The Balance of Power

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POWER WINTER MAGAZINE JANUARY 2020

From the Editor's Desk

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ournalists strive to bring justice to the unjust; we work as checks and balances against authorities — and this doesn’t just apply to politics. The misuse of power surrounds us — inflated produce prices in food deserts, predatory loan practices, market conglomerates, gentrification.

This edition of our biannual magazine explores these everyday imbalances of power, subtle and overt.

Our digital managing editor explored the tension between landlords, leasers and the city, and our digital editor unpacked the history of Athens’ uncompetitive, monopolized elections.

Our staff writers also explained our country’s judicial system, the complex legalities of gerrymandering and congressional lawmaking, while our opin-

ion staff offered insight into why Ohio still matters as a swing state and deliberated local governments’ attempts to ban or tax the use of single-use plastic bags.

Freshman staff writer Abby Neff interviewed Dean Kahler, a Kent State University alumni, former Athens County commissioner and survivor of 1970 Kent State shooting. This year, 2020, marks the 50th anniversary of the shooting. The events at Kent State serve as a reminder of the danger of imbalanced, weaponized and misused power.

This edition marks the first iteration of our winter magazine and our first themed print product. While The New Political is constantly pushing the digital frontier, our magazines allow us to experiment outside of our comfort zone with a new medium.

Crafting this magazine and curating this theme were not easy feats. Therefore, I want to thank my newly appointed managing and digital managing editors, Ben Peters and Sarah Donaldson, for their thankless work. Also, cheers to our Digital Editor Tim Zelina, News Editor William Meyer, Opinion Editor Charlotte Caldwell and our editorial and opinion teams. On a personal note, I’d like to thank my parents and friends for their patience and compassion.

Finally, thank you, our readership, for your support. We hope to continue to serve the community as an independent voice for Athens.

Maggie Prosser, Editor-In-Chief 1

Winter Magazine, January 2020

OUR TEAM

Editor-In-Chief Managing Editor Digital Managing Editor News Editor Digital Editor Opinion Editor Social Media Director Staff Writers

Opinion Writers

Maggie Prosser Ben Peters Sarah Donaldson William Meyer Tim Zelina Charlotte Caldwell Zoe Stitzer Emily Crebs Abby Neff Nolan Cramer Emily Zeiler Zach Zimmerman Maddie Kramer Hadley Mull Zach Richards

OUR CONTENT

LAWMAKING Explainer on how a congressional bill becomes law. ..............................3

POOR CONNECTION Broadband access in southeastern Ohio. ...............................................15

GERRYMANDERING How political mapping harms Ohioans and democracy. ................5

ATHENS ELECTIONS Athens’ political landscape stifled by uncompetitive elections. ..........17

LANDLORDS & LEASERS Tensions between landlords, tenants and city mount. ................................7

PINK TAX States should consider universal repeal of ‘pink tax.’ .........................19

FUNDAMENTAL FAIRNESS A look into the judicial system in Ohio. .................................................9

2020 RACE & OHIO Democratic presidential hopefuls should not overlook Ohio. ...........20

1970 Marking the 50th anniversary of the Kent State shooting. ................11

THE COUNTER OPINION Three opinion writers discuss plastic bag bans. .............................21

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• EXPLAINER •

CONGRESSIONAL LAWMAKING: HOW A BILL BECOMES A LAW

By Emily Zeiler Staff Writer

L PHYSICAL copies of the bill are made available for members of both chambers; they’re also made available online for the public to read.

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egislating in the U.S. Congress is a complicated process, often times involving several twists and turns before a bill officially becomes supreme law of the land.

The first step of lawmaking in Congress is for a member in either the Senate or the House of Representatives to introduce a bill. The bill is then referred to appropriate committees by the speaker of the House or the Senate’s presiding officer or majority leader. A time limit may be placed on the committees to work on the legislation.

Elected officials get ideas for bills through lobbying.

Lobbies are special interests that impact legislation about their causes. Lobbyists influence bills by convincing elected officials to either kill a potential bill that doesn’t align with their interest, or persuade officials to modify a bill to their benefit.

The bill is given a number, which is attached to either the letters ‘S’ (for Senate) or ‘HR’ (for House of Representatives) to signify the chamber of origin.

The majority of work on a bill is done while it’s in committee. Committee chairmen decide whether to hold a public hearing to get opinions on proposed legislation from relevant officials or agencies. The chairman and members of a committee then begin the process of markup, which allows for debate, amendments or rewrites of a bill.

Winter Magazine, January 2020

Following the markup process, the bill is voted on by committee members for it to leave the committee for a floor vote. If the committee “CONGRESS does not vote it out, the bill dies. in session is Congress When the bill is presented to a chamber, the speaker of the House or the on public exhibition, whilst Senate majority leader decide when Congress in its committee it will be presented to the respective rooms is Congress at work.” chambers to be debated and amended.

Bills’ amendment processes differ beWOODROW WILSON tween the chambers.

28th President In the House, a representative can only make an amendment to a piece of legislation by getting permission from the rules committee — the committee that sets parameters for floor procedures in the chamber.

But in the Senate, any member can make an amendment proposal without permission, as long as the changes are relevant to the content of the bill.

A majority vote is needed for any amendment to be added to the bill.

After debate, the chamber will hold a majority vote to pass the bill to the other chamber, where the process repeats. If a majority of the chamber does not vote to approve a bill, it dies and will not change hands to the other chamber.

Often, chambers will pass slightly different versions of a bill. If there are multiple or significant differences, the chambers meet in committee to reconcile the inconsistencies. If a compromise is made, then a conference report is written up. If there is no compromise, then the bill dies. The conference report goes up for a vote in each chamber. If it doesn’t pass in both chambers, the bill dies.

After the conference report, the bill is sent to the president’s desk for approval. If approved, the bill becomes a law.

If Congress is in session and the president does not sign the bill within 10 days, the bill becomes a law. A pocket veto may occur if the president takes no action on a bill and Congress adjourns its session.

If the president vetoes a bill, Congress may overturn the decision with a two-thirds vote in both chambers, but this is quite rare.

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HOW POLITICAL MAPPING HARMS OHIOANS

By Zach Zimmerman Staff Writer

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n 2018, the Republican Party held on to 12 of 16 U.S. House of Representatives seats in Ohio, while only winning 52% of the popular vote; Democrats held on to four, and this 12 to four difference has not changed since 2012.

Unequally distributed results like these have happened nationwide. Such an outcome in Ohio is a result of a gerrymandered congressional map drawn by a Republican-dominated legislature in the aftermath of the 2010 midterm elections. Gerrymandering is the process of manipulating the boundaries of congressional districts to favor one political party.

The map was ruled unconstitutional in May 2019 by a three-judge panel for the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Ohio. The court ordered a new map to be drawn for use in the 2020 election.

“We cannot allow gerrymandered maps to rob Ohioans of their constitutional right to have their voice fairly represented in Congress,” Ohio Sen. Sherrod Brown said in a statement released following the court’s decision.

Less than two months later, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that feder5

al courts shouldn’t decide federal redistricting cases, meaning the current map will be in place until 2022.

“We have no commission to allocate political power and influence in the absence of a constitutional directive or legal standards to guide us in the exercise of such authority,” Chief Justice John Roberts said in the majority opinion.

This ruling impacted not only Ohio, but also other states such as Wisconsin, North Carolina, Maryland and Michigan. Previous rulings by lower courts attempted to intervene on gerrymandered maps, but the Supreme Court’s decision prevents federal courts’ involvement in political matters, such as gerrymandering.

With that being said, Ohio’s congressional map has a reputation for being gerrymandered. When the map was drawn following the 2010 midterm election, the majority party did what they could to give themselves an advantage, from drawing bizarrely shaped districts to pitting incumbents against each other.

Rep. Jim Jordan, who represents Ohio’s 4th district, has proven to be highly controversial, yet has been reelected every election since 2006 with at least 58% of the vote. His district stretches from Lorain County outside of

Winter Magazine, January 2020

“IN A HEALTHY DEMOCRACY, CONSTITUENTS SHOULD BE THOSE WHO PICK THEIR ELECTED LEADERS.” Cleveland, to down south toward outer suburbs of Columbus and westward past Urbana — within 12 miles of the Indiana border.

Meanwhile, Rep. Marcy Kaptur’s 9th district, also known as the “snake by the lake,” stretches over 100 miles from Cleveland to neighborhoods west of Toledo. When this district was created, it pitted two incumbents, Kaptur and former Rep. Dennis Kucinich, in a reelection battle against each other. Other scrutinized districts include Rep. Marcia Fudge’s 11st Congressional District, as well as Democratic Rep. Tim Ryan’s 13th District.

Athens County is represented by two congressional districts. A small portion of eastern Athens County is part of Ohio’s 6th Congressional District, represented by Rep. Bill Johnson. This district stretches from Lawrence and Scioto Counties in southern Ohio up to Mahoning and Columbiana Counties around Youngstown, in northeast Ohio.

The rest of Athens County is part of Ohio’s 15th Congressional District, represented by Rep. Steve Stivers. This district stretches from Athens to Clinton County near Dayton and up to parts of Franklin County surrounding Columbus. The suburbs of Columbus and central Ohio have vastly different interests from southeastern, Appala-

chian Ohio. This is just one of a number of problems that are caused by gerrymandering.

“Extreme radical partisan gerrymandering is about politicians picking their constituents,” Kaptur said following the ruling that Ohio’s map was unconstitutional. “In a healthy democracy, constituents should be those who pick their elected leaders.”

In 2018, Issue 1 — a redistricting reform package — passed in Ohio with 75% of voters approving it. Both parties backed the package.

Under the reform package, the district lines have to be approved by 60% of state legislators, and 50% of legislators from both political parties in order for a congressional district map to be approved.

If a map is not approved, the state’s governor, auditor, secretary of state and four lawmakers form a commission to either approve or decline the proposal.

If the new map is not approved by the commission, it is sent back to the Statehouse with a lower approval threshold.

This would differ from standard guidelines for redrawing districts in other states, where the state legislature has the responsibility of drawing the lines for the governor to approve.

The issue was praised by many in hopes that it will help control gerrymandering in Ohio.

“Partisan gerrymandering has become the unfortunate status quo in the United States, and it’s about time we end this undemocratic practice,” Ryan said, following the decision of the three-judge panel in May. “These unfair maps perpetuate a cycle where districts are drawn to benefit the people in power. Ohio voters should choose their representatives, not the other way around.”

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By Sarah Donaldson Digital Managing Editor

&LEASERS

LANDLORDS

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ollege students and a lost security deposit: It’s a tale as old as time.

But a landlord choosing not to return the security deposit at the end of a lease is not always the result of a water heater being thrown off a balcony or ripping a kitchen counter from the wall during a drunken college party.

The transient nature of a city like Athens — where the population is widely college students who spend a few years in town before they pack their bags and move on — puts local landlords at an advantage over their tenants.

“If [students are] trying to leave town and get about their careers, the last thing they need to do is be involved in a lawsuit,” former City Councilmember Pat McGee said.

McGee, who recently finished his final term as a member of Athens City Council in December and retired from Ohio University’s Center for Student Legal Services after 19 years, said the city is sometimes complicit in the is-

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sues students and local residents face with housing and landlords.

Currently, no tenants serve on council, according to McGee. However, two current members of City Council — Sarah Grace and Peter Kotses — are landlords.

“You have a council that is not necessarily sympathetic to tenants,” he said.

“They’re too busy playing this game of ‘We don’t want the students to take over Palmer Street or have spring fests’ or anything.”

While he said that City Council could play a larger role in protecting tenants, the job of enforcing regulations and laws on landlords is up to the city executives, which includes the mayor’s office, code enforcement and the city law director.

“The city’s been pretty lax as far as trying to put the pressure on the landlords,” he said.

McGee said there are a few repeat offenders in town — he thought of three

Winter Magazine, January 2020

or four landlords who have routinely had issues with students, although he did not name them.

Ohio U students often feel pressured to sign their off-campus leases nearly a year in advance of the lease’s actual start date. Additionally, many of the leases offered to students require “joint and several liability,” which loosely means that each tenant who signed the lease is equally responsible for any damages done to the property.

McGee said these two situations drive housing issues in Athens.

But Kimberlee Francis, the managing attorney at the Center for Student Legal Services, said it’s all about knowing and exercising your legal rights as a tenant.

If they pay the $15 fee per semester, students living on and off campus have access to the CSLS for a variety of legal issues they may face while in college.

Francis has handled a large portion of the center’s tenant/landlord disputes since she started as a staff attorney in 2014. In 2019, tenant/landlord disputes made up 36.65% of what students were advised on by the CSLS, according to Courtney Turner, the center’s office manager.

Francis said the center is able to offer legal counsel on rental condition issues that result in lease termination, security deposits, contract, and renewal issues. It also has a “lease review” service, where students can sit down with an attorney at the CSLS and walk through each part of a lease prior to signing.

But when it comes to renting, Francis said that knowing the landlord is key.

“When you sign a lease, that’s such a huge financial commitment,” Francis said. “You need to know your landlord.”

Both McGee and Francis recommended tenants look up their land-

lord, as well as the rental company’s name, on the Athens County Municipal Court dockets prior to signing a lease.

This will show how often a landlord has been sued by — or sued — their tenants.

Francis also said it would be a good idea to call code enforcement and check out public records about a landlord. One valuable piece of information, if available, is how often tenants have put their rental payments into escrow, according to McGee. Escrow is the process of paying rent to the clerk of courts, rather than the landlord, in an effort to force that landlord to fix issues and conditions.

But Francis’ biggest piece of advice for anyone who chooses to seek legal remedies for various issues with a rental property or a landlord is to document everything.

She recommends that tenants take a video as they walk through the entire property to document conditions when moving in and moving out from an apartment or house.

“If we have that information and that evidence, we’re successful in getting back what our clients are due,” she said.

McGee also cautioned against signing a lease where “alternative” or “discounted” rent is offered. He said this is a reversal of reality, where rent is offered at a “discounted” price if it is paid before a certain date; if it’s not paid by that date, the price goes up. He said the “discounted” price is oftentimes the regular rent, meaning the rent due after the passage of the due date is jacked up.

“Think carefully,” Francis said.

“Know what you’re signing and who you’re living with. Understand your landlord and understand there are a ton of rights available to you.”

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FAIRNESS U N D A M E N T A L A LOOK INTO THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM IN OHIO.

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By Emily Crebs Staff Writer

n the U.S., citizens do not vote for federal judges, while their say in state-level judicial systems varies.

In some states, the governor appoints a judge, who is then approved or denied by the state legislature for a limited — or life — term.

In others, judges are appointed by a committee. Judges can also be appointed for a term and then run in an election to retain their seat.

But in Ohio, citizens elect all non-federal judges for a six-year term.

“Federal judges are supposed to be more neutral and so that’s why federal judges are appointed for life and appointed by whatever president is [serving],” Ohio University professor Tom Hodson said. Hodson formerly served as a judge for the Athens municipal and common pleas courts.

“State courts are supposed to be closer to the people and reflective of the norms and mores and values of the people that they represent,” he said.

Municipal court covers misdemeanors and civil offenses — like traffic offenses — up to $15,000. Common pleas court has essentially the same jurisdiction as municipal court but typically handles felonies and higher dollar amount civil cases such as violent assaults, according to Athens Municipal Court Judge Todd Grace.

State rulings, especially at the trial court level, have a direct impact on the lives of citizens, according to Hodson. He said, as a local judge, “... you’re less removed, you’re more in touch with the community.”

At the local level, a judge makes decisions based on the law and judicial precedent set by higher courts in the region, such as the state Supreme Court. A trial

court must follow the rulings of appellate courts. If another municipal court has ruled on an issue similar to the one being deliberated by an Athens County court, the judge may rule similarly, but those rulings aren’t binding.

Additionally, state trial court rulings set precedent for the behavior of police officers. Officers closely follow judicial proceedings to ensure their actions, like traffic stops, are upheld and their behavior respects the constitutional rights of citizens.

Hodson first ran for municipal court judgeship in November 1979 with his only experience in court as a lawyer.

He defeated a 13-year incumbent — a feat “pretty much unheard of,” he said.

At the time, he was 31 — the youngest judge elected in Ohio.

Hodson believed the incumbent’s rulings did not reflect the values of the community, especially among Ohio U students, so the voters showed up “in droves” to the polls, he said.

To be eligible for a judgeship, a candidate must have practiced law for six years before serving and file as a member of a political party. A candidate first runs in a primary election with a party affiliation; if a candidate is selected in the primary, they run in the general election without party affiliation.

“It’s bizarre, and all of a sudden you shed that political skin, and then you run nonpartisan for the general [election],” Hodson said.

While judges can run as Independents, they do not receive party backing and campaign funding. And while typically along the campaign trail, candidates for public office make promises to their constituents, judges aren’t able to do the same.

“It was a strange, strange election to

run for public office because you can’t promise people things,” Hodson said.

“If you’re running for judge you can’t go out and say, ‘I’m going to give you a free felony.’”

All a judge can promise is to be fair and equitable, he said.

When a seat opened up in the common pleas court, Hodson ran as a Democrat in the primary against a Republican party affiliate. Hodson’s record as a municipal court judge backed his claims of fairness and equity.

Grace began his legal career in 2001 and served the majority of the time as both a lawyer and a magistrate for juvenile probate court — a subsection of common pleas — until 2015. He first ran for a judgeship on common pleas, but narrowly lost in the Democratic primary. The following year, he ran an uncontested election for municipal court. Grace spent most of his campaign educating people on the judicial system.

“It’s not something that is really very well known in our society,” Grace said.

Grace appreciates his position as a state trial court judge.

“I like the opportunity to have a direct impact in the lives of the people of the county and at the trial court level, ...

I can see the impact, and I like that job satisfaction,” he said.

Hodson compared the unglamorous role of a trial judge to a battle: “You’re in the trenches. You’re in hand to hand combat, you’re down there, taking every case that walks in the door — good, bad, indifferent — every heinous situation that you could ever imagine has probably come before you. You have to make decisions quickly; you have to have a great sense of fundamental fairness.”

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The year 2020 marks the 50th anniversary of the shooting at Kent State University in Kent, Ohio.

By Abby Neff Staff Writer

“I

’m thinking: ‘Why are they shooting at me? I’m a hundred yards away, I didn’t do anything. I wasn’t even threatening them,” Kent State University alumnus Dean Kahler thought when — five decades ago — National Guardsmen fired at him as he dove to the ground. “Then all of a sudden, I get shot.”

May 4, 2020 will mark 50 years since National Guardsmen opened fire on dozens of unarmed college students at Kent State who were protesting the expansion of the Vietnam War and the ground invasion of Cambodia. The shooting killed four students and wounded nine others, including Kahler, who was immediately paralyzed from a gunshot wound.

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Winter Magazine, January 2020

The event disturbed college campuses in Ohio and across the nation.

On April 30, 1970, days before the shootings, then President Richard Nixon announced via television broadcast that thousands of American troops entered Cambodia in order to maintain the country’s neutrality during the war in Vietnam. The U.S. had been fighting communist influences in Vietnam since the mid-1950s, eventually putting combat forces on the ground in 1965.

Students across the nation were stunned at Nixon’s announcement.

Dread loomed over college campuses, where many feared that more young people would be drafted into the war.

Kent State was one of those colleges.

Kahler, a freshman at the time, watched the televised announcement at the now-shuttered Robinhood Inn, a bar in Kent, Ohio.

“Why would you be expanding the war instead of ending the war?” Kahler remembers many students and Kent residents asking. “It just means more of our friends are going to get shot, and maybe us, if we have to be drafted at some point in time,” he said.

A few hours southeast of Kent, on the same night as President Nixon’s announcement, students started a trashcan fire, burning garbage and an American flag, outside of the Baker Center on Ohio University’s campus in protest.

It was one of the many Vietnam War protests that rocked campuses all over.

Back at Kent, the tension was boiling over.

On May 2, Kent’s Mayor Leroy Satrom requested that the National Guard occupy campus after rumors that radical protesters planned to burn down several buildings, including the ROTC building. By the time the guardsmen

arrived, the ROTC building was on fire, burning as people cheered around the flames.

Kahler was already at his home in East Canton, a village south of Kent, to celebrate his 20th birthday. He was in the backseat of his parents car as they drove him back to school when they were stopped in a line of traffic outside of Kent State’s campus and accosted by a military sergeant.

Once they finally made it through the military checkpoint on Kent State’s campus, Kahler’s parents dropped him off at his dorm, Tri-Towers.

“They gave me a hug and a kiss and said, ‘Stay out of trouble.’ I said ‘I will’,” he said. “I can tell there was a little bit of trepidation on their faces and in their hearts.”

After he had settled in, Kahler grabbed his camera to check out a gathering behind the administration building where students planned to “napalm” — a flammable gel that is used in bombs — a dog. When he arrived, there was only discussion — no dog, no napalm.

Instead, students took a detour to each dormitory, encouraging their classmates to join the protests. Kahler dropped his camera off at Tri-Towers and continued on with the group.

He was sitting on the corner of Main Street and Lincoln Street when he heard someone yelling through a bullhorn that Kent State President Robert White and Mayor Satrom would be arriving on campus in 30 minutes.

“Well, 30 minutes arrived and the only thing I saw that was here, that had increased, was the fact that there was now two helicopters flying with spotlights, and more National Guard troops,” Kahler said. “I didn’t like the

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looks of this.”

Moments later, tear gas shot into the crowd of protesters. Students scattered, running in all directions. Kahler ran toward Rockwell Hall Library, dashing through a cluster of pine trees with other students until he reached his dorm.

On the day he would eventually be shot and become paralyzed, Kahler called the English department to tell them he wasn’t going to class. Instead, he was going to check out the protests.

Protesters were gathered in the common area beside the Student Union when they were asked to disperse.

“I was amazed at how many people were there. I mean, it was quite the distraction from college, from going to classes,” Kahler said.

After students began throwing stones at the National Guardsmen positioned around the protests, the officers retreated to the practice football field.

“The students just got out of their way. They were right there in front of the students, they were right there with 13

Top: National guardsman talks with two people at Kent State University; Bottom right: National guardsman sits atop a tank at Kent State University. Photos courtesy of Dean Kahler.

Winter Magazine, January 2020

the students. There was no threat,” he continued.

It was when National Guardsmen opened fire that students began retreating themselves.

News of the shootings quickly spread to campuses all over the country, including Ohio U. Andy Alexander, a journalism visiting professor at Ohio U and former editor of The Post, first heard the news while reporting on non-traditional lectures taught by university professors on College Green amid the Vietnam protests. “‘We’re going to have a heck of a time keeping the lid on demonstrations here at Ohio University,’” he recalled thinking at the time. “Because that really mobilized people.”

Three-thousand students gathered the day of the shootings to protest the assault on Kent State students.

“I think, generally, students at Ohio University were stunned,” Alexander said.

Students at Ohio U asked the academic community to participate in a two-day strike to honor the victims and devote themselves to the de-escalation of the war in Vietnam, according to an archived issue of The Post published May 5, 1970, the day after the shooting.

Ohio U student protesters pledged to “keep cool” and remain calm in the wake of the shooting, according to the May 5 issue of The Post. They did so for fear that the Kent State massacre could repeat itself at Ohio U if protests turned violent, according to Alexander.

Despite peaceful intent, Nelson Commons, a dining hall, was firebombed, causing an estimated $120,000 in damage, according to an archived report from The Post; students also illegally occupied the old Chubb Library, now

Chubb Hall.

It wasn’t until the two consecutive nights of rioting on Union and Court Street that the Ohio U administration made the decision to shut down and evacuate campus. Police officers pepper-sprayed students to push them out of the streets; students retaliated by hurling bricks and stone, shattering the windows of Athens storefronts and campus buildings.

On May 15, 1970 — 11 days after the Kent State shootings — Ohio U President Claude Sowle decided to close the university until the beginning of the summer quarter.

The final night of rioting grew violent as more stones, rocks and bottles were thrown at police forces. Officers threw tear gas back. In response to the escalation, Athens city Mayor Raymond Shepard called the National Guard to move in; they were already positioned outside of the city.

“What students woke up to was the smell of tear gas hanging over all of Athens, and as dawn came, you would wander Uptown and in every single parking space, Court and Union and down the streets, in every single parking space, was an armed National Guard, standing,” Alexander said.

Both Kent State and Ohio U shut down and didn’t reopen until the summer term, giving students and faculty time to reflect on what happened. As for Kahler, he returned to school the following fall quarter.

“I was truly thankful that I was alive.

I still have my brain, and I still have my hands, and I [could] still go back to school, and I could live somewhat of a normal life,” he said.

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POOR CONNECTION

By Nolan Cramer Staff Writer

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roadband access is an everyday necessity for many Ohioans, but for some residents in southeastern Ohio, access to high-speed internet connection is a luxury.

A report by the Athens County Economic Development Council, Ohio University and the Buckeye Hills Regional Council — a group of local governments dedicated to improving the lives of southeastern Ohio residents — found that 80-90% of households in the “rural expanse” have no access to broadband services. The study defines “rural expanse” as areas with 20 or fewer households per square mile.

The report recommends that the state attract funding from the federal government and establish a $500 million projects fund to digitally connect underserved rural households and businesses.

“Lacking reliable internet access takes a toll on small businesses, on education, even on health outcomes,” Rep. Steve Stivers said in a statement provided to The New Political. Stivers ensured that internet connection in Ohio’s 15th Congressional District is a high priority for him in Congress.

Local libraries and businesses currently carry the burden of providing cyberspace sanctuaries for those left in 15

the dark.

“Providing access to the internet is probably one of the most important things libraries do today,” said Nick Tepe, director of Athens County Public Libraries.

Recently, the Athens County library system averaged approximately 20,000-hour-long wireless connections a month, according to Tepe. In 2018, the libraries had a total of 53,565 computer sessions.

Many people use the library’s internet access in the parking lot outside of library hours, usually before or after they go to work. Some use it to update software on their devices, he said.

“It looks to be like contractors checking their email or people checking emails before they have to go to work,” Tepe said. “I’ve seen people making FaceTime or Skype calls using our WiFi from our parking lot.”

Tepe said the library is happy to provide high-speed Wi-Fi access to residents, free of charge and with no login required: “This is a service that is paid for by your tax dollars. It is free and open to the public.”

Ohio Sen. Rob Portman introduced the RURAL Act in April of 2019 “to preserve jobs and encourage infrastructure development by expanding tax-exempt cooperative organizations’ access to government grants and assistance,” according to a statement provided by the senator’s office. His office said

Winter Magazine, January 2020

access.

Brown was also a member of the Senate Agriculture Committee, which expanded funding for rural broadband in 2018 from $25 million to $350 million a year, according to his office. The senator is also a strong supporter of the Appalachian Regional Commission, an economic development agency partnered with local, state and MAP OF ATHENS COUNTY federal governments. The cable broadband access. Data group’s goal is to expand courtesy of Athens County broadband access and Economic Development Council. support local economic growth in rural areas.

“I’ll continue working with my colleagues across that the RURAL Act includes measures the aisle and businesses to secure infor broadband grants in rural areas, vestments for broadband projects that such as southeastern Ohio. will improve the way Ohioans live, “Small businesses that are eager to work, study and enjoy their free time, be able to expand in some of our rural while attracting businesses and jobs,” areas but are told it’s going to be a long Brown said in a comment provided to time and a big expense to get the abil- TNP. ity to have a fast internet … tend to go At the state level, InnovateOhio — dito the urban areas. Therefore, Colum- rected by Ohio Lt. Gov. Jon Husted — is bus is expanding substantially but not working to improve broadband access southeast Ohio,” Portman said at a sen- and “use technology in government to atorial Committee on Homeland Secu- improve service, reduce cost and spur a rity and Governmental Affairs hearing culture of innovation in Ohio.” in October.

In September, the organization, At the hearing, Portman also voiced along with the Ohio Department of concern about some Federal Commu- Transportation, issued a statewide nication Commission maps in which broadband access report, which sugrural areas are labeled as having broad- gested that interstate highways could band access when in reality they do not. be leveraged to expand broadband. The In September 2019, Sen. Sherrod report continued, adding: “There is no Brown cosponsored the bipartisan silver bullet, and a variety of strategies Broadband DATA Act, which aims to should be employed to make sure every ensure reliable maps are created that Ohioan has access to high-speed intershow which areas still need broadband net.”

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By Tim Zelina Digital Editor

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hroughout the contentious 2019 mayoral race between Democrat Steve Patterson and Independent, self-described socialist Damon Krane, Krane claimed that by running, he was bringing competition to a local political landscape stifled by uncompetitive elections.

Democrats have dominated Athens’ city government over the past 20 years of city elections. The blue wall that kept out the numerous Independent challengers in 2019 shows this trend has no signs of abating anytime soon.

Only 10 Democratic primaries have been competitive in the past two decades: One for city law director, four for City Council ward seats and five for City Council at-large seats. Four of these primaries were held in 2007.

The last Republican to win an elected office in the city’s government was RepubEVERY TWO YEARS lican Gary Hunter, who ran unopposed for Athens holds seven city law director in 2003, though he lost to nine races for city that seat by a 30-point margin to a Democrat in 2007. seats.

Republicans have also not been electON AVERAGE TWO ed to City Council since 2003. At-large Councilmember Edward Baum edged out races are competitive.

Independent candidate Paul Wiehl by only Nearly half of those 15 votes; Gary Van Meter won his Fourth are for at-large council Ward seat unopposed. seats.

Baum lost the reelection to his seat in 2005, and Van Meter chose not to run, cementing a Democratic stronghold on the

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council that would not be broken until 2015, when Independent Patrick McGee won an at-large seat. McGee lost his seat in 2019, heralding a return of the Democratic hegemony.

Of the five mayoral elections held between 2000 and 2020, only three had challengers. One of those challengers — Republican Councilmember Baum, who also ran as an Independent in 2007 — came within 30 percentage points of the Democratic victor.

In that race, then-president of the Ohio University College Democrats, Rob Dorans, challenged Baum’s registration as an Independent, insisting that he should have to run as a Republican because of his affiliation with the party as a councilmember.

The City Council presidency has been the safest seat in Athens’ city government. When Democrat Bill Bias defeated Republican Ellsworth Holden by seven points in 2001, the seat appeared competitive. But since that election, not a single candidate has challenged

DEMOCRATS have won 90 seats since 2000.

REPUBLICANS have won three.

INDEPENDENTS have won two. the Democratic nominee in a general election.

In total, only 21 general election races have been competitive since 2001, and of those, 14 were in or before 2007.

Ten of those races were for at-large City Council seats, one was a City Council president race, two were for law director, three for mayor and the remaining six for City Council ward seats. In no election since 2003 has more than one ward seat been competitive in a general election cycle.

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• OPINION •

FIFTY STATES OF PINK TAX

By Hadley Mull Opinion Writer

F

ighting the “pink tax” has been on people's minds for decades, although feverish uproar against the upcharge of feminine products has spiked in recent years.

The pink tax is when hygiene companies make products seemingly more “girly” and charge a higher price for them. It’s cleverly named the “pink tax” because, generally, the products are colored pink and smell flowery. The pink tax forces women to spend more on gendered products; repealing the pink tax means another win for women and the next step toward getting well-deserved equality all across the country.

Gov. Mike DeWine signed an Ohio Senate bill into law on Nov. 6, 2019, outlawing the pink tax. This landmark act makes Ohio one of 15 states that have repealed the tax. According to the office of Ohio Rep. Brigid Kelly — a cosponsor of the bill — the tax change will save the women of Ohio up to $4 million a year. The law will officially go into action on April 1, 2020.

While DeWine is a conservative, re19

pealing the pink tax is generally promoted by liberals rather than conservatives, because many conservatives don’t recognize the gender inequalities.

California attempted to pass a similar bill in April of 2019. A report from the California Judiciary Committee, which summarized arguments for and against the statewide bill, said: “Most goods cannot be readily identified as ‘male’ or ‘female’ products.” Two previous versions of the bill were introduced in California’s legislature in 2016 and 2018; both never received a vote. The current version of the bill is stalled in committee.

The U.S. House of Representatives is currently debating the nationwide Pink Tax Repeal Act. As of publication, there are three females in the race for the 2020 presidency — Democrats Sen. Elizabeth Warren, Rep. Tulsi Gabbard and Sen. Amy Klobuchar. If one of these women wins the election, the pink tax will inch closer to dying out. While female candidates are not necessarily promoting the end of the pink tax, many female — and male — candidates are promoting gender equality. To have gender equality would inevitably mean the end of the pink tax.

This is not to say that voting for a woman will guarantee a repeal of the pink tax, or that any of the female candidates are perfect candidates for president. All past history shows is that men aren’t directly impacted by the pink tax, and it’s time for a change in the way we buy hygiene products — women are sick and tired of feeling like they’re wasting money.

Once we get a woman into the Oval Office, some real work can be done.

Winter Magazine, January 2020

• OPINION •

TOO SOON TO NEGLECT OHIO

By Charlotte Caldwell Opinion Editor

S

ince former President Barack Obama’s campaign in 2012, Democratic candidates have not tried to reach voters in Ohio. If the 2020 Democratic candidates buy into the claims that Ohio is no longer a swing state — which would be detrimental for the Democratic Party in the election’s outcome — then they may be mistaken when they lose in 2020.

Ohio has voted for the winning candidate in nearly every election since 1860, with few exceptions. History finds a way of repeating itself, no matter the stakes, and Democratic candidates need to take the hint.

Obama certainly took the hint in 2008 and 2012. His reelection team had 125 field offices and an array of volunteers to sway the 3% of undecided voters in Ohio in 2012. Obama and former Vice President Joe Biden visited the state, and his team brought in big names like former President Bill Clinton and rock artist Bruce Springsteen to draw crowds.

Meanwhile, the 2020 Democratic

front-runners couldn’t even be bothered to attend a major fundraising dinner in the state for the Democratic Party on Oct. 12; Biden, Sen. Elizabeth Warren and Sen. Bernie Sanders were all absent from the event. This is not the way to build a positive reputation among key voters in Ohio and certainly not the way to earn the electoral vote.

Obama won Ohio by 1.9% in 2012.

His win was a direct result of the drive he displayed when campaigning, especially in Ohio. Apparently that’s not enough of an incentive to get current Democratic hopefuls to care about Ohio voters — it should be if they want to lead by example.

Hillary Clinton also wrote off campaigning heavily in Ohio, neglecting the state for more than a month after Labor Day in 2016. President Donald Trump visited Ohio 17 times verse Clinton’s 15 visits.

Clinton tried the same tactics as the current Democratic candidates — she tried to address states with increasing demographics, but to no avail. Just because Ohio is reportedly “whiter, older and less schooled” — which supposedly makes voters lean conservative — doesn’t mean that there aren’t some urban areas with diverse voting trends in Ohio.

While some candidates aren’t concerned about Ohio, Sen. Sherrod Brown, along with other state Democratic Party leaders, believe it’s not smart to forgo a state that historically picks the winner. They believe that abandoning Ohio’s voters is offensive.

Democrats will be better off when they learn that Ohio is still a swing state, and whichever candidate spends the most time in the key battleground states will most likely win the election.

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THE

COUNTER OPINION The Ohio House of Representatives passed a state bill that prevents local governments from banning or taxing the use of single-use plastic bags. This bill comes in the wake of local governments enacting bans to reduce single-use plastics’ harm to the environment. Athens city government discussed charging 10 cents for single-use plastic and paper bags in 2016 but instead opted to encourage people to reuse and recycle.

We asked three opinion writers: Should there be a ban, a fee or no restrictions on single-use plastic bags? Is the Ohio House abusing their power and “eroding local government control” by passing this ban? Does Athens have a plastic waste problem?

Maddie Kramer Opinion Writer Since President Donald Trump discussed pulling out of the Paris climate agreement, there has been increasing pressure on lawmakers to take action to help save our environment. Only three states have banned plastic bags: Hawaii, California and New York. Major cities like Chicago have taxes on plastic bags.

A fee or tax on plastic bags could be a good start for cities in Ohio, from the large cities to Athens alike, to lessen these communities’ impact on the environment.

This bill is interesting because typically Republicans advocate for states’ rights and despise federal government overstep. However, this bill is an example of the state overreach into local pol21

itics. While an initiative for a ban or fee for plastic bags may not pass in smaller, more conservative cities, it could succeed in larger, progressive cities such as Cincinnati, Columbus and Toledo. Still, it is important to remember that sustainability and working to preserve our environment should not be a partisan issue. We should be encouraging cities and municipalities to work toward sustainability.

Athens never fits the norm — it’s a college town and a “blue island in a sea of red” in southeastern Ohio. Walking around Athens on the weekend, there is waste strewn on the streets from the bar goers the night before. However, Athens is generally a clean town. Athens itself may not have a single use plastic problem. It is, however, contributing to a larger, nationwide problem.

Winter Magazine, January 2020

Zach Richards Opinion Writer Punishment should be placed on the companies that produce the plastic, not on consumers. Therefore, it would be better to just outright ban single-use plastic bags rather than force poorer Americans to pay a fee just to use them.

Forcing a ban — or at least requiring stores to stock recyclable bags — would achieve the same goal as a plastic bag fee would, just much more directly.

Whether the Ohio House should pass this plastic bag bill or not and whether it’s an abuse of power are two entirely different questions. It’s completely within the right of the state government to enact such a restriction on the

Charlotte Caldwell Opinion Editor In order for an outright plastic bag ban to work in the U.S., there must be consensus from all political parties and their leaders that climate change is real and will escalate into a major issue if it is not curbed. As of this year, about 69% of Americans believe that climate change is happening. Until that number rises and non-believers stop fighting beneficial legislation that could improve our ecosystem, then a plastic bag fee could be a good inhibitor.

Plastic bag use is a big enough issue that it needs to be handled at the state and federal levels if progress is to be made. However, the Ohio House should be using its power to encourage the reduction of plastic bag use rath-

local government’s ability to ban such items. That being said, local governments should be allowed to have more restrictions than state and federal governments, and a ban on plastic bag bans would fly in the face of this principle.

From the admittedly limited student perspective, the city of Athens seems very clean — or at least much less dirty than it could be. With all the trash students produce regularly, it should be considered an accomplishment by the local government that the city isn’t as well kept as it is. If anything, I would expect that the usage of plastic bags is higher amongst Athenians than the general U.S. population. It’s a small miracle that trash isn’t already lining up the streets. er than passing legislation restricting bans. When California implemented a bag ban, plastic bag consumption was reduced by 71.5%. If Ohio wants to see a similar reduction, then it needs to lift the restrictions.

Athens Hocking Recycling Center recently announced that they would no longer be accepting plastic bags, wraps or films due to China’s ban on imported recyclables that has left the U.S. recycling system in disarray. These items ultimately go to the landfill where they take 10 to 100 years to decompose. Ohio University has made some effort to curb plastic bag use. However, if the administration decided to get rid of plastic bags entirely on campus, not only would it save the university around $15,500, but it would help curb pollution in Athens’ landfills.

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