Urban rooms of Sarajevo: Transforming urban public Spaces using interior design tools

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U r b a n r o o m s o f S a r a j e v o : Tr a n s f o r m i n g u r b a n p u b l i c s p a c e s u s i n g i n t e r i o r d e s i g n t o o l s

Accessibility

The general perception is that public spaces are open to all, regardless of their management and ownership status. The term public signifies that a space is “open to or shared by all the people”.37 Urban theorists, however, define public spaces as “all areas that are open and accessible to all members of the public in a society, in principle, though not necessarily in practice” (Neal & Orum, 2010). Both definitions imply that physical and psychological accessibility is a highly significant but contested aspect of contemporary public spaces. It is precisely what makes places public, and capable of echoing the changes in contemporary society: “In the processes of urban change, the conditions of accessibility are subject to change, hence changing the nature of public spaces” (Madanipour, 2010). Accessibility is deeply intertwined with the concept of publicness (Varna & Tiesdell, 2010) on one hand, and the issues of control, management and ownership on the other. Traditional notions of public spaces (parks, plazas, squares and streets) in which people normally gather are associated with public ownership, unlike the home or workplace, which belong to the private realm. In the contemporary context, spaces such as beaches, parks, squares and theatres are considered public if they are open to everyone. Alternatively, if a space is defined by boundaries allowing or denying the right of access, it is regarded as private (Gauss & Benn, 1983). The more permeable the boundaries of the space, the more accessible that space becomes to the public. Accessibility directly determines the scope of places considered to be public, from traditional spaces such as parks, plazas, squares and streets to new places, like privately-owned public spaces (POPs) (Miller, 2007) and transport hubs. Keeping in mind that market forces lie in the background of new hybrid typologies, the genuine publicness and openness of these spaces is subject to critical assessment. 37

Oxford Dictionary, retrieved November 2018.

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LIST OF FIGURES

12min
pages 300-306

VII. SUMMARY

1min
pages 289-291

BIBLIOGRAPHY

17min
pages 292-299

Urban room No. 4: Radiceva Street

4min
pages 267-273

Urban room No. 5: Grbavica Marketplace

4min
pages 274-280

VI. CONCLUSIONS

6min
pages 281-288

Urban room No. 3: Marsala Tita 34 interior courtyard

5min
pages 260-266

Urban room No. 2: Tekija cikma courtyard

6min
pages 253-259

Intervention methods: focus on urban acupuncture

29min
pages 180-205

Urban room No. 1: Velika avlija Laure Papo

5min
pages 246-252

Targeted outcome: urban rooms

29min
pages 206-230

Intervention target: urban voids

7min
pages 175-179

Summary

6min
pages 164-170

IV. FROM URBAN VOIDS TO URBAN ROOMS

3min
pages 171-174

In between formal and informal approaches

8min
pages 148-154

The transition from socialism to capitalism

7min
pages 135-141

Scale

12min
pages 77-88

Urban activity

10min
pages 98-108

Enclosure

9min
pages 89-97

Urban atmosphere

10min
pages 118-127

Accessibility

8min
pages 109-117

Summary

2min
pages 128-130

Typology

18min
pages 57-76

Summary

4min
pages 48-52

From Early Yugoslav to Socialist Yugoslav Sarajevo

9min
pages 32-40

INTRODUCTION

1min
pages 9-10

From Ottoman to Habsburg Sarajevo

6min
pages 22-26

From Socialist Yugoslav to contemporary Sarajevo

8min
pages 41-47

From Medieval Vrhbosna to Ottoman Sarajevo

7min
pages 15-21

FOREWORD

2min
pages 7-8

From the Habsburg Era to Early Yugoslav Sarajevo

6min
pages 27-31
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