY

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O N LY O C C U P I E D M A H U L S R A B U I L D I N G 57

M Y T H I C N A R R AT I V E AXE

ARROW

G H AT

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MYTH OF THE AXE A local myth states that the coastline on which Mumbai sits was created as a consequence of a battle between two deities. Parashurama, the sixth avatar of Vishnu, challenged the lord of the sea, Varuna, to a duel in defence of the local population who were being harassed by storms and tempests. During the fight Parashurama threw his axe into the sea, and around it appeared a landmass. Varuna warned Parashurama that his efforts were in vain since the land had been covered in sea water, and was still salty and uncultivable.

In return, Parashurama meditated and asked Nagaraja (Shesha), the lord of serpents, for his help: the snakes’ venom would counter the salt and make the lands fertile. The serpent lord obliged, and covered the land with snakes.

The coasts of Konkan, Kerala and Malabar are known as Parashurama Kshetra, or the land of Parashurama.

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IGATPURI

BHIWANDI

THANE Juhu MUMBAI Mahul PANVEL Banganga

LONAVALA

KHADKI PUNE

LAND OF PARASHURAMA TOPOGRAPHY

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LAND OF PARASHURAMA GEOLOGY

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INSTANCES OF RAM AND PARASHURAM

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CONFLUENCE OF MYTHIC TERRITORIES In order to depict the famous meeting of Ram and Parashuram, this 16th Century Mughal painting must enfold space and time into a single frame.

The gods appear in several instances at once, each occupying a different mythic landscape belonging to a different realm of the cosmos. It appears as though the very surface of the earth must displace itself around them.

Such conflict demands a reshaping of the ground.

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MYTH OF THE ARROW After casting his axe in order to creating the new coastline of India Parashurama divided this new territory into seven regions, one of which included the Bombay islands. In each region he established an ideal government as well as a place of worship and ritual. To do so he shot and arrow from his bow, each impact with the ground creating a spring that brought forth the waters of the Ganges. Of these tanks the most sacred was Banganga, situated on Malabar Hill in South Bombay.

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MEASURED INTENSITY, BANGANGA TANK 1:500

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T H E G H AT S Traditional basalt steps surround Banganga Tank. They are known as ghats, steps down to water. They accommodate ceremony and ritual along the water edge no matter how full or empty the tank may be, depending on the time of year. The nearby mountain range, the Western Ghats, inherits this name, as they too are seen as steps leading down to water. The largest laundry in Mumbai is known as the Dhobi Ghat, as the concrete step used by the Dhobis (washers) recreates the step of the river bank.

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THE MYTHOSOPHIC OBJECT

Mythosophic objects manifest mythic properties superficially through an inherent wisdom of the myth in question. Paradoxically, these mythosophic ghat objects display the properties of this pervasive edge condition of Mumbai at both building and landscape scales without ever being able to become ghats themselves. They hold the promise of the Banganga Arrow myth by condensing both start and end point of the arrow’s trajectory into a single vacuum formed surface.

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A R ROW F LIGH T

MYT HO SO PHIC T RA JEC TO RY

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A R ROW F LIGH T T RA JEC TO RY PLAN

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MYTHIC TRAJECTORY GHATS – BANGANGA

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TDR TRAJECTORY MAHUL – JUHU

A R ROW F LIGH T

T R A J E C T O R Y D E L I N E AT E D

DUST TRAJECTORY DISPLACED CLOUD

SURFACE TRAJECTORY ASSEMBLAGE IN FLIGHT

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A R ROW F LIGH T

T RA JEC TO RY SEC T IO NS

Parashurama’s arrow breaches the space between the Western Ghats and Banganga Tank, between Mumbai and the Ganges River, between sky, ground, and water. Its trajectory displaces and disturbs the surface of the ground to create a new mythic territory. Elements emerging from the arrow flight enclose and give structure to the tumult, themselves subject to the force of the arrow.

Sections taken at different points in time and space of the trajectory show the development, the becoming, of an architecture existing within this mythopoetic definition of a landscape.

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A R ROW F LIGH T

TRA JEC TORY SEC TIONS

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A R ROW F LIGH T

TRA JEC TORY COMPONENTS

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A R ROW F LIGH T

TRA JEC TORY COMPONENTS

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A R ROW F LIGH T

TRA JEC TORY COMPONENTS

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A R ROW F LIGH T

TRA JEC TORY SCHEDULE

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R E D E F I N I N G PA R A M E T E RS PA R A M E T E R S O F L I F E

SOCIAL PROGRAMME

MEDICAL PROGRAMME

PA R A M E T E R S O F E D G E MAHUL EDGE NULLAH EDGE

PA R A M E T E R S O F G R O U N D REMEDIAL LANDSCAPES REMEDIAL ARCHITECTURE

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PA R A M E T E RS O F L I F E

MAHUL, AS SEEN FROM SEWRI

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140 2660

3525

APARTMENT MODULE

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PA R A M E T E RS O F L I F E

M A H U L A PA RT M E N T S The slum rehabilitation housing constructed in Mahul comprises more than 17,000 apartments of 18 square metres each. All families displaced to Mahul are expected to adapt their lives to this module.

1:500 SECTION 99

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PROCUREMENT

T H E L A D Y TATA M E M O R I A L T R U S T Established by Sir Dorabji Tata in 1932 and named in memory of his late wife Lady Meherbai who died in 1930 after a year long battle with leukaemia, the Lady Tata Memorial Trust grants awards to institutions engaged in research into diseases of the blood. As the second chairman of the Tata Group, Dorabji Tata founded three of the company’s main subsidiaries; Tata Steel, Tata Chemicals and Tata Power – the core of the modern day company.

The trust has taken a specific interest in monitoring and alleviating the poor health of Mahul residents due to the proximity of the Tata Trombay Thermal Power Station, a 1580 MW capacity facility processing oil, coal and gas.

The health impact of the pollution of benzene and other carcinogens from the plant and its industrial neighbours into the microclimate of Mahul is of great concern to the trust. It has elected to put funds towards a clinic there, alongside a pollution observatory, in order to keep an account of and treat the effects of these pollutants on the blood. These proposed facilities shall be linked to a new institute in Juhu, charged with long-term research into the health impact of life in these conditions.

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MARKET

OBSERVATORY BIOGAS

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COUNCIL

CLINIC

MAHUL ACTION PLAN, 1:2000 103

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MAHUL RESIDENTS’ AGENCY 105

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A M B U L AT O R Y C L I N I C

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ODEL

NAL M

SECTIO

AMBULATORY CLINIC, 1:1250 108

A M B U L AT O R Y C L I N I C

TO SRA

DISPENSARY A S S E M B LY ROOM

C O U R T YA R D S C O L L E C T WAT E R

W I N D F LOW

TO CRICKET PITCH

CONSULTAT ION ROOMS RECEPTION TO MAHUL VILLAGE S TA F F Q U A R T E R S

AXE The ambulatory clinic provides out-patient care to the residents of Mahul.

The first building of the Residents’ Agency, it is the axe in the redefinition of the territory – a catalyst for the further change to come. Of its 30 care staff, specialist assistance is given for respiratory difficulties and skin conditions – maladies associated with the particular microclimate. In partnership with a the research facility in Juhu, blood samples are collected for long-term research into the health problems of the area in order that preventative measures may be taken.

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A M B U L AT O R Y C L I N I C

5

4

6

112

3

2

1

4

3

G ROU N D PL A N, 1 : 2 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 6

rec epti on staff room i ndi v i dua l consul tati on rooms m edi cati on stora ge a ssem bl y room a nd mi xed use spa c e di spensa r y 113

C O N S U LTAT I O N R O O M S D EV E LO P M E N T ST U DY

114

115

116

117

POLLUTION OBSERVATORY, 1:1250 118

P O L LU T I O N O B S E R VAT O R Y

TO CRICKET PITCH

D ATA A R C H I V E O B S E R VAT I O N CENTRE WAT E R F L O W S INTO CREEK

TO MAHUL VILLAGE

TA PA S YA A series of probes measure the air quality along the trajectory of the Mahul Residents’ Agency. This information is recorded and archived in the observatory, located on the edge of Mahul Creek. Data is relayed to the research institute in Juhu in order to find relationships between health and the shifting pollution levels of the microclimate.

119

BLOOD BANK

RESEARCH INSTITUTE

120

DONOR CENTRE

CAFETERIA

JUHU ACTION PLAN, 1:2000 121

JUHU BLOOD INSTITUTE 122

123

BLOOD RESEARCH INSTITUTE

124

125

EL OD LM NA TIO SEC

BLOOD RESEARCH INSTITUTE, 1:1250 126

BLOOD RESEARCH INSTITUTE

B L O O D A N A LY S I S L A B O R AT O R Y

TO CAFETERIA WAT E R F L O W S I N T O R E E D B E D

A D M I N I S T R AT I V E O F F I C E S AUDITORIUM

TO JVPD

TO B LO O D BA N K

AXE The main facility of the Juhu Blood Institute, the research facility provides laboratory and office space for medical research along with an auditorium for conferences and staff presentations. Interfacing between street and nullah, the building proposes a redefinition of the relationship between the city and its water through its close connection to a series of water filtration beds.

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128

BLOOD RESEARCH INSTITUTE

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3 1 1 2

G ROU ND P L A N, 1:250

130

1 2 3 4 5 6

a dm inist rat ive o ff i c e s break ro o m rece pt io n space l unch room i nform al m e et ing a re a a uditorium

1

BLOOD RESEARCH INSTITUTE

4

5

6

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132

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BLOOD BANK, 1:1250 134

BLOOD BANK

T O L A B O R AT O R Y

W I N D F LOWS I N TO C O U R T YA R D

PLASMA STORAGE TO JVPD

P L AT E L E T S T O R A G E R E D B LO O D C E L L STORAGE

VEHICLE ACCESS

STORING BLOOD Taking up position on the Nullah bank at the termination of the Juhu trajectory, the blood bank is attuned to the storage and preservation of blood through a series of three laboratories. Each dedicates itself to a different constituent of the blood – platelets, plasma and haemoglobins.

The storage cycle of the labs is dependent on the life cycle of these constituent parts. Whilst plasma is stored years, platelets may only be stored for a matter of days.

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136

BLOOD BANK

137

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BLOOD DONOR CENTRE

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BLOOD DONOR CENTRE 1:1250 140

BLOOD DONOR CENTRE

TO CAFETERIA

WAT E R F L O W S INTO OART B L O O D D O N AT I O N ROOMS RECEPTION TO JVPD

TA PA S YA Sited between the street, a coconut oart and reed beds the blood donor centre accommodates two rooms for the donation of blood, separated by a basalt terrazzo cold storage room for the temporary collection of blood samples. The articulated roof channels water to an irrigation pool for the watering of the oart, with excess running off into the filtration bed.

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2

3

2

D ONOR CENTRE, 1:150

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1 2 3 4

do nat io n ro o m s wait ing ro o m rece pt io n space refrige rate d sto ra ge

BLOOD DONOR CENTRE

1

4

4

1

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BLOOD DONOR CENTRE

DEVELOPMENT SECTIONS

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RAINSCREEN

GUTTERING AND FILTERING

PLINTH AND GROUND BEAMS

DONOR CENTRE KEY ELEMENTS 145

8

7

DONOR CENTRE, 1:100 N

MS

S

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2

BLOOD DONOR CENTRE 1

4

147

S PAC E FO R A M E N I T Y

DISPLACEMENT OF TWO EMPTY APARTMENT BLOCKS In reshaping the conflict between Mahul village and the SRA development, it is essential that space for amenity is made in within the edge between the two territories. In order to achieve this, two apartment buildings are displaced. At present these buildings lie abandoned, inhabited only by monkeys, their windows target practice for the village children to improve their cricket fielding skills.

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SOCIAL PROGRAMME

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RESIDENTS’ COUNCIL 1:1250 150

RESIDENTS’ COUNCIL

WAT E R F L O W S INTO POOL MEETING ROOMS

COUNCIL CHAMBERS CRICKET G H AT S

A D M I N I S T R AT I V E OFFICES

TO CRICKET PITCH

COLLECTION POOL

TO MARKET

TO MAHUL VILLAGE & CLINIC

A R R O W, G H AT S The residents’ council recalls the ghats of the myth of Banganga, created when Parashurama shot his arrow to create civic space and governance.

Through the provision of a series of offices, meeting rooms and chambers, the council provides ground for the assembly of all sides of the conflict present in Mahul. In doing so, the building acts as a point of mediation in the renegotiation of its territory.

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RESIDENTS’ COUNCIL

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3

1 3 1

2

GROU ND PL AN, 1:25 0 1 2 3 4 5 6

154

administrative offices document archive smaller meeting rooms council chambers outdoor cricket seating stands water collection pools

RESIDENTS’ COUNCIL

4

5

6

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156

C O U N C I L C H A M B E R A N D C R I C K E T G H AT S

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COUNCIL MEETING ROOMS D EV E LO P M E N T ST U DY

158

159

COUNCIL CHAMBERS SECTION

OUNCIL, 1:100 N

APE: CHRYSANTHEMUM BEDS

160

161

162

MAHUL AMENITIES

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RESIDENTS’ MARKET 1:1250 164

MAHUL RESIDENTS’ MARKET

C L O S E D S TA L L S W I N D F LOWS THROUGH MARKET

TO MAHUL VILLAGE & CLINIC WAT E R F L O W S INTO POOL

OPEN MARKET S PA C E

TO CRICKET PITCH

COLLECTION POOL

TO COUNCIL CHAMBERS

BOW The residents’ market gives necessary space for the existing market of Mahul Village to expand in order to cope with and provide access to the projected future residents of the area. The building offers ground for residents of both the village and SRA to meet and interact casually, as well as employment opportunities for new residents.

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166

M A H U L M A R K E T S TA L L S

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CAFETERIA AND MARKET, 1:1250 168

JUHU CAFETERIA AND MARKET

W I N D F LOW TO JVPD

O P E N S E AT I N G AREA

M A R K E T S TA L L S

KITCHENS

TO DONOR CENTRE

T O B L O O D L A B O R AT O R Y

BOW An instance of the Mahul market, the Juhu cafeteria offers a place of respite to visitors of the donor centre as well as catering facilities for the researchers of the institute labs. The main social space of the institute, it positions itself at the beginning of the trajectory at the confluence of nullah and road, inviting passers by to detour along the nullah edge.

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170

JUHU CAFETERIA AND MARKET

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PA R A M E T E RS O F E D G E

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MAHUL EDGE

“THEY ARE ALL ROBBERS”

Young boy from Mahul Village, when asked what he thought about the SRA development. However he still goes to play with his new neighbours in the empty streets.

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DISTORTING THE EDGE

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MAHUL EDGE

DISPERSING THE EDGE

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DEVELOPING AN AGENCY EARLY STUDY

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MAHUL EDGE

PARA-SURFACE MAHUL 179

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MAHUL EDGE

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EDGE OF AMENITY

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E D G E O F A M E N I T Y, 1 : 1 0 0 0 P L A N

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MAHUL EDGE

CRICKET MAIDAN Encircled by phytoremedial planting, space is carved out to ensure enough room to play cricket. Ghats at the termination of the council offer a view of the action.

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NULLAH EDGE: JUHU

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NULLAH EDGE

VEHICULAR ACCESS The present city plan stipulates that the six metres either side of every nullah edge cleared and widened as part of the Brimstowad development be kept clear for municipal vehicular access. However this access shall only be used once per year, when the nullah is dredged in anticipation of the monsoon. This understanding presents the nullah as merely a gap in the city fabric, useful only for drainage purposes, wasting the opportunity to create a landscape that accepts and enjoys the edge condition formed by the passage of water.

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A LT E R N AT I V E P R O P O S A L S Currently being implemented on this short stretch of the Irla Nullah, PK Das’ proposal replaces the vehicle access route with Mumbai’s first dedicated cycle path. Whilst certainly preferable to the disused roadway, Das’ scheme accepts the hard concrete flood walls constructed by the city and simply pastes on top the conventional image of asphalt greenway. This is an urbanism that seems familiar to the global commercial metropolis, but that does not make it the appropriate response to the specific nature of Mumbai’s waterways.

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A G H AT A G A I N

The nullah edge created by the Juhu Blood Institute disrupts the ground, redefining the boundary between city and water as a varied and gradual landscape of wet and dry, porous and impervious surfaces. The proposed landscape filters the passing nullah water through a series of reed beds. Filtered water, along with collected and channeled rainwater is then used to irrigate coconut oarts. The trees provide comfortable shade to building users, a source of income, and a resource for building, making the monsoon soaked landscape a productive public space.

Ghats composed of basalt terrazzo and ceramic plinths raised above the earth by a series of ground beams render this landscape and its buildings accessible all the while letting water run underneath.

FILTRATION BEDS

BLOOD BANK

TANK

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INSTITUTE

GHATS

CAFETERIA

OART

DONOR

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RAINSCREENS

GUTTERING

DISPLACED SURFACE

ACCESSIBLE GROUND

DELINEATED LANDSCAPE

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A G H AT A G A I N

DEVELOPMENT SECTIONS

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PA R A M E T E RS O F G RO U N D

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REMEDIAL LANDSCAPES

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PLANTING SCHEDULE: MAHUL

CHRYSANTHEMUM INDICUM

Phytoremedial landscapes of mixed flowering perennials (Chrysanthemum Morifolium (Indicum) and Gerbera Jamesonii) filter benzene and other chemicals from the local environment, heavily polluted by the adjacent oil refinery and chemical storage. These landscapes situate the buildings of the Residents’ Agency and spread through the village and SRA development.

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BIOGAS PLANT, 1:1250 206

MAHUL BIOGAS PLANT

TO MARKET

W I N D F LOW MAINTENANCE STORAGE

TO MAHUL CREEK

A D M I N I S T R AT I V E OFFICES BIO-FURNACE

HAFT The biogas plant shares a close relationship with the residents’ market, receiving all food waste to be anaerobically digested for the production of power. An autonomous source of power allows the clinic and observatory to ensure uninterrupted operation. As the amount of food waste will grow as more people are displaced to the site, the amount of power generated will grow proportionately with the agency.

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MAHUL BIOGAS PLANT

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C O C O N U T H A R V E S T I N G , B O M B AY H A R B O U R , 1 8 7 8

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PLANTING SCHEDULE: JUHU

MYTH OF THE COCONUT The use of the word ‘coco’ to refer to the fruit of the palm tree is attributed to the sailor’s of Vasco de Gama on their arrival in India. The name calls upon a mythic figure from the sailor’s childhoods. The Coco was a ghostly monster with a misshapen head invoked by their parents to keep them in line. The Iberian bogeyman. It is the resemblance of the inner shell of the coconut to a skull with its three holes suggesting a grotesque face that provoked this recollection.

‘Our people have given it the name of coco, a word applied by women to anything with which they try to frighten children; and this name has stuck, because nobody knew any other.’

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PLANTING SCHEDULE: JUHU

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PLANTING SCHEDULE: JUHU

COCONUT OARTS Coconut palms to be planted on a displaced grid throughout the institute, providing shade and soil stability as well as a source of economy. The grid disperses along the nullah and south into the JVPD scheme, reterritorialising the wider landscape of the nullah and reclaiming the soft ghat edge, extending it beyond the confines of the road grid.

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Oart House Section

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PLANTING SCHEDULE: JUHU

OART HOUSES The territory of each building contains an oart house, a small building which stores equipment for the cultivation and processing of the coconut palms and the maintenance of filtration beds. Each building is attuned to the annual cycle of food and growth through the cultivated landscape of its territory. The maintenance area of each oart house is indicated by the radii below.

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PLANTING SCHEDULE: JUHU

F I LT R AT I O N B E D S Filtration beds planted with a variety of different reed species oxygenate and clean the water of the nullah in a carefully coordinated network of waste water management.

The depth of the reed bed dictates the length and efficiency of the filtration process. Shallow reed beds let water run over an impermeable surface between reed stems. These stems harbour bacteria which process organic waste in the water. Water cannot be left in these beds for too long as it can saturate the ecosystem of microorganisms, reducing their effectiveness.

Moreover if left stagnant, water can pose other health risks.

Deeper reed beds allow the water to seep through a number of layers of soil.

This creates a more varied environment for different bacteria to develop.

A more diverse ecosystem is more efficient at tackling a greater variety of organic compounds polluting the water. In these systems, water is not left exposed and stagnant, reducing any risks associated to stagnant water such as malaria, and any unpleasant smells.

Nullah water is diverted from its course by a series of shallow reed beds, channeling the water into deeper ones which sit closer to populated areas of the scheme. Once properly cleansed, a portion of the water is kept in a tank, and the rest is sent back into the nullah.

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DEEP BEDS DEPTH - 1 . 8 m

NU LLAH F LOW

M EDIUM BED S DEPTH - 1. 2m

SHALLOW BEDS DEPTH 0 .6 m

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A RCHI T EC T UR E WITHIN THE LANDSCAP E JU HU D O NO R C E NT R E S K I N WO RKS

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ARCH IT EC T U R E W IT H IN T H E LA NDSCA P E JU HU DO NO R CENT RE G RO U NDWO RKS

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ENCLOSING RAINSCREEN ZINC CLADDING AND TERTIARY STRUCTURE

GUTTER LINING COPPER SHEETS

STEEL STRUCTURE PRIMARY TRUSS SYSTEM AND PORTAL FRAMES

INTERNAL LINING PALMYRA (PALM) TRUNK AND CERAMIC TILES

220

ARCHITECTURE WITHIN THE LANDSCAPE

J U H U B LO O D D O N O R C E N T R E

The layered tectonic of the architecture allows it to sit within the landscape, and perform alongside it as well. The undulating landscape filters air and water, and so does the soffit in each of the buildings. The displaced mythopoetic landscape is found mirrored in the architecture in the form of gutters and air vents in the ceilings and roofs, and the accessible landscape in the enclosing zinc rainscreens.

The supporting structure fits in between these elements, in the form of steel trusses and space frames, taking on the required thickness to support longer spans, such as in the council chamber.

221

GUTTER DETAIL: COPPER LINING DIRECTS THE WATER INTO THE LANDSCAPE IRRIGATION NETWORK

222

ARCHITECTURE WITHIN THE LANDSCAPE

J U H U B LO O D D O N O R C E N T R E

AIR VENT DETAIL: PERMEABLE SURFACE OF PALMYRA (PALM) TRUNK LOUVRES CONTROLS AIR FLOW

223

ENCLOSING RAINSCREEN

STRUCTURAL SPACE FRAME

INTERNAL LINING: POROUS AND IMPERMEABLE

DELAMINATED CONSTRUCTION: COUNCIL CHAMBER 224

ARCHITECTURE WITHIN THE LANDSCAPE

MAHUL RESIDENTS’ COUNCIL CHAMBER

REFLECTED CEILING PLAN OF COUNCIL CHAMBER 225

TERTIARY STRUCTURE: TENSILE CROSS-BRACING

PRIMARY STRUCTURE: SPANNING STEEL TRUSSES STRUCTURAL DEPTH ~1.5M FOR 20 M SPAN

SECONDARY STRUCTURE: CROSS-SPANNING TRUSSES

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ARCHITECTURE WITHIN THE LANDSCAPE

MAHUL RESIDENTS’ COUNCIL CHAMBER

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A RCHI T EC T UR E WITHIN THE LANDSCAP E MAH UL AMB UL ATO RY C L I N I C G RO U N DWO RKS

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229

A RCHI T EC T UR E WITHIN THE LANDSCAP E MAH UL R ES I D E NT S’ CO U N C I L G RO U N DWO RKS

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EXHIBITION

BANGANGA/SCULPTURE COURT Curated around the superimposition of Banganga Tank onto the Scupture Court at a scale of 1:5, the exhibition creates a red ghat upon which the work is presented and viewed. At the centre of this sits a 1:500 model of the Mahul and Juhu proposals, arranged in relation as the spring of Banganga – the two sites share similar relationships to water as the ritual sequence of the spring.

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1. Rajiv Sharma, ‘Locals expose clogging of Juhu nullah’, Times of India, 23 September 2005 < http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/mumbai/Localsexpose-clogging-of-Juhu-nullah/pmredirectshow/1239963.cms?curpg=1> [accessed 4 September 2015] 2. Ibid.

3. Ibid.

4. Nainan, Navtej. “Building boomers and fragmentation of space in Mumbai.” Economic and political weekly (2008): 29-34.

5. World Bank, ‘Air Pollution in World Cities (PM10 Concentrations) Available at < http://econ.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/EXTDEC/ EXTRESEARCH/0,,contentMDK:20785646~pagePK:64214825~piPK:64214943~theSitePK:469382,00.html> 6. Patankar, A. M., and P. L. Trivedi. “Monetary burden of health impacts of air pollution in Mumbai, India: Implications for public health policy.” Public Health 125, no. 3 (2011): 157-164.

7. World Health Organisation, ‘Urban Outdoor Air Pollution Database, September 2011. Available at < http://www.who.int/gho/phe/outdoor_air_pollution/exposure/en/> 8. Gupta, Indrani, Abhaysinh Salunkhe, and Rakesh Kumar. “Source apportionment of PM 10 by positive matrix factorization in urban area of Mumbai, India.” The Scientific World Journal 2012 (2012).

9. Central Pollution Control Board, ‘Air Quality Assessment, Emissions Inventory and Source Apportionment Studies: Mumbai’, November 2010.

Available at: < http://cpcb.nic.in/Mumbai-report.pdf> 10. Mustafa Shaikh & Jyoti Shelar, ‘Foul Air Turns Mahul into a Village of the Sick’, Mumbai Mirror, 28 November 2013 < http://www.mumbaimirror. com/mumbai/others/Foul-air-turns-Mahul-into-a-village-of-the-sick/articleshow/26488534.cms> [accessed 4 September 2015] 11. Geeta Desai, ‘Won’t move to polluted Mahul, say Ghatkopar slum dwellers’, DNA India, 4 July 2013 < http://www.dnaindia.com/mumbai/report-wont-move-to-polluted-mahul-say-ghatkopar-slum-dwellers-1856876> [accessed 4 September 2015] 238

REFERENCES

12. Mustafa Shaikh & Jyoti Shelar, ‘Foul Air Turns Mahul into a Village of the Sick’, Mumbai Mirror, 28 November 2013 < http://www.mumbaimirror. com/mumbai/others/Foul-air-turns-Mahul-into-a-village-of-the-sick/articleshow/26488534.cms> [accessed 4 September 2015] 13. Anjali Lukose, ‘Tribunal orders probe into pollution in Mahul’, The Indian Express, 7 November 2014 < http://indianexpress.com/article/cities/mumbai/tribunal-orders-probe-into-pollution-in-mahul/> [accessed 4 September 2015] 14. Singare, Pravin U., M. V. A. Ansari, and N. N. Dixit. “Water pollution along the Mahul Creek of Mumbai, India–Study of physico-chemical properties.”

International Letters of Natural Sciences 11, no. 1 (2014).

15. Ibid.

16. Ibid.

17. Ibid.

18. Nikhil M Ghanekar, ‘Forest dept seeks BMC help to clean oil sludge’, Hindustan Times, 27 February 2013 < http://www.hindustantimes.com/ mumbai/forest-dept-seeks-bmc-help-to-clean-oil-sludge/article1-1018026. aspx> [accessed 3 September 2015] 19. Nikhil M Ghanekar, ‘Mahul mangroves face threat from oil sludge’, Hindustan Times, 11 February 2013 <http://www.hindustantimes.com/mumbai/mahul-mangroves-face-threat-from-oil-sludge/article1-1009777.aspx> [accessed 3 September 2015] 20. Geeta Desai, ‘Won’t move to polluted Mahul, say Ghatkopar slum dwellers’, DNA India, 4 July 2013 < http://www.dnaindia.com/mumbai/report-wont-move-to-polluted-mahul-say-ghatkopar-slum-dwellers-1856876> [accessed 4 September 2015] 21. Ibid.

239

Agamben, Giorgio, Homo Sacer, Sovereign Power and Bare Life, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998) Agamben, Giorgio, Means Without End, Notes on Politics, trans. Vincenzo Binetti and Cesare Casarino (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 2000).

Agamben, Giorgio, State of Exception, trans. Kevin Attel (University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 2005).

Allen, Stan, Points + Lines: Diagrams and Projects for The City (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1999).

Arendt, Hannah, The Human Condition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998).

Barthes, Roland (1972) “Mythologies”. Translated from French by Annette Lavers. London: Jonathan Cape Ltd. Baudrillard, Jean (1994) “The Precession of Simulacra” in Simulacra and Simulation. Available at: www.georgetown.edu/faculty/irvinem/theory/ baudrillard-simulacra_and_simulation.pdf.

Carpo, Mario. (2011) The Alphabet and the Algorithm. Cambridge: MIT Press Deleuze, Gilles and Guattari, Felix (1987) “A Thousand Plateaus”. Translated from French by Brian Massumi. London: Bloomsbury Academic.

240

SELECTED READINGS

Deleuze, Gilles (1994) “Difference and Repetition”. Translated from French

by Paul Patton. London: Athlone Press.

Guattarri, Felix, The Three Ecologies, trans Ian Pindar and Paul Sutton (New York: Athlone Press, 2000) Hejduk, John, Mask of Medusa, (New York: Rizzoli International, 1985) Lefebvre, Henri. “The Production of Space translated by D Nicholson-Smith.”

(1991).

Mathur, Anuradha & Dilip Da Cunha, SOAK, Mumbai in an Estuary (New Delhi: Rupa and Co, 2009).

Rancière, Jacques, The Politics of Aesthetics, The Distribution of The Sensible, trans. Gabriel Rockhill (London: Continuum, 2005) Schumacher, Patrik (2008) “Parametricism as Style - Parametricist Manifesto” http://www.patrikschumacher.com/Texts/Parametricism%20 as%20Style.htm Accessed: 23.03.2014 Serres, Michel, The Natural Contract, trans Elizabeth MacAtrhur and William Paulson (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2008).

Serres, Michel, The Parasite, trans Lawrence R. Schehr (Minnesota: University Of Minnesota Press, 2007).

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