Urban Design thesis

Bridging the Gap: Unite Cincinnati’s Fragmented Downtown Through Urban Design

Bridging the Gap: Unite Cincinnati’s Fragmented Downtown Through Urban Design A thesis submitted to the Graduate School of University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Community Planning March 2016 in the Department of Urban Planning of the College of Design, Architecture, Art, and Planning By Neda Mohsenian-Rad

Committee Chair: Prof. Danilo Palazzo Prof. Conrad Kickert Phillip Denning

Table of Content Introduction Fragmented City

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Study Area 18 Historical Study

8

30 Physical Characteristics

Case Studies 43 San Francisco

14

47 Boston

Proposal 52 Paths

42

57 New Active Area 60 Public/Green Spaces Landmarks 61 62 The Proposal

50 * All images and maps are taking or created by the author otherwise it will be cited in the text

References

64 Phases

66

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INTRODUCTION Problem Statement and Study Area

Washington Park. The Banks, art

is how to reconnect the islands of

centers and musuems around Walnut

activities that have been developed

Street including Contemporary Arts

in clusters in Cincinnati, Ohio’s inner

Center and Aronoff Center for the Arts,

urban core. Cincinnati’s urban core,

as well as some most historic nodes

which this project defines as the

including the cluster of City Hall, St.

Central Business District (CBD), The

Peter Chains Cathedral, and Isaac

Banks,

and

Wise Temple, Music Hall (OTR), Union

the West End district, exemplifies a

Terminal, Findlay Market, and Cincinnati

typical mid-sized American city with a

Ballet.

Over-the-Rhine

(OTR),

Urban Bridging

The main question of this thesis

fragmented spatial environment. Over few decades, there has

This strategy created a fragmented

been an attempt to revitalize and re-

urban core in which those different parts

energize the urban core of Cincinnati

are disconnected. Movement becomes

by adding different activities, such as

heavily auto-oriented and attractions

sport centers and cultural and public

become spatially isolated destinations.

places.

strategy,

Nevertheless, it has been some project

in many cases, started with different

to reduce this disconnection including

focus points or areas, resulting in

the upcoming streetcar that will be start

clusters

to operate in the fall of 2016.

the past

This

of

revitalization

well-defined

and

well-

designed urban spaces, while the rest of the district was largely neglected.

In

general,

Some examples of this clustered type

would

of development are OTR’s Vine Street

interaction, provide economic benefit

with new resturants, bars, renovated

to downtown businesses and generate

lofts, and brand new condos, and

higher

help

Improving

connectivity

accelerate

revenues,

and

social

generally

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Wide car oriented arterial with a pedestrian bridge that connect the structured parking to Music Hall at Central Parkway

Introduction

One of the a few residential corridors in downtowan Cincinnati at Garfield Pl

Newly redesigned street with revitalized and renovated storefronts that are taking place at the edges

Cluster of City Hall and old worship buildings at Garfield Pl

Two block size building with inactive and blank walls at 6th street

and provides information about new

reshaping

experience, where social interaction

plans. The physical study, including

structure to the Big Dig and smaller

and exchanges take place.

land uses, distribution of unbuilt land

projects. These cases can inform

and green spaces, distribution and

strategies for Cincinnati.

the

city’s

administrative

This thesis is organized in six sections.

condition of store fronts, the location

Section one of the thesis begins

of new and upcoming developments,

In section four, the final section of this

with a study on the forces during

and city attractions, shapes a picture

thesis, the litreture reviews, the target

the last century that cause inner-city

that shows the areas that are active

area studies, and case studies are

fragmentation and disconnection in

clusters, create urban voids, or offers

distilled into a series of strategies and a

the United States. In this article seven

opportunities for change. Based on

holistic proposal. This proposal would

major forces are found, each changed

the

opportunities,

bind the fragmented district and create

and shaped the urban inner-core in the

and future plans, a list of options for

spatial and visual linkages between

North American cities.

intervention is provided.

the isolated islands in Cincinnati’s

existing

assets,

Urban Bridging

improve the lively and attractive urban

inner urban core. For each strategy, Second section looks at physical

Section three considers two case

including creating or enhancing paths,

characteristics

studies from San Francisco, California,

landmarks, cluster of activities, and

forces

and Boston, Massachusetts. The first

public spaces, physical implementation

that shaped them into their current

case study looks at the San Francisco

examples are provided.

status,

Urban Design Plan from 1971 and

history

to and

and

neighborhood

understand caused

the

disconnection

between and within each urban core

the

neighborhood in Cincinnati. Looking

new developments and improve the

at

provides

connectivity throughout the city. The

political

second case study looks at Boston’s

and social forces that changed each

disconnected riverfront, and the city’s

community, illustrates the needs and

various attempts to improve the city’s

problems each neighborhood faces,

connection to the riverfront, including

neighborhood

information

history

regarding

the

plan’s

strategies

to

manage

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1.FRAGMENTED CITY The Study of Forces in the United States In this chapter, the general forces and plans that shaped and created inner city fragmentation has been studied.

neighborhoods with mixed land use

places of work and productivity, not

that

of

and density as a problem that needed to

to live. Residential

fragmentation including the waste land

be addressed. Planning professionals’

rezoned for offices, encouraging the

in inner city, lack of sense of community,

different proposals had one thing in

growth of the business district (Miller,

segregation, and so forth. The following

common: separation of uses, and

1997, p. 17-28).

list contains six factors that caused city

subdividing

fragmentation in last century in the

discrete zones (Miller, 1997, p.10-12).

were

created

as

part

neighborhoods

buildings

were

into

United State:

Fragmention forces • Zoning and land use policies

Urban Bridging

Many scholars studied the problems

• Abandonment of industry and warehouses • Increased automobile dependence, subsequent rise of surface parking lots

Fort Worth, TX. (http://airportjournals.com, 2016; own illustration)

• Racial differences and socio-economic gaps • Modern Architecture movement

Abandonment of Industry and Warehouses

• Concentrated and isolated urban plans

Zoning and Land use Policies

Urban renewal plans addressed old

As urban land uses changed (Trancik,

neighborhoods zoning the area for

1986, p.17) and cheap land became

From the 1920s to middle of the

public

creating

available in the suburbs, industries

1950s, the effort to improve the inner

“superblocks”

isolate

pushed to the outskirts of cities. In

city environment, segregated living,

and

separate

community

addition, with the start of the post-

shopping, and working, and resulted

from

the

city

industrial area, and closure of industries

in creating exclusionary zoning with

(Trancik, 1986, p.12). Across the county,

across the U.S., inner-city factories and

isolated

around

including Cincinnati, downtown areas

warehouses fell vacant and abandoned.

downtowns. In this era, planners saw

were attacked. Urban cores became

An eyesore for many years, these

neighborhoods

housing

and

that rest

would

the of

the

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abandoned buildings have recently

to another, and would segregate the

build and expand America’s road

become

regular users and residents of those

infrastructure. To increase the flow of

area

cars, old streets were widened and

valuable

and

provide

excellent redevelopment opportunities.

(Jacobs,

1961,

p.

178-180).

the design of the streets reflected the

However, neglected buildings create a no-man’s land in some areas, and work as a psychological barrier between neighborhoods. In addition,

Increased Dependence on Automobiles + Surface Parking Lots

In the 1940s, parts of neighborhoods were bulldozed in order to create

the buildings’ placement on largescale blocks makes them hard for

In

response

pedestrians to pass, limiting the number

ridership

increased

car

the space for the Interstate Highway

dependency

on

System. As a result, vast lands in

of possible roads to access one part

the automobile, great amounts of

inner city were dedicated for car

to another, and lack of small blocks in

money and efforts were dedicated to

movements

and

to

those areas. Lack of small blocks, in addition to be an obstruction on the way of pedestrians, will cause social and physical isolation of one section

Fragmented City

needs of cars, rather than pedestrians.

Detroit, MI, Abandoned Industrial Building. (http://www.theseekerbooks.com/detroit/ AbandonAuto.html)

Boston, Massachusetts, 1985. (Trancik, p.2, 1986)

and

parking

spaces

were

1986,

p.5).

destroyed

Communities

and

make profit in the short term; avoiding

fractured.

building

permanent

structure

or

Massive infrastructure, unfriendly to

infrastructure now left the land open

human beings travelling by anything

for redevelopment in the future (Jackle,

but

p.156-157, 2004).

an

automobile,

now

created

rigid physical barriers that separated neighborhoods.

Racial Differences and SocioEconomic Gaps

As Americans drove more and more,

Other factors also contributed to the

the

separation

effects

took

physical

shape.

of

neighborhoods

and

Sufficient and plentiful parking became

populations.

a necessity. This need increased as

neighborhoods that formed at the

people increasingly moved to the

Racially

segregated

Ditroit, MI, 1977. Buildings replaced by parking lots. (Jakle and Sculle, 2004)

early twentieth century remain as

commuting every day by personal car.

creating parking spaces become the

make neighborhoods feel disconnected

Cities, now dotted with surface parking

priority in cities across the county. This is

to adjacent communities. While in

lots, quickly became “environmentally

evident through municipal policy, which

recent decades (since 2000), there is

unsound,

and

favored the physical changes to cities.

an absence of all-white neighborhoods

downright ugly” (Childs, 1999). Parking

Buildings were routinely demolished

(Gleaser

lots wrecked the old urban fabric,

and converted to parking spaces. By

dominated neighborhoods with low

weakened

of

the Depression, economically marginal

racial diversity are still very frequent.

place, and fragmented urban cores

buildings and previously residential

On the other hand, the number of

(Jackle, p.96-96, 2004).

areas were flattened to provide parking

low-diversity, black-dominated tracts

spaces, converting them into what

has been constant (Holloway, 2012).

suburbs. Downtown employees began

under-populated,

communities’

sense

Physically accommodating the personal

urbanits call “transitional” land use

automobile by widening roads and

zones. Surface parking lots aimed to

Urban Bridging

(Trancik,

psychological barriers that continue to

andVigdor

2001),

white-

Existing racial gaps in the cities were

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exacerbated

by

the

revitalization

projects. These projects caused a dramatic increase in land values and created gentrification. High land values followed by increase in rent, housing price,

and

high

end

restaurants

and amenities made the revitalized neighborhood unaffordable for prerevitalization residents. New commerce shifts the population demographic both in race and socio-economic status, which created a racial and social gap within the neighborhood and its adjacent areas.

The Modern Architecture Movement Focusing on Monumental Scale Buildings and Open Space

and

sides of the street. Buildings became

functional environment (Le Corbusier,

monuments for private companies,

1929, p.337-343), instead it “becomes

and the open space at the base of the

dominated the style of new buildings

synonymous

inhumanity,

building was more of a stage for the

in the last century, changed the

desolation, and devastation� (Lefaivre,

building rather than a place to create

shape of the cities and freestanding

1989, p.17). Block-sized buildings, in

meaningful public space.

buildings

Modern

Fragmented City

Pruitt-Igoe, St. Louis. The new public housing next to old urban neighborhood. (Resource: Fred Mazelis, WSWS.org)

the

architecture

became

modern

planning

movement

provide

healthier,

with

greener,

common.

While

many cases, ignored the importance

architecture

and

of streetscape and created inactive

With the rise of modern architecture,

to

blank walls stretching along both

Camilo Sitte concerned about the

movement

attempts

a portion of them created physical

thinking for the city’s future. Instead,

of enclosed open spaces that were

and social gaps between districts.

plans focused on issues facing the

designed for walking human and based

Whether

successfully

target neighborhood, largely ignoring its

on its behavior (1889, p. 476-478 & 483-

improved the quality of life of residents

context within the surrounding area. For

484). The modern architecture praised

or not, they certainly lacked coherence

example, typical urban renewal plans

these

plans

and developed the plans that raze

created “superblock” buildings adjacent

and rebuilt the cities with monumental

to dense, low-rise neighborhoods with

scale buildings that were inspired by

narrow streets. This difference created

industrial society, defined a new sets

a strong psychological border and in

of aesthetic values (Le Corbusier,

many cases a physical barrier between

1929, p.337-343), and suits humans

neighborhoods.

in

cars

passing

Freestanding

through

generic

Urban Bridging

transformation of the cities and the loss

streets.

residential

By

the

1970s,

urban

renewal’s

buildings, which were built on the

destructive energy had eventually given

cleared land of old neighborhoods,

way to historic preservation. But historic

lacked a sense of place and sense of

preservation and revitalization projects

community, and disconnected the area

did not stitch these communities back

from its surrounding. Peter Calthorpe

together. As the city did not have a

and William Fulton (2001) condemned

cohesive revitalization and improvement

the generic style of Modernism and

plan, one portion of a neighborhood

asked designers to respect human

was revitalized while the rest of the area

scale and detailed buildings (p. 363).

remained neglected. Also, in many

Concentrated and Isolated Urban Plans

cases the city did not address socio-

During the last century, big plans that focused only on one neighborhood or

Vine Street, Cincinnati, OH. Due to the City effort the south side has been vasty revitalized, and north side was neglected. The two pictures are 30 feet apart! (Source, Google Map, 2016)

economic gaps between neighboring communities causing stronger division.

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2. STUDY AREA

Cincinnati’s Disconnected Inner-core In this chapter, the historical and physical characteristics of the neighborhoods to understand the forces that shaped them into their current status.

CBD, the Banks, Over-the-Rhine, and the West End district, is quite typical for a mid-size American city with a fragmented spatial environment. Since the last few decades there was an attempt to revitalize and reenergize the urban core of Cincinnati. Adding different activities, for example sport centers, cultural and public places,

Vine Street, with sidewalk cafe and vibrant street life

Urban Bridging

Cincinnati’s urban core, including the

to this area was one of the strategies.

This revitalization, in many cases, started with different focus points/areas causing clusters of well-defined and well designed urban spaces while the rest of downtown remained neglected. Some of the examples of cluster developments are OTR (Vine St.), the Banks, the

The Banks with new park & entertainment venue

museums around Walnut St., and some older nodes including the cluster of City Hall, St. Petter Chains Cathedral, and Isaac Wise Temple, Music Hall, Union Terminal, Findlay Market, and Cincinnati Ballet. This condition created a fragmented urban core in which those different parts are disconnected.

Fountain Square, a public space in the heart of Downtown

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Study Area

16

Study area consists of the four neighborhood in the valley: Downtown, the Over-the-Rhine, the West End, and The Banks

automobile and attractions become spatially

isolated

and

fragmented

destinations. It should be noted that most forms of social interaction and exchanges take place when the cars have

been

parked.

By

improving

connectivity, social interaction can be accelerated, businesses can benefit,

Wide and unactive artery that divides two neighborhoods

streets generate higher revenues, and

Urban Bridging

Movements become heavily reliant on

in general urban experience occur.

This thesis will neighborhoods

look history,

at each and

find

the forces that shaped each urban environment, causing disconnection between and within each neighborhood.

Blank walls facing main streets in city inner core

Inactive facades in a car oriented environment

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2.1 Historical Study Central Business District Today location of Cincinnati’s Central

Cincinnati in the second half of the

Business District (CBD) was first shaped

1800s, and added jobs to the existing

as a river town in the 18th century with

commercial and trading employment.

a common grid system of township

The new factories initially located in

lines, and growing in time (Stradling,

Downtown along with commerce, small

2003, p.9). By 1850, the city became

shops, offices, and warehouses, and

America’s sixth largest metropolise and

grew along the Ohio River and the

one of the most prosperous cities in

canals to the suburbs. This change

the nation. Industrial sectors came to

disperse the concentration of jobs from

Block size buildings with department store came to the city, and turned the downtown to a shopping destination, 1878.

Downtown (Stradling, 2003, p.50-53).

Department stores were another use that was introduced to the Downtown.

Study Area

Department stores arrived from 1830, and grew in number. This turned the Downtown to the shopping destination both for city residents and those living 1904, commercial and trading activities along the river

outside the city (Stradling, 2003 p.50-

Storefronts disapeared in the downtown area.

of residential developments, and the rise of automobile ownership and use, downtown retail declined in the mid-20th century. Between 1937 and 1955, the number of retailers declined 21 percent in downtown Cincinnati, and retail floor space shrank 16 Highway expansion reached to the downtown and replaced part of the grids and blocks by mid-1970s. The image shows the west part of the downtown.

percent (Jakle & Sculle, 2004, p. 159).

Skywalks drained street foot traffic.

Urban Bridging

53). However, with the outward spread

By the 1950s, the middle-class left the city, the downtown population declined, and highway construction reached to the downtown to connect people its to offices. This resulted in the removal of the south part of downtown and riverfront area for urban renewal.

Highways, ramps, parking lots, and

Fountain Square before changes.

abandoned warehouses shaped the new image of the district, and separated the downtown from the riverfront.

Many plans tried to revitalize downtown including, the riverfront park plan of 1948, the renewal of Fountain Square Storefronts disapeared in the downtown area.

that added a nice public space in

Fountain Square today.

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the heart of downtown in 1960s, and

and

expanding

residential

a skywalk system that connected

opportunities,

major department stores, hotels, and

nighttime

headquarter buildings starting from

riverfront to downtown, and extending

1968. The Fountain Square, even

pedestrian-oriented

though it faced some changes, is

Associates, 1981).

promoting

activities,

day

integrating spaces

living

with a 3.6 mile loop, working 18 hours

and

a day, will connect the riverfront area to

the

(RTKL

still one of the main, active, and most famous public spaces in the City. The

Today,

new

residential

buildings

skywalk, on the other hand, was not

are coming to the Downtown, old

a successful project. The elevated

abandoned buildings are converted to

walkways that drained the already

condos, new storefronts are opened, art

weakened street foot traffic are slowly

centers as well as entertainment venues

disappearing today.

such as Contemporary Art Center and Aronoff Center. The upcoming streetcar

Due to its many problems, including difficulty of control and maintenance, and strangling retailers and restaurants on the ground floor, the removal and reconfiguration of the skywalk system was proposed as part of the 2002 Center City Plan (Healy, 2005; Yung,

Study Area

2012).

One of the last pieces to shape downtown

is

the

Cincinnati

2000

Plan. The goals included increasing

The sign advertising for newly renovated apartments in downtown Cincinnati.

the Downtown and Over-the-Rhine.

in 2016, the neighborhood continues

In the study area, the West End

services.

to suffer from the lack of available

neighborhood has faced two periods of destruction and renovation and it has become disconnected and isolated the most from its neighboring communities.

Slum clearance programs for old and congested neighborhoods like the West End and Over-the-Rhine, starting in the 1920s and lasting into the mid-

Urban Bridging

West End

West End in 1930, with congested and dense housing condition

1950s (Miller, 1998, p.9 & 15), wiped

In 1933, the city introduced an ambitious

out the old neighborhood pattern. The

plan aimed to clear 145 blocks and

West End, with old and dense housing,

replace them with sixteen superblocks.

became the top priority of city planners

Eventually, only two public housing

and officials for improvement. Health

projects

issues and bad living environments

people by race by providing one

resulted from the crowded housing

cluster of housing for whites and the

conditions, with the lack of open

other for African-Americans (Miller,

space as breeders of disease and

1998, p.23-25). With these changes

delinquency in the lower West End. The

the West End, once a mixed income

high population densityin the area was

neighborhood, became a reservation

as 1,500 persons per acre (Miller, 1998,

for Cincinnati’s poorest families, losing

p.17).

its small businesses, and groceries

took

place,

segregating

(The Cincinnati Enquirer, 2002). Today,

West End in 1930, with congested and dense housing condition

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By 1950s, the I-75 Interstate’s extension

Slum clearance continued as in 1955 the

Even though these programs improved

bulldozed part of the neighborhood

City launched another redevelopment

the environment and quality of life

along the western edge, and new

project in the lower West End and

in West End, the area still could not

industrial developments at the north

displaced more residents (Miller, 1998,

overcome its general problems and

and east created large blocks that

p. 39).

still carry its stigmatized identity as a

sliced and divided the two residential areas (The Cincinnati Enquirer, 2002),

From 1980 to 2000, the CMHA HOPE

especially among Central Parkway.

VI project and Citi RAMA projects again

Another force that has segregated the

removed existing housing, this time

West End from its surrounding areas is

the superblocks, aimed to transform

that planners and developers see the

the neighborhood to a mixed income

edges of the West End as an appropriate

community again (City of Cincinnati

area for service uses such as parking

Department of City Planning, 2008, p.

spaces that benefit the uses in Over-

4). The projects were designed to offer

the-Rhine and Downtown. This strategy

diverse housing choices, from single-

continues the disconnection between

family row houses to low-rise multifamily

neighborhoods, which partially derive

housing built in the New Urbanist style.

from the lack of a cohesive plan that

Residents of the newly developed

embrace all these areas as a district that

district

spaces

needs to be addressed. For example,

with wide, shaded sidewalks. These

the West End was not included as a Tax

projects increased homeownership by

Increment Financing (TIF) district, while

190%, household income by 60%, and

both Over-the-Rhine and Downtown

racial diversity in the neighborhood and

are included as such districts (The City

attracted new families by tax abatement

of Cincinnati, 2015).

New housign as part of Urban Renewal effort, 1941

Study Area

minority and poor area.

enjoy

nice

green

(City of Cincinnati Department of City Part of the West End was bulldozed for the I-75 Interstate’s extension

Planning, 2008, p. 5).

Urban Bridging

New row houses, created mixed income community

New high school

New developments provided nice sidewalks and shading

Vacant schools remained from old fabric

Multi-family houses replaced the urban renewal super blocks

Surviving portion renewal era

of

the

urban

Central Parkway, dividing West End and OTR. This area mainly has been used as parking lots.

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Over-the-Rhine Over-the-Rhine (OTR) has experienced significant change over the past two centuries. In the early 20th century, slum clearance was putting pressure on the neighborhood (Miller and Tucker 1998). Meanwhile, the neighborhood’s original German population moved out, and was replaced with poor white Appalachians and African Americans, who were displaced from the West End due to construction of Interstate 75 and slum clearance projects (Cincinnati

Study Area

Enquirer, 2002).

The old condition of the canal with resturants and festivals.

The mixed land uses and the diversity of people living in this neighborhood under

unhealthy

and

congested

situations, defined the neighborhood for city planners and officials as an extremely dangerous place that needed to be treated promptly (Miller & Tucker, 1998, p.10 & 17). There were different plans that consisted of demolition and bulldozing of the area. In 1924,

Overcrowded living condition in Over-the-Rhine

comprehensive zoning targeted the area for commercial and industrial

historic

land use, which planned to expand the

clearance projects took priority, and

business district and relocate residents

OTR remained untouched.

preservation.

Other

slums

uphill (Miller & Tucker, 1998, p.11 & 1718). Then a design in 1930s intended

By the late 1950s, the city’s new

to clear part of the OTR for public

campaign for urban renewal grouped

housing, and another comprehensive

the

plan in 1948 planned for clearance of

business district, and Over-the-Rhine

the so-called slums, including OTR,

together,

and build three communities of public

revitalization

housing there. However, the failure

OTR was considered as an appropriate

of these programs due to lack of

place for the middle-class who worked

funding, forced the city to deal with

for corporations located downtown.

these neighborhoods in a new manner

This new vision was articulated in the

(Miller & Tucker, 1998, p.11) such as

1964 downtown urban design plan.

central

riverfront,

slating

these

through

the

central

areas

for

preservation.

to this program and gave Cincinnati

of OTR and redeveloping the YMCA for

extremely slow moving and very few

a special status that hastened the

senior citizens, overlap with projects

of the plans were implemented around

buildup (Cincinnati Enquirer, 2002).

proposed by the CBC. Recently, 3CDC

this time, at least this new attempt

has

protected the OTR architecture and

projects (Cincinnati Enquirer, 2014;

urban fabric instead of demolishing it

In 1977, business leaders established

(Miller & Tucker, 1998).

the Cincinnati Business Committee

successfully

completed

these

Cincinnati Enquirer, 2015).

(CBC), which directed and assisted

Since 2003, 3CDC has methodically

Registration on the list of National

with

development

renovated many buildings, improved

Historic Places was the last major piece

projects (Miller and Tucker, 1998).

streetscapes, filled storefronts, and

to ensure OTR’s future protection and

Business leaders saw an opportunity

activated corner shops (3CDC.org).

preservation. At first, OTR residents in

to redevelop OTR as a thriving urban

Infill

the 1960s and 1970s were opposed to

neighborhood,

developing

and brand new condos, offer new

OTR’s historic designation, fighting to

buildings around Washington Park and

residents diverse housing choices.

prevent OTR from becoming a historic

Music Hall to provide urban housing

Old neighborhood residents enjoyed

district. Residents also pushed back

options

top

a corridor of bars on Main Street; new

against the urban design plan of 1964

priorities for corporate business leaders

restaurants, cafes, and shops added

and other revitalization efforts through

(Miller & Tucker, 1998).

along Vine Street provide diverse uses

downtown

for

area

and

employees

were

the second half of the 20th century,

projects,

increasing

Urban Bridging

Even though revitalization efforts were

density

in the neighborhood.

as they were afraid that revitalization

Perhaps the CBC was the precursor

projects would raise rent and indirectly

to

push them out of the neighborhood

Development

today’s

Cincinnati

Center

City

With these 3CDC plans and effort, now

(3CDC),

the market is continue developing the

(Miller and Tucker, 1998). As part of the

which focuses redevelopment efforts in

area, and new projects come to the

effort, HUD established lowincome rent

OTR and the central business district.

neighborhood. Infill development and

units in the neighborhood, by paying

Many of CBC’s proposals, including

storefront renovation accelerated.

landlords to add their old buildings

relocating the Drop-Inn Center out

Corporation

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With all these changes and improved

Washington Park, and Vine Street and

safety, OTR has become a preferred

not Central Parkway widened the gap

place to live for many who want to live in

between Over-the-Rhine and the West

a vibrant urban neighborhood close to

End, and the disconnection became

their jobs and entertainment amenities

stronger. Central Pkwy increases the

(Cincinnati Business Courier, 2015).

disconnection and stands as a barrier

High rents and high-end restaurants

between these two districts.

demonstrate

the

neighborhood’s

attractiveness and prove that it has become a preferred place to live for many people. On the other hand, as it becomes a more desirable place to live, the market forces decrease its affordability, accelerating the effects of gentrification. At this point, the New shops increase the vibrancy of the neighrbohood

neighborhood’s

ethnic

make-up

is

slowly changing from predominantly African American to young, white professionals.

The changes in OTR are dominantly

Study Area

focusing on its southern half, with Pleasant Street connecting the south to Findlay market. The higher socioNew street scape improved the area by adding trees, street furniture, and upgrading sidewalks.

economic difference and the focus mainly on inner part of such as

Banks Public Partnership, 2016).

The riverfront area has experienced a

With

major redevelopment over the past two

The Banks filled the city’s increasing

decades. An area once dedicated to

need for parking space because of its

manufacturing and trade has become an

proximity to Downtown. Buildings were

entertainment district wedged between

demolished and replaced by parking

two

stadiums.

lots. Meanwhile, as part 1948 master

New condos, restaurants, bars, office

plan, Fort Washington Way linked

spaces, future hotel, and a linear

the two major interstate highway to

riverfront park create a diverse cluster

increase the flow of the car movement,

of usage and activities and defines this

continued demolition of the south part

southern edge of Downtown.

of downtown, and added a wide system

professional

sports

emergence

of

automobiles,

To construct Fort Washington Way, part of downtown was demolished

Urban Bridging

The Banks

of roads and ramps. The construction of With the rise of steamboats in the

the Fort Washington way in 1958-1961

1810s, the Ohio River riverfront became

separated the area from Downtown

center stage for Cincinnati’s major

(The Banks Public Partnership) with

manufacturing and trading, connecting

its wide and complex arterials system.

through the system of canals to its

The highway worked as a physical

agricultural

inland

barrier that cut all of the north/south

industries. Not long after, rail replaced

street connections and separated the

steamboats as the predominant transit

riverfront from Downtown.

hinterland

and

system, and the area lost its prosperity.

Also around that time, residents moved

In 1996, the City of Cincinnati aimed to

north, away from the river to avoid

revitalize the riverfront using economic

flooding and other health issues (The

development strategies, proposing a

Fort Washington Way link between I-71 and I-75; however, it divided the downtown from riverfront

27

28

new street grid and new development

the City skyline from the south as

(Urban Design Associates, 2000, p.

Cincinnati’s signature image (Urban

1; the Banks Public Partnership). The

Design Associates, 2000, p.25), which

public participation planning process

illustrates the importance of the sites

started to record and gather opinion and

location as the city’s gateway.

concerns about the area. Participants were asked to answer question about

The

Urban

Design

the general problems of Downtown, in

riverfront project became known as

addition to direct issues related to the

“The Banks” and outlined the following

riverfront area. Some of the concerns

design

was the weak retail and lack of enough

Associates, 2000, p.18):

principles

Master

(Urban

Plan’s

Design

entertainment activities in Downtown Cincinnati.com, 2014

, poor access and isolation of the riverfront and parking lots located on that area to Downtown (Urban Design Associates, 2000, p.14). One interesting

• Streets: re-establish the city grid to the river; • Parks and open space: transform existing isolated parks into a riverfront park system;

Study Area

response citizens was that they viewed

Cincinnati.com, 2014 Due to the lack car oriented of Fort Washington Way, most buildings facing the arterial have Inactive facade

Low capacity structure parkings and parking lots along the arterial

Urban Bridging

• Highway barriers: seize the opportunityto remove Fort Washington Way as a barrier to the riverfront; • Parking: create centrally-located, multipurpose parking; • Create economic development sites.

Today, the completed part of the plan are the two stadiums, a linear park in the river bank, new residential, office, and retails. There is also an ongoing construction for a new office and

residential

complex

(2A-2B).

Nevertheless, there are still a number of vacant lots that are planned to become a hotel and more office/residential buildings (Cincinnati.com, 2014).

The Banks urban design plan

Cincinnati.com, 2014

The Banks urban design plan

Part of the banks project facing to the south

29

2.2 Physical Characteristics

30

low. As maps illustrate, housing is most concentrated in the northern part of the downtown, mainly in the West End and Over-the-Rhine area. Single family houses are mostly concentrated in the West End, while OTR mostly contains

Land Use

higher density multi family housing.

Land use maps illustrate the distribution

(Leinberger,

of uses and help to understand how

diverse use of retail, in addition, would

each area works. The number and

improve the livability of the downtowns,

distribution pattern of each uses has

and increase the demand for residential

important

and

uses in the area. Leinberger, in his

vibrancy of the city. Those who study

twelve steps for downtown revitalization,

walkability, which includes planners,

require the downtowns for providing

urban designers, market researchers,

wide range of housing choices, from

and health labs, realized the effects

moderate to high density, and both

and influence of land use distribution

market rate and affordable units (2005).

role

on

walkability

2005).

Increasing

the

Study Area

and density on walkability. The most important and influential uses on

In

many

American

downtowns,

walkability are retail/commercial and

including Cincinnati’s, a long history

residential. Retails can serve to create

of exclusionary zoning has pushed

purpose for walking (Speck, 2013).

out retail and residential uses from

A diverse range of retail including

downtown, and dedicated the area

urban entertainment, specialty retail,

for offices. Even with recent attempts

regional retail, and local-serving retail

and new mixed use development the

in downtowns is key for revitalization

housing ratio in downtown Cincinnati is

Office spaces are the predominant land use in the downtown area. Green spaces also are limited, especially regarding the high density of the area, witch requires more designed green spaces and parks for recreation purposes and environmental benefits.

Lastly, industrial uses mostly occupy the north side of the West End and OTR.

Urban Bridging

Residential Uses

Commercial Uses

Industrial Uses

Governmental Uses

Park Uses

Religious Uses Source: CAGIS

31

Study Area

32

Figure Ground Map

Downtown, creating a linear barrier that

major artery, making it feel as though

ends the district’s dense street pattern.

the neighborhood has its back to the

The map shows the four districts of

OTR, just north of Downtown, is a

Central Parkway.

Cincinnati’s urban basin: Downtown,

compact

the riverfront, Over-the-Rhine (OTR),

small-scale, well preserved historical

The West End, on the other hand, has

and the West End. The differences

buildings.

historic

two disparate sections: the north and

between each district’s patterns can be

preservation

helped

the south. The northern part has been

described as follows according to the

preserve the neighborhood’s large

spared from urban renewal, preserving

map.

inventory of historic buildings over the

its old urban street and land use pattern

past decades, adding value to this

that resembles OTR. The southern part,

Downtown’s rigid grid street pattern

urban neighborhood. The vast majority

however, is a collection of different,

and large-scale blocks and buildings

of OTR’s urban fabric is composed of

newer urban projects from mega block

create a common central business

small buildings built on narrow lots. But

public housing to New Urbanism HOPE

district found in most US cities.

similar to Downtown, patterns change

IV housing. Each section has a different

Buildings cover most of the land,

along the neighborhood’s south and

pattern with large, unstructured lands

and there little ground remains. The

west fringe areas. once filled with

between

southern section of Downtown has

the characteristically small buildings,

districts that do not interact to make

considerably fewer open, vacant lots

now large buildings and unstructured

a

as compared to the district’s northern

landscapes, and surface parking lots

adjacent to Central Parkway, many

section, indicating the district’s original

fill that area. The change in urban

unstructured lands, structured parking,

form has remained relatively intact. As

fabric, especially noticeable around

vacant warehouses, and some urban

one moves north through Downtown,

Central Parkway, limits neighborhood

facilities have turned the eastern portion

the building footprints grow smaller in

interaction with the parkway. Major

of West End into a no-man’s land.

number and the inventory of vacant lots

civic buildings in OTR, such as Music

increases, weakening the district’s rigid

Hall, face away from Central Parkway;

It can be concluded that the neglected

street pattern. In addition, 1-71 divides

vacant lands and blank walls line the

Central Parkway district is an urban void

historic

district

Stringent policies

have

featuring

them,

cohesive

creating

neighborhood.

isolated Again,

-Rhine

of vacant lands and blighted buildings destroy the urban fabric of bordering neighborhoods

and

disrupt

the

continuity between these three areas.

Roger Trancik describes “lost space” as “leftover unstructured landscape at n ow

nt

We s

ow

parking no-man’s-lands along the edge

D

the base of high-rise towers, surface

tE

nd

of freeways, and vacated industrial

Urban Bridging

he Over-t

or lost space. The area’s high number

complexes” (1986, p.3-4). To link the two parts and bind them together, creative infill is needed. In addition to the wedge that Central Parkway drives between neighborhoods, different patterns of

ks

an

streets, block sizes, architectural style,

B he

T

and building masses create different enclaves in the inner city of Cincinnati.

Small buildings on narrow lots in OTR

The wide unstructured landscape as a divider

Block size buildings with unattractive facades

33

34

Cluster of Activities

Jan Gehl evaluates the facades by their

storefront, however, can be seen as a

quality of interaction. The best edges

major problem, but also serves as an

Active streets facilitate walkability and

are those that are rich in details, and

opportunity for revitalization due to its

stimulate

Many

provide transparency and interaction

existing infrastructure of a storefront

articles attempt to list the characteristics

by display windows or open facades

opening.

that generate the vitality of the street.

(2004, p. 5-7).

social

interaction.

A mix of uses, especially retail, and interactive edges are common in many

In

lists that open the discussion about the

Cincinnati’s urban core were mapped

features of storefronts.

and divided to three categories: A.

this

study

the

storefronts

in

Study Area

transparent storefronts, B. storefronts Allan Jacobs, in his book “Great

with limited or covered display windows,

Streets,”

the

and C. vacant store fronts. In this thesis

transparency at their edges that best

the first group of storefronts were study

streets have in common, and describes

with attractions to map existing cluster

it as a quality where the public realm

of active spaces. Vacant storefronts

meets private property (p. 284). When

are studied in the next section with

the pedestrian is able to see through

vacant lands to show urban gaps

the windows, it provides the sense of

as well as opportunities. Group A,

invitation to view, to enter and buy, and

transparent storefronts attract travelers

to sit and enjoy the place. The display

and provides a positive image for the

windows grab attention provide visual

street. Group B storefront, even though

access, (Jacobs, 1995, p.286) and

they offer mixed uses to the street,

create active façades that generate

have limited benefit for improving the

enjoyable walking.

street environment and are hard to

(1995)

highlights

change. The last group, the vacant

Group A storefront with transparent window display

Group B storefront with covered windows but active inside

as magnets that bring people to the

active

location

street, and help surrounding businesses

stadiums,

to thrive. Consequently, storefronts

museums, music halls, squares, and so

and attractions were study together to

forth. Even though each of these places

depict the existing active clusters in the

attract different audiences, at different

district.

of

clusters

attractions,

are such

the as

hours, for different reasons, they work

Urban Bridging

Another factor to determine downtown’s

35

36

Cincinnati Library as one of the active points

Study Area

Court Street, a small cluster of small shops in the downtown

Revitalized Vine Street creates active area

In

the

post-industrialized

urban-

few.

Their poor design, absence of

core, vacancy and underutilized land

defined edge, and lack of shading

can be seen as inevitable. These

produce an unpleasant environment for

waste lands include surface parking

pedestrian passersby movements and

and

and

create urban gaps. On the other hand,

industries. These areas, with their lack

these lots are the most convenient

of human scaled design weaken the

lands available in the inner city for new

continuity of the street. Another major

development, green spaces, and public

problematic vacancy is the abandoned

spaces.

abandoned

warehouses

Urban Bridging

Urban Gaps

storefront which affects the street environment and its vitality. On the

Storefront vacancy is another problem

other hand, these vacant spaces can

that shows the lack of investment or

serve as an opportunity for downtown

market for the area. Neglected and

redevelopment and revitalization.

empty storefronts with peeling paint, torn awnings, or broken window, in

Surface parking lots, are mainly empty

addition, create an overall image of

except for business hours. These lots

deterioration for the street. However,

are the pre-dominant underutilized

passing these empty and inactive edges

lands in the inner-core of the City of

create an unpleasant experience; these

Cincinnati, and create a fragmented

storefronts are a valuable existing

inner-core.

infrastructure that can transform to vibrant retail and generate walkable

They disrupt the continuity of the street,

streets that link different parts of the

create many problems and benefit a

urban core.

37

38

Non-Active Environment Major Infrastructure Non-Active Environment Barrier

Major Infrastructure Barrier

Barriers

Central Parkway and Fort Washington

between. These corridors have some

Wide streets and highways in many

Way. Both streets are surrounded

active stores, but they are scattered

places

by surface parking, blank walls, and

and are not continues. Between active

vacant storefronts.

storefronts there are vacant storefronts

function

as

infrastructural

Study Area

barriers. As these links are mainly designed

to

accommodate

car

movement and not pedestrians, they lack

Problematic but Active Spaces

active edges. Two major infrastructure

In addition to active clusters and urban

barriers in downtown Cincinnati are

voids, there are areas that stand in

or lands that can be revitalized and create attractive and lively environemnt.

Urban Bridging 39

40

Future Drivers: Based

on

existing

Driver 1: Green Corridor

Driver 2: Infill Developments

opportunities

including green spaces, unbuilt lands, and historically important streets as

Union Terminal

well as upcoming projects such as the streetcar and new developments, a set of drivers for future intervention is provided. Each option delineates a specific array of assets and enhances existing conditions to reshape the district.

The Banks

Create a green corridor to connect

Fill in the enormous number of unbuilt

existing green and public cores. This

lands. In this driver, infill developments

driver will use the existing unbuilt lands

will improve the condition of urban

to create green public spaces along

voids, but the quality of design and

the corridor. The start and end would

uses will determine the success and

be defined by two main public spaces:

vitality of the district. This driver is not

Union Terminal and the Banks.

able to answer the lack of enough

Study Area

public and green spaces in the district, or its disconnection to other districts.

Driver 4: Main Street Improvement

Driver 5: Status Quo

Focus on the area adjacent to the

Improve the district’s most important

Keep the status quo. Pick a cluster

streetcar for development, and create

streets. There are many historically

of developments based on existing

an active street that is supported by

significant streets that can improve the

infrastructure, land price, and vacancy.

public transit.

connectivity in the district and might be

These clusters would create small gems

The plan would improve the area’s

able to attract new development along

of new developments consisting of

connectivity, but it still would leave

the corridors, but would leave behind

residential, and office spaces and mixed

behind

important

City Hall and Bengals Stadium. In

use buildings that are disconnected

attractions, important nodes, and active

addition just streetscape improvement

from each other.

spaces such as the northern part of

might not be enough to improve

Main street, southern part of Vine street,

connectivity

the Bengals Stadium, the riverfront

developments.

some

of

the

park, City Hall, and the West End.

and

attracting

Urban Bridging

Driver 3: Streetcar development

new

41

42

Case Studies

3. Case Studies This chaper considers two case studies from San Francisco, California, and Boston, Massachusetts. The first case study looks at the San Francisco Urban Design Plan from (1971), as an example of large urban design intervention to shape the city and create a holistic urban environment. The second case studies different plans City of Boston, and its long history with different plans to improve connectivity and reconnect different part of the urban inner-core.

California

riders, and provided different strategies

on different techniques to create a better environment for walking and bus to create a cohesive city.

The Urban Design Plan for San

Hu, 2012, 2013, ). This plan was not

Beginning in the 1970s, the city of San

Francisco, 1971 is a model example of

limited to a small portion of the city, such

Francisco faced strong development

a large-scale and holistic approach that

as a public space, street, neighborhood,

pressure and change. This plan was a

addressed urban problems through

or district. Rather, it comprehensively

response to a growth control coalition

urban design. The Plan became a

considered a range of neighborhoods

created by residents of San Francisco

model for future urban design plans

and worked on the relation, linkage, and

concerned about the negative impact

for the city of San Francisco, as well as

image of all the communities to create

of unrestricted urban development (Hu

othercities across the U.S. (Abbott, 1993

a whole city. It provided visual factors

2012, 2013). Even though this plan

Where tall buildings could enhance views of the skyline

Where tall buildings could help define districts & Centers

Where tall buildings could improve orientation for travel

Urban Bridging

3-1. San Francisco,

that shaped the city’s image, worked

43

44

was a reaction to fast and unregulated

which included urban designers and

providing a sense of purpose and

development, its large-scale urban

planners, with the help of several

a means of orientation. Because of

design approach with a range of policies

consultants

and guidelines to transform and improve

of

the

participation

its comprehensive nature, the Plan

Francisco’s

community,

attempts to create a city-wide system

the city image, livability, walkability, and

outlined different concerns, including:

of improved connected streets. The

connectivity serves as a persuasive

development

objectives

case study for this research. The city of

neighborhood environment, and the

concrete policies (p.36-40). Some of

San Francisco, consequently, showed

future of the city. In each section, they

the most compelling policies include:

the concern of the effect of this growth

studied the city’s environment and

on physical and social aspect of the city

human needs, and provided a set of

in long-term, while acknowledging the

policies and guidelines.

San

and

pattern,

conservation,

importance of these developments for the growth of the city’s economy (City

One

of

the

of San Francisco, p.1-4). This approach

to

and mindset created a range of critics,

strengthening

improve

plan’s the

city

major

objectives

is

pattern

by

streets

are

complemented

• Moderate the relation between building forms to one another and to other elements of the city pattern so that the effects of new developments are complementary and harmonious with the existing context.

and

calling the plan a “control plan” (Vettel 1984), or referring it as an “invisible web” that opposed the force of the market-led “capital web” (Lai 1988).

Case Studies

The Urban Design Plan for San Francisco highlights the importance of

regulation

and

urban

design

guidelines and policies that shape the future of the city while preserving its quality. The authors of the plan,

A system of improved street with planting, lighting and street furniture

by

Narrow the streets and add public spaces

where that is possible (p.124-127).

In addition, the plan concretely shapes San Francisco’s future urban landscape by proposing suitable sites for new developments. As the city experienced the pressure of development of tall buildings, they aimed to moderate “major

new

complement

developments the

city

to

Urban Bridging

focal points, or activity areas in places

pattern,

theresources…and the neighborhood The consistant use of one type of tree and row of lighting to create sense of order and continuity

environment” (p.79). Planners studied

• Make centers of activity more prominent through the design of street features and by other means. Sidewalks with distinctive paving, adequate lighting, and urban furniture (i.e. benches) should provide the needs of the merchants, shoppers, and other people using the area.

• Recognize the natural boundary of districts and promote connections between them. Roads and other features of the city should not be barriers but work to create awareness of districts.

• Increase the visibility of major destination areas and other points for orientation. Views from streets and

different aspects of the city, for example:

• other public areas should be preserved, and improve the major features of the city pattern.

In another section, the plan provides different

street

pattern

alternatives

for different scenarios, which would

• Where tall buildings could enhance views of the skyline • Where tall buildings could help define districts and centers, and • The effect of tall buildings upon views from nearby structures (p.76)

result in easier pedestrian movement and slower car speeds, especially at

New

buildings

should

intersections. Streets are part of public

the streetscape and should be in

spaces and should be seen as public

coordination and harmony with the

spaces by providing the amenity,

existing

shading and planting, and creating

new developments should respect and

environment.

enhance

Furthermore,

45

46

its efforts have been successful, the city would benefit from an overall plan similar to the Urban Design Plan for San Francisco, which controls growth and providing guidelines. Otherwise, unfettered growth and development might damage Cincinnati’s downtown environment, its livability, and its image for many years to come. However, Cincinnati 2000 Plan, provides some urban Bus stop that are attractive and eaily readable.

Bus stop design should be based on the importance of the routes

design

related

goals

and

objectives, it lacks visualization and using urban design strategies for improvement.

improve open spaces and other public areas (p. 91-92).

In general, the planners enhanced the streetscape and design, views and landmarks, and clustered new

Case Studies

developments throughout the city.

Undoubtedly, the city of Cincinnati today constantly explores ways to grow, especially in its urban core. Because

The importance of street edges and building design

Massachusetts

Beginning

in

1989,

the

Boston

Roger Trancik, in his book “Finding Lost

Many forces caused the separation

Redevelopment Authority (BRA) and

Space” looked at the City of Boston’s

and

Boston’s

the City of Boston’s Planning and

transformation, studies the forces that in

neighborhoods,

physical

Economic

his opinion caused problems of linkage

and administrative issues. One of the

between the neighborhoods. Trancik

strongest

lists some of the strategies that city

caused by the elevated highway I-93,

have approved to improve this linkage.

with neglected adjacent lands that

He asserts that the neighborhoods

worked as a tall wall. Another reason

of Boston, are not sufficiently linked

was the administrative structure of

to one another. Even though the city

the city that treated each part as

benefits from historic textures and

independent entities, and as a result,

well-defined neighborhoods, the city

the linkage between them remained

lacks of a cohesive framework to tie the

underdesigned.

neighborhoods together into a united,

zoning laws also created a city with

fluid system. In addition, Boston’s

isolated districts (Trancik, 1986, p.140).

downtown

has

been

fragmentation

of

including

physical

separation

Master

plans

Development

Agency

Urban Bridging

3-2. Boston,

- Redesign of city administration structure - Replacement of the elevated I-93 artery - Urban Design guideline - Greenway Design Review - Complementary projects

was

Highway I-93

and

physically

separated from the harbor waterfront,

The

following

proposed

changes/

which historically defined the city’s

plans aimed to integrate different

character (1986, p.130-131, 149).

neighborhoods together: Boston 1985

47

48

developed an overall strategy for city

known as the “Big Dig”. There is still

planning in Boston (Palazzo, 2014).

controversy about whether the project

The groups outlined the following

was worth its cost or not. Originally

objectives:

projected to cost $2.4 billion, the city of

1. Mitigate the effect of the elevated

Boston ended up paying $14.8 billion

surface

for the projects, which took years to

roadway underneath as a physical

complete. Structural and construction

and psychological barrier to effective

flows created two lawsuits related to

connections and linkages between the

the project, and general dissatisfaction

downtown and the waterfront;

among residents (Hofherr, 2015). On

I-93

expressway

the

2. Establish an active urban character for

the other hand, this project improved

the area by the intensive utilization of

the image of the city, provided miles of

land and by the mixing of compatible

green space and public amenities in

land uses;

the inner city, reduced air pollution, and for

connected the downtown to the harbor

pedestrian access to the water’s edge.

waterfront (Trancik, 1986, 141, Palazzo,

(p.141)

2014, Hofherr, 2015).

3. Provide

Case Studies

and

maximum

opportunity

The elevated I-93 artery was placed

The

below

by

accompanied by other plans and

a greenway, a long linear green

projects, such as the Greenway District

area

Plan, State Street Plan, and Walk to the

ground with

activities.

and

different This

replaced designs

project

and

became

Greenway

project

was

Sea project.

Greenway District Plan: the ongoing

The Big Dig plan

transformation of Greenway , the area

and infill buildings between downtown

activities along the greenway, and the

and the harbor edge (p. 142-143); Walk

vitality of the greenway district. As part

to the Sea, a one-mile path starting

of the guideline, the City of Boston

from the State House and Boston

required new buildings or substantially

Commons, passing among historic

renovated ones to have their primary

landmarks to historic waterfront, a

entrance

In

tour to the 400 years of Boston history

addition, cafes, retails, and other

with freestanding glass panels, each

publicly accessible facilities should

giving information about the place

enhance the greenway environment

and the path (nbbj, 2016; Walk to the

on top of the Big Dig, and its surrounding

and face the greenway directly (2010).

Sea, 2016); and Marketplace Center,

area that is taking place by case-by-

The plan also proposed to have 15% of

using underutilized land adjacent to

case approval projects; each are either

the dwelling units be made affordable

the central artery to create a linear

residential,

to middle class citizens (Palazzo, 2014).

public space, and mixed use buildings

The greenway

mixed-use

development

facing

the

greenway.

directing to waterfront.

or cultural facilities (Palazzo, 2014).

Buildings have been approved as long

Smaller projects include: the State

as they could fulfill the requirements

Street Plan, an axis with high density

Walk to the Sea project

Urban Bridging

that help to revitalize the pedestrian

49

50

4. Proposal In this chappter a series of strategies is proposed.

The strategies create a holistic proposal that would bind the fragmented district and create spatial and visual linkages between the isolated islands in Cincinnati’s inner urban core.

the them, activate the existing vacant

problematic areas that connectivity

edges, and strenghthen the uses that

has major problem, and work with

To improve connectivity and bridge

downtown needs. Revitalization areas

other design strategies to improve

different parts of the urban core, four

fill the gaps, and help the continuety

connectivity and weaken the existing

main design tools and strategies are

of

barriers between neighborhoods.

proposed, including:

connectivity.

active

edges

to

advance

the

Design Strategies • Paths: create a network of connections and places that bind neighborhood together • Active Clusters: Bring new cluster of developments and revitalization focus area • Green/Public Spaces: Add new public spaces to create stepping stones between

Urban Bridging

Design Concept

neighborhoods and attract new developments • Landmarks: Create visual magnets to attract people

Paths create a network of connections

Green/public spaces add new green

and convert streets to become desirable

gathering spaces along the paths.

public spaces. Paths were chosen

It would create sense of continuity

where

major

and connect existing parks, provide

problem, the path could create new

walkable public spaces for residents

connection, or the street has existing

and

infrustructure to become a lively urban

developments for the target places. It

street.

also would manage stormwater runoff

the

connection

had

workers,

and

attract

new

in a dense urban area.

New cluster of developments are placed around chosen paths, reinforce

Landmarks create visual magnets in

51

52

• streets; • Problems:

4.1 Paths Street

public arts, and signage would help to improvements

auto-oriented

arterials

will to

convert

achieve these goals.

interventions

are

proposed

for improving downtown Cincinnati’s streets.

Covering

desirable

the

highway,

streets, and accommodate different

Streets with higher priority were chosen

adding the space to the

modes of transportation, specifically

based on following study:

existing

non-automobile movements. A well-

• Assets: Mapping existing active

designed street will improve pedestrian and

cyclist

safety

clusters,

attractions,

and

main

street

spaces on top.

(Ossenbruggen,

2013), increase the value of nearby houses, retals, and offices, improve the business (NACTO, p. 5, 2013), and benefit the natural environment and its eco-systems.

This strategy is a direct way of bridging the fragmented urban area and linking different

parts.

Shading,

sufficient

lighting, well-designed public transit stops, safe bike lanes, wide sidewalks,

grid

and

constructing new buildings and public

2001; Dumbaugh, 2006; Dumbaugh

Proposal

major

barriers and disconnections.

Three

Paths:

Identifying

Covering the I-71, bring the grid blocks back, and creating new public spaces and buildings

Urban Bridging

Shrinking the automobile lane width, adding bike lanes, and widening the sidewalks.

Adding

trees

to improve the shading and manage the water runoff, and street furniture is important to create a desirable environment

for

pedestrians

and

cyclist. This scenario is applicable on major streets in the Downtown district including Central Parkway, Vine Street, Main Street, Race Street, 8th Street, 3rd Street and 2nd Street.

Revitalization and helping to activate current vacant storefronts

Connecting cluster of active storefronts by new developments and revitalization projects

53

54

2nd and 3rd: reducing the number of car lanes to ease pedestrian crossing and reducing car speeds. Adding bike lane, and water management system. On

Proposal

street parking are increased.

Dividing the space to both sidewalks and creating a wide open space in front of buildings for sitting.

Giving most of the space to the middle part for green space

Urban Bridging Reducing number of car lanes, while adding bike lanes and providing a wide public space in front of the School for Creative and Performing Arts. The space can be used for exhibitions, gathering, and performances.

e or for streetcar stop.

Giving most of the space to one side to create a big public space.

55

56

Adding

new

pathways

to

pedestrian the

street

network where there is a lack of connectivity. Two pedestrian paths are proposed. The first will connect Central Parkway to Washington Park, and will work as a green path. The second will ease the connectivity of the West End residential district to Central Parkway.

New pedestrian path

Proposal

Covering the highway

Complete Street

Active Spaces

arenas, cultural centers and stadiums

downtown district are movie theaters, art galleries, festivals, and museums, (Leinberger, 2005).

Businesses and activity points work

aims: first, attract people from one

better when they are settled as a cluster.

area to another to fulfill daily and/

Clusters of activities also help to fill the

or weekly needs and uses. Second,

gaps in urban environment and enhance

create

the large available underutilized lands

urban environment, bridge major city

in the urban core to reshape the

attractions, and fill the gaps.

a

connected

and

vibrant

Urban Bridging

4.2 New Cluster of

uses that improve and revitalize the

city’s environment. These areas are suitable for large development that can

A

vibrant,

livable,

address a shortfall in the downtown

downtown

and surrounding area. Clusters of

and sufficient housing, which are

new development or revitalization are

currently underrepresented in most

proposed based on following criteria:

American

a lack of specific uses in an area (for

2005; Carmona, 2010, p.206; Speck,

example residential or retail); existing

2013, p.71&112). Diverse retails that

infrastructure and facilities that can

offers various opening hours and

utilize new activities like abandoned

services, in addition, increase the

storefronts; and a lack of mixed land

walkability and vitality of the district

uses in between two active areas. New

(Montgomery, 1998; Leinberger, 2005),

clusters are to achieve the following

and reduce car dependency. Other

needs

and a

downtowns

mix

attractive of

uses

(Leinberger,

57

58

The following clusters are proposed: Central Parkway: Currently, Central Parkway is lined with an enormous amount of unbuilt and underutilized land, creating a major barrier that divides three neighborhoods including Downtown, the West End, and Over-the-Rhine. This new cluster of development, would connect the three neighborhoods. This area can become a transitional step from the residential area of OTR and the West End to the CBD with a mixture of residential units, office spaces, and live-work units. Furthermore, due to the Central Parkway location, its accessibility and the streetcar stop, this area is suitable to provide community and city services and amenities such as an urban-style supermarket, cultural centers, movie

Proposal

theaters, and a recreational center.

New buildings with new layout of the street

Urban Bridging

Sycamore Street: This development would improve the east/west axis between south West End to the east of Downtown, and create an end point for this axis.

Fort Washington Way: The proposal will cover the highway and bring back the lost teeth of the street grid pattern by bridging over the major barrier that disconnected the Banks from the Downtown, and it will improve Cincinnati skyline. It should be noted that this area has the best view to the river and the green hills of Kentucky, and would be a great location for highend residential condominiums. For the success of this cluster, the frontages of the buildings need to be active, transparent, with limited blank walls or garage entrances.

Fort Washington Way

59

60

4.3 Public/Green Spaces Cincinnati benefits from well-designed public spaces such as Washington Park, Fountain Square, and the Banks.

Nevertheless, Cincinnati suffers from a shortage of open and public spaces in its dense Downtown. Open public spaces will revitalize the urban core for same reasons as new cluster of active spaces, but provide different services to the area. These spaces will improve urban life and can boost pedestrian movement in the city. Public spaces will mainly located among new cluster of activities, or will enhance the existing ones. In addition, a system of green

Proposal

corridors will connect them as the public spaces are integrated with the paths. These new public spaces will activate new developments.

Raising the height and adding a new

4.4 Landmarks

red façade that can be opened in parts to show the utilities inside the building will activate the area.

Landmarks, the city’s most unique and

Opening the area in front of the building

memorable elements, help to define

as a public space, will improve the

[4] A new building constructed on top

the structure of the city and help the city

visibility of the building from the east

of Fort Washington Way would be a

to be readable for travelers. Landmarks

and provide a gathering space that

new landmark and would work as a

are one of the elements that shape the

can be shared with the church and the

magnet to attract people to the newly

image of the city; Kevin Lynch describes

temple.

developed area with the use of attractive

Urban Bridging

characteristic of the West End’s edge.

colors. The necessity of a landmark in

landmarks as point-references that take travelers’ attention (Lynch, 1960,

[2] The visibility of the Union Terminal,

that area is high as there is a block of

p. 78-83). In this project, landmarks

with its great Art Deco architecture,

inactive buildings with blank walls that

capitalize to reshape uniquely located

also can be increased by activating the

separate the Downtown to the Banks.

buildings to be more visually noticeable

Ezzard Charles Drive and improving the

and attractive, add visual focal points in

connectivity of the street.

strategic locations, and use them as attractions and river stepping stone to

[3] An existing utility building is located

improve the connections to downtown,

in the center of the Central Parkway

especially

axes. Currently, the building has a low

across

the

boundaries

between neighborhoods.

height and its non-interactive façade

5

is underutilizing its location that is [1] The old City Hall building with its

suited a landmark. Yet the use and

tailored and detailed façade is located

the shape of the building, highlights

in a corner with very limited visibility.

the

service

and

industrial

use

61

62

4.5 The Proposal

Landmarks

Transforming the building to a landmark

Improving and changing the facade by covering the old one

Green/Public Spaces Demolishing the existing building and

Creating a new public space on a vacant lot

creating a new public space New Cluster of Active Spaces Demolishing the existing building and

Constructing a new building on a vacand lot

Proposal

constructing a new building on a vacand lot Paths

Creating a complete street by shrinking the

Adding new pedestrian pathway to the street

Covering the highway, and constructing new

existing car lanes and adding trees, bike lane.

network, to ease the pedestrian connectivity

buildings and public spaces

Urban Bridging

Facade improvement

New Developments

Green/public Spaces

New pedestrian path

Covering the highway

Complete Street

63

64

4.6 Phases

Phase I

Phase II

ease connection between southern and

and

help

the

connection

between downtown, the West End, and Over-the-Rhine.

Public

parties,

northern part of downtown, and eastern and western part of West End.

Large Scale

Parkway street improvement work as

Small Scale

come to create stepping stones and Large Scale

attract new developments. The Central Small Scale

two blocks of I-71. New developments

to desirable for investment by private

Proposal

Starts with major connection and cover

the upcoming streetcar system to

public investment to convert this area

Investment

Public

Starts from major barriers and enhance

Investment

Urban Bridging

Phase III

Investment

Phase IV

Strenghten the bridges that created

Complete the projects and fill the gaps

in previous phases and continue fill

between and within neighborhoods.

Investment

the gaps in the urban core. Finish Large Scale

Small Scale

to toward west Central Parkway.

Public

paths, and extend the new development

Large Scale

development, add two new pedestrian

Public Small Scale

the Fort Washington cluster of new

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66

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