Bridging the Gap: Unite Cincinnati’s Fragmented Downtown Through Urban Design
Bridging the Gap: Unite Cincinnati’s Fragmented Downtown Through Urban Design A thesis submitted to the Graduate School of University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Community Planning March 2016 in the Department of Urban Planning of the College of Design, Architecture, Art, and Planning By Neda Mohsenian-Rad
Committee Chair: Prof. Danilo Palazzo Prof. Conrad Kickert Phillip Denning
Table of Content Introduction Fragmented City
5
Study Area 18 Historical Study
8
30 Physical Characteristics
Case Studies 43 San Francisco
14
47 Boston
Proposal 52 Paths
42
57 New Active Area 60 Public/Green Spaces Landmarks 61 62 The Proposal
50 * All images and maps are taking or created by the author otherwise it will be cited in the text
References
64 Phases
66
4
INTRODUCTION Problem Statement and Study Area
Washington Park. The Banks, art
is how to reconnect the islands of
centers and musuems around Walnut
activities that have been developed
Street including Contemporary Arts
in clusters in Cincinnati, Ohio’s inner
Center and Aronoff Center for the Arts,
urban core. Cincinnati’s urban core,
as well as some most historic nodes
which this project defines as the
including the cluster of City Hall, St.
Central Business District (CBD), The
Peter Chains Cathedral, and Isaac
Banks,
and
Wise Temple, Music Hall (OTR), Union
the West End district, exemplifies a
Terminal, Findlay Market, and Cincinnati
typical mid-sized American city with a
Ballet.
Over-the-Rhine
(OTR),
Urban Bridging
The main question of this thesis
fragmented spatial environment. Over few decades, there has
This strategy created a fragmented
been an attempt to revitalize and re-
urban core in which those different parts
energize the urban core of Cincinnati
are disconnected. Movement becomes
by adding different activities, such as
heavily auto-oriented and attractions
sport centers and cultural and public
become spatially isolated destinations.
places.
strategy,
Nevertheless, it has been some project
in many cases, started with different
to reduce this disconnection including
focus points or areas, resulting in
the upcoming streetcar that will be start
clusters
to operate in the fall of 2016.
the past
This
of
revitalization
well-defined
and
well-
designed urban spaces, while the rest of the district was largely neglected.
In
general,
Some examples of this clustered type
would
of development are OTR’s Vine Street
interaction, provide economic benefit
with new resturants, bars, renovated
to downtown businesses and generate
lofts, and brand new condos, and
higher
help
Improving
connectivity
accelerate
revenues,
and
social
generally
5
6
Wide car oriented arterial with a pedestrian bridge that connect the structured parking to Music Hall at Central Parkway
Introduction
One of the a few residential corridors in downtowan Cincinnati at Garfield Pl
Newly redesigned street with revitalized and renovated storefronts that are taking place at the edges
Cluster of City Hall and old worship buildings at Garfield Pl
Two block size building with inactive and blank walls at 6th street
and provides information about new
reshaping
experience, where social interaction
plans. The physical study, including
structure to the Big Dig and smaller
and exchanges take place.
land uses, distribution of unbuilt land
projects. These cases can inform
and green spaces, distribution and
strategies for Cincinnati.
the
city’s
administrative
This thesis is organized in six sections.
condition of store fronts, the location
Section one of the thesis begins
of new and upcoming developments,
In section four, the final section of this
with a study on the forces during
and city attractions, shapes a picture
thesis, the litreture reviews, the target
the last century that cause inner-city
that shows the areas that are active
area studies, and case studies are
fragmentation and disconnection in
clusters, create urban voids, or offers
distilled into a series of strategies and a
the United States. In this article seven
opportunities for change. Based on
holistic proposal. This proposal would
major forces are found, each changed
the
opportunities,
bind the fragmented district and create
and shaped the urban inner-core in the
and future plans, a list of options for
spatial and visual linkages between
North American cities.
intervention is provided.
the isolated islands in Cincinnati’s
existing
assets,
Urban Bridging
improve the lively and attractive urban
inner urban core. For each strategy, Second section looks at physical
Section three considers two case
including creating or enhancing paths,
characteristics
studies from San Francisco, California,
landmarks, cluster of activities, and
forces
and Boston, Massachusetts. The first
public spaces, physical implementation
that shaped them into their current
case study looks at the San Francisco
examples are provided.
status,
Urban Design Plan from 1971 and
history
to and
and
neighborhood
understand caused
the
disconnection
between and within each urban core
the
neighborhood in Cincinnati. Looking
new developments and improve the
at
provides
connectivity throughout the city. The
political
second case study looks at Boston’s
and social forces that changed each
disconnected riverfront, and the city’s
community, illustrates the needs and
various attempts to improve the city’s
problems each neighborhood faces,
connection to the riverfront, including
neighborhood
information
history
regarding
the
plan’s
strategies
to
manage
7
8
1.FRAGMENTED CITY The Study of Forces in the United States In this chapter, the general forces and plans that shaped and created inner city fragmentation has been studied.
neighborhoods with mixed land use
places of work and productivity, not
that
of
and density as a problem that needed to
to live. Residential
fragmentation including the waste land
be addressed. Planning professionals’
rezoned for offices, encouraging the
in inner city, lack of sense of community,
different proposals had one thing in
growth of the business district (Miller,
segregation, and so forth. The following
common: separation of uses, and
1997, p. 17-28).
list contains six factors that caused city
subdividing
fragmentation in last century in the
discrete zones (Miller, 1997, p.10-12).
were
created
as
part
neighborhoods
buildings
were
into
United State:
Fragmention forces • Zoning and land use policies
Urban Bridging
Many scholars studied the problems
• Abandonment of industry and warehouses • Increased automobile dependence, subsequent rise of surface parking lots
Fort Worth, TX. (http://airportjournals.com, 2016; own illustration)
• Racial differences and socio-economic gaps • Modern Architecture movement
Abandonment of Industry and Warehouses
• Concentrated and isolated urban plans
Zoning and Land use Policies
Urban renewal plans addressed old
As urban land uses changed (Trancik,
neighborhoods zoning the area for
1986, p.17) and cheap land became
From the 1920s to middle of the
public
creating
available in the suburbs, industries
1950s, the effort to improve the inner
“superblocks”
isolate
pushed to the outskirts of cities. In
city environment, segregated living,
and
separate
community
addition, with the start of the post-
shopping, and working, and resulted
from
the
city
industrial area, and closure of industries
in creating exclusionary zoning with
(Trancik, 1986, p.12). Across the county,
across the U.S., inner-city factories and
isolated
around
including Cincinnati, downtown areas
warehouses fell vacant and abandoned.
downtowns. In this era, planners saw
were attacked. Urban cores became
An eyesore for many years, these
neighborhoods
housing
and
that rest
would
the of
the
9
10
abandoned buildings have recently
to another, and would segregate the
build and expand America’s road
become
regular users and residents of those
infrastructure. To increase the flow of
area
cars, old streets were widened and
valuable
and
provide
excellent redevelopment opportunities.
(Jacobs,
1961,
p.
178-180).
the design of the streets reflected the
However, neglected buildings create a no-man’s land in some areas, and work as a psychological barrier between neighborhoods. In addition,
Increased Dependence on Automobiles + Surface Parking Lots
In the 1940s, parts of neighborhoods were bulldozed in order to create
the buildings’ placement on largescale blocks makes them hard for
In
response
pedestrians to pass, limiting the number
ridership
increased
car
the space for the Interstate Highway
dependency
on
System. As a result, vast lands in
of possible roads to access one part
the automobile, great amounts of
inner city were dedicated for car
to another, and lack of small blocks in
money and efforts were dedicated to
movements
and
to
those areas. Lack of small blocks, in addition to be an obstruction on the way of pedestrians, will cause social and physical isolation of one section
Fragmented City
needs of cars, rather than pedestrians.
Detroit, MI, Abandoned Industrial Building. (http://www.theseekerbooks.com/detroit/ AbandonAuto.html)
Boston, Massachusetts, 1985. (Trancik, p.2, 1986)
and
parking
spaces
were
1986,
p.5).
destroyed
Communities
and
make profit in the short term; avoiding
fractured.
building
permanent
structure
or
Massive infrastructure, unfriendly to
infrastructure now left the land open
human beings travelling by anything
for redevelopment in the future (Jackle,
but
p.156-157, 2004).
an
automobile,
now
created
rigid physical barriers that separated neighborhoods.
Racial Differences and SocioEconomic Gaps
As Americans drove more and more,
Other factors also contributed to the
the
separation
effects
took
physical
shape.
of
neighborhoods
and
Sufficient and plentiful parking became
populations.
a necessity. This need increased as
neighborhoods that formed at the
people increasingly moved to the
Racially
segregated
Ditroit, MI, 1977. Buildings replaced by parking lots. (Jakle and Sculle, 2004)
early twentieth century remain as
commuting every day by personal car.
creating parking spaces become the
make neighborhoods feel disconnected
Cities, now dotted with surface parking
priority in cities across the county. This is
to adjacent communities. While in
lots, quickly became “environmentally
evident through municipal policy, which
recent decades (since 2000), there is
unsound,
and
favored the physical changes to cities.
an absence of all-white neighborhoods
downright ugly” (Childs, 1999). Parking
Buildings were routinely demolished
(Gleaser
lots wrecked the old urban fabric,
and converted to parking spaces. By
dominated neighborhoods with low
weakened
of
the Depression, economically marginal
racial diversity are still very frequent.
place, and fragmented urban cores
buildings and previously residential
On the other hand, the number of
(Jackle, p.96-96, 2004).
areas were flattened to provide parking
low-diversity, black-dominated tracts
spaces, converting them into what
has been constant (Holloway, 2012).
suburbs. Downtown employees began
under-populated,
communities’
sense
Physically accommodating the personal
urbanits call “transitional” land use
automobile by widening roads and
zones. Surface parking lots aimed to
Urban Bridging
(Trancik,
psychological barriers that continue to
andVigdor
2001),
white-
Existing racial gaps in the cities were
11
12
exacerbated
by
the
revitalization
projects. These projects caused a dramatic increase in land values and created gentrification. High land values followed by increase in rent, housing price,
and
high
end
restaurants
and amenities made the revitalized neighborhood unaffordable for prerevitalization residents. New commerce shifts the population demographic both in race and socio-economic status, which created a racial and social gap within the neighborhood and its adjacent areas.
The Modern Architecture Movement Focusing on Monumental Scale Buildings and Open Space
and
sides of the street. Buildings became
functional environment (Le Corbusier,
monuments for private companies,
1929, p.337-343), instead it “becomes
and the open space at the base of the
dominated the style of new buildings
synonymous
inhumanity,
building was more of a stage for the
in the last century, changed the
desolation, and devastation� (Lefaivre,
building rather than a place to create
shape of the cities and freestanding
1989, p.17). Block-sized buildings, in
meaningful public space.
buildings
Modern
Fragmented City
Pruitt-Igoe, St. Louis. The new public housing next to old urban neighborhood. (Resource: Fred Mazelis, WSWS.org)
the
architecture
became
modern
planning
movement
provide
healthier,
with
greener,
common.
While
many cases, ignored the importance
architecture
and
of streetscape and created inactive
With the rise of modern architecture,
to
blank walls stretching along both
Camilo Sitte concerned about the
movement
attempts
a portion of them created physical
thinking for the city’s future. Instead,
of enclosed open spaces that were
and social gaps between districts.
plans focused on issues facing the
designed for walking human and based
Whether
successfully
target neighborhood, largely ignoring its
on its behavior (1889, p. 476-478 & 483-
improved the quality of life of residents
context within the surrounding area. For
484). The modern architecture praised
or not, they certainly lacked coherence
example, typical urban renewal plans
these
plans
and developed the plans that raze
created “superblock” buildings adjacent
and rebuilt the cities with monumental
to dense, low-rise neighborhoods with
scale buildings that were inspired by
narrow streets. This difference created
industrial society, defined a new sets
a strong psychological border and in
of aesthetic values (Le Corbusier,
many cases a physical barrier between
1929, p.337-343), and suits humans
neighborhoods.
in
cars
passing
Freestanding
through
generic
Urban Bridging
transformation of the cities and the loss
streets.
residential
By
the
1970s,
urban
renewal’s
buildings, which were built on the
destructive energy had eventually given
cleared land of old neighborhoods,
way to historic preservation. But historic
lacked a sense of place and sense of
preservation and revitalization projects
community, and disconnected the area
did not stitch these communities back
from its surrounding. Peter Calthorpe
together. As the city did not have a
and William Fulton (2001) condemned
cohesive revitalization and improvement
the generic style of Modernism and
plan, one portion of a neighborhood
asked designers to respect human
was revitalized while the rest of the area
scale and detailed buildings (p. 363).
remained neglected. Also, in many
Concentrated and Isolated Urban Plans
cases the city did not address socio-
During the last century, big plans that focused only on one neighborhood or
Vine Street, Cincinnati, OH. Due to the City effort the south side has been vasty revitalized, and north side was neglected. The two pictures are 30 feet apart! (Source, Google Map, 2016)
economic gaps between neighboring communities causing stronger division.
13
14
2. STUDY AREA
Cincinnati’s Disconnected Inner-core In this chapter, the historical and physical characteristics of the neighborhoods to understand the forces that shaped them into their current status.
CBD, the Banks, Over-the-Rhine, and the West End district, is quite typical for a mid-size American city with a fragmented spatial environment. Since the last few decades there was an attempt to revitalize and reenergize the urban core of Cincinnati. Adding different activities, for example sport centers, cultural and public places,
Vine Street, with sidewalk cafe and vibrant street life
Urban Bridging
Cincinnati’s urban core, including the
to this area was one of the strategies. This revitalization, in many cases, started with different focus points/areas causing clusters of well-defined and well designed urban spaces while the rest of downtown remained neglected. Some of the examples of cluster developments are OTR (Vine St.), the Banks, the
The Banks with new park & entertainment venue
museums around Walnut St., and some older nodes including the cluster of City Hall, St. Petter Chains Cathedral, and Isaac Wise Temple, Music Hall, Union Terminal, Findlay Market, and Cincinnati Ballet. This condition created a fragmented urban core in which those different parts are disconnected.
Fountain Square, a public space in the heart of Downtown
15
Study Area
16
Study area consists of the four neighborhood in the valley: Downtown, the Over-the-Rhine, the West End, and The Banks
automobile and attractions become spatially
isolated
and
fragmented
destinations. It should be noted that most forms of social interaction and exchanges take place when the cars have
been
parked.
By
improving
connectivity, social interaction can be accelerated, businesses can benefit,
Wide and unactive artery that divides two neighborhoods
streets generate higher revenues, and
Urban Bridging
Movements become heavily reliant on
in general urban experience occur. This thesis will neighborhoods
look history,
at each and
find
the forces that shaped each urban environment, causing disconnection between and within each neighborhood.
Blank walls facing main streets in city inner core
Inactive facades in a car oriented environment
17
18
2.1 Historical Study Central Business District Today location of Cincinnati’s Central
Cincinnati in the second half of the
Business District (CBD) was first shaped
1800s, and added jobs to the existing
as a river town in the 18th century with
commercial and trading employment.
a common grid system of township
The new factories initially located in
lines, and growing in time (Stradling,
Downtown along with commerce, small
2003, p.9). By 1850, the city became
shops, offices, and warehouses, and
America’s sixth largest metropolise and
grew along the Ohio River and the
one of the most prosperous cities in
canals to the suburbs. This change
the nation. Industrial sectors came to
disperse the concentration of jobs from
Block size buildings with department store came to the city, and turned the downtown to a shopping destination, 1878.
Downtown (Stradling, 2003, p.50-53). Department stores were another use that was introduced to the Downtown.
Study Area
Department stores arrived from 1830, and grew in number. This turned the Downtown to the shopping destination both for city residents and those living 1904, commercial and trading activities along the river
outside the city (Stradling, 2003 p.50-
Storefronts disapeared in the downtown area.
of residential developments, and the rise of automobile ownership and use, downtown retail declined in the mid-20th century. Between 1937 and 1955, the number of retailers declined 21 percent in downtown Cincinnati, and retail floor space shrank 16 Highway expansion reached to the downtown and replaced part of the grids and blocks by mid-1970s. The image shows the west part of the downtown.
percent (Jakle & Sculle, 2004, p. 159).
Skywalks drained street foot traffic.
Urban Bridging
53). However, with the outward spread
By the 1950s, the middle-class left the city, the downtown population declined, and highway construction reached to the downtown to connect people its to offices. This resulted in the removal of the south part of downtown and riverfront area for urban renewal. Highways, ramps, parking lots, and
Fountain Square before changes.
abandoned warehouses shaped the new image of the district, and separated the downtown from the riverfront. Many plans tried to revitalize downtown including, the riverfront park plan of 1948, the renewal of Fountain Square Storefronts disapeared in the downtown area.
that added a nice public space in
Fountain Square today.
19
20
the heart of downtown in 1960s, and
and
expanding
residential
a skywalk system that connected
opportunities,
major department stores, hotels, and
nighttime
headquarter buildings starting from
riverfront to downtown, and extending
1968. The Fountain Square, even
pedestrian-oriented
though it faced some changes, is
Associates, 1981).
promoting
activities,
day
integrating spaces
living
with a 3.6 mile loop, working 18 hours
and
a day, will connect the riverfront area to
the
(RTKL
still one of the main, active, and most famous public spaces in the City. The
Today,
new
residential
buildings
skywalk, on the other hand, was not
are coming to the Downtown, old
a successful project. The elevated
abandoned buildings are converted to
walkways that drained the already
condos, new storefronts are opened, art
weakened street foot traffic are slowly
centers as well as entertainment venues
disappearing today.
such as Contemporary Art Center and Aronoff Center. The upcoming streetcar
Due to its many problems, including difficulty of control and maintenance, and strangling retailers and restaurants on the ground floor, the removal and reconfiguration of the skywalk system was proposed as part of the 2002 Center City Plan (Healy, 2005; Yung,
Study Area
2012). One of the last pieces to shape downtown
is
the
Cincinnati
2000
Plan. The goals included increasing
The sign advertising for newly renovated apartments in downtown Cincinnati.
the Downtown and Over-the-Rhine.
in 2016, the neighborhood continues
In the study area, the West End
services.
to suffer from the lack of available
neighborhood has faced two periods of destruction and renovation and it has become disconnected and isolated the most from its neighboring communities. Slum clearance programs for old and congested neighborhoods like the West End and Over-the-Rhine, starting in the 1920s and lasting into the mid-
Urban Bridging
West End
West End in 1930, with congested and dense housing condition
1950s (Miller, 1998, p.9 & 15), wiped
In 1933, the city introduced an ambitious
out the old neighborhood pattern. The
plan aimed to clear 145 blocks and
West End, with old and dense housing,
replace them with sixteen superblocks.
became the top priority of city planners
Eventually, only two public housing
and officials for improvement. Health
projects
issues and bad living environments
people by race by providing one
resulted from the crowded housing
cluster of housing for whites and the
conditions, with the lack of open
other for African-Americans (Miller,
space as breeders of disease and
1998, p.23-25). With these changes
delinquency in the lower West End. The
the West End, once a mixed income
high population densityin the area was
neighborhood, became a reservation
as 1,500 persons per acre (Miller, 1998,
for Cincinnati’s poorest families, losing
p.17).
its small businesses, and groceries
took
place,
segregating
(The Cincinnati Enquirer, 2002). Today,
West End in 1930, with congested and dense housing condition
21
22
By 1950s, the I-75 Interstate’s extension
Slum clearance continued as in 1955 the
Even though these programs improved
bulldozed part of the neighborhood
City launched another redevelopment
the environment and quality of life
along the western edge, and new
project in the lower West End and
in West End, the area still could not
industrial developments at the north
displaced more residents (Miller, 1998,
overcome its general problems and
and east created large blocks that
p. 39).
still carry its stigmatized identity as a
sliced and divided the two residential areas (The Cincinnati Enquirer, 2002),
From 1980 to 2000, the CMHA HOPE
especially among Central Parkway.
VI project and Citi RAMA projects again
Another force that has segregated the
removed existing housing, this time
West End from its surrounding areas is
the superblocks, aimed to transform
that planners and developers see the
the neighborhood to a mixed income
edges of the West End as an appropriate
community again (City of Cincinnati
area for service uses such as parking
Department of City Planning, 2008, p.
spaces that benefit the uses in Over-
4). The projects were designed to offer
the-Rhine and Downtown. This strategy
diverse housing choices, from single-
continues the disconnection between
family row houses to low-rise multifamily
neighborhoods, which partially derive
housing built in the New Urbanist style.
from the lack of a cohesive plan that
Residents of the newly developed
embrace all these areas as a district that
district
spaces
needs to be addressed. For example,
with wide, shaded sidewalks. These
the West End was not included as a Tax
projects increased homeownership by
Increment Financing (TIF) district, while
190%, household income by 60%, and
both Over-the-Rhine and Downtown
racial diversity in the neighborhood and
are included as such districts (The City
attracted new families by tax abatement
of Cincinnati, 2015).
New housign as part of Urban Renewal effort, 1941
Study Area
minority and poor area.
enjoy
nice
green
(City of Cincinnati Department of City Part of the West End was bulldozed for the I-75 Interstate’s extension
Planning, 2008, p. 5).
Urban Bridging
New row houses, created mixed income community
New high school
New developments provided nice sidewalks and shading
Vacant schools remained from old fabric
Multi-family houses replaced the urban renewal super blocks
Surviving portion renewal era
of
the
urban
Central Parkway, dividing West End and OTR. This area mainly has been used as parking lots.
23
24
Over-the-Rhine Over-the-Rhine (OTR) has experienced significant change over the past two centuries. In the early 20th century, slum clearance was putting pressure on the neighborhood (Miller and Tucker 1998). Meanwhile, the neighborhood’s original German population moved out, and was replaced with poor white Appalachians and African Americans, who were displaced from the West End due to construction of Interstate 75 and slum clearance projects (Cincinnati
Study Area
Enquirer, 2002).
The old condition of the canal with resturants and festivals.
The mixed land uses and the diversity of people living in this neighborhood under
unhealthy
and
congested
situations, defined the neighborhood for city planners and officials as an extremely dangerous place that needed to be treated promptly (Miller & Tucker, 1998, p.10 & 17). There were different plans that consisted of demolition and bulldozing of the area. In 1924,
Overcrowded living condition in Over-the-Rhine
comprehensive zoning targeted the area for commercial and industrial
historic
land use, which planned to expand the
clearance projects took priority, and
business district and relocate residents
OTR remained untouched.
preservation.
Other
slums
uphill (Miller & Tucker, 1998, p.11 & 1718). Then a design in 1930s intended
By the late 1950s, the city’s new
to clear part of the OTR for public
campaign for urban renewal grouped
housing, and another comprehensive
the
plan in 1948 planned for clearance of
business district, and Over-the-Rhine
the so-called slums, including OTR,
together,
and build three communities of public
revitalization
housing there. However, the failure
OTR was considered as an appropriate
of these programs due to lack of
place for the middle-class who worked
funding, forced the city to deal with
for corporations located downtown.
these neighborhoods in a new manner
This new vision was articulated in the
(Miller & Tucker, 1998, p.11) such as
1964 downtown urban design plan.
central
riverfront,
slating
these
through
the
central
areas
for
preservation.
to this program and gave Cincinnati
of OTR and redeveloping the YMCA for
extremely slow moving and very few
a special status that hastened the
senior citizens, overlap with projects
of the plans were implemented around
buildup (Cincinnati Enquirer, 2002).
proposed by the CBC. Recently, 3CDC
this time, at least this new attempt
has
protected the OTR architecture and
projects (Cincinnati Enquirer, 2014;
urban fabric instead of demolishing it
In 1977, business leaders established
(Miller & Tucker, 1998).
the Cincinnati Business Committee
successfully
completed
these
Cincinnati Enquirer, 2015).
(CBC), which directed and assisted
Since 2003, 3CDC has methodically
Registration on the list of National
with
development
renovated many buildings, improved
Historic Places was the last major piece
projects (Miller and Tucker, 1998).
streetscapes, filled storefronts, and
to ensure OTR’s future protection and
Business leaders saw an opportunity
activated corner shops (3CDC.org).
preservation. At first, OTR residents in
to redevelop OTR as a thriving urban
Infill
the 1960s and 1970s were opposed to
neighborhood,
developing
and brand new condos, offer new
OTR’s historic designation, fighting to
buildings around Washington Park and
residents diverse housing choices.
prevent OTR from becoming a historic
Music Hall to provide urban housing
Old neighborhood residents enjoyed
district. Residents also pushed back
options
top
a corridor of bars on Main Street; new
against the urban design plan of 1964
priorities for corporate business leaders
restaurants, cafes, and shops added
and other revitalization efforts through
(Miller & Tucker, 1998).
along Vine Street provide diverse uses
downtown
for
area
and
employees
were
the second half of the 20th century,
projects,
increasing
Urban Bridging
Even though revitalization efforts were
density
in the neighborhood.
as they were afraid that revitalization
Perhaps the CBC was the precursor
projects would raise rent and indirectly
to
push them out of the neighborhood
Development
today’s
Cincinnati
Center
City
With these 3CDC plans and effort, now
(3CDC),
the market is continue developing the
(Miller and Tucker, 1998). As part of the
which focuses redevelopment efforts in
area, and new projects come to the
effort, HUD established lowincome rent
OTR and the central business district.
neighborhood. Infill development and
units in the neighborhood, by paying
Many of CBC’s proposals, including
storefront renovation accelerated.
landlords to add their old buildings
relocating the Drop-Inn Center out
Corporation
25
26
With all these changes and improved
Washington Park, and Vine Street and
safety, OTR has become a preferred
not Central Parkway widened the gap
place to live for many who want to live in
between Over-the-Rhine and the West
a vibrant urban neighborhood close to
End, and the disconnection became
their jobs and entertainment amenities
stronger. Central Pkwy increases the
(Cincinnati Business Courier, 2015).
disconnection and stands as a barrier
High rents and high-end restaurants
between these two districts.
demonstrate
the
neighborhood’s
attractiveness and prove that it has become a preferred place to live for many people. On the other hand, as it becomes a more desirable place to live, the market forces decrease its affordability, accelerating the effects of gentrification. At this point, the New shops increase the vibrancy of the neighrbohood
neighborhood’s
ethnic
make-up
is
slowly changing from predominantly African American to young, white professionals. The changes in OTR are dominantly
Study Area
focusing on its southern half, with Pleasant Street connecting the south to Findlay market. The higher socioNew street scape improved the area by adding trees, street furniture, and upgrading sidewalks.
economic difference and the focus mainly on inner part of such as
Banks Public Partnership, 2016).
The riverfront area has experienced a
With
major redevelopment over the past two
The Banks filled the city’s increasing
decades. An area once dedicated to
need for parking space because of its
manufacturing and trade has become an
proximity to Downtown. Buildings were
entertainment district wedged between
demolished and replaced by parking
two
stadiums.
lots. Meanwhile, as part 1948 master
New condos, restaurants, bars, office
plan, Fort Washington Way linked
spaces, future hotel, and a linear
the two major interstate highway to
riverfront park create a diverse cluster
increase the flow of the car movement,
of usage and activities and defines this
continued demolition of the south part
southern edge of Downtown.
of downtown, and added a wide system
professional
sports
emergence
of
automobiles,
To construct Fort Washington Way, part of downtown was demolished
Urban Bridging
The Banks
of roads and ramps. The construction of With the rise of steamboats in the
the Fort Washington way in 1958-1961
1810s, the Ohio River riverfront became
separated the area from Downtown
center stage for Cincinnati’s major
(The Banks Public Partnership) with
manufacturing and trading, connecting
its wide and complex arterials system.
through the system of canals to its
The highway worked as a physical
agricultural
inland
barrier that cut all of the north/south
industries. Not long after, rail replaced
street connections and separated the
steamboats as the predominant transit
riverfront from Downtown.
hinterland
and
system, and the area lost its prosperity. Also around that time, residents moved
In 1996, the City of Cincinnati aimed to
north, away from the river to avoid
revitalize the riverfront using economic
flooding and other health issues (The
development strategies, proposing a
Fort Washington Way link between I-71 and I-75; however, it divided the downtown from riverfront
27
28
new street grid and new development
the City skyline from the south as
(Urban Design Associates, 2000, p.
Cincinnati’s signature image (Urban
1; the Banks Public Partnership). The
Design Associates, 2000, p.25), which
public participation planning process
illustrates the importance of the sites
started to record and gather opinion and
location as the city’s gateway.
concerns about the area. Participants were asked to answer question about
The
Urban
Design
the general problems of Downtown, in
riverfront project became known as
addition to direct issues related to the
“The Banks” and outlined the following
riverfront area. Some of the concerns
design
was the weak retail and lack of enough
Associates, 2000, p.18):
principles
Master
(Urban
Plan’s
Design
entertainment activities in Downtown Cincinnati.com, 2014
, poor access and isolation of the riverfront and parking lots located on that area to Downtown (Urban Design Associates, 2000, p.14). One interesting
• Streets: re-establish the city grid to the river; • Parks and open space: transform existing isolated parks into a riverfront park system;
Study Area
response citizens was that they viewed
Cincinnati.com, 2014 Due to the lack car oriented of Fort Washington Way, most buildings facing the arterial have Inactive facade
Low capacity structure parkings and parking lots along the arterial
Urban Bridging
• Highway barriers: seize the opportunityto remove Fort Washington Way as a barrier to the riverfront; • Parking: create centrally-located, multipurpose parking; • Create economic development sites.
Today, the completed part of the plan are the two stadiums, a linear park in the river bank, new residential, office, and retails. There is also an ongoing construction for a new office and
residential
complex
(2A-2B).
Nevertheless, there are still a number of vacant lots that are planned to become a hotel and more office/residential buildings (Cincinnati.com, 2014). The Banks urban design plan
Cincinnati.com, 2014
The Banks urban design plan
Part of the banks project facing to the south
29
2.2 Physical Characteristics
30
low. As maps illustrate, housing is most concentrated in the northern part of the downtown, mainly in the West End and Over-the-Rhine area. Single family houses are mostly concentrated in the West End, while OTR mostly contains
Land Use
higher density multi family housing.
Land use maps illustrate the distribution
(Leinberger,
of uses and help to understand how
diverse use of retail, in addition, would
each area works. The number and
improve the livability of the downtowns,
distribution pattern of each uses has
and increase the demand for residential
important
and
uses in the area. Leinberger, in his
vibrancy of the city. Those who study
twelve steps for downtown revitalization,
walkability, which includes planners,
require the downtowns for providing
urban designers, market researchers,
wide range of housing choices, from
and health labs, realized the effects
moderate to high density, and both
and influence of land use distribution
market rate and affordable units (2005).
role
on
walkability
2005).
Increasing
the
Study Area
and density on walkability. The most important and influential uses on
In
many
American
downtowns,
walkability are retail/commercial and
including Cincinnati’s, a long history
residential. Retails can serve to create
of exclusionary zoning has pushed
purpose for walking (Speck, 2013).
out retail and residential uses from
A diverse range of retail including
downtown, and dedicated the area
urban entertainment, specialty retail,
for offices. Even with recent attempts
regional retail, and local-serving retail
and new mixed use development the
in downtowns is key for revitalization
housing ratio in downtown Cincinnati is
Office spaces are the predominant land use in the downtown area. Green spaces also are limited, especially regarding the high density of the area, witch requires more designed green spaces and parks for recreation purposes and environmental benefits. Lastly, industrial uses mostly occupy the north side of the West End and OTR.
Urban Bridging
Residential Uses
Commercial Uses
Industrial Uses
Governmental Uses
Park Uses
Religious Uses Source: CAGIS
31
Study Area
32
Figure Ground Map
Downtown, creating a linear barrier that
major artery, making it feel as though
ends the district’s dense street pattern.
the neighborhood has its back to the
The map shows the four districts of
OTR, just north of Downtown, is a
Central Parkway.
Cincinnati’s urban basin: Downtown,
compact
the riverfront, Over-the-Rhine (OTR),
small-scale, well preserved historical
The West End, on the other hand, has
and the West End. The differences
buildings.
historic
two disparate sections: the north and
between each district’s patterns can be
preservation
helped
the south. The northern part has been
described as follows according to the
preserve the neighborhood’s large
spared from urban renewal, preserving
map.
inventory of historic buildings over the
its old urban street and land use pattern
past decades, adding value to this
that resembles OTR. The southern part,
Downtown’s rigid grid street pattern
urban neighborhood. The vast majority
however, is a collection of different,
and large-scale blocks and buildings
of OTR’s urban fabric is composed of
newer urban projects from mega block
create a common central business
small buildings built on narrow lots. But
public housing to New Urbanism HOPE
district found in most US cities.
similar to Downtown, patterns change
IV housing. Each section has a different
Buildings cover most of the land,
along the neighborhood’s south and
pattern with large, unstructured lands
and there little ground remains. The
west fringe areas. once filled with
between
southern section of Downtown has
the characteristically small buildings,
districts that do not interact to make
considerably fewer open, vacant lots
now large buildings and unstructured
a
as compared to the district’s northern
landscapes, and surface parking lots
adjacent to Central Parkway, many
section, indicating the district’s original
fill that area. The change in urban
unstructured lands, structured parking,
form has remained relatively intact. As
fabric, especially noticeable around
vacant warehouses, and some urban
one moves north through Downtown,
Central Parkway, limits neighborhood
facilities have turned the eastern portion
the building footprints grow smaller in
interaction with the parkway. Major
of West End into a no-man’s land.
number and the inventory of vacant lots
civic buildings in OTR, such as Music
increases, weakening the district’s rigid
Hall, face away from Central Parkway;
It can be concluded that the neglected
street pattern. In addition, 1-71 divides
vacant lands and blank walls line the
Central Parkway district is an urban void
historic
district
Stringent policies
have
featuring
them,
cohesive
creating
neighborhood.
isolated Again,
-Rhine
of vacant lands and blighted buildings destroy the urban fabric of bordering neighborhoods
and
disrupt
the
continuity between these three areas. Roger Trancik describes “lost space” as “leftover unstructured landscape at n ow
nt
We s
ow
parking no-man’s-lands along the edge
D
the base of high-rise towers, surface
tE
nd
of freeways, and vacated industrial
Urban Bridging
he Over-t
or lost space. The area’s high number
complexes” (1986, p.3-4). To link the two parts and bind them together, creative infill is needed. In addition to the wedge that Central Parkway drives between neighborhoods, different patterns of
ks
an
streets, block sizes, architectural style,
B he
T
and building masses create different enclaves in the inner city of Cincinnati.
Small buildings on narrow lots in OTR
The wide unstructured landscape as a divider
Block size buildings with unattractive facades
33
34
Cluster of Activities
Jan Gehl evaluates the facades by their
storefront, however, can be seen as a
quality of interaction. The best edges
major problem, but also serves as an
Active streets facilitate walkability and
are those that are rich in details, and
opportunity for revitalization due to its
stimulate
Many
provide transparency and interaction
existing infrastructure of a storefront
articles attempt to list the characteristics
by display windows or open facades
opening.
that generate the vitality of the street.
(2004, p. 5-7).
social
interaction.
A mix of uses, especially retail, and interactive edges are common in many
In
lists that open the discussion about the
Cincinnati’s urban core were mapped
features of storefronts.
and divided to three categories: A.
this
study
the
storefronts
in
Study Area
transparent storefronts, B. storefronts Allan Jacobs, in his book “Great
with limited or covered display windows,
Streets,”
the
and C. vacant store fronts. In this thesis
transparency at their edges that best
the first group of storefronts were study
streets have in common, and describes
with attractions to map existing cluster
it as a quality where the public realm
of active spaces. Vacant storefronts
meets private property (p. 284). When
are studied in the next section with
the pedestrian is able to see through
vacant lands to show urban gaps
the windows, it provides the sense of
as well as opportunities. Group A,
invitation to view, to enter and buy, and
transparent storefronts attract travelers
to sit and enjoy the place. The display
and provides a positive image for the
windows grab attention provide visual
street. Group B storefront, even though
access, (Jacobs, 1995, p.286) and
they offer mixed uses to the street,
create active façades that generate
have limited benefit for improving the
enjoyable walking.
street environment and are hard to
(1995)
highlights
change. The last group, the vacant
Group A storefront with transparent window display
Group B storefront with covered windows but active inside
as magnets that bring people to the
active
location
street, and help surrounding businesses
stadiums,
to thrive. Consequently, storefronts
museums, music halls, squares, and so
and attractions were study together to
forth. Even though each of these places
depict the existing active clusters in the
attract different audiences, at different
district.
of
clusters
attractions,
are such
the as
hours, for different reasons, they work
Urban Bridging
Another factor to determine downtown’s
35
36
Cincinnati Library as one of the active points
Study Area
Court Street, a small cluster of small shops in the downtown
Revitalized Vine Street creates active area
In
the
post-industrialized
urban-
few.
Their poor design, absence of
core, vacancy and underutilized land
defined edge, and lack of shading
can be seen as inevitable. These
produce an unpleasant environment for
waste lands include surface parking
pedestrian passersby movements and
and
and
create urban gaps. On the other hand,
industries. These areas, with their lack
these lots are the most convenient
of human scaled design weaken the
lands available in the inner city for new
continuity of the street. Another major
development, green spaces, and public
problematic vacancy is the abandoned
spaces.
abandoned
warehouses
Urban Bridging
Urban Gaps
storefront which affects the street environment and its vitality. On the
Storefront vacancy is another problem
other hand, these vacant spaces can
that shows the lack of investment or
serve as an opportunity for downtown
market for the area. Neglected and
redevelopment and revitalization.
empty storefronts with peeling paint, torn awnings, or broken window, in
Surface parking lots, are mainly empty
addition, create an overall image of
except for business hours. These lots
deterioration for the street. However,
are the pre-dominant underutilized
passing these empty and inactive edges
lands in the inner-core of the City of
create an unpleasant experience; these
Cincinnati, and create a fragmented
storefronts are a valuable existing
inner-core.
infrastructure that can transform to vibrant retail and generate walkable
They disrupt the continuity of the street,
streets that link different parts of the
create many problems and benefit a
urban core.
37
38
Non-Active Environment Major Infrastructure Non-Active Environment Barrier
Major Infrastructure Barrier
Barriers
Central Parkway and Fort Washington
between. These corridors have some
Wide streets and highways in many
Way. Both streets are surrounded
active stores, but they are scattered
places
by surface parking, blank walls, and
and are not continues. Between active
vacant storefronts.
storefronts there are vacant storefronts
function
as
infrastructural
Study Area
barriers. As these links are mainly designed
to
accommodate
car
movement and not pedestrians, they lack
Problematic but Active Spaces
active edges. Two major infrastructure
In addition to active clusters and urban
barriers in downtown Cincinnati are
voids, there are areas that stand in
or lands that can be revitalized and create attractive and lively environemnt.
Urban Bridging 39
40
Future Drivers: Based
on
existing
Driver 1: Green Corridor
Driver 2: Infill Developments
opportunities
including green spaces, unbuilt lands, and historically important streets as
Union Terminal
well as upcoming projects such as the streetcar and new developments, a set of drivers for future intervention is provided. Each option delineates a specific array of assets and enhances existing conditions to reshape the district. The Banks
Create a green corridor to connect
Fill in the enormous number of unbuilt
existing green and public cores. This
lands. In this driver, infill developments
driver will use the existing unbuilt lands
will improve the condition of urban
to create green public spaces along
voids, but the quality of design and
the corridor. The start and end would
uses will determine the success and
be defined by two main public spaces:
vitality of the district. This driver is not
Union Terminal and the Banks.
able to answer the lack of enough
Study Area
public and green spaces in the district, or its disconnection to other districts.
Driver 4: Main Street Improvement
Driver 5: Status Quo
Focus on the area adjacent to the
Improve the district’s most important
Keep the status quo. Pick a cluster
streetcar for development, and create
streets. There are many historically
of developments based on existing
an active street that is supported by
significant streets that can improve the
infrastructure, land price, and vacancy.
public transit.
connectivity in the district and might be
These clusters would create small gems
The plan would improve the area’s
able to attract new development along
of new developments consisting of
connectivity, but it still would leave
the corridors, but would leave behind
residential, and office spaces and mixed
behind
important
City Hall and Bengals Stadium. In
use buildings that are disconnected
attractions, important nodes, and active
addition just streetscape improvement
from each other.
spaces such as the northern part of
might not be enough to improve
Main street, southern part of Vine street,
connectivity
the Bengals Stadium, the riverfront
developments.
some
of
the
park, City Hall, and the West End.
and
attracting
Urban Bridging
Driver 3: Streetcar development
new
41
42
Case Studies
3. Case Studies This chaper considers two case studies from San Francisco, California, and Boston, Massachusetts. The first case study looks at the San Francisco Urban Design Plan from (1971), as an example of large urban design intervention to shape the city and create a holistic urban environment. The second case studies different plans City of Boston, and its long history with different plans to improve connectivity and reconnect different part of the urban inner-core.
California
riders, and provided different strategies
on different techniques to create a better environment for walking and bus to create a cohesive city.
The Urban Design Plan for San
Hu, 2012, 2013, ). This plan was not
Beginning in the 1970s, the city of San
Francisco, 1971 is a model example of
limited to a small portion of the city, such
Francisco faced strong development
a large-scale and holistic approach that
as a public space, street, neighborhood,
pressure and change. This plan was a
addressed urban problems through
or district. Rather, it comprehensively
response to a growth control coalition
urban design. The Plan became a
considered a range of neighborhoods
created by residents of San Francisco
model for future urban design plans
and worked on the relation, linkage, and
concerned about the negative impact
for the city of San Francisco, as well as
image of all the communities to create
of unrestricted urban development (Hu
othercities across the U.S. (Abbott, 1993
a whole city. It provided visual factors
2012, 2013). Even though this plan
Where tall buildings could enhance views of the skyline
Where tall buildings could help define districts & Centers
Where tall buildings could improve orientation for travel
Urban Bridging
3-1. San Francisco,
that shaped the city’s image, worked
43
44
was a reaction to fast and unregulated
which included urban designers and
providing a sense of purpose and
development, its large-scale urban
planners, with the help of several
a means of orientation. Because of
design approach with a range of policies
consultants
and guidelines to transform and improve
of
the
participation
its comprehensive nature, the Plan
Francisco’s
community,
attempts to create a city-wide system
the city image, livability, walkability, and
outlined different concerns, including:
of improved connected streets. The
connectivity serves as a persuasive
development
objectives
case study for this research. The city of
neighborhood environment, and the
concrete policies (p.36-40). Some of
San Francisco, consequently, showed
future of the city. In each section, they
the most compelling policies include:
the concern of the effect of this growth
studied the city’s environment and
on physical and social aspect of the city
human needs, and provided a set of
in long-term, while acknowledging the
policies and guidelines.
San
and
pattern,
conservation,
importance of these developments for the growth of the city’s economy (City
One
of
the
of San Francisco, p.1-4). This approach
to
and mindset created a range of critics,
strengthening
improve
plan’s the
city
major
objectives
is
pattern
by
streets
are
complemented
• Moderate the relation between building forms to one another and to other elements of the city pattern so that the effects of new developments are complementary and harmonious with the existing context.
and
calling the plan a “control plan” (Vettel 1984), or referring it as an “invisible web” that opposed the force of the market-led “capital web” (Lai 1988).
Case Studies
The Urban Design Plan for San Francisco highlights the importance of
regulation
and
urban
design
guidelines and policies that shape the future of the city while preserving its quality. The authors of the plan,
A system of improved street with planting, lighting and street furniture
by
Narrow the streets and add public spaces
where that is possible (p.124-127). In addition, the plan concretely shapes San Francisco’s future urban landscape by proposing suitable sites for new developments. As the city experienced the pressure of development of tall buildings, they aimed to moderate “major
new
complement
developments the
city
to
Urban Bridging
focal points, or activity areas in places
pattern,
theresources…and the neighborhood The consistant use of one type of tree and row of lighting to create sense of order and continuity
environment” (p.79). Planners studied
• Make centers of activity more prominent through the design of street features and by other means. Sidewalks with distinctive paving, adequate lighting, and urban furniture (i.e. benches) should provide the needs of the merchants, shoppers, and other people using the area. • Recognize the natural boundary of districts and promote connections between them. Roads and other features of the city should not be barriers but work to create awareness of districts. • Increase the visibility of major destination areas and other points for orientation. Views from streets and
different aspects of the city, for example:
• other public areas should be preserved, and improve the major features of the city pattern.
In another section, the plan provides different
street
pattern
alternatives
for different scenarios, which would
• Where tall buildings could enhance views of the skyline • Where tall buildings could help define districts and centers, and • The effect of tall buildings upon views from nearby structures (p.76)
result in easier pedestrian movement and slower car speeds, especially at
New
buildings
should
intersections. Streets are part of public
the streetscape and should be in
spaces and should be seen as public
coordination and harmony with the
spaces by providing the amenity,
existing
shading and planting, and creating
new developments should respect and
environment.
enhance
Furthermore,
45
46
its efforts have been successful, the city would benefit from an overall plan similar to the Urban Design Plan for San Francisco, which controls growth and providing guidelines. Otherwise, unfettered growth and development might damage Cincinnati’s downtown environment, its livability, and its image for many years to come. However, Cincinnati 2000 Plan, provides some urban Bus stop that are attractive and eaily readable. Bus stop design should be based on the importance of the routes
design
related
goals
and
objectives, it lacks visualization and using urban design strategies for improvement.
improve open spaces and other public areas (p. 91-92). In general, the planners enhanced the streetscape and design, views and landmarks, and clustered new
Case Studies
developments throughout the city. Undoubtedly, the city of Cincinnati today constantly explores ways to grow, especially in its urban core. Because
The importance of street edges and building design
Massachusetts
Beginning
in
1989,
the
Boston
Roger Trancik, in his book “Finding Lost
Many forces caused the separation
Redevelopment Authority (BRA) and
Space” looked at the City of Boston’s
and
Boston’s
the City of Boston’s Planning and
transformation, studies the forces that in
neighborhoods,
physical
Economic
his opinion caused problems of linkage
and administrative issues. One of the
between the neighborhoods. Trancik
strongest
lists some of the strategies that city
caused by the elevated highway I-93,
have approved to improve this linkage.
with neglected adjacent lands that
He asserts that the neighborhoods
worked as a tall wall. Another reason
of Boston, are not sufficiently linked
was the administrative structure of
to one another. Even though the city
the city that treated each part as
benefits from historic textures and
independent entities, and as a result,
well-defined neighborhoods, the city
the linkage between them remained
lacks of a cohesive framework to tie the
underdesigned.
neighborhoods together into a united,
zoning laws also created a city with
fluid system. In addition, Boston’s
isolated districts (Trancik, 1986, p.140).
downtown
has
been
fragmentation
of
including
physical
separation
Master
plans
Development
Agency
Urban Bridging
3-2. Boston,
- Redesign of city administration structure - Replacement of the elevated I-93 artery - Urban Design guideline - Greenway Design Review - Complementary projects
was
Highway I-93
and
physically
separated from the harbor waterfront,
The
following
proposed
changes/
which historically defined the city’s
plans aimed to integrate different
character (1986, p.130-131, 149).
neighborhoods together: Boston 1985
47
48
developed an overall strategy for city
known as the “Big Dig”. There is still
planning in Boston (Palazzo, 2014).
controversy about whether the project
The groups outlined the following
was worth its cost or not. Originally
objectives:
projected to cost $2.4 billion, the city of
1. Mitigate the effect of the elevated
Boston ended up paying $14.8 billion
surface
for the projects, which took years to
roadway underneath as a physical
complete. Structural and construction
and psychological barrier to effective
flows created two lawsuits related to
connections and linkages between the
the project, and general dissatisfaction
downtown and the waterfront;
among residents (Hofherr, 2015). On
I-93
expressway
the
2. Establish an active urban character for
the other hand, this project improved
the area by the intensive utilization of
the image of the city, provided miles of
land and by the mixing of compatible
green space and public amenities in
land uses;
the inner city, reduced air pollution, and for
connected the downtown to the harbor
pedestrian access to the water’s edge.
waterfront (Trancik, 1986, 141, Palazzo,
(p.141)
2014, Hofherr, 2015).
3. Provide
Case Studies
and
maximum
opportunity
The elevated I-93 artery was placed
The
below
by
accompanied by other plans and
a greenway, a long linear green
projects, such as the Greenway District
area
Plan, State Street Plan, and Walk to the
ground with
activities.
and
different This
replaced designs
project
and
became
Greenway
project
was
Sea project. Greenway District Plan: the ongoing
The Big Dig plan
transformation of Greenway , the area
and infill buildings between downtown
activities along the greenway, and the
and the harbor edge (p. 142-143); Walk
vitality of the greenway district. As part
to the Sea, a one-mile path starting
of the guideline, the City of Boston
from the State House and Boston
required new buildings or substantially
Commons, passing among historic
renovated ones to have their primary
landmarks to historic waterfront, a
entrance
In
tour to the 400 years of Boston history
addition, cafes, retails, and other
with freestanding glass panels, each
publicly accessible facilities should
giving information about the place
enhance the greenway environment
and the path (nbbj, 2016; Walk to the
on top of the Big Dig, and its surrounding
and face the greenway directly (2010).
Sea, 2016); and Marketplace Center,
area that is taking place by case-by-
The plan also proposed to have 15% of
using underutilized land adjacent to
case approval projects; each are either
the dwelling units be made affordable
the central artery to create a linear
residential,
to middle class citizens (Palazzo, 2014).
public space, and mixed use buildings
The greenway
mixed-use
development
facing
the
greenway.
directing to waterfront.
or cultural facilities (Palazzo, 2014). Buildings have been approved as long
Smaller projects include: the State
as they could fulfill the requirements
Street Plan, an axis with high density
Walk to the Sea project
Urban Bridging
that help to revitalize the pedestrian
49
50
4. Proposal In this chappter a series of strategies is proposed. The strategies create a holistic proposal that would bind the fragmented district and create spatial and visual linkages between the isolated islands in Cincinnati’s inner urban core.
the them, activate the existing vacant
problematic areas that connectivity
edges, and strenghthen the uses that
has major problem, and work with
To improve connectivity and bridge
downtown needs. Revitalization areas
other design strategies to improve
different parts of the urban core, four
fill the gaps, and help the continuety
connectivity and weaken the existing
main design tools and strategies are
of
barriers between neighborhoods.
proposed, including:
connectivity.
active
edges
to
advance
the
Design Strategies • Paths: create a network of connections and places that bind neighborhood together • Active Clusters: Bring new cluster of developments and revitalization focus area • Green/Public Spaces: Add new public spaces to create stepping stones between
Urban Bridging
Design Concept
neighborhoods and attract new developments • Landmarks: Create visual magnets to attract people
Paths create a network of connections
Green/public spaces add new green
and convert streets to become desirable
gathering spaces along the paths.
public spaces. Paths were chosen
It would create sense of continuity
where
major
and connect existing parks, provide
problem, the path could create new
walkable public spaces for residents
connection, or the street has existing
and
infrustructure to become a lively urban
developments for the target places. It
street.
also would manage stormwater runoff
the
connection
had
workers,
and
attract
new
in a dense urban area. New cluster of developments are placed around chosen paths, reinforce
Landmarks create visual magnets in
51
52
• streets; • Problems:
4.1 Paths Street
public arts, and signage would help to improvements
auto-oriented
arterials
will to
convert
achieve these goals.
interventions
are
proposed
for improving downtown Cincinnati’s streets. Covering
desirable
the
highway,
streets, and accommodate different
Streets with higher priority were chosen
adding the space to the
modes of transportation, specifically
based on following study:
existing
non-automobile movements. A well-
• Assets: Mapping existing active
designed street will improve pedestrian and
cyclist
safety
clusters,
attractions,
and
main
street
spaces on top.
(Ossenbruggen,
2013), increase the value of nearby houses, retals, and offices, improve the business (NACTO, p. 5, 2013), and benefit the natural environment and its eco-systems. This strategy is a direct way of bridging the fragmented urban area and linking different
parts.
Shading,
sufficient
lighting, well-designed public transit stops, safe bike lanes, wide sidewalks,
grid
and
constructing new buildings and public
2001; Dumbaugh, 2006; Dumbaugh
Proposal
major
barriers and disconnections. Three
Paths:
Identifying
Covering the I-71, bring the grid blocks back, and creating new public spaces and buildings
Urban Bridging
Shrinking the automobile lane width, adding bike lanes, and widening the sidewalks.
Adding
trees
to improve the shading and manage the water runoff, and street furniture is important to create a desirable environment
for
pedestrians
and
cyclist. This scenario is applicable on major streets in the Downtown district including Central Parkway, Vine Street, Main Street, Race Street, 8th Street, 3rd Street and 2nd Street.
Revitalization and helping to activate current vacant storefronts
Connecting cluster of active storefronts by new developments and revitalization projects
53
54
2nd and 3rd: reducing the number of car lanes to ease pedestrian crossing and reducing car speeds. Adding bike lane, and water management system. On
Proposal
street parking are increased.
Dividing the space to both sidewalks and creating a wide open space in front of buildings for sitting.
Giving most of the space to the middle part for green space
Urban Bridging Reducing number of car lanes, while adding bike lanes and providing a wide public space in front of the School for Creative and Performing Arts. The space can be used for exhibitions, gathering, and performances.
e or for streetcar stop.
Giving most of the space to one side to create a big public space.
55
56
Adding
new
pathways
to
pedestrian the
street
network where there is a lack of connectivity. Two pedestrian paths are proposed. The first will connect Central Parkway to Washington Park, and will work as a green path. The second will ease the connectivity of the West End residential district to Central Parkway.
New pedestrian path
Proposal
Covering the highway
Complete Street
Active Spaces
arenas, cultural centers and stadiums
downtown district are movie theaters, art galleries, festivals, and museums, (Leinberger, 2005).
Businesses and activity points work
aims: first, attract people from one
better when they are settled as a cluster.
area to another to fulfill daily and/
Clusters of activities also help to fill the
or weekly needs and uses. Second,
gaps in urban environment and enhance
create
the large available underutilized lands
urban environment, bridge major city
in the urban core to reshape the
attractions, and fill the gaps.
a
connected
and
vibrant
Urban Bridging
4.2 New Cluster of
uses that improve and revitalize the
city’s environment. These areas are suitable for large development that can
A
vibrant,
livable,
address a shortfall in the downtown
downtown
and surrounding area. Clusters of
and sufficient housing, which are
new development or revitalization are
currently underrepresented in most
proposed based on following criteria:
American
a lack of specific uses in an area (for
2005; Carmona, 2010, p.206; Speck,
example residential or retail); existing
2013, p.71&112). Diverse retails that
infrastructure and facilities that can
offers various opening hours and
utilize new activities like abandoned
services, in addition, increase the
storefronts; and a lack of mixed land
walkability and vitality of the district
uses in between two active areas. New
(Montgomery, 1998; Leinberger, 2005),
clusters are to achieve the following
and reduce car dependency. Other
needs
and a
downtowns
mix
attractive of
uses
(Leinberger,
57
58
The following clusters are proposed: Central Parkway: Currently, Central Parkway is lined with an enormous amount of unbuilt and underutilized land, creating a major barrier that divides three neighborhoods including Downtown, the West End, and Over-the-Rhine. This new cluster of development, would connect the three neighborhoods. This area can become a transitional step from the residential area of OTR and the West End to the CBD with a mixture of residential units, office spaces, and live-work units. Furthermore, due to the Central Parkway location, its accessibility and the streetcar stop, this area is suitable to provide community and city services and amenities such as an urban-style supermarket, cultural centers, movie
Proposal
theaters, and a recreational center.
New buildings with new layout of the street
Urban Bridging
Sycamore Street: This development would improve the east/west axis between south West End to the east of Downtown, and create an end point for this axis. Fort Washington Way: The proposal will cover the highway and bring back the lost teeth of the street grid pattern by bridging over the major barrier that disconnected the Banks from the Downtown, and it will improve Cincinnati skyline. It should be noted that this area has the best view to the river and the green hills of Kentucky, and would be a great location for highend residential condominiums. For the success of this cluster, the frontages of the buildings need to be active, transparent, with limited blank walls or garage entrances.
Fort Washington Way
59
60
4.3 Public/Green Spaces Cincinnati benefits from well-designed public spaces such as Washington Park, Fountain Square, and the Banks. Nevertheless, Cincinnati suffers from a shortage of open and public spaces in its dense Downtown. Open public spaces will revitalize the urban core for same reasons as new cluster of active spaces, but provide different services to the area. These spaces will improve urban life and can boost pedestrian movement in the city. Public spaces will mainly located among new cluster of activities, or will enhance the existing ones. In addition, a system of green
Proposal
corridors will connect them as the public spaces are integrated with the paths. These new public spaces will activate new developments.
Raising the height and adding a new
4.4 Landmarks
red façade that can be opened in parts to show the utilities inside the building will activate the area.
Landmarks, the city’s most unique and
Opening the area in front of the building
memorable elements, help to define
as a public space, will improve the
[4] A new building constructed on top
the structure of the city and help the city
visibility of the building from the east
of Fort Washington Way would be a
to be readable for travelers. Landmarks
and provide a gathering space that
new landmark and would work as a
are one of the elements that shape the
can be shared with the church and the
magnet to attract people to the newly
image of the city; Kevin Lynch describes
temple.
developed area with the use of attractive
Urban Bridging
characteristic of the West End’s edge.
colors. The necessity of a landmark in
landmarks as point-references that take travelers’ attention (Lynch, 1960,
[2] The visibility of the Union Terminal,
that area is high as there is a block of
p. 78-83). In this project, landmarks
with its great Art Deco architecture,
inactive buildings with blank walls that
capitalize to reshape uniquely located
also can be increased by activating the
separate the Downtown to the Banks.
buildings to be more visually noticeable
Ezzard Charles Drive and improving the
and attractive, add visual focal points in
connectivity of the street.
strategic locations, and use them as attractions and river stepping stone to
[3] An existing utility building is located
improve the connections to downtown,
in the center of the Central Parkway
especially
axes. Currently, the building has a low
across
the
boundaries
between neighborhoods.
height and its non-interactive façade
5
is underutilizing its location that is [1] The old City Hall building with its
suited a landmark. Yet the use and
tailored and detailed façade is located
the shape of the building, highlights
in a corner with very limited visibility.
the
service
and
industrial
use
61
62
4.5 The Proposal
Landmarks
Transforming the building to a landmark
Improving and changing the facade by covering the old one
Green/Public Spaces Demolishing the existing building and
Creating a new public space on a vacant lot
creating a new public space New Cluster of Active Spaces Demolishing the existing building and
Constructing a new building on a vacand lot
Proposal
constructing a new building on a vacand lot Paths
Creating a complete street by shrinking the
Adding new pedestrian pathway to the street
Covering the highway, and constructing new
existing car lanes and adding trees, bike lane.
network, to ease the pedestrian connectivity
buildings and public spaces
Urban Bridging
Facade improvement
New Developments
Green/public Spaces
New pedestrian path
Covering the highway
Complete Street
63
64
4.6 Phases
Phase I
Phase II
ease connection between southern and
and
help
the
connection
between downtown, the West End, and Over-the-Rhine.
Public
parties,
northern part of downtown, and eastern and western part of West End.
Large Scale
Parkway street improvement work as
Small Scale
come to create stepping stones and Large Scale
attract new developments. The Central Small Scale
two blocks of I-71. New developments
to desirable for investment by private
Proposal
Starts with major connection and cover
the upcoming streetcar system to
public investment to convert this area
Investment
Public
Starts from major barriers and enhance
Investment
Urban Bridging
Phase III
Investment
Phase IV
Strenghten the bridges that created
Complete the projects and fill the gaps
in previous phases and continue fill
between and within neighborhoods.
Investment
the gaps in the urban core. Finish Large Scale
Small Scale
to toward west Central Parkway.
Public
paths, and extend the new development
Large Scale
development, add two new pedestrian
Public Small Scale
the Fort Washington cluster of new
65
66
REFERENCES 3CDC. (n.d.). Who we are. Retrieved March 17, 2016, from
www.cincinnati-oh.gov/streetcar/design-route/
http://www.3cdc.org/who-we-are/ Coolidge, Sharon. “End of an era at the Drop Inn Center.” Alltucker, K. 30 years of undermining neighborhoods, 2002,
Cincinnati Enquirer, October 2015. Accessed December 3,
enquirer.com
2015.
Calthorpe, P., & Fulton, W. (2001). The regional city. in second
Corbusier, L. (1929). The city of to-morrow and its planning. in
edition (Larice, M., Macdonald, E.) The City Reader. Routledge.
second edition (Larice, M., Macdonald, E.). The City Reader. Routledge.
Caproni, E. “Here’s how OTR’s economic engine continued to roar in 2015.”Cincinnati Business Courier, November 2015.
Dumbaugh, E. (2006) Design of safe urban roadsides: An
Accessed December 7, 2015.
empirical analysis. Transportation Research Record 1961: 74– 82.
Carmona, M. (2010). Public places, urban spaces: the dimensions of urban design. Routledge.
Dumbaugh, E., Li, W., & Joh, K. (2013). The built environment and the incidence of pedestrian and cyclist crashes. Urban
Childs, M. C. (1999). Parking spaces: a design, implementation,
Design International,18(3), 217-228.
and use manual for architects, planners, and engineers.
References
Glaeser, E. L., & Vigdor, J. L. (2000). Racial segregation: City of Boston. (2010). Greenway District Planning Study Use
Promising news. Redefining Urban & Suburban America:
and Development Guideline
Evidence from Census, 1, 211-234.
City of Cincinnati. (2016). Design & Route. Retrieved from http://
Healy, P. O. (2005, August 3). Rethinking Skyways and tunnels.
a car culture. University of Virginia Press.
Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2005/08/03/realestate/ rethinking-skyways-and-tunnels.html?_r=0
Leinberger, C. B. (2005). Turning around downtown: Twelve steps to revitalization. Brookings Institution Center on Urban
Hofherr, J. (2015, January 5). Can We Talk Rationally About the
and Metropolitan Policy.
Big Dig Yet? Retrieved March 7, 2016, from http://www.boston. com/cars/news-and-reviews/2015/01/05/can-talk-rationally-
Lynch, K. (1960). The image of the city (Vol. 11). MIT press.
about-the-big-dig-yet/0BPodDnlbNtsTEPFFc4i1O/story.htm Lefaivre, L. (1989). Dirty realism in European architecture today. Holloway, S. R., Wright, R., & Ellis, M. (2012). The racially
Design Book Review, 17, 17-20.
fragmented city? Neighborhood racial segregation and diversity jointly considered. The Professional Geographer, 64(1), 63-82.
Miller, Z. L., & Tucker, B. (1998). Changing plans for America’s inner cities: Cincinnati’s Over-the-Rhine and twentieth-century
Hu, R. (2012). To Grow or Control, That is the Question San
urbanism. The Ohio State University Press.
Francisco’s Planning Transformation in the 1980s and 1990s. Journal of Planning History, 11(2), 141-160.
Montgomery, J. (1998). Making a city: Urbanity, vitality and urban design. Journal of Urban Design, 3(1), 93-116.
Hu, R. (2013). Urban Design Plans for Down town San Francisco: A Paradigm Shift?. Journal of Urban Design, 18(4), 517-533.
NACTO. (2013). Urban Design Guideline
Jacobs, A. B. (1993). Great Streets. MIT Press.
Ossenbruggen, P.J., Pendharkar, J. and Ivan, J. (2001) Roadway safety in rural and small urbanized areas. Accident Analysis &
Jacobs, J. (1961). The death and life of great American cities.
Prevention 33(4): 485–498.
Vintage. Palazzo, A. L. (2014). The Boston Greenway: Form and Process Jakle, J. A., & Sculle, K. A. (2004). Lots of parking: Land use in
Issues at Stake. Journal of Urban Design, 19(3), 352-367.
RTKL Associates. (1981, June). Cincinnati 2000 Plan, A
Environmental and Urban Design Values in Central Business
Comprehensive Plan for Downtown Cincinnati.
District Regulation, 12 EcologyL.Q.Walk to the sea. (NBBJ.). Retrieved March 7, 2016, from www.nbbj.com/work/the-nor-
San Francisco Planning Department. (1971). the Urban Design
man-b-leventhal-walk-to-the-sea/
Plan, the Comprehensive Plan of San Francisco Walk to the sea. (n.d.). Walk to the sea. Retrieved March 7, Sitte, C., & Justement, L. (1946). The art of building cities. The
2016, from http://www.walktothesea.com/about-the-walk.html
City Reader. Routledge. Yung, J. (2012, February 24). The story behind Cincinnati’s Speck, J. (2013). Walkable city: How downtown can save
slowly disappearing skywalk system. Retrieved from http://
America, one step at a time. Macmillan.
www.bizjournals.com/cincinnati/blog/2012/02/the-story-behind-cincinnatis-slowly.html
Stradling, D. (2003). Cincinnati From River City to Highway Metropolitan. Charleston, South Carolina: Arcadia. Trancik, R. (1986). Finding lost space: theories of urban design. John Wiley & Sons. Tweh, B. “$27M Central Parkway Y renovations to start soon.” Cincinnati Enquirer, October 2014. Accessed December 3, 2015. Tseng-Yu Lai, R. (1988) Law in Urban Design and Planning: the invisible web, New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Vettel S. L. . (1985). San Francisco’s Downtown Plan: