Geopolitics

IS SRI LANKA AT EASE WITH A STRONG INDIA?

geopolitics VOL III, ISSUE IV, SEPTEMBER 2012

n

`100

D E F E N C E n D I P L O M A C Y n S E C U R I T Y

INDIA & ARAB SPRING

ORDERS AND OFFSETS

FIGHTING THE IED MENACE DECRYPTING INDIA’S INTELLIGENCE MAZE

INDIA’S ARMS ACQUISITION POLICY IS A TUNNEL AT THE END OF WHICH IS A MOUNTAIN OF FILES!

Repla cing the Avro

COVER STORY (P48)

THE PLANNING There is a need to set up a Defence Planning Board as an overarching and empowered structure to deal comprehensively with all defence planning and acquisition-related issues.

VIRENDRA SINGH

CONUNDRUM

REPORT (P28)

ISRO

TARINGA.NET

FOCUS (P18)

INDIA’S PANOPTICON

TOP SHOT

The country’s first indigenous all-weather Radar Imaging Satellite, whose images will facilitate agriculture and disaster management, should also pursue military objectives.

In yet another attempt towards modernising the infantry, the Indian Army has issued a request for information for anti-material rifles.

PANORAMA (P10)

DEF BIZ (P30)

SPECIAL FEATURE (P60)

GUARDING THE COASTS

INDIGENOUS LIFTER

SPY TROUBLE

After the 26/11 attacks in Mumbai exposed the vulnerability of the Indian coastline to assaults from the sea, India has launched the National Automatic Identification System in an effort to augment maritime security.

In a milestone decision, the Defence Acquisition Council has cleared the proposal for the replacement of IAF’s Avro medium transport aircraft to be procured from private players through the ‘Buy and Make India’ scheme.

The Indian intelligence setup is marked by infighting among multiple agencies and the apportioning of blame over recent scandals.

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September 2012

HEMANT RAWAT

HEMANT RAWAT

HEMANT RAWAT

ELYSEE.FR

MOULDING WARRIOR SPIRIT (P12)

INTERVIEW (P38)

AMBASSADOR’S JOURNAL (P64)

INDIA AND THE ARAB SPRING (P72)

Lt Gen Surendra Nath, PVSM, General Officer Commanding in Chief (GOC-in-C) Army Training Command, speaks on how the Indian Army is being trained to tackle future challenges.

Samtel’s Puneet Kaura talks about the future plans of one of the top innovators among the country’s high technology firms.

Sri Lankan High Commissioner Prasad Kariyawasam expresses his government’s earnest desire to consolidate and strengthen the bilateral partnership with India.

What has been India’s response to the Arab Spring? A report based on comments and views of a crossection of diplomats and strategic experts.

INTERNAL SECURITY (P60) FIGHTING THE IED MENACE

US ARMY

Any strategy to neutralise the Naxal IED threat has to look beyond mere technological solutions by elevating counter-IED methods to the level of a strategic culture within the state security forces.

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DIPLOMACY (68)

Editor-in-Chief

ISLAND SAGA

K SRINIVASAN Editor

GEOPOLITICS

Managing Editor

PRAKASH NANDA Consulting Editor

SAURAV JHA

Design Consultant

ARTWORKS

JUSTIN C MURIK

Copy Editor

Photo Editor

RAJIV SINGH

ROHIT SRIVASTAVA Designer

MOHIT KANSAL

H C TIWARI

MODASSAR NEHAL

Staff Photographer

HEMANT RAWAT

Director (Marketing)

RAKESH GERA

Sr Manager (Sales & Marketing)

PRAVEEN SHARMA

Conceptualised and designed by Newsline Publications Pvt. Ltd., from D-11 Basement, Nizamuddin (East), New Delhi -110 013, Tel: +91-11-41033381-82 for NEWSEYE MEDIA PVT. LTD. All information in GEOPOLITICS is derived from sources we consider reliable. It is passed on to our readers without any responsibility on our part. Opinions/views expressed by third parties in abstract or in interviews are not necessarily shared by us. Material appearing in the magazine cannot be reproduced in whole or in part(s) without prior permission. The publisher assumes no responsibility for material lost or damaged in transit. The publisher reserves the right to refuse, withdraw or otherwise deal with all advertisements without explanation. All advertisements must comply with the Indian Advertisements Code. The publisher will not be liable for any loss caused by any delay in publication, error or failure of advertisement to appear.

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Readers are welcome to send their feedback at geopolitics@newsline.in.

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WHERE DO THINGS STAND IN SRI LANKA 25 YEARS AFTER THE INDO-SRI LANKA AGREEMENT WAS SIGNED BETWEEN PRIME MINISTER RAJIV GANDHI AND PRESIDENT JR JAYEWARDENE?

Senior Correspondent

Designer

ASHOK KUMAR

Director (Corporate Affairs)

TIRTHANKAR GHOSH

Assistant Editor

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IS SRI LANKA AT EASE WITH A STRONG INDIA?

geopolitics VOL III, ISSUE IV, SEPTEMBER 2012 `100

D E F E N C E D I P L O M A C Y S E C U R I T Y

INDIA & ARAB SPRING

ORDERS

AND OFFSETS

FIGHTING THE IED MENACE DECRYPTING INDIA’S INTELLIGENCE MAZE

INDIA’S ARMS ACQUISITION POLICY IS A TUNNEL AT THE END OF WHICH IS A MOUNTAIN OF FILES!

Replac Rep lacin ing g the the Avr Avro o

Cover Illustration: Satish Upadhyay The total number of pages in this issue is 84 with cover

September 2012

g

GEOPOLITICS

LETTERS

LETTERS TO EDITOR ISM OF OPTIM

2012 `100

The nch

Frenection Con

C U R I T Y C Y S E P L O M A C E D I D E F E N

IT IS THE ARTILLERY

THAT WINS THE

WAR

PLUS

Will Bhutan

Wanted: An Navy and

analytical features but you definitely have not published any reportage on it. I must say that it is a missing thing.

There is a need for specialised look at the Naxals. Mainstream media does not have the space to do so.

You must do it.

India? do a Nepal to Aerospace Command

Nuclear Triad y and small arms

Paramilitar

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30-Jul-12

2:14 PM

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FORTRESS

S AERIAL PATROL park will

CALL MARINES ON will patrol

the Olympic The area above Eurofighter Typhoon zone. in the be a no-fly been deployed fighters have skies over London.

commandos highRoyal Marine operating from the Thames jet skis and helicopters speed boats,

NS OLYMPIC GUARDIA officers, 12,000 police and More than military personnel security around 13,500 13,000 private more than been deployed. guards have

MOD UK

S POSSIBLE THREAT out the

Since carrying Al Qaeda: transport l attacks on London's 2005, the multinationa threat. systems in most obvious group is the Attacks by fringe Hate crimes: venues is groups at footballEurope. have not common across Groups that Irish reprisal: the Northern Ireland to reconciled peace process. by radical Acts Lone wolf: acting alone, such as the the latest individuals premiere of attack at the The Dark Night Rises Batman movie in Denver, USA. The ongoing hits: Third-party the Iran's quest for tension over lead to reprisals nuclear weapons across Asia on Israeli targets recently.

Regards

I

have been reading your magazine for quite a while. Yours I is one of the most complete magazines on this topic. India is progressing AL GIC OLO A TECHN BESTOWING slowly but surely E AG NT VA AD towards selfdependence in military hardware. The news item on tactical communication system (Bestowing Technological Advantage, August 2012) was worth a read and one comes to know what exactly it is. For a technical people it is very difficult to understand the jargon of military communication. But the article gave some very basic understanding on the importance of the system for the Indian Army, which was very important to understand how new technologies are going to change the way war will be fought in the future.

The August issue covered quite a lot from Bhutan-China relations to new French President, Nuclear Triad, the new upgraded Dornier etc. A lot of good material to read.

Kudos.

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GEOPOLI

TICS

DEFBIZ defence made the private India’ selection has As per the ‘Make80 per has selected will pay players euphoric.

The MoD and progovernment per our report.

Limited (BEL) & cost of the clause, the Electronic the need for development per cent will be of Larsen the Bharat battlefield, cent of the consisting and an HCL N TODAY’S rest of the 20 a consortiumPower SED and M/s ion is crucial totype and communicontender. communicat is in Toubro, Tata two developing agencies with better funded by the defiof this contract the army armed will be will have a MoD released Infosys as The significance as the TCS The contract. The for this procation capabilities be a importance for the TCS over its adversary. its tactical It is going to of Interest in nite edge information corps assets. system that will the Expression to eight firms, both of secure part of the on 2010 from the seamless flow sectors. After gramme in mobile communicati the Army columns. theatre battlefield, and the public s, the Minand vice vermove with across the a highlythe private formations, can firms This is basically network years of deliberation higher to lower possible time, and three selected two shortest powerful mobilehave the istry has downthe prototype. sa within the between victory to which will aspires to develop be the difference first of the to transfer army, therefore, This is the programme capability defeat. Every encrypted and a reliable maps, etc ‘Make India’ voice, data, have a totally system. been down : on that has (see news communicati issue of Geopolitics N DOMINANCE selected. The INFORMATIOnetwork which can the possible In the June of the down A mobile had predicted the anywhere during selected in BizIntel), we be transported bestow the Army likely to be results are as will contenders and the war, the TCS communicate to competition TCS with the abilityand transfer data Army’s The Indian communication have been long requirements it needs to ignored and replace its legacysystems at communication this end, the once. Towards Defence (MoD) Ministry of with the has gone ahead vendors to selection of the Tactical manufacture System Communication Indian Army, (TCS) for the SRIVASTAVA writes ROHIT

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against guard London The G4S been taken to measures have backdrop of the Olympics. and has the xtraordinary any chances attack against is not taking placing surface-toany terrorist ding, Britain from debacle notwithstan worst-case scenario: drones that might try a or every possible prepared for shoot down any rogue aircraft on speed boats to patrol security foolair missiles to posting commandos to make the adventure, to left unturned may be belied 9/11-type of the background one of No stone is being blending into the Thames.

2012 will be fond hopes of that London of the elements proof. Their of security means ever. Here are some but the level this summer. rded venues Fortress London the most heavily-gua together to guard that will come

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Pushpesh Shukla Delhi Tactical

B

y the time my mail arrives in your mailbox, the London Olympic will be over. But for me one of the best pictures to E represent the security preparation for the London was from your Panorama of August issue (Fortress London). I have always liked this section of your magazine. When it comes to India and Pakistan one simply can’t escape ironies (Golden Eye, August), as depicted by the film song from Veer Zaara playing in the background at a joint BSF-Pak Rangers Press Conference.

I must admit I like your cover story for g the last month (God Fake currency and VEER ZARA of War). Overall your T issues are shaping up well. Why don’t you add some regular stories on the small-scale industries and technology firms that are contributing to the major players like Defence Public Sector Units (DPSUs)?

If I am not wrong they are at the forefront of the technological innovation.

d Panorama.qx

HEMANT RAWAT

PM Page 1 25-Jul-12 4:10

: PLEN TY UGH 2012

geopolitics FARN BORO

HEMANT RAWAT

ITIC COVER2.qxd final_GEOPOL

III, AUGUST VOL III, ISSUE

MOD UK

O

ne must congratulate your team for a brilliant cover page for the August issue. In the past as POWER well you have come up with powerful covers and I am sure this will continue in the future. Having said that I must say the cover story (God of War) was a very good one. There can’t be a better suitable heading for a story on artillery. At present, artillery indeed is the god of war and no amount of hype around the fighter can change the fact that artillery ultimately provides nerve-breaking fire power.

The cover story contained most aspects of India’s quest for artillery, the saddest story of Indian Army’s modernisation saga.

The importance of artillery can’t be ignored even in today’s warfare, where cruise missiles are taking the limelight away from field artillery. But one must never ignore the impact of field artillery. I am sure Indian government will do something about it. I was surprised to read that Defence Research Development Organisation (DRDO)-Ordnance Factory Board (OFB) is so close to getting an artillery gun manufactured in India. The cover story was informative about the private players taking an interest in the Indian Army’s quest for a new artillery gun. It’s a good omen.

Your magazine is being seen as a good example of specialised journal. I must say unlike other defence-related publications it can’t be termed a trade journal. It is a perfect balance of business and news. But it would be better if you did some coverage of Naxal operations. You do publish geo agust cover

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Regards Sakaldeep Indore

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Golden eye.qxd

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{GOLDENEYE}

melobe plenty of Pakrust there to pathos when If drama and get together. istan and India it can be the it's not Kashmir,bhai bhai present tempo or two neighbours between the of cloth you get at even the quality Lahore as Gulberg in Anarkali or or Central Karol Bagh the opposed to That wasn't GenMarket in Delhi. when Major case though Sindh Akhtar of the eral Rizwan being asked by Rangers, on about the journalists infilIndian currency being fake Indian Pakistan, retorted was trated from the currency that since India, they could in as being used here made have also been Indian currency well (as if elsewhere!). could be used was the The occasion bi-annual of the conclusion Pakbetween the conference and Border istan Rangersin Delhi in the Security Force July. The Pakof first week comprising istani delegation, the border of 18 officials Interior Minforce and the the headed by istry, was and clearly Major General plenty of they had enjoyeda crackand bonhomie interaction ling good contingent with the BSF Director by represented Bansal and General UK Both sides his team. and over agreed to handLoC (Line take over the and border of Control) least posviolators with take adeand sible delay to prequate measures the borof vent violation respective der by their the papers citizens. As exchanged were being www.geopolitics

the incident lightened rang out one innocuous cell phone song mood. Somebody's was that poignant and the ringtonethe movie Veer Zaara: from lo mit Jaanam dekh dooriyan. gayee

.in

not lost on The irony was although no anyone present indeed any if one knows erased had been turn, 'dooriyan' meeting! Your during the Mr Bansal!

August 2012

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Regards Joy Das Delhi All correspondence may be addressed to: Editor, Geopolitics, D-11 Basement, Nizamuddin (East), New Delhi-110013.

OR mail to geopolitics@newsline.in.

September 2012

{GOLDENEYE}

g

THE MEETING IS FIXED A

ir Chief Marshal Brown is the exact opposite of his predecessor Air Chief Marshal Naik. If the latter was voluble, the former is a classic example of the stiff upper lip. Boy, is it difficult to get him to speak!

The other day when a journalist approached him for an interview, he

didn’t take a minute to retort: “Of course, we are meeting on the eighth.” The delighted hack thought he would have an exclusive chat on his hands. Poor soul, what the chief meant was the catch up they would do on October 8: Air Force Day when it’s open house and everyone meets everyone!

Pregnant pause

W

ill General V K Singh kiss and tell or will he let it be? Reports are that post-the General J J Singh memoirs, publishers are tapping every source possible to tap General Singh for his expose. So far at least he has kept his powder dry and is pondering

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over the possibilities. The likely scenario is that he will wait for the two-year moratorium to expire before he sends his material to the publisher.

By then, he will be out of the diktats of having his book vetted by the authorities and he can kiss and tell,

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slap and yell or simply write a straight-from-the-heart memoir. If Gen Singh’s ‘real estate’ comment about the government is anything to go by, he should be an MP in two years’ time and yell and tell seems the most likely option he will choose.

September 2012

g A Kondke-like performance

S

PK’S SHADOW AT SOUTH BLOCK!

K

i jaadu siga Pradeeep Kumar da? The fact of the matter is that Raksha Mantri (RM) A K Antony misses this inscrutable superannuated former Haryana Cadre officer who has now moved a few kilometres away to the office of the Chief Vigilance Commissioner (CVC). As Secretary of Defence, Pradeep Kumar literally was a ready reckoner for Mantriji and the fact that he was as much an off-the-record and off-the-flash-bulbs man suited the Minister. Does that mean Shashi Kant Sharma isn’t in the same league? Not really. It isn’t that Antony doesn’t trust Sharma or relies on his Number One Babu. As one seasoned veteran in South Block put it, it’s simply the unees-bees farak. What he meant, if one can be permitted to use a cricketing analogy, is the difference between a Laxman and a Pujara or between a Dravid and a Kohli.

Perhaps where Pradeep Kumar scored over his successor was his ability to literally coax his officials into getting the best out of them. Interestingly, CVC Pradeep Kumar has been asking the Defence Ministry to clean its house to avoid any shady arms deal. During a recent meeting he said the majority of military corruption complaints pertain to procurements. Will he now be quizzed in Coalgate considering he was the Secretary (Coal) when the allotment took place? At least Shashi Kant Sharma does not have the din of Coalgate around his ears!

ILLUSTRATIONS: SATISH UPADHYAY

ushil Kumar Shinde at North Block reminds many of the late Dada Kondke.

Kondke was the star of such ribald Marathi hits like Andheri raat mein diya tere haat mein that delighted the Marathi manoos in the state. Shinde likes to portray himself like a lowly constable who is today the Home Minister of the state. That’s all very well. The real problem though is the fact that some of his antics are also Kondkesquue in nature and even officials can’t help but laugh at his performance.

What adds to the pathos is the fact that Shinde is inoffensive, low profile and far from stern. And unlike the workman like Chidambaram who loved systems, Shinde is a political animal who relies more on gut instinct and bonhomie. His reply on the Assam situation and the jibe at Jaya Bachchan has only magnified the Kondke persona. As one journalist put it, it reminds one of another Kondke masterpiece, Roz meri lele; when asked he said, it meant Mrs. Rosemary Lele!

{GOLDENEYE}

MMRCA turbulence

S

o, what’s the dope on the reconsideration of the Eurofighter Typhoon? The Russians have dropped a big rock with the news that India may cancel the results of its tender for the purchase of 126 medium multi-role combat aircraft (MMRCA). According to them, both sides were unhappy with both the technical and financial segment of the deal. The Germans feel the same way. So, where are we headed?

The fact of the matter is that the new Joint Secretary (Air Acquisition) in the Ministry of Defence A K Bal has joined and is busy undergoing a series of briefings after having just taken charge a fortnight back. Once he is set, he will have a whole host of deals to look at: MMRCA, light-utility helicopters, heavy-lift choppers, additional Hawks (20), attack choppers, tankers, medium-lift additional, MTA, RFP for Avro replacement, and some smaller deals will be finalised. Boy, some acquisition this and some assignment this!

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September 2012

g GEOPOLITICS

PANORAMA

PROTECTING

INDIAN COASTS

Gujarat

Maharashtra

Goa Karnataka

Kerala

India Endeavours to protect her extensive coastline with an array of shore-based sensors 26/11 exposed the vulnerability of the Indian coastline to assaults from the sea. The unconventional nature of the challenge posed by small vessels that can slip through unnoticed is the real danger. Possible intrusion from sea-going skiffs equipped with powerful onboard motors and small radar cross sections masquerading as fishing vessels remained a perilous problem. Until now that is.

In an effort to augment maritime security, India launched the National Automatic Identification System (NAIS). At its inauguration, Union Shipping Minister G K Vasan described it as the “most important component of coastal surveillance’’ saying it would go a long way to enhance safe navigation along the 7,500-km-long Indian coastline.

The NAIS network will help track fishing vessels with customised transponders up to a distance of 50 km.

Beneficiaries Indian Navy Coast Guard Directorate - General (Shipping)

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September 2012

Infrastructure

Principal Functions • Identification of vessels approaching coastline; • Exchange information between vessels within VHF range of each other increasing situation awareness; • Information exchange between a vessel and a shore station, such as Vessel Traffic Service; • Improve traffic management in congested water ways;

MIERLO /WIKIPEDIA

• Automatic reporting in areas of mandatory and voluntary reporting and exchange of safety-related information between vessels and shore stations 74 AIS base stations installed on lighthouses to cover the coastline Orissa

COASTAL DISTRICTS

Tamil Nadu

• 3,600 fishing villages

0Lakshadweep

• 12 major ports and 185 minor ports

MACIEKLEW /WIKIPEDIA

• 250 million live within 50 Km of the coast

Andaman & Nicobar

Andhra Pradesh

The new system has the capability to track fishing vessels

• 4.120 sq Km of mangroves

Features • Single-largest networked system for real-time tracking of ships along the entire Indian coastline • Search and rescue coordination • Integrated with worldwide ship data base

Two Coastal Control Centres (Visakhapatnam, Mumbai)

• Capability to integrate radar tracks from coastal radar chain • Redundancy catered at each level • Fully compliant to all current international regulations

Bottomline

Swedish defence major Saab implemented project with its Indian partner, Elcome Marine Services.

There are about two lakh fishing vessels in Indian waters that are required to be equipped with transponders. The Ministry of Shipping has approved a pilot project for the Directorate General of Lighthouses and Lightships (DGLL) to provide transponders to 1,000 fishing vessels off the coast of Gujarat and Maharashtra at a cost of `6 crore. In the next phase, it would be extended to other coastal states.

• Six regional Control Centres (Jamnagar, Mumbai, Cochin, Kolkata, Visakhapatnam and Chennai) • One National Data Centre (Mumbai) • Monitoring Centres at Navy Coast Guard and other centres • Installation of AIS sensors and equipment on 74 lighthouses

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September 2012

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GEOPOLITICS

INTERVIEW

“WE ARE MORE ADVANCED THAN THE US…” The security environment has been changing radically around the Indian neighbourhood which is posing a new set of challenges to Indian forces and Army in particular. ROHIT SRIVASTAVA spoke to Lt Gen SURENDRA NATH, General Officer Commanding (GOC-in-C), Army Training Command (ARTRAC), to know how he plans to train Indian Army for future challenges.

HEMENT RAWAT

On the Importance of ARTRAC ARTRAC has got twin functions, one is development of doctrine and the other is training for future conflicts. The GOC-inC, HQ ARTRAC is the chief advisor to the Chief of Army Staff on training matters, especially on institutional training. We also now have a task of carrying out validation of training of field formations.

From the doctrinal point of view, we look at issues, like developments around the world, technology, leadership and management, concurrently. When you have analysed your adversary doctrinally from the top, you train accordingly. In that sense every aspect of training in the armed forces, goes through ARTRAC. At the time of Independence, the training was primarily with the Field Army and we had very little institutionalised training. The basic schools were there, like Infantry School, School of Artillery, Armoured Corps Centre & School, College of Military Engineering etc. With advancement of technology and greater inter-theatre operations, there was a felt need to coordinate training between various field armies. Also, as we gained more expertise — technology wise — and started expanding the Army, we required a setup which could look at everything holistically. We took the model from western armies — for example

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September 2012

g INTERVIEW the Unites States has TRADOC which is Training and Doctrine Command. We added one more element to that, which is adversary force training called Red Force. So I think in some ways we are more advanced than the US in concept ARTRAC is triangular — doctrine, adversary and training requirements.

On Red Force Red Force looks at the likely adversaries and then studies them very closely, their strategy, operational readiness, force levels etc, which gives us an idea of their capabilities. Red Force also looks at subconventional operations in Kashmir, Assam, and even at Left Wing Extremism. It looks at the trends, strengths and weaknesses.

On the Military Training Directorate ARTRAC grew out of the Military Training Directorate (DGMT), located away from Army Headquarters. Our charters are well defined. ARTRAC looks after the three issues — the doctrine, adversaries and training. DGMT looks after the staff work related to training, like finances, infrastructure building, and dealing with the government. DGMT is in fact the link between ARTRAC and the Army Chief.

There would be some overlaps but we have a very good coordination system with the Military Training Directorate. We meet every quarter and put issues together to see how far we have progressed.

Therefore, there is good coordination between the two.

On the different training for Officers and Other Ranks (OR) Basic training of both is similar, but when we train an officer, he is trained for command from the lower-most command to the highest. An officer needs to be trained to lead men in battle. Therefore leadership content in training is quite high as officers’ training is progressive, whereas the other ranks training is more to do with the tactical level, commanding a platoon at the most and technical proficiency in using weapons, maintaining and repairing them. Officer training has more to do with greater proficiency with technology and equipment for future wars.

We want to increase the quantity and quality of training of our Junior Commissioned Officers (JCOs)/Other Ranks (OR) also — especially at the institutional level. While officers get training at various www.geopolitics.in

institutions, percentage of JCOs/OR, undergoing similar training, is quite low.

We are doing quite a bit of work in this direction also. Once the quality of trained JCOs/Non-Commissioned Officers (NCOs) goes up, their ability to command independently also goes up. Then the impact of shortage of officers will also get reduced to a large extent. JCOs will take on their jobs and the officers will look at bigger things.

On officer selection criteria You have to attain a benchmark level to make an officer. Officer training is different from any other type of training. He has to lead the men in battle, where their life is at stake. Technical proficiency and psychological orientation are important.

It is the calibre and potential that we look at before taking in officer candidates.

Presently our academies are overflowing by about 10 to 15 per cent of their capacities. So actually we are not short of officer candidates. However because the shortage existed earlier and there has also been expansion in the Army in the last

IT IS THE CALIBER OR POTENTIAL THAT WE LOOK AT BEFORE TAKING OFFICERS IN few years, the dearth of officers in the Army will continue for the next five years and start reducing in about 7-10 years, but we have worked out a system to manage this shortage as best as we can.

On training academies We have two Officer Training Academies (OTAs) — one in Chennai and the new facility at Gaya. At the moment only OTA Chennai is training Short Service Commission (SSC) officers. Since OTA Gaya is a new institution, it trains technical entry gentlemen cadets and some who are coming through the ranks for SCO commission. However the potential to take in SSC cadets also exists at Gaya. The capacity will be 750 at each of the institutes, making a total of 1500. Indian Military

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Academy (IMA) has a capacity of 1650 but we are going to raise it to approximately 2200 in the next 4-5 years. Right now we are training 1850 cadets in IMA including a significant number of cadets from foreign armies are also getting trained there.

On commissioning Other Ranks as officers There is a deliberate policy in the Army from the recruitment centres onwards, where a candidate is trained to become a soldier, to identify potential officer-likecandidates, train them, and then send them to the Army Cadet College (ACC) to become officers. There is a big campaign in the Army to implement this.

On training to CPOs We are imparting two types of training for Central Police Organisations (CPOs).

Basically we want to train them for capacity building. The Field Army trains CPOs, attaching them to infantry brigades.

From the ARTRAC point of view, we conduct institutional training. We have a Counter-Insurgency Jungle Warfare school where we train selected personnel from CPOs (training the trainers). These trained personnel go back and train other men in their respective organisations.

We also train them in infantry weapons and communication. Training on Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs), explosives and bomb disposal is also undertaken. In this we have a large number of people training both at College of Military Engineering (CME) Pune and College of Materials Management (CMM), Jabalpur, so that they get the requisite potential within the CPOs. Our basic aim is to give them capacity and skill in fighting insurgency.

With training, CPO officers can become very good. I think the present DG of CRPF (Vijay Kumar) is doing an excellent job and is focused on training. You will find that in the next four to five years CPOs will be quite capable of conducting Counter Insurgency (CI) operations.

On the change in the mindset When I was commissioned forty years back, recruits were only class five pass.

Today, even though minimum qualification is tenth class, around fifty per cent of recruits are twelfth pass. So we have got high-quality educated recruits. Secondly, the joint family system is disintegrating and that is a cause for concern as it affects the soldiers in the Army who are posted away from their families. The third September 2012

g INTERVIEW area is semi-urbanisation. Whereas earlier we used to get hardy soldiers, now we are getting semi-urbanized men. However there is no problem in training them to the quality that we want. What we now want to train soldiers for is technology. So we are looking at three areas. One is science education so that when new equipment like Battle Field Management System (BMS) is inducted they are able to absorb the technology. Second is computer education, as network-centric operations would be the order of the day.

Because these two are required, some amount of training in English is also necessary to understand manuals and operating instructions.

Today the men are more aware and so the way we handle them should also be more mature. This is one area which we, as commanders in field, are emphasising.

The new officers also come from the same semi-urban, urban environment and they understand that. We are now focusing on leadership development packages. This is the prime area that ARTRAC is addressing at the level if the young officers training. The future wars are going to be such that the officer will be leading a small party in a complex situation and he will have to come out of those situations victorious. In some of the recruitment centres we are using computers to conduct tests, and modern methods of physical training by tasking sports medicine doctors to come up with training methods.

On fourth-generation warfare We have looked at hybrid warfare very closely and in fact we had a series of seminars on this last year. We are coming up with a philosophy on how to fight this warfare. In the Indian context the hybrid warfare will be slightly different from what others are talking about.

It probably will incorporate more conventional components.

All elements of the government will have to be part of it.

No front is left out.

The war can be fought everywhere. So we are looking at it very closely. We have drafted a doctrine on the subject. Wherever possible we are educating our counterparts in civil services on this. We are

incorporating hybrid aspects in our training academies at all levels.

On Comparison with officers of other countries It is very difficult to compare yourself with other armies since our contact with them is very little. We only meet for some exercises or in UN operations, though the interaction has increased at officers’ level in the recent years through training exchange programmes. I think our officers’ management skills, leadership skills and innovative skills are excellent, with respect to the complex environment in which we live as a nation. The training methodology and our deployment and field training in Kashmir, Ladakh, the North-East etc is quite diverse. Talking of our likely adversaries, Chinese officers have not fought a war since 1979. Our officers’ training is excellent, but I will not compare it with either China or Pakistan.

I will only mention that our officers and men are rated very high in all these exercises and in UN Missions, wherein we interact with other Armies.

ARMY PRO

On incorporating new lessons After an operation takes place, an onground operations report is written and you see the good and bad parts of the operation. We send our officers from this HQ to the field, to visit all formations and to see the trends on the ground, and what lessons need to be taken as feedback which we can incorporate into our institutions’ training. We need to do this to be relevant and contemporary or even ahead of our adversary. We have a section called Centre for Army Lessons Learnt (CALL), where we analyse all the lessons from different areas and also from other armies carrying out similar tasks. ARTRAC then disseminates the information as a CALL Bulletin to the environment.

On training quality of terrorists Terrorists do not have soldierly training but some of their skills may be good besides the advantage of being able to mix with the population as they do not wear uniforms. In such low intensity conflict/proxy war situations, Indian Army is working under a number of tactical and legal constraints. However one of the most important consideration in all such operations is to prevent collateral damage. That is why, unlike the ISAF/ US forces in Afghanistan, Indian Army uses only small arms. At times troops wait out holed up terrorists rather than cause collateral damage as is often reported in Afghanistan/Pakistan due to employment of artillery, gunships and missiles.

Even then, our casualty ratio is much lower than the US and NATO soldiers.

WARRIOR ELITE: ARTRAC seeks to increase the quantity and quality of training of Jawans at the institutional level www.geopolitics.in

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September 2012

gONLOOKER DIAOYA, SENKAKU AND TIAOYUTAI: THE DETAILS! Japan has arrested five Ø pro-China activists accused of landing on a

Here’s what the leaders said “Both China and Japan must show restraint over the matter. I want Japan to know Taiwan takes its friendly relations very seriously, and hopes all sides can reach a peaceful solution.”

Japanese-claimed island. Taiwan, China and Japan all claim sovereignty over the uninhabited outpost. Initially, seven pro-China protestors had tried to land on one of the chain of islands in the East China Sea known as Diaoya in China, Senkaku in Japan and Tiaoyutai in Taiwan. All three countries claim sovereignty over the unoccupied islets, situated near rich fishing waters and large maritime oil reserves.

HERE’S THE HISTORY 1895

The Japanese government annexes a group of five uninhabited islands on the grounds that they have never been controlled by any other country.

1945

Japan surrenders to the US-led allied nations at the end of the Second World War. The islands remain under US occupation as part of Okinawa until 1972.

1969

The UN Economic Commission for Asia and the Pacific reports that there may be potential undersea oil reserves in the vicinity of the islands.

Ma Ying-Jeou

Taiwanese President “The Chinese people are from a nation with spirit. Therefore, when it comes to the important issues related to the country’s sovereignty, national unity and territorial integrity, we make no compromise ...the Chinese have an inherent unyielding quality.”

“It is really regrettable that they entered Japan’s territorial waters and illegally landed on Uotsurijima, despite our repeated warnings.”

Yoshihiko Noda

Wen Jiabao

Japanese Prime Minister

1971

The governments of China and Taiwan formally declare ownership of the islands.

1972

Okinawa is returned to Japanese rule.

2004

A group of Chinese activists lands on one of the disputed islands. The then Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi orders their deportation after two days.

Chinese Prime Minister

September, 2010

A Chinese fishing boat rams two Japanese coastguard patrol boats off the islands. Its captain is arrested but freed around two weeks later amid a heated diplomatic row that affects trade and political ties.

April 16, 2012

Tokyo Governor Shintaro Ishihara announces he has reached a basic agreement to buy the Kurihara-owned islands.

July 7, 2012

Japanese PM Yoshihiko Noda says his government is considering buying the islands.

August 15, 2012

Japanese police arrest 14 proChina activists, five of them on one of the islands.

August 17, 2012

All 14 are deported.

August 19, 2012: Japanese

nationalists land on the islands without permission.

Hollande’s woes The honeymoon is over for French President François Hollande. Under increasing fire from his own team that is calling into question his leadership and describing it as “halting” and “mediocre”. Their particular is at his response to the economic problems facing France and the EU. With the

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economy stalled and thousands of jobs under threat, Hollande has not yet explained how he can deliver his apparently contradictory election promises to rekindle growth while cutting France’s budget deficit to three per cent of GDP next year.

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September 2012

O N L O O K E R Egypt thumbs the nose at the US

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GADDAFI’S GHOST According to Stratfor : “Explosive devices in three cars parked outside government ministries in Tripoli detonated in rapid succession early August 19, killing two people and injuring four others.

Immediately after the blasts, authorities found two additional explosive devices that had failed to detonate near other government buildings, although it is unclear whether the defective devices were found in cars or planted outside. At least 32 people, many who allegedly supported former Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi, have been arrested in connection with the attack

thus far. The blasts follow a similar bombing against a military police office in Tripoli on August 4.” Such planned, coordinated attacks differ from militia-on-militia skirmishes previously seen in the capital and recent retribution attacks against former Gadhafi regime officials in Benghazi. Although none of the recent bombings were particularly sophisticated or responsible for inflicting mass casualties, the attacks could be part of an attempt by the former regime’s supporters to destabilise the interim administration as it tries to form a new government in the fractious country.

Unstable Ethiopia

Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi died on Ø August 21 at the age of 57.

he Arab Spring is fast turning into a cold winter for Washington and its hopes of being on the right side of history seem completely unreal. The fact of the matter is that its once loyal ally—Egypt—is simply moving away from the United States and the writing on the wall is there for everyone to see.

Here’s what Washington did to get on the right side of Egypt’s new President Mohammed Morsi.

• President Obama was one of the first to call and congratulate him.

• As a follow-up, Obama wrote a letter to Morsi that was delivered in person by Deputy Secretary of State William Burns.

• This was followed by the Secretary of State Hillary

many have expressed fears that the country could unravel with the sudden absence of their strongman of over two Meles was apparently unwell decades. Ethiopia’s last politifor some time and had not been seen in public since mid- cal transition was marked by violence, and increased govJuly. Was there an internal ernment repression: power struggle taking place in As the Al Jazeera said: order to determine succession “Meles rapidly became an within Ethiopia’s ruling party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolu- international statesman: He was hailed by Bill Clinton as tionary Democratic Front the prime exponent of ‘Africa’s (EPRDF)? While the governnew generation of leaders’ in ment has assured everyone that Ethiopia will remain stable 1998; he sat on Tony Blair’s Commission for Africa in throughout the transition,

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Clinton’s visit to Morsi.

• Clinton’s visit was followed by a visit to Cairo by Defense Secretary Leon Panetta. Within days or weeks of Panetta’s visit, the military was sent back by Morsi to the barracks and he signalled that he was his own man. And now by making his first overseas trips to Iran and China, Morsi has clearly turned down Washington’s invitation that Burns carried to Egypt.

Egyptian daily Al-Ahram summed up: “The two visits may mark changes in Egypt’s foreign policy, given that both countries [China and Iran] have tense relations with the United States, to whom Egypt has been a loyal ally, especially under the rule of ousted president Hosni Mubarak.”

2004-2005 and represented the African Union in climate change negotiations since 2009. Boosted by relative political stability and spectacular economic growth at home, he transformed Ethiopia from an object of international pity into a powerful actor.” His legacy is a mixed one. It was a totalitarian regime that ensured that Ethiopia rose from the ashes from being a state of near collapse into the dominant regional power in the Horn of Africa.

September 2012

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GEOPOLITICS

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ISRO.ORG

HE REVOLUTION in Military Affairs (RMA) which began in the 1970s, aimed marrying firepower with the microprocessor in order to achieve the capability to hit any target with absolute precision. In order to achieve this, one required gathering, processing, analysing and distribution of accurate intelligence.

Possession of hardware that could guarantee the same thus became of critical importance. While machinery such as the Airborne Warning and Control System or AWACS gave the armed forces the luxury of having radar in the sky, it was still limited by constraints such as range and was not feasible to be used on a roundthe-clock basis.

Space-based assets provided the ideal solution in such a scenario. By being placed with powerful panchromatic cameras that had sub-metre resolutions, spacebased assets attained the capability to capture the license plate number of an

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automobile at an altitude where only an Anti-Satellite (ASAT) weapon (possessed only by the USA, Russia and recently China) could reach. Satellites placed in a Low Earth Orbit (LEO) equipped with data links that could transmit data in real time became an ideal and the preferred tool for Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) operations.

It is against this background that the recent launching of the RISAT-1(Radar Imaging SATellite) may be seen. On April 26, 2012, the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) launched and placed into orbit its latest Earth Observation Satellite (EOS), the RISAT-1 at an orbiting height of 583 km using its PSLVC19 rocket. Weighing an estimated 1,858 kg, the satellite became the heaviest payload that the PSLV-C19 has ever placed in orbit.

Though RISAT-1 is not the first EOS that has been launched by ISRO, it is of special significance as it houses an indigenously developed Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR), which gives it the ability to view and form images of the earth irrespective of the time of the day or the weather. In fact the RISAT-2, which was placed into orbit by the ISRO in early 2009, also possesses a SAR-like the RISAT-1, but it was acquired from the Israeli Aerospace Industries (IAI) rather than being indigenously developed.

This capability was not available to the IRS series of satellites which used electro optical sensors to observe the earth and as the name suggests, electro-optical sensors need an external source of illumination (in this case, the sun) to form images. They are STEED TO THE HEAVENS: The RISAT-1 was placed at an orbiting height of 583 km using the PSLV-C19 such as this one

September 2012

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INDIA’S PANOPTICON Country’s first indigenous all-weather Radar Imaging Satellite (RISAT-1), whose images will facilitate agriculture and disaster management, should also pursue military objectives, argues SHIV RAM KRISHNA PANDE also unable to form images in case there is cloud cover or fog, thereby limiting the conditions in which they can operate.

With the launch of the RISAT-1, the ISRO joined an elite club of organisations possessing the capability to design and launch a SAR. The only others who have managed this feat are Canada, the USA, the European Space Agency, Israel and Japan.

Operation of Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) As the word ‘synthetic’ suggests, the SAR aims to replicate the function of a large antenna by using a smaller one. While the antenna is being kept in motion, an Electro Magnetic (EM) pulse is generated by the satellite which is directed towards the earth’s surface. As EM pulses can pass through vacuum (or space), they can function irrespective of the weather conditions and also do not require an external source of illumination. The backscatter that the EM pulse suffers on coming in contact with the earth’s surface is received by the antenna, behind which are placed individual Transmission/ Receiver (T/R) modules. These T/R modules pass the recorded backscatter to the digital-processing module which sequentially gathers, processes and later transmits the data onto the ground station where the final image is formed.

Imaging in a SAR A SAR satellite uses both SAR and Interferometric SAR techniques (InSAR, also referred to as Inverse SAR) in order to form an image. A satellite carrying a SAR can form a 2D image with topographical characteristics or a 3D image depending upon the number of passes it completes over a particular location.

A 2D SAR image is only composed of black and white colours due to which it can suffer from a number of drawbacks, one of which is shadowing. Phenomena such as shadowing make it extremely difficult for the ground crew to differentiate between features such as a shadow and a cliff, since both appear to be black in www.geopolitics.in

colour on the image. The ground crew has to compare the time delay obtained over such a feature to that obtained over ground level. If the time delay is the same as the ground level, then the feature is a shadow (which could be caused due to a mountain) and if the time delay is more than the ground level, the feature would be a cliff.

Once, a SAR passes over a location for the second time, it is able to use the InSAR technique in order to produce an image with elevation characteristics by making use of different colours to indicate any change in topography. Consequently, by passing over a location multiple times, one can obtain a 3D image from a SAR. The alternative way to obtain a 3D image is having a constellation of SAR satellites, which are able to capture the image of a particular location over different elevation angles.

The RISAT-1 as a SAR The RISAT-1, which is a multi-polarisation, multi-mode C-band SAR, carries three 2x2 m antennas operating at a frequency of 5.33 GHz, shall have a basic repetitive cycle requirement of about 25 days. By having the ability to switch from one mode to another due to the presence of the active phased array antenna technology, the satellite can increase or decrease its swath (footprint of the EM pulse) and consequently the resolution of the images.

The swath (coverage area) offered by the satellite varies from 30 km in the Coarse Resolution ScanSAR mode (with an image resolution of 3-6 m) to 240 km (with an image resolution of 50 m) in the Fine Resolution Stripmap (FRS-1).

Once the satellite has captured

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the image in any mode, it can be transmitted in real time or playback mode. It is capable of recording up to 240 Gb of data, which can be sent to the ground stations using X band data link.

According to ISRO, RISAT-1 will be used for monitoring crops during the Kharif season during the monsons. This was not possible earlier since cloud cover blocked the view of IRS series of satellites.

The ISRO website also states that the satellite will be used for disaster management. But, given the dual nature of space technology and the specifications of the RISAT-1, it could very well be India’s first indigenously-produced all-weather reconnaissance satellite; a fact that has neither been confirmed nor denied by the ISRO. This marks a significant departure from the statements of ISRO post the launch of the RISAT-2 in 2009.

The RISAT-1: A prequel or a sequel?

As mentioned earlier, the RISAT-2 equipped with a SAR acquired from the IAI was launched in early 2009. It was also the only satellite whose launch was not covered by the state-owned Doordarshan network. Given that the Indian government gave the go-ahead to RISAT-2 ahead of the RISAT-1, coupled with the fact that it was launched only months after the 26/11 attacks on the city of Mumbai, it did not take much for the

Satellite Specifications Altitude Inclination Orbit Period Mass

: : : :

550 km 41 deg 90 minutes 300 kg

RISAT-2 is a Radar Imaging Satellite with all-weather capability to take images of the earth. This satellite will enhance ISRO’s capability for Disaster Management applications.

September 2012

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EARTH.ESA.INT

FOCUS

ALL-SEEING EYE: RISAT-1 an indigenously-developed Synthetic Aperture Radar which gives it the ability to peer at the earth irrespective of the time of the day or the weather

Indian media to spark off the view that the RISAT-2 was India’s first all-weather ‘spy satellite’, which would enhance India’s ISR capabilities and prevent another attack like 26/11 from happening. This view was heavily objected to and denied by the then ISRO chief, G Madhavan Nair.

Since these lines of comments have not been followed by the ISRO after the launch of the RISAT-1, it is possible that ISRO is starting to move in the direction, which could see it overtly declare that some of ISRO’s operations indeed do have a military dimension to it.

RISAT -1 and Michael Foucault The renowned French philosopher Michael Foucault proposed the social theory of Panopticism. The theory of Panopticism basically draws up a scenario, which has an observation tower (called a Panopticon) in the centre of a perimeter.

This perimeter contains residential cells that are designed in such a way that although the authority inside observatory can determine the state of the subject inside the cell, the vice versa is not possible. In such a scenario, it is also possible that the observatory could be empty, but since the subject inside the cell cannot possibly determine that it transpires a feeling of ‘being watched on a 24x7 basis’ into the subject.

This is precisely the impact that the RISAT series of satellites will have on actors who are hostile to India’s interests.

By analysing the technical specifications of any satellite (which are freely available on the internet) an adversary can prewww.geopolitics.in

determine the exact location of a satellite at any given time but cannot know what (or if ) is the satellite photographing.

Thus, a satellite can act as the first line of defence towards the national security of India even if it is perched at a height of nearly 600 km above the sea level.

Since the RISAT-1 could be used to maintain surveillance over India’s neighbourhood, it also faces the threat of being shot down by a ASAT (Anti-SATellite) weapon possessed by China. Such an action could be taken by China at its own behest or at the request of its tributary, Pakistan. India has to make sure that her Panopticon is safe and secure at all given times.

Future Prospects The security of space-based assets will require close collaboration between the Indian Air Force (IAF) and ISRO. The role of the IAF has to be central in this regard since it is primarily the body, which is entrusted with guarding the Indian skies (and with extension, space). While this does not require the ISRO to overtly declare the presence of a military dimension, a declaration of the same will enable joint co-operation between the two agencies and others like the National Technical Research Organisation (NTRO) in an institutionalised manner and enable a better channel for communication, debate, discussion and decisionmaking. This would also help in speeding up the establishment of an Aerospace Command, which has been high on the wish-list of the IAF since the start of the new millennium.

At the same time, the launch of the

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RISAT-1 should not be seen as a standalone event but as a stepping stone towards achieving complete indigenous capability for any space-based operation that India might require. Keeping this in mind, in the future satellites succeeding the RISAT-1 should be capable of carrying an indigenously-developed satellite with the capability to operate the SAR in higher wavelength spectrums than the Cband — such as the L and the X-band.

This will improve both the swath (radar footprint) and the azimuth resolution (image resolution) that can be extracted from the satellite.

Further research in storage devices could see the future versions of the RISAT series holding more than 240 Gb of data while not increasing (and hopefully decreasing) the weight of the payload, which will in turn decrease the strain on the launch vehicle that is responsible for placing the payload into orbit.

The RISAT-1, in its mission objectives, states that the satellite should have a life of at least five years in space. A satellite, which is in the low earth polar orbit, tends to have shorter lifetime span as compared to the geo-stationary satellite due to higher atmospheric friction in the lower orbiting altitudes. One of the ways in which the life span of a polar satellite can be increased is to improve the quality of the materials involved, especially of those which compromise the central cylinder of the payload. A longer-lasting satellite would also give ISRO more time to develop its successor.

(The author is a Research Associate at Centre for Air Power Studies, New Delhi) September 2012

TOP SHOT We deconstruct the Indian Army's anti-material rifle RFI

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INTERVIEW Samtel's Puneet Kaura on his company's expansion plans

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g geopolitics D E F E N C E

B U S I N E S S

INDIA’S

C-17 ‘MAJOR JOIN’ COMPLETE

STRATEGIC JOINT: Consul General of India N Parthasarathi drives a ceremonial rivet into the country’s first Boeing C-17 during a “major join” ceremony at Boeing facility

The first Boeing C-17 strategic lift aircraft being built for India is literally coming together at a facility in the US

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HE FORWARD, centre and aft fuselages and the wing assembly of India’s first C-17 Globemaster III was integrated recently at Boeing’s Long Beach facility during what was termed the “major join” ceremony. Amongst those present were members from the Indian Embassy, senior Indian Air Force (IAF) officers along with local officals.

The officials drove ceremonial rivets into the aircraft. India’s Consul General www.geopolitics.in

in San Francisco N Parthasarathi said, “The defence relationship between India and the United States is an important dimension of our strategic partnership. This momentous occasion, where we see India’s first C-17 take shape, further strengthens our growing relationship. As India strives to become a global reservoir of highly skilled and technologically-sophisticated manpower, we Continued on Page 22 }

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BAE wins South Korea F-16 upgrade IN A strange result to a competitive bid to upgrade South Korea’s F16s, the original manufacturer Lockheed Martin lost to the US subsidiary of BAE systems. The $1-billion contract is for the upgrade of the F-16 variant built by the Korea Aerospace Industry. A large part of the contract is expected to go to the European partner. The contract will see installation of latest computers and operating systems in the aircraft.

September 2012

DEF BIZ

g Nuggets NAVY FLOATS $900-MN CHOPPER TENDER The Indian Navy has issued request for proposals to replace its Chetak utility helicopters. The tender is expected to cost around $900 million. The Indian Navy at present is operating around 60 utility helicopters. Naval helicopters are slightly different from Air Force version as they have to be fit enough to operate from both shores and ships.

The Navy’s technical requirement is different from that of the Air Force and the Army. The Navy wishes to operate twin-engine utility choppers.

Chetaks are also used by the Indian Coast Guard for both shore and ship duties. The Navy’s request for proposals (RFP) has been sent to all major chopper manufacturers including Bell Helicopter Textron, EADS’s Eurocopter, Finmeccanica’s AgustaWestland, Russian Helicopters and Sikorsky. The Navy requires vendors to field twin-engine helicopters that can operate in adverse weather day/night conditions for Search and Rescue (SAR) and conduct casualty evacuation and logistics and communication duties with underslung cargo. Other tasks Continued on Page 23 }

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will witness an escalatingtechnology transfer, collaborative joint research and development, and co-production of defence items between our two countries.”

Bob Ciesla, Boeing Airlift Vice-President and C-17 Programme Manager, said, “This is a proud day for the highlyskilled Boeing workforce and our newest customer to celebrate a major production milestone. We are preparing for India’s first C-17 to enter flight test on schedule early next year, and we look forward to providing for India’s current and future needs and continuing to support C-17s long after they are delivered.”

As the workhorse of the IAF in the coming years, this airlifter is expected to perform a wide variety of roles including the classic humanitarian operations; floodrelief missions and of course the core operational requirements of the armed forces — to lift men and material across the subcontinent to diverse theatres at short notice.

The $4.1-billion deal for 10 C-17 Globemaster III aircraft was the second big deal with the US after the Indian Navy’s purchase in 2009 of eight P-8 aircraft for $2.1 billion for Boeing Defence, Space and Security (BDS), the company’s military division, which stares at US defence cuts of a trillion dollars over the coming decade making New Delhi an increasingly important customer.

The deal was under the US government’s Foreign Military Sales (FMS) programme.

Under this, Boeing will deliver the first five C-17s next year, with another five following in 2014.

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Milestones Ø The MoD (Ministry of Defence) agreement signed just about a year back in June 2011 for 10 C-17 airlifters.

This makes India the largest C-17 customer outside the US Ø The first C-17 to be in India by June next year. The nine others are expected to join the fleet before the end of 2014 Ø Boeing has delivered 245 C-17s worldwide, including 217 to the US Air Force. A total of 28 C-17s have been delivered to Australia, Canada, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, the United Kingdom and the 12-member Strategic Airlift Capability Ø The four-engine workhorse has a rear-loading ramp with a payload of 164,900 pounds and a take-off capacity from a 7,000-feet airfield. It can also land on a runway of 3,000 feet or less. This ability will be particularly useful for these aircraft along the Sino-Indian border and the long Himalayan border Ø The C-17 fleet is likely to be based at Hindon near Delhi Ø It can fly 2,400 nautical miles and can be refuelled in mid-air Ø A novelty in India’s C-17 purchase is a “performancebased logistics” contract that the IAF has signed with Boeing. This binds Boeing to ensure that some 85 per cent of the C-17 fleet is always available and ready for operations. Boeing will position spares and maintenance personnel for this, drawing not just on depots in the US, but on a “virtual fleet” that includes the six other forces that operate the C-17.

September 2012

g EMBRAER DELIVERS FIRST AEW&C AIRCRAFT EMBRAER HAS delivered the first EMB 145 Airborne Early Warning and Control (AEW&C) aircraft to India in a ceremony held at Embraer’s headquarters in São José dos Campos, Brazil. The delivery was made after completion of ground and flight tests of the aircraft, which met operational targets set by both Embraer and Centre for Airborne Systems (CABS) of Defence Research & Development Organisation (DRDO).

CABS will integrate mission systems in the aircraft before delivery to the Indian Air Force. Luiz Carlos Aguiar, President and CEO of Embraer Defense and Security, said: “The collaboration with DRDO in such a complex programme strengthens the ties between Brazil and India. We are very proud to meet the expectations of our clients in providing CABS, DRDO with this platform.”

Speaking on the occasion, Dr Elangovan, Chief Controller, R&D (Avionics & Aero) of DRDO, said, “This EMB 145 AEW&C features major capabilities such as in-flight refueling system, significant increase in electric and cooling capacity and a comprehensive set of structural

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Nuggets EYE IN THE SKY: The indigenous AEW&C will go a long way in ensuring the safety of Indian sky

changes to which will allow the installation of the advanced mission systems that have been developed by India’s CABS (Centre for Air Borne Systems) along with its work centres of DRDO.” Dr Christopher, Programme Director AEW&C, and Director, CABS, said, “The success of this programme is the symbol of cooperation between India and Brazil.

In 2008, Indian Air Force signed a contract for six AEWC aircraft with Embraer and rest five aircraft will be delivered subsequently. The Embraer AEWC will work along with the RussianIsraeli Air-borne Warning and Control System (AWACS), which is operational with IAF.

Samtel bags Honeywell order SAMTEL AVIONICS & Defence Systems (SA) has received an order of $ 5.1 million to manufacture avionics equipment for Honeywell. This contract is a continuation of a previous purchase order that Samtel had received from Honeywell in 2010.

Thereafter, Samtel has become an approved supplier for Honeywell worldwide for this equipment. The production will begin shortly at Samtel Avionics’ new production facility at Greater Noida.

Both companies have been working together for the last five years since the first contract for Color Avionics Tubes was signed between them. Samtel is also in discussion with Honeywell for multiple

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display programmes, and expects to get more business with the total potential value reaching up to $100 million over the next 5-7 years.

With this deal, Samtel has ventured into manufacturing of advanced avionics equipment for commercial aircraft. Commenting on this order, Puneet Kaura, Executive Director, Samtel Avionics & Defence Systems, said, “Samtel and Honeywell have had a successful relationship in the avionics space and we are happy to take this relationship to the next level.”

Samtel is now poised to become India’s first complete avionics firm in the private domain.

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include limited electronic-intelligence gathering, anti-submarine warfare (ASW) with a light torpedo or depth charge, dynamic response during aid to civil authorities, and anti-piracy missions with small arms. The Navy wants to operate the rotorcraft from smalldeck frigates and offshore patrol vehicles, as well as from aircraft carriers.

TATA-SIKORSKY ‘COPTER BOUND FOR BRAZIL

With flight tests of its first civilian helicopter, the S-92, concluding successfully, the Tata-Sikorsky joint-venture is getting ready to go global.

The first S-92, to be used for civilian purposes, is now being customised for supply to Lider Aviacao of Brazil, an aircraft and helicopter charter service provider. Sikorsky has a joint venture with the Tata Group to manufacture and supply helicopter components.

The components — numbering around 4,300 — are then supplied to Hyderabad-based Tata Advanced Systems (TASL), which has the mandate to manufacture cabins and fit the components made by the joint venture. These airframes are then sent to Continued on Page 24 }

September 2012

DEF BIZ

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Nuggets Sikorsky’s facility in Pennsylvania for further assembly of cockpits, rotors and other systems, for supply to customers. According to company officials, TASL has so far supplied about 15 airframes to the US company.TASL is currently supplying around two airframes per month, though the intent is to scale it up to three per month by 2013.

Sikorsky has also been keen on participating in the Indian defence procurement programme by manufacturing and supplying military range helicopters.

Sukhoi starts tests on PAK-FA’s radar SUKHOI HAS begun the test of active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar on its fifth-generation T-50 PAK-FA fighter. In a news release, Sukhoi design bureau said that the radar in its tests, both on ground and in flight, had shown “considerable progress”.

The performance demonstrated so far “corresponds to the existing level of best aviation systems available elsewhere”, Sukhoi says.

There are currently three flying T-50 prototypes, but only one is equipped with an onboard phased array radar (AFAR).

The radar has been developed by the Moscow-based Tikhomirov Scientific Research Institute of Instrument Design using locally-made elements of nanotechnology. It incorporates advanced antenna systems technology with electronically-controlled beam. The AESA radar has a range of new operation modes, which are used for

the first time in domestic practice. It allows increasing the target-detection range, parallel working in the “air-to-air” and “air-tosurface” modes, recognition and classification of the group and single objects, simultaneously attacking multiple targets with precision weapons, and ensuring communication and electronic countermeasures.

The unification of the elements of design and engineering solutions allows creation of the antenna arrays for the modernisation of radar systems for aircraft and air defence systems on the basis of the developed AFAR. The radar, which operates on the X-band, is working on the third prototype of the FGFA. The trial programme will see induction of the fourth aircraft very soon. The Russian government has plans to have 60 of these aircraft from 2015 onwards.

MULTIROLE CHOPPER TENDER TO BE DELAYED FURTHER The Navy’s six-year- old quest to procure multirole helicopters has been further delayed as the two key manufacturers in the deal have been asked to extend the validity of their proposals for six more months.

For the second time in 12 months, the MoD has asked Sikorsky and NH Industries to extend the validity of their proposals for the over $ 1billion tender for 16 choppers. “We have been asked by the Defence Ministry to extend the validity of our proposal Continued on Page 25 }

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IAF receives full fleet of Hawk trainers THE INDIAN Air Force (IAF) has received all 66 Hawk advanced jet trainers (AJTs) it had ordered from BAE Systems.

The details about the Hawk programme were shared with Parliament by Minister of State for Defence M M Pallam Raju, who said that training of IAF pilots in 2010-11, planned on new advanced trainers, eventually took place in Mig-21 aircraft because of late delivery of aircraft by Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), which produced the trainers under licence.

The IAF eventually would have more than 140 advanced jet trainers after the 66 Hawk trainers are made available. With new

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deals lined up, the IAF would look to revive its Surya Kiran aerobatic team with Hawk AJTs. The Surya Kiran team, flying Kiran intermediate jet trainers, had stopped flying because of shortage of aircraft.

While the advanced training requirements are being met, the IAF hopes that its basic stage programme would start getting back on track by 2013 when the first batch of Pilatus PC 7 aircraft, ordered recently from the Swiss company, would be delivered. But the IAF will continue to have problems with the intermediate stage. An intermediate trainer is being developed by HAL but it is facing design problems.

September 2012

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Nuggets GRSE launches two ships for ICG GARDEN REACH Shipbuilders & Engineers Ltd (GRSE) launched the 6th and 7th ships in the series of eight water jet-propelled Inshore Patrol Vessel (IPV) for Indian Coast Guard simultaneously from Raja Bagan Dock Yard in Kolkata in early August. The keels of these ships were laid in January this year and within a period of six months these ships have been launched. This is a great achievement for Raja Bagan Dockyard (RBD) and achieved with adoption of Integrated Construction Technology.

Further outfitting work on Rajdoot and Rajveer will be taken up at RBD jetty and will be followed by sea trials. Delivery of these ships to Coast Guard is planned in January and March 2013, respectively. These ships have been entirely designed by Design Department of GRSE and can reach

maximum speed of 34 knots. Construction of IPVs has opened a new vista for production line at GRSE with substantial reduction in build period from 23 months to 18 months and GRSE is fully geared up to meet the demand of this type of ships from the Indian Navy and the Indian Coast Guard having efficient production line.

These ships are cost effective, fuel efficient, powerful and well suited for patrolling, anti-smuggling, anti-poaching and rescue operations. The ships have accommodation for 35 personnel. GRSE Engine Division at Ranchi has supplied the main engine with propulsion control system under license agreement with MTU, Germany, while GRSE Engineering Division has supplied Anchor Capstan, Mooring Capstan and Ammunition Davit.

Rossell India ties up with CAE Rossell India Limited has tied up with CAE Canada. The company has ventured into defence business after restructuring and diversifying into three separate divisions: Tea, Aviation & Defence (Technology and Engineering) and Product Support Services (Aerospace). Rossell will provide simulation training solutions to defence forces.

Indian forces are increasingly looking at simulation-based training and this www.geopolitics.in

has created a large market of simulation solution.

Rossell India Executive Chairman HM Gupta said, “We have entered into a partnership with CAE Canada for providing simulation training solutions for the Indian defence market.” The partnership will be as per the Defence Ministry’s guideline. Rossell India will hold 74 per cent stake and CAE Canada 26 per cent.

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for the tender,” Sikorsky India head AVM (Retd) A JS Walia told the media.

The choppers are critical for anti-submarine warfare and surveillance roles, in addition to the Navy’s fleet of Sea King helicopters. The Navy had completed the trials of the participating helicopters in 2011 and submitted its report with the Defence Ministry. Sikorsky has fielded its S-70 Blackhawk helicopter and NHI has offered its NH-90 helicopters for the tender.

BAE ‘HAWK’ CONTRACT FOR CAE

BAE Systems has awarded CAE a five-year contract to provide maintenance and support services for India’s Hawk synthetic training equipment. CAE India will provide on-site maintenance and support services at Indian Air Force’s base at Bidar, where the Indian Air Force operates a Hawk flight training device, two Hawk cockpit procedures trainers, and a Hawk avionics part-task trainer. CAE India will provide a range of training support services, including hardware and software engineering, troubleshooting, and logistics support.

September 2012

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BRIDGING THE TECHNOLOGY ABYSS DEFCOM, the annual event organised by the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) and Corps of Signals of the Indian Army — where the industry and the user come together to share views — witnessed the discussion of options for the modernisation of the Indian Army’s Signal Corps

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are using mobile-based communication systems, Internet Protocol Radios and Software Defined Radios, the Indian Army is still stuck with largely 50s vintage communication radio.

The Indian Army has been trying to

work out a solution where its communications structure can be a mix of state-ofthe-art and legacy systems. The Corps of Signals, along with the CII, organised DEFCOM 2012 in late July to this end.

In his address Chandrajit Banerjee,

HC TIWARI

HE INDIAN Army is using the decade-old legacy systems for communication and the modernisation of the Corps of Signals is well behind schedule. At a time when the forces across the world

OPTIMAL MIX: The Indian Army is striving to put in place an optimal mix of legacy and state-of-the-art equipment

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September 2012

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EXPERT PANEL: Major General HS Johar, ADG Corps of Signals; Deep Kapuria, Chairman, Hi-Tech Gears Limited; Lt Gen SP Kochhar, Signal Officer-in-Chief, Corps of Signals, Chandrajit Banerjee, Director General, Confederation of Indian Industry and, Maj Gen Atul Mehra, Corps of Signals, during Curtain Raiser Ceremony of DEFCOM INDIA 2012

Director General, CII, stated that several Indian companies, including many SMEs, had entered into communications hardware and software development, coming up with specific innovations in the domain to take up the challenge of meeting the requirements of the Indian armed forces. Indian industry today is emerging as an efficient, competitive and viable manufacturing hub for the world.

India promises a market for defence products and, at the same time, offers high-quality manufacturing facilities which would make products competitive not only for the Indian market but also for global markets.

Deep Kapuria, Chairman, CII National MSME Council, was also present on the occasion and in his address he said that industry, particularly small and medium enterprises (SME) were keen to actively participate in the ongoing military modernisation projects like Future Infantry Soldier as a System (F-INSAS), Battlefield Management System and Tactical Communication Systems. Each of these projects is capable of totally transforming the defence communication in the Indian context.

Speaking at the occasion, Lt Gen Kochhar said that there was a need to www.geopolitics.in

evolve from Information, Communications, Technology (ICT) to Information, Communications, Technology, Electronics and Cyber (ICTEC). This indeed is a giant leap into the future and a sure way to dust away legacy policies, procedures and mindsets. While a capability to com-

INDIAN INDUSTRY IS EMERGING AS AN EFFICIENT, COMPETITIVE AND VIABLE MANUFACTURING HUB GLOBALLY municate with legacy systems in all the new projects is desirable; having a legacy mindset is not acceptable.

The Indian Army cannot change its legacy systems overnight and it is looking towards a solution where it can work out a solution where, in addition to a mix of new and old systems inter-operatibility of the two can be ensured. Incidentally,

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the Indian Army is developing a largescale optical fiber network for its communication need and began work on a communication network on the lines of AFNET of Air Force.

Explaining the need for an independent defence communication network, Lt Gen Kochhar said, “An information grid is required to be established to generate precise war-fighting effects and orchestrated operations at an unprecedented operational tempo.”

The defence network must work seamlessly in a fluid, ad hoc, dense and hostile operational environment to enable force projection and delivery of decisive combat power at the decisionmaking level. Communication must never break down in a theatre battlefield area while on the move. The seamlessness of the network, even within enemy territory, is the need of the hour when the battle will be fought in the net-centric environment. The Indian Army wants a secure communication network linking different Army formations across the nation.

Lt Gen Kochhar further stated that while communications, surveillance and weapon-handling capabilities had evolved rapidly, the need for real-time battlefield information to assist decision making had also increased considerably leading to a growth in the demand for voice, video and data. The challenge, therefore, is to achieve a successful integration of sensors, shooters and decision-makers through a dynamic, reliable and secure loop.

The event was abuzz with the down selection of the Tactical Communication System (TCS). It is the first programme under the ‘Make India’ programme which has passed the first stage of down selection. Two development agencies — Bharat Electronics (BEL) and a consortium of Larsen and Toubro (L&T), Tata Power and HCL Infosys Ltd — have been down selected by the government to design and develop TCS for the trials by the user, as per the norms laid down by Defence Procurement Policy.

Speaking about TCS, Lt Gen Kochhar said that the need for a state-of-the-art TCS had long been felt and ‘Project TCS’ was conceived to bridge the gap between existing and contemporary technologies in this sphere. With the selection of two development agencies, TCS has become the first mega project to reach the design and development stage.

September 2012

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GREAT INDIAN ANTI-MATERIAL RIFLE HUNT In yet another attempt towards modernising the infantry, the Indian Army has issued a request for information (RFI) for anti-material rifles (AMRs) for its troops to engage the light-armoured vehicles in the battlefield. Geopolitics analyses this procurement bid

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metres.

The RFI says that the weapon must “be rugged and man portable by a crew of two and be easy to bring into and out of operation. The weapon must be simple in design, rugged, robust and reliable. It should be able to function effectively in all terrains and climatic conditions as existing in India”.

The Indian Army has been using automatic grenade launchers and man-portable anti-tank missiles in its infantry formations for quite some time now.

Automatic grenade launchers have been used very effectively in counterinsurgency warfare along with rocket launchers, affording superior fire power to the

US ARMY

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cross the world, armed forces are replacing their legacy vehicles with the armoured versions and, in the future, modern armies will only use vehicles with at least some form of armour protection. As a result, every army in the world is arming itself with weapons that can take on these armoured vehicles.

The Director General of Infantry and Director General of Weapons of the Indian Army came up with this new RFI to identify “probable vendors who can undertake the said project, the OEMs/ vendors are requested to forward information on the product which they can offer”. The receipt of bids for the RFI was closed in the first week of August.

The RFI suggests that the AMR “will be used during conventional and sub-conventional operations to engage lightarmoured targets to include lightarmoured vehicles, static defences, field fortifications, low-flying helicopters, etc”.

As the RFI suggests, infantry and mobile elements in the modern battlefield have to negotiate armoured and flying elements that are mostly offensive in nature.

A well-defended infantry post would require an anti-armour capability to defend itself.

Pakistan and China, two of our potential adversaries, have increasingly moved towards armoured vehicles to transport troops and even use armoured communication and support vehicles. Therefore, it is imperative for the Indian Army to prepare itself for future challenges.

The Army has shown interest in weapons that are not heavier than 15 kg, with a length up to 1.5 metres, a calibre of 12.7 mm and higher and an effective range not less than 1500

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WORLD BEATING ANTI-MATERIAL RIFLES

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RPA "Rangemaster" .50 caliber forces battling the terrorists. These weapons provide the forces with the ability to eliminate the well-entrenched heavily-armed terrorists. But the army has been complaining about the range of these weapons and that is why the RFI mentions a range of 1500 metres for antimaterial rifles — way more than the range of even heavy machine guns. This will provide range, lethality and superior fire power in addition to providing full safety to the operating crew of the two jawans.

The anti-material rifles should not be construed as anti-tank or anti-personnel carrier weapons. The modern armour of these vehicles is very heavy for the AMR. The armed forces employ AMRs in battle as an inexpensive weapon against low-flying helicopters, to destroy communication equipment, vehicles and similar systems from a safe distance. Sometimes these have also been used as sniper rifles.

In the RFI, the Army has asked for detailed information about the weapon systems, including weight, type of butt (folding/retractable), dimensions with the butt folded/retracted, effective range, reliability of the weapon/probability of stoppages occurring, type of fire (single shot/semi automatic/automatic) and firing mechanism, type of magazine and capacity, details of sight to include open sight, day sight and night sights, rate of fire, muzzle velocity.

The ammunition is the most important part of the AMR system as

effectiveness of the weapon depends on it. The other factors like barrel length etc do play a role but the single most important factor that makes considerable difference is the bullet of the gun. The Indian Army has penned out its requirements for the ammunition of the AMR. The RFI asks: “Type(s) of ammunition available that can be utilised by the AMR, physical characteristics, effect of ammunition on various types of targets at maximum effective ranges, penetration where applicable and/or effect on target (including armour penetration if applicable).”

In the RFI, the Army has specifically asked for “repair and maintenance philosophy of the OEM to include periodicity of midlife interventions intent towards establishing maintenance hubs”, as in the past, the Army has suffered due to maintenance issues. Therefore, in this case, the Army has categorically expressed its desire to know about the options available for maintenance.

The RFI is another step towards modernising the infantry. The Indian Army has been discussing the idea of inducting the AMR for a very long time and when compared with other leading armies we have been a little late in procuring this weapon system. The infantry is still very far from receiving these weapons.

In the past, the Army floated more than one RFI for a single-weapon system and small arms procurement saw some lethargy. But after taking decisions about the induction of assault rifles and snipers, it seems the Army has woken up to the urgent need to arm its soldiers with the latest weapon systems.

NEED OF THE HOUR: The Indian armed forces are desperately seeking an anti-material rifle, such as this one wielded by a US Army soldier, to arm the infantry

Country of Origin Russia Calibre

.50 BMG / 12.7x99

Operation

Bolt Action

Barrel Length Length (ready/folded) Weight (with bipod & scope) Magazine Capacity

812 mm 1520/1230 mm 16.9 kg 5 rounds

Steyr HS .50 Country of Origin Austria Calibre .50 BMG Operation Bolt Action 833 mm / 33" with Barrel Length muzzle brake Length 1.370 mm / 54" Weight 12.4 kg Magazine (Single Shot) Capacity

Barett 82A1/82A1 CQ Country of Origin USA Calibre

.50 BMG or 416 Barrett

Operation Weight Overall Length

Semi-Automatic 14 kg 57" (145 cm)

Barrel Length Magazine Capacity

29" (73.7 cm) 10 Rounds

PGM Ultima Ratio 'Hecate II' Country of Origin France Calibre .50BMG (12.7x99 mm) Operation Barrel Length Weight Length Magazine Capacity www.geopolitics.in

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Bolt Action 700 mm 13.8 kg 1380 mm 7 rounds September 2012

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“TOWARDS SELF SUFFICIENCY IN MEDIUM-LIFT AIRCRAFT” The Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) of the Ministry of Defence (MoD) recently cleared the proposal for the replacement of the Avro medium transport aircraft (MTA) for the Indian Air Force. In a milestone decision the MoD has decided to acquire the replacement aircraft from private industry through ‘Buy and Make India’. ROHIT SRIVASTAVA reports

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Today, Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) does exactly that but in spite of this preferential treatment the company has not been able to upgrade any aircraft on its own. Indian industry has been recommending to

Anticipated schedule (a) October, 2012: Issue of RFP: previously June 2012 (b) July, 2014: Award of Contract (c) July 2017: Delivery of First Aircraft from OEM plant. (Delivery capacity 7-8 aircraft per year) (d) Mid 2019: Delivery of first aircraft from Indian industry partner (e) End 2025: Final Delivery

THE STALWART: The HS 748 has served India for decades and its replacement is long overdue

AIRSHOWS.CO.UK

HE INDIAN defence industry has got another reason to rejoice. After the down selection of the development agency for the Tactical Communication System under the ‘Make India’ clause of Defence Procurement Policy, the MoD has decided to go ahead with another procurement programme on a similar route.

The MoD selects one of its manufacturing units for any weapons system’s assembly and Transfer of Technology (ToT), and then these units start manufacturing them subsequently from semi-knocked down to full assembly. This is how defence production units have been able to gather capabilities.

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September 2012

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Specifications of the Hawker Siddeley HS-748

Summary of Discussions

Engine Cruising speed Max initial rate of climb Range Operating empty Max takeoff Flightcrew Seating

Based on the minutes of the meeting held at Vayu Bhawan on December 28, 2011, attended by ACAS (Plan) AVM SPB Sinha. ¾ RFP likely to be issued in April ¾ RFP likely to include ToT requirement if the offset policy currently under revision includes ToT as allowable by offsets is promulgated prior to issue of RFP. The RFP as per IAF sources is three months away. ¾ 5 months to respond to RFP. ¾ Vendors (OEM) to submit Preliminary Project Report defining the road map of ToT. ¾ IAF not inclined towards Russian planes. ¾ Induction Plan of IAF:16 Flyaway aircraft to be supplied two years after signing the contract. Remaining 40 Indian manufactured with ToT to be supplied in five years ¾ Five years’ time for the Indian manufacturer to get ready for manufacturing ¾ The Indian manufacturer to be able to carry out depot-level maintenance ¾ Overall life cycle operating cost to be considered while deciding the L1 ¾ The Indian partner should start mapping Tier 1, 2 and 3 suppliers.

: : : : : : : :

the government that it should also have the same privileges as the defence public sector units (DPSUs).

The industry believes that given a similar opportunity they would be able to exceed the performance of DPSUs as they are answerable to their shareholders and have to be financially relevant, unlike their public sector counterparts.

Competitive private manufacturing has ensured relevance of indigenous industry the world over. The public sector in defence has failed to rise above the crisis in both India and Russia.

Indian Air Force (IAF) sources told Geopolitics that the replacement of the Avros would be procured as per the longtime perspective plan. The aircraft is of 60s vintage with generations-old technologies and they require replacement with an aircraft with improved technology.

Avro has certain limitations in terms of high-altitude operations and has exceeded its shelf life. It is worth mentioning that the IAF is upgrading its high-altitude bases and is planning to upgrade them to accommodate

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Two 1700kW (2280ehp) Dart Mk552-2s 452km/h 1420ft/min 1715km 12,159kg 21,092kg Two Between 48 and 51 passengers heavier aircraft. At present, only An-32s can land at some of these airfields.

There is a need for aircraft that can land at these sites along with the IAF workhorse An-32s.

IAF sources informed us that they were looking for an overall performance improvement — the aircraft must have greater speed, range, higher service ceiling, a modern cockpit and avionics all within the stipulated weight limit of 6-8 tonnes. Sources have also reiterated that the final decision on the aircraft would be the MoD’s and not the IAF’s. Everyone is aware that HAL is overloaded with work and will not be in a position to take on any new project till 2030.

Of late, the private Indian industry has been asking the government for orders in the aviation sector. The IAF is going to procure aircraft from the Indian private industry — a milestone in the industry — and the order will be placed under the “Buy and Make” proposal of Defence Procurement Policy (DPP) 2011. Sources in the industry have told Geopolitics that the total contract value

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Excerpts from CII’s Gurpal Singh’s letter of December 19, 2011, to ACAS (Plans) AVM AVM S B P Sinha, AVSM, VM y

y

y

y

“The two pronged success of the programme lies in parallel accomplishment of supply of MTA, meeting the quality, time and cost constraints, as well as, ensuring growth of the nascent indigenous Defence industry by creating second line for aircraft manufacture in the country. In this endeavor, it is important that the foreign OEMs selects a financially strong and capable Indian partner.”

“Permitting OEM to get into alliance with an Indian partner without laying down any specific criterion may increase the risk in the project. The Confederation of Indian Industry would recommend a strong need for specifying definitive criteria for the selection of manufacturing partner for MTA Proposal.”

“Government may consider inviting a single bid with separate value for the “Buy” portion in FE (Foreign Exchange) and “Make” portion in INR as has been done in past for similar programmes by DPSUs. The bids submitted in this manner can be negotiated between the government and the Indian partner for “Make” part if the bid is submitted together by the OEM and Indian Partner.”

Optimal utilisation of the available infrastructure between public and private sector with a view to bring down the overall cost of the project is possible if IAF/MoD can consider either leasing out of its available infrastructural facilities (such as at Air Station Sulur) or allowing private sector to create the same at existing Air Station with access to runways as could be done under GOCO model. Such a model has been successfully employed and operational for Navy’s Strategic Submarine Project.

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is expected to be approximately $3.8 billion for 56 aircraft. The industry has calculated that the total capital expenditure for this project to establish capability in India will be around $300-500 million. It is worth observing that the total turnover is almost ten times the capital expenditure in a ten-year time span.

Industry sources have further revealed that with this project, the investment, turnover ratio, and most importantly, the business, is assured.

The winner of the contract will also end up getting very advanced aircraft manufacturing technology which they currently do not possess and can’t acquire without any assured sales. The industry is reluctant to invest in capacity-building because of these financial issues. Indian industry is facing a paradox and most of the captains of industry have complained that they cannot continue investing without receiving any orders first.

THE PUBLIC SECTOR IN DEFENCE HAS FAILED TO RISE ABOVE THE CRISIS IN BOTH INDIA AND RUSSIA The industry has evaluated the total programme cost to be somewhere around two-and-a-half times that of the sales cost, when one includes the cost of Programme Life Management, spares and upgrades over the lifetime of the aircraft coming up with a total value of $ 10 billion. The Indian partner of the global Original Equipment Manufacturer (OEM) will be the nodal agency for lifetime support and therefore the company will be doing business long after the final aircraft delivery.

Gurpal Singh, Principal Adviser, Confederation of Indian Industry (CII), has already written to the Air Force regarding the future medium transport aircraft. (see box on left) Usually in the aviation industry, lifetime support is estimated to be around 25 years. It is much longer in military aviation as midlife upgrades are

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conducted at least once to incorporate the latest in technology, which takes the total lifetime support to 30 years and beyond. India is known to use its aircraft for more than four decades. If one adds this to the project, the total value may reach to three to four times of the procurement cost. Therefore, the entity, which gets the contract, is estimated to be in the business for well over four decades. The government has hinted to the industry that the orders might extend to paramilitary forces too. There could also be the possibility of export of the aircraft to the friendly nations.

The Indian Air Force has been discussing this project with nearly eight firms from the industry for the last eight months. These firms range from small aviation companies with technology to the major industrial groups with interest in defence.

According to industry sources, Indian firms are expected to come up with joint ventures with the OEMs and then offer the aircraft. There will be capability verification of the Indian firms by the Ministry of Defence to allow only serious contenders into the trials. This process is part of standard procedure for the ‘Make India’ route. The RFP will be issued to aviation firms across the globe who will be pitching their aircraft.

The first 16 of the contracted orders will be in fly-away condition. The rest will be manufactured in incremental fashion starting with semi-knocked-down kits to fully-knocked-down kits until ultimately manufacturing with parts procured from within India will begin.

The technology, it appears, will have to be shared with the Tier Two and Tier Three firms so that they can manufacture the parts for the final assembly.

This project, if executed in the manner being discussed, could initiate an era of self-sufficiency in at least medium-lift aircraft, and subsequently Indian-manufactured civilian passenger jets and tactical airlifters. Mahindra and Mahindra has already entered the civilian aircraft manufacturing field with Mahindra Aviation, which displayed its five-seater propeller aircraft at Aeroindia 2010. Similarly, Tata has an airframe manufacturing joint venture with Lockheed Martin. Indian manufacturers are venturing into civil, transport and helicopter assembly manufacturing. This could be a good omen to a self-reliant India.

September 2012

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“We want to be for the long term, (India is) a place we feel is of strategic importance to us” — MARK MILLER

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SIKORSKY’S ‘BIRYANI’

FOR INDIA Just weeks back the first ‘Made in India’ helicopter from Sikorsky was delivered to a customer in Brazil. It’s the end result of championing India and plumping for a long-term varied and diverse collaborative approach. Mark Miller leads that charge and assisting him are Mike Ambrose, Teresa Carleton and AJS Walia. All four of them spoke to K SRINIVASAN on helicopters, innovation and, of course, the biryani

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t would not be very much off-themark to say that Mark Miller is making a bit of a biryani for Sikorsky in India. Well, it’s Mark’s favourite dish. This die-hard engineer’s wife worries that each time he travels he will lose weight but he actually ends up putting on a few pounds.

These days, Mark is stirring the pot with much relish and pouring in the ingredients that will literally make for a heady aroma and a delectable dish once he is done with the mixing.

For almost a decade now, since he moved from the iconic Lockheed Martin

Skunk Works, Mark has used the innovative liberalism of Skunk Works and meshed it with the technological bandwidth at Sikorsky to create products that have wowed observers. Having worked on fixed-wing, spaceships and missiles, the helicopter brought a fresh set of distinct technological challenges, but Mark dug into the unique challenge and the results that he and his team brought forth included the spectacular X-2 (the Sikorsky X-2 set an unofficial world record of 250 knots in level flight in September 2010) and the S-97 Raider that is a followup of the X-2 and a production aircraft.

THE DREAM TEAM: (Left to Right): AVM (Retd) AJS Walia, Regional ExecutiveIndia & South Asia, Mark Miller, Vice President, Research & Engineering, Teresa Carleton, Vice President — Mission Systems Design & Integration, Mike Ambrose, Vice President — Vehicle Definition & Integration, pose specially for Geopolitics at Delhi's Jantar Mantar a stone's throw from their office. The Jantar Mantar dates back to 1724

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¥

“The helicopter is underexploited in our country, but the day is not far off when it will be used for a variety of roles” — AJS WALIA

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“We have very good, energetic and wellschooled managers who had all the theories from school and were now applying it to something real” — MIKE AMBROSE

“Another dimension

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— TERESA CARLETON

HEMANT RAWAT

working with our engineering team on development of projects”

g DEFBIZ he is the one critical cog in the wheel who will plump for India every time a big project is up for grabs and push for more and more collaborative ventures out of the sub-continent.

“I see my role is to help manage and grow the relationship and help shape the strategy for Sikorsky with India, for instance. So, my particular interest when I look at India — and certainly I think the technical talent is a big piece of it — is about what we’re on the manufacturing side and look at opportunities on the technical side and for real partnership.”

“So the idea of an anchor country champion is recognition that this is a place we want to be for the long term, a place we feel that is of strategic importance to us. And extend and further develop the relationships we have and to look for creating new relationships,” said Mark during the course of a long conversation some months back.

So, what’s that to India?

From a strictly helicopter point of view, nothing. The S-97 is still moving up the steps; the X-2 is part of modern technological folklore, but Mark brings the rigour and inventiveness of his engineering background to blend it with the talent and uniqueness of the Indian engineering mind to produce a Sikorsky biryani that will act as a template for such collaborative ventures by Sikorsky around the world. He is the helicopter giant’s ‘India Champion’ which means www.geopolitics.in

Manufacturing It’s the sort of nuts and bolts approach of putting the pieces together in manufacturing, technology upgradation and collaborative JVs (joint venture) that Mark was in India to champion the way forward for Sikorsky: we have TASL which builds cabins; there is Research and Engineering work being done today and with Infotech, we have proximity warning systems with TATA Elxsi — that’s a joint R&D development effort.

So we see opportunities in mission systems, in vehicle systems, in avionics — on the engineering side as well. We have met with Infotech (UTC of which Sikorsky is a part includes Pratt and Whitney Engines and Hamilton Sundstrand that has a Puerto Rican-based JV with the `700 crore Hyderabad-headquartered Infotech Technologies).

Mark mentioned that there were plans to have a JV with TATA which is going to provide parts. More than that, he believes that on the ground “engineering expertise that goes along with those cabins” plus the “manufacturing engineering and the industrial engineering that is provided by TATA and Infotech collaboration with Sikorsky” will add huge value to the integration that Sikorsky is championing in India.

“So as these cabins get delivered and we look for future upgrades and modifications, we are trying to develop capability here to be able to do the engineering

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work as well that is associated with cabins.” It’s a bit like getting to be selfreliant for all the ingredients of the biryani!

If Mark is the Sous Chef, then the Executive Chef without a doubt is AJS Walia, the retired Air Vice Marshal from the Air Force who is a whirlwind of energy and in the last years he has completely changed the landscape with his ability to forge relationships and make friends. Being an extrovert helps and Walia makes friends naturally: “If I may add to what Mark said, we are evaluating many more relationships that will help us strengthen our position in India.

One good example of our collaborative success is Tata Advanced Materials, with who Pratt & Whitney has a strategic relationship. It is India’s sole exporter of spacecraft composites.” And when he was not doing a JV or travelling to headquarters where he has an office and where he spends almost half his time, Walia is selling helicopters to Chief Ministers. He recently sold a `12.5 million machine to the Maharashtra government and is in talks with several other state governments for a similar deal.

If Mike — on his first visit to India — was enchanted by the “can-do attitude, the passion, the enthusiasm”, a key member of his team, Mike Ambrose (Vice President — Vehicle Definition & Integration) said: “We started the assembly about a year-and-a-half ago and watching the progression of the workforce as they learnt the new process — very complicated, aero structure is very complicated — it takes a higher level of skills and as Mark talked about, is that as they went through the process, there was a lot of learning. Very good, energetic, well-schooled managers who had all the theories from school and were now applying it to something real. And so the benefit and the partnership that we had, was that we had the IP, we had the knowledge, and we were hoping to guide them through that. They are such quick learners that in the end we are learning from them in some cases and how well they are able to work with the workforce. To go from one a month to two a month and by next year to three a month, which is an amazing accomplishment when you look at that sort of a time.”

If Mark and Mike are delighted with what’s happening at Hyderabad, the fourth member of the team, Teresa September 2012

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www.geopolitics.in

work done by Infotech on the 76 helicopters a long time ago. They are now partnered with TATA working on our cabin. I have seen the capability grow from very — kind of — prescriptive detailed work in a certain area to more systems-level skills, more understanding of the whole systems. So, now you see avionics, structure, hydraulics, you see CATIA (Computer Aided Threedimensional Interactive Application) modelling, you see engineering productivity tools. You see more and more skills across the board.”

If that’s one end of the spectrum, Teresa is excited about other possibilities. “Another dimension that we’re looking at is… some of it is working with our engineering team on development of projects and building of helicopters but also we do a lot of work with the supply chain in the process of bringing a product to market,” she said.

What it would mean would actually be to buy the products that they’ve developed, for insertion into our helicopters. But that would also mean helping them with system-level capabilities.

“One of the things we talked and talked about was some help on some of our projects on certification. They’ve done work with Airbus and others on certification, documentation for certification.

So, we might use our internal interfaces with the FAA but we could use them to help develop the validation data that goes into certifying a product,” said Mark. It’s something that Mike describes as a “readymade developing potential. A near term, readymade kind of potential.”

“Some years ago, the helicopter giant set up Sikorsky Innovations. The idea was to give engineers the toughest problems in vertical flight and we let them just think out-of-the-box and approach problems differently. So, there is a culture to innovate and create and be different and so I think that attracts people,” said Mark and added that when that happened people were excited about doing stuff, they created innovative and new things.

“I think we recognise that; that is the key to our future. And, to me, part of that process is if we can globally leverage talent and skills better than anybody else and system-integrate it together better than anybody else, that is a competitive discriminator for us,” summed up Mark.

They believe India is one place

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where they can do it. “So, we like to pick a few partners that we can make the investment in, that’s sustainable. And I think, like I said we have a good culture match, there’s talent here, we are doing work on the manufacturing side. So, we can integrate the whole thing together,” he summed up.

The first of the ‘Made in India’ choppers has been delivered and is now flying in Brazil. The partnership is growing and Mark believes that it will only gallop ahead in the years ahead.

For the record Mike too loves the biryani and Teresa prefers the naan. Pardon us for not asking AJS Walia what’s his favourite!

September 2012

HEMANT RAWAT

Carleton (Vice President — Mission Systems Design & Integration) is delighted with the collaborative effort that she has going with Tata Elxsi: “I’ve come to see first-hand the capability of the people associated with TATA Elxsi so that we are actually identifying some follow-on work independent of this project where we can have increased collaboration.”

The project that Teresa was referring to is an R&D project that Tata Elxsi developed the hardware and software for that will integrate sensors to be put on the tail of a helicopter. The sensors will determine when you may be getting too close to wires or a fence — things that have actually caused helicopter accidents in the past. “So, they have developed the system that integrates the outfit of the radars and delivers it to the cockpit so it gives the pilot more information,” said Teresa and added, “So it’s been a great collaboration. It’s been something that has a research nature and ultimately as we field it, it’s something that will enhance safety…”

Although not in production, Teresa said: “We have had a prototype delivered to our facility in Stratford and we took it out onto our flight field to test it.

Based on the success of the prototype, we’re going forward with the project this year and as we complete a little bit more development we’ll be able to incorporate it into production in the coming years.”

It’s these sort of innovations that as Teresa rightly put it “start from basically a concept on a piece of paper” and now move to prototype that excites Sikorsky. It’s something that Mark stresses a lot as well. He mentions the Tata Elxsi project and says: “We spent a part of the day with them and looked at taking our domain expertise of helicopters and things they’ve done in the automotive area with sensors and visualisation and combine it to create something new and I think potentially a competitive discriminator for both of us. So it’s exciting stuff.”

In many ways the experience with Mohan Reddy, the dynamic founder and head of Infotech, and the seminal work that he has done with United Technologies and Sikorsky has helped define Sikorsky’s commitment to India. It’s best to hear Mark define the growth: “The relationship with United Technologies Aerospace unit and Sikorsky goes back seven-plus years, eight years. We had

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GEOPOLITICS

INTERVIEW

On the optoelectronics manufacturing business Electronics is something that we have been doing for the last 30 years as a group and optoelectronics, not very different from our current capabilities. We are already doing some work on optics, which is similar to other projects we have, like Head Up Display (HUD). So, this is basically an extension into a new product line, which capability-wise is very similar, but obviously is an upgrade to what we are doing. It’s taking the

capability to the next level. This is an area that does not just involve optoelectronic per se but there is a lot of sensor work as well. Infrared capabilities are also required. So, it makes a lot of sense to complete our portfolio as a complete avionics company and add these products to our product line.

On air transport indicators (ATIs) ATIs are head down displays. There are different sizes that are available in the market like 3”, 4” and 5”. LED-based head

HEMANT RAWAT

“INDIA IS A GROWING MARKET FOR US” PUNIT KAURA, Executive Director, Samtel Avionics & Defence Systems, told Geopolitics why and how his company has carved out a niche for itself in the arena of avionics www.geopolitics.in

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September 2012

g INTERVIEW down displays are replacements for the traditional dials in the cockpit. We are the first company to offer these to customers here and the global market is large at around one billion dollars. The Indian market is very small with only a few platforms and it is going to be an overseas business for us. We are talking to system integrators such as Honeywell and Thales. Both are showing interest in working with us. Both of them manufacture very large volumes for the global market. We are ready with this product now and are looking at production starting from 2013. We are at advanced stages of discussions with potential customers and are expecting orders very soon.

We have a fully operational team working in this domain, both technically and also on project management. We are expanding this team, as we are expecting some opportunities, resulting in some business very soon. We are investing in both technology and project management for managing this kind of undertaking.

helmet-mounted head-up display, essentially for helicopters, optimised for adverse weather conditions and suitable for both civilian and military helicopters.

We will launch this state-of-the-art display system very soon and it is a very big opportunity for us. Our first market would be the domestic helicopter market, as India is going to purchase a huge number of helicopters. At the moment, we are just waiting for Saab to get some international orders first. Saab is saying it will be done very soon and once it comes through, we plan to start a more intensive marketing campaign.

On the MMRCA offset We are talking to potential consortium partners for the Medium Multi Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) programme. We cannot disclose details at this time, but discussions are on about a number of products that will be made as part of this contract.

On the update on the Su-30 MKI display This display has been in production for the last few years and it is our regular product with very positive feedback from the customer. We have heard that the product is performing extremely well in the aircraft and we are very proud to be part of the Su-30 MKI production programme for the Block III and Block IV aircraft. We are producing sets at the rate of 40 per year and production will continue this way for the next three to four years.

After that, new programmes, like the Sukhoi upgrade, will start. We also have a programme with Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) for Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) and Intermediate Jet Trainer (IJT), which will start very soon.

www.geopolitics.in

On the European market Europe is a huge potential market and we are exploring options with Honeywell and Rockwell Collins for tie-ups for the civilian market. We are in advanced stages of discussion on certain programmes. These things take time.

We already have a contract for the civilian market. We are the sole manufacturers of EFIS 40 — an Electronic Flight Instrument System for Honeywell’s Bendix/King range. It is a civilian product, which has got full Technical Standard Order (TSO) certification.

On funding academic research (like the Samtel Centre for Display Technology at IIT Kanpur) I think it has been a very good experience and one of the first projects of its kind where academia and industry have come together to develop a product.

This was the development of an automatic Light Emitting Diode (LED) display. The Centre was inaugurated in 2006 by Kapil Sibal.

On foreign direct investment (FDI) in defence The way things are in other sectors for FDI — I don’t think things will change any time soon. The government has to first deal with other serious issues, like FDI in retail, aviation and so on. Other than that, it can attract more foreign players to come in for joint ventures. But it is a sensitive sector and I don’t know when the government will take it up.

SAMTEL

On the joint venture with Saab The Saab-Samtel joint venture product is a very lightweight NICHE OFFERING: Samtel has cornered a considerable share of the market for helmet mounted displays, even in the international sphere

On helmets for the F/A 18 Super Hornet We have been selling these sets for the last 15 years and we have got around 80 per cent of the market share of the Super Hornet market.

On the financial state of Samtel Last year, Samtel Avionics had a turnover of `50 crore and we are targeting a turnover of `500 crore by 2015. By 2020, we are expected to hit half a billion dollars, depending upon our economy.

September 2012

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ANT W R E D TEN N N O C P O FICV: R E IN CRITERIO CHANG

THE MUCH-AWAITED Future Infantry Combat Vehicle (FICV ) down selection is being awaited with baited breath by the whole of the Indian defence industry. The ministry is silent about why it has not been able to shortlist

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two of the contenders to develop the prototype vehicle.

After the down selection of contenders to develop the prototype for the Tactical Communication System

— the first ‘Make India’ programme — the defence industry is looking towards the ministry to make its announcement.

DRDO WANTS TO SELL OVERSEAS WITH A large number of countries showing interest in weapons systems developed by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), the organisation is keen to sell its wares abroad. In fact, proposal after proposal has been put up to the government for its green signal. But the Government of India is playing spoilsport and has declined to allow export of these www.geopolitics.in

weapons. DRDO has, in its communication to the government, argued that selling these weapon systems would help DRDO subsidise the cost of development and also able to fund its research.

The DRDO has argued with the government that this is the only way to subsidise defence manufacturing and development like developed nations.

DRDO has received a number of enquiries about

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the Arjun tank from some smaller nations and is interested in exporting them as the number of tanks being ordered by the Army is not sufficient enough to recover money. The orders are too little, too late. Incidentally, since Indian defence attaches have been given responsibility of taking care of the use of Indian dual use technology and exploring technology tie-ups in the defence sector, why can’t they be the salemen and women for DRDO equipment? At least they’ll make sure all izz well in all the sales that they undertake!

September 2012

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One of the reasons, as per industry sources, for the delay, is the objection of one of the contenders on the selection ‘criterion’ being employed by the ministry. The contender is a leading technology giant and was at top of the table in the programme but they seem to have slipped to second spot, and since then they have been jittery.

The expression of interest for this programme was sent to four companies; namely Larsen & Toubro, Mahindra Defence System, Tata Motors and Ordnance Factory Board. The programme is for developing a futuristic infantry combat vehicle that would replace the threedecade-old BMP II ‘Sarath’ of Russian origin, the mainstay of the Indian-mechanised infantry. This programme is for manufacturing of 2600 FICVs within India with complete manufacturing, design and development done within the firm as per the Indian Army qualitative requirements.

The government is buying its time by keeping the contenders busy in responding to its queries. One of the contenders has recently given a presentation to the Army on the FICV capability in alignment with the Army’s operational plans and procedures. The firm has designed its vehicle in such a way that it has the reliability, redundancy, efficiency for time duration for which it is expected to be utilised in battle.

AVRO TANGO THE AVRO replacement RFP is two months away from release. But Indian industry has begun to crib; especially, the big guys have started to make complaints to the Air Force that the numbers are too small to make profits.

The IAF has plans to buy 56 aircraft through the ‘Buy and Make’ route of the defence procurement policy of the Ministry of Defence. The Indian partner of the global OEM will be making 40 of these aircraft, starting from the completely knocked-down kits to full manufacturing with the last 24 having 50 per cent indigenisation. The industry lauded this announcement of providing an opportunity to the nascent Indian industry with no prior experience but even before the tender documents are out, industry has started to ask for a bigger tender which might include AN 32 replacements and an aircraft for paramilitary forces.

The argument they are forwarding is that this is not a profitable venture with 40 aircraft. The possibility of export also exists. The IAF is of the view

that the industry should see it as an opportunity to get technology and know-how to build a modern transport aircraft. Till now, the industry has been saying that it can’t invest till there is an assurance of orders but now such a large order with free technology doesn’t seem profitable to it. Analysts feel that industry is not looking for money from exports and mid-life upgrades as these can’t be guaranteed. This attitude of a risk-free business doesn’t seem to gel with the high talk of industry leaders. They simply don’t want to take risks. It is no wonder that the private sector is simply not taking off when it comes to defence business!

600 M777s FOR INDIAN ARMY THE 145 M777 ultra-light howitzers guns are still far from being inducted in the Indian Army. But rumours are afloat that the order might reach an astonishing number of 600 guns. The Indian Army’s demand for a new mountain strike corps in the north-east is the reason behind this. If this strike corps becomes a reality then, as per plans, it would have separate elements to launch offensives against the Chinese across the mighty Himalayas.

One of the main offensive elements that would be required is the helicopter transportable howitzer guns, i.e. M777 from BAE system. www.geopolitics.in

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September 2012

g GEOPOLITICS

COVERSTORY

LOOKING BEYOND THE CLICHÉS Contrary to usual perceptions that problems in ‘defence planning’ in India are due to nonapproval of plans, inadequacy of funds, procedural complexities and bureaucratic ineptitude that afflict the modernisation process, the reality is that there is no overarching and empowered structure to deal comprehensively with all defence planning-related issues.

There is a need to seriously consider the possibility of setting up a Defence Planning Board, argues AMIT COWSHISH

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t any given point of time, the inventory held by the armed forces is supposed to comprise the state-ofthe-art, current technology-based and nearing-obsolescence equipment and systems in a pre-defined ratio. It is doubtful if the actual holdings conform to this norm but it would not be wrong to say that most of the inventory falls in the second category. This is inescapable.

It is impossible to have the entire inventory made up of the state-of-the-art equipment at all times. Procurement and induction of sophisticated and complex equipment takes a long time. All equipment has a long life, good for use for 25 to 30 years, or even longer, with or without upgrades.

Personnel have to be trained and new doctrines have to be evolved for induction and exploitation of the new equipment and systems in combat situations. www.geopolitics.in

The lifecycle cost of acquisition, including maintenance and exploitation, is huge. It is, therefore, not practical to dump any equipment as soon as a technologically-superior version or a completely different and superior system serving the requisite mission goal, becomes available. It may also not be necessary, as long as the inducted equipment continues to meet the requirement keeping in view the adversary’s capabilities. At some stage, however, it does become necessary to acquire technologically-superior equipment, which is when the already-inducted equipment gets pushed to the second category. In due course, it gets relegated to the third category and finally when it reaches the end of its technical life, despite all the upgrades and life extensions, it needs to be phased out and replaced. Replacement may become necessary even before a particular equipment or system reaches the end of its technical life because of various reasons, including the inability of the inducted and in-use equipment to meet the emerging threats. This explains

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why modernisation of the armed forces is a continuous process.

Though in its true sense, modernisation does not simply imply acquisition of new equipment and weapon systems, this does form the essence of modernisation. Among other things, long-term planning is required to aim at modernisation of the inventory of equipment and weapons systems by looking at issues such as which equipment or systems currently in use would need to be upgraded, supplemented by force multipliers, or replaced by a technologicallysuperior version or a completely different system during a particular plan period. Thus, modernisation is inextricably linked with careful planning. We have had a long history of defence planning but the recent events have cast a shadow on its efficacy, as the perception grows that modernisation of the armed forces has not moved at the desired pace despite all the planning, thereby resulting in critical operational voids. This calls for some serious thinking on what ails defence planning in India, shorn of September 2012

popular perceptions and rhetoric.

Defence planning has a three-tiered structure in India. There is a 15-year longterm integrated perspective plan (LTIPP).

The five-year plans, co-terminus with the national five-year plans, are based on the LTIPP. These plans cover the entire gamut of the defence budget. However, the annual acquisition plans, which are actually two-year roll-on plans, culled out from the five-year plans, focus exclusively on capital acquisitions, primarily aimed at modernisation of the armed forces.

The general perception is that all this planning has not helped because of four reasons: the plans not getting approved in time; inadequacy of the budgetary allocations; procedural complexities and bureaucratic delays — though not necessarily in that order. How far is this perception correct?

The first perception concerns nonapproval of the plans. As mentioned in the Defence Procurement Procedure, the LTIPP is required to be approved by the Defence Acquisition Council (DAC), headed by the Defence Minister. The LTIPP for the period 2012-27 was approved by the DAC on April 2, 2012.

The earlier LTIPP for the period 2007-22 was approved sometime in 2007. The www.geopolitics.in

annual procurement plans are required to be, and are, regularly approved by the Defence Procurement Board. These annual acquisition plans form the basis of capital acquisitions, aimed at modernisation of the armed forces. The fiveyear plans, however, present a different picture. In the last fifteen years since 1997, we have had three defence five-year plans. The ninth plan for the period 1997 to 2002 was approved by the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) in December 1997. The next two plans did not actually get to the stage of approval by the CCS and it is on this account that the Ministry of Defence gets pilloried. A few points need to be made in this regard.

• First, the fact that the tenth and the eleventh five-year plans did not reach the stage of CCS approval does not mean that there were no plans in place. The eleventh plan was finalised by the MoD in July 2006 and sent to the Ministry of Finance, though it was basically the difference of opinion about the plan size between the two ministries that prevented the plan from bringing before the CCS for approval.

• Two, there is no rule that requires the five-year plans to be approved by the CCS. In fact, there was complete agreement

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between the ministries of defence and finance on the size of the Indian Coast Guard’s eleventh five-year plan but it was not brought before the CCS for approval.

The fact that the Ministry of Defence has not brought the twelfth plan, approved by the DAC on April 2, 2012, before the CCS only goes to establish that CCS approval is not mandatory.

• Three, the CCS approval does not automatically guarantee allocation of funds as projected in the plan document. The budgetary allocations are made by the Ministry of Finance depending on a variety of factors, including the availability of resources during a particular year.

• Four, the proposals for capital acquisitions, in particular, are processed largely as per the annual acquisition plans, irrespective of whether or not the five-year plans, of which these annual plans are a sub-set, are approved by the CCS. • Five, even approval of the plans by the CCS would not make much of a difference because while processing of a procurement proposal up to the stage of finalisation of negotiations with the prospective supplier, irrespective of the cost, does not require any prior approval of any authority outside the Ministry of Defence, the individual procurement September 2012

Q&A

BERNARD BUISSON MD, DCNS India

“GUIDELINES WILL ENHANCE ABILITIES”

O F F S E T S

• On the new offset policy It is said that about `140 billion of offsets have already been signed and more than `500 billion are expected to be formalised in the next five years, according to a report by Ernst and Young. With growing offset requirement, these new offset guidelines will enhance foreign OEMs’ ability to fulfill their offset obligation and allow a better and timely monitoring of their implementations.

• On multiplier clause in offset policy Multipliers are commonly used in offset evaluations in various countries and the higher the multiplier the more incentive there is for OEMs to propose sensitive technologies. Multipliers are not reserved for DRDO, the new offset guidelines allow them for private companies and MSMEs. • On the role of MSMEs The introduction of multipliers for MSMEs is an incentive for OEMs, when alternatives are available, to favour MSMEs as their offset partners. So they should benefit greatly from the foreseen booming offset business.

• On R&D collaboration New guidelines allow technology acquisition by DRDO as offsets. Some specific/sensitive technologies may be easier to share with a governmental organisation than with private firms.

This avenue could be mutually beneficial by enhancing the OEMs’ ability to discharge offsets for particular equipment with a private company, through an industrial manufacturing licence, with an incentive to share the related sensitive technology with the DRDO through additional offsets benefits.

• On measures to add flexibility Additional flexibility should facilitate the fulfillment of OEMs’ offset requirement by allowing a wider selection of offset partners and range of technologies allowed.

g COVERSTORY proposals, in any case, need to be processed separately for approval of the competent financial authority after the negotiations are concluded.

Approval of the plans by the CCS would not obviate the necessity of seeking approval of the competent financial authority separately for each procurement proposal. Therefore, the perception that the planning process has suffered on account of non-finalisation or non-approval of the plans is more of a bugbear than a real drawback in the planning process.

The second perception concerns inadequacy of funds for capital procurements aimed at modernisation. The facts do not corroborate this perception. Between 1997-98 and 2001-02 (corresponding to the ninth defence five-year plan period), the allocation for capital acquisitions increased from `7,364 crore to `17,866 crore. This works out to an increase of more than 143 per cent. The total allocation during this period adds up to `60,567 crore. This amount was available for spending, but the actual utilisation during the same period was `51,474 crore. This implies that a whopping `9,093 crore could not be spent, which works out to a little more than 15 per cent of the total allocation. During the next plan period (2002-03 to 2006-07), the allocation increased from `18,882 crore to `29,991 crore — an increase of around 59 per cent.

The total allocation for capital acquisitions for this five-year period amounted to `1,20,713 crore, against which the actual utilisation was `1,07,122 crore, implying underutilisation to the extent of `13,591 crore, which works out to 11.25 per cent of the total allocation. In the last plan period (2007-08 to 2011-12), the allocation, utilisation and underutilisation were `2,07,475 crore, `1,92,278 crore (based on the preliminary figures) and `15,197 crore respectively. The underutilisation works out to 7.32 per cent of the total allocation. Though in percentage terms, the underutilisation vis-à-vis the allocation came down from 15.01 per cent during the ninth plan to 11.26 per cent during the tenth plan and then to 7.32 per cent during the next plan, the fact remains that the money allocated at the beginning of the year for capital acquisition was more than the money spent.

While the perception about paucity of funds is not valid for the past plan periods, the future may unfold a different story. In 2009-10 and again in 2011-12,

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the Ministry of Finance reduced the allocation at the revised estimate stage, though a part of the reduction had to be restored at the modified appropriation stage as the expenditure could not be contained within the reduced allocation.

In 2010-11, the allocation was increased at the revised estimate stage and later at the modified appropriation stage. During all these years, however, the actual expenditure exceeded the revised allocations. This is indicative of not just the growing capacity of the Ministry of Defence to spend the money allotted at the beginning of the year but also of the likely reversal of the trend of underutilisation of the earlier years. With a number of big purchases lined up, substantial increase may be required in the allocation for capital acquisitions in the coming years. The situation calls for some serious and immediate thinking.

The third perception concerns the complexity of the procurement procedures as an impediment. The argument often advanced to explain why modernisation has not proceeded at the desired pace is that the procedural complexities cause inordinate delays in procurement.

The fact is that while after 1992, when the first set of instructions was issued to streamline the procurement procedure, the next revision of the procedure took place only in 2002; the subsequent revisions have been more frequent. Perhaps it has something to do with the setting-up of a dedicated capital acquisition wing in 2001 because since 2002, the Defence Procurement Procedure (DPP) has been reviewed five times in 2005, 2006, 2008, 2009 and 2011. With every successive review, the procedure has been refined and elaborated in the light of the past September 2012

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GLOBAL CALL: India’s procurement process has invited companies from across the world

experience and the feedback from various stakeholders. It cannot be argued that during all these reviews, no one could detect those features of the procedure that are antiquated or make it needlessly complex. That there is nothing seriously wrong with the procedure is evident from the fact that with the same procedure, the Indian Navy, the Indian Air Force and the Indian Coast Guard have done rather well for themselves, while the Indian Army probably has not.

Defence acquisitions involve huge amounts of tax-payers’ money and it is just as well that a carefully-crafted procedure is followed for all procurements. It is not fair to dismiss the existing procedures as cumbersome, complex or antiquated.

The real challenge for the critics is to point out the specific provisions of the existing procedure, or the absence of some particular provisions, that come in the way of expeditious procurements. A bigger challenge is to make non-partisan and objective suggestions. One also hears the criticism that there are innumerable agencies involved in the procurement process and that it takes unduly long for the process to be completed. The critics must suggest in specific terms which agencies could be eliminated from the process and how the timeframe could be compressed without compromising on quality, transparency and probity. It is not to suggest that the existing procedure is perfect in all respects. The Ministry has been making continuous efforts to refine the procedure and, as a matter of fact, it is presently again under review. The point, however, is that the existing procedure is www.geopolitics.in

not, in any way, an avoidable hurdle in modernisation of the armed forces, going also by the fact that the pace of utilisation of allocated funds has improved in the recent years despite the much-maligned capital procurement procedure.

The fourth perception is that the modernisation has suffered because of bureaucratic delays. This argument would not be anything more than mere rhetoric if it implies that the civilian bureaucracy is indifferent to the need for modernisation and accords a low priority to it. It would be equally rhetorical to argue that the civilian bureaucracy does not take expeditious decisions because of the fear of landing in trouble subsequently or because of ineptitude, or both. An argument often made is that even a section officer in the Ministry can shoot down a proposal approved at the highest levels in the service headquarters. A section officer would have to be out of his mind to consider doing something like that. If, however, the bureaucratic-delays argument essentially means that quite often it takes a long time for decisions to be taken, not just in the Ministry but also in the service headquarters, it would not be entirely incorrect. This is primarily because procurements are highly complex and a large number of extremely complex and sensitive issues come up while a case is being processed. These need to be resolved. It takes time. But it must be noted that the capital acquisition process is driven by the services and the decisions are taken collectively at practically all the stages in the procurement process. Therefore, any notion of indifference or ineptitude on the part of those involved in procurement, whether civilians or military personnel, must be dismissed straightway, as this is empirically unsubstantiated.

Does it really mean that there is no problem with defence planning, no dearth of funds, no procedural complexity and no inefficiency or ineptitude on the part of the personnel involved in capital procurement? If so, why has the pace of modernisation of the armed forces been slow? There cannot be any simple answer to these questions and a very dispassionate and rational debate is required to draw lessons from the past, which is possible only if we start looking beyond the veneer of popular misperceptions about what ails the modernisation process. Yes, not everything is fine with defence planning but it is not non-finalisation or non-approval of

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Q&A

ANEES AHMED Chairman, Mistral Solutions

‘NEW RULES ARE MORE REASONABLE AND FEASIBLE’

O F F S E T S

• On the new clause in offset policy It definitely seems more reasonable and feasible. There is more in it for both Indian vendors and foreign OEMs. Some of the rigid clauses are eliminated or relaxed.

• On the benefits to the Indian players with technology transfer It would be great if this was passed on to private companies too. I guess they will do this at some stage in the future. They now want DRDO to avail this benefit.

• On the role of micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs) in offset executions The foreign OEMs (original equipment manufacturers) are incentivised to work with SME companies. This will boost SME participation in offset. Also, the Tier 1 firms may also sub-contract to SME companies. There are hundreds of SME companies catering to the defence sector and this will be a boost to them as long as they are able to maintain quality of delivery. It will force SME companies to remain competitive while improving their technical capability and quality of delivery.

• On the demand for Research and Development (R&D) collaboration in the offset sector This will be good as the OEMs will benefit from shared R&D and hightech R&D companies in India will see business coming their way. I am hopeful Mistral will benefit from this if it happens.

• On measures introduced to add flexibility in the offset execution The extension of period and relaxation on the penalties will make the offset more realistic. I guess it will benefit all parties.

g COVERSTORY the plans, inadequacy of funds, procedural complexity or bureaucratic ineptitude that afflict the modernisation process.

The problem with planning, which is an instrument of modernisation, is the absence of an overarching and empowered structure to deal comprehensively with all defence planning-related issues and the lack of a standard procedure or methodology for drawing up the plans.

There is a need to seriously consider the possibility of setting up a Defence Planning Board. The availability of funds for capital procurements has not been a problem in the past and cannot account for the slow pace of modernisation so far.

But it could be an issue in future with a large number of big-ticket procurements lined for consideration.

The issue is not really limited to

availability of funds for capital acquisitions. With the induction of sophisticated equipment and systems the requirement of funds under the revenue segment of the budget for maintenance of these assets also is bound to increase manifold.

These issues require immediate attention.

The procurement procedures are complex but concrete suggestions are required for their simplification. There is always a scope for further improvement and the government does not seem to be closed to the idea of considering specific proposals for improving the procedures. The notion of indifference or ineptitude on the part of the personnel involved in capital procurements is unfounded but there is a need for better formulation of proposals, training of the personnel and close coordination among all those who handle capital

THE NUTS AND BOLTS For the first time, India’s defence offset policy defines objectives, including: • Development of competitive industries • The need to add R&D and design capabilities and the development of synergistic sectors. Collaboration with government-recognised R&D facilities have been approved offset credits. The idea is to encourage collaboration/purchase and export of this R&D • Includes coastal security in formulating offsets • Includes a two-year extension for the offset discharge period of performance • No penalty cap for failing to implement offset obligations during the extended period of two years beyond contract.

• Extension of offset banking to seven years • Extra credit for choosing MSMEs as partners • Transferring technology to DRDO. But there are caveats: (a) No licence fee (b) No restriction production/sale or export of goods or services that arise out of that technology • Transfer of full documentation and training • Specific technology wanted by DRDO will carry a multiplier of 3. In other words for each `100, offset credits worth `300 would be banked • Indian MSMEs getting foreign investment,

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technology transfer, or investment in “kind” through non-equity route in MSMEs will be granted a multiplier of 1.50 for calculating offsets • Permission to transfer dual-use technology across the board • Inclusion of a disqualification penalty for failure to comply with timelines • Includes distinction between equity and non-equity routes for foreign companies in partnerships with Indian firms • Recognises co-production and co-development for offset credits, subject to certain conditions • Manufacturer can nominate sub-vendors to discharge segments offset obligations on behalf of principal • Timeframes have also been relaxed for offset banking. So far, offsets credits were bankable for a period of two years.

The new guidelines increase that period to seven years. Vendors have pleaded that this would permit continuity in production • Vendors allowed to change Indian Offset Partner (IOP) provided offset obligations remains unchanged. This meets a longstanding vendor demand for greater flexibility.

Also, under the guidelines there will be “no cap” on penalty if defence firms fail to meet their obligations within two years of a contract’s implementation. Some view it

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acquisitions. There is a full-fledged Defence Acquisition University in the United States of America, which has trained more than 1.5 lakh personnel, including those from the corporate sector.

We do not have even an institute to train the workforce, though efforts are afoot to set up an institute. These are not complex issues and can be addressed without much difficulty, provided a road map is prepared after extensive discussion with all stakeholders, shorn of prejudices and rhetoric, and there is a continuous monitoring to ensure its implementation. That, however, could be a tall order.

(Until recently an Additional Secretary in the Ministry of Defence, the author is Additional Controller General of Defence Accounts, Government of India)

as being harsh, although the general feeling is that why should there be a lackadaisical attitude to delivering offsets when the deal has been done? Nonetheless, during the implementation stage, slippages in meeting deadlines would be penalised at a maximum rate of 20 per cent of the offset’s obligations. This is in sharp contrast to the earlier policy where the offset obligations had to be discharged co-terminus along with the primary contract. The 2012 guidelines allow offset obligations to be discharged within a timeframe that can extend beyond the period of the main contract, but within two years of the deal being implemented.

The offsets have once again given primacy to the DRDO for a list of specified technologies being eligible for offset. It is also a booster dose in real terms qualifying for ‘a multiplier up to three’: bank three times the value in terms of offset calculations. Many believe though that India has missed a golden opportunity to fast- track the growth of indigenous industry by not applying the new policy retrospectively or at least offering the option to the vendor to choose the policy.

For example, the Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) deal will be governed by the 2006 policy. “The government would have done well to have given Dassault the option of going with the 2012 policy. It would have meant more options, more opportunities and a greater possibility of in-depth collaboration with Indian industry.”

September 2012

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INSPECTING THE WARES: Defence Minister AK Antony checks out a model of Schilka anti-aircraft system along with Bharat Electronics Limited officials at the Defexpo 2012

DISSECTING

THE OFFSETS Marrying sound policy with enterprise, quality research, transfer of technology and a good manufacturing base will be keys to the success of the new Defence Procurement Policy, says ROHIT SRIVASTAVA

O

ne of the great positives of the new offset guidelines announced by the Ministry of Defence on August 1, 2012, is the setting-up of a Defence Offset Monitoring Wing (DOMW ). The Department will be headed by an officer of the rank of Additional Secretary — a Joint Secretary and six full-time Director-level officers will be part of the staff — who is busy getting the team in place. A key chore for this new Wing will be to audit the offsets under implementation at present. That would, of course, in the short-term mean a plethora of specialists and consultants who will have the wherewithal to toothcomb the compliance reports that are mandatory for vendors to submit every www.geopolitics.in

six months. So far, at least the entire exercise of monitoring these offset commitments was wishy-washy to say the least, with several defaults and uneven compliance littering the offset landscape.

What now happens is that the Acquisition Wing, under the Department of Defence (DoD), will able be to tie up and sign the main contract and put all offset proposals through the scanner. They will be the evaluating interface. Not just that, they will also sign on the dotted line. In orders, they will be agency that will evaluate offset proposals submitted by prospective vendors and sign these contracts along with the main contract.

That done, their job is over. The monitoring and auditing of offsets in the years

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Q&A

VIJAY MATHUR Chairman Inapex Pvt. Ltd.

O “KEY IS TO TRAIN FF AND INVOLVE” S E Until the mandarins in the MoD can T learn a little about the related, S

longer term issues in real life, we will continue with the present ‘ivory tower’ exercise.

For example, technology transfer does not consist only of a set of drawings and specifications — these only represent a fixed position in what is a moving target. The key is to train and involve a group of technologists at the cutting edge of each technology in question over several years, and retain them indefinitely. In the DRDO/DPSU model, technologists are retired just as they are becoming most valuable!

The other key issue is to get the best and the brightest brains and leave them in charge of the technical decisions.

Will this happen in the current decision making structure? Pay peanuts and treat them as lesser mortals, and you will end up with many of our current technologists! Career-wise, joining the IAS makes much greater sense; so if you are a bright guy, what will you do: join DRDO? When looking at the technologies to be inducted, have we created the ‘plugin’ points in the DPSUs, DRDO? In other words, do you have the trained personnel and the related facilities (labs, equipment, etc) in place to receive the technology and begin carrying it forward? This is not about buying a TV set, mobile phone, etc. and beginning immediate, productive use!

Frankly, we need a relook at what we are asking for from the ground up, otherwise this exercise will also go the way of our earlier programmes.

after the contract has been done and dusted will vest with DOMW. They will be administered by the Department of Defence Production (DDP).

The DOMW replaces the Defence Offset Facilitation Agency (DOFA) that was both a regulator and a facilitator. According to its website, DOFA has been established under the Department of Defence Production (DDP) as a single-window agency to September 2012

Q&A

PUNEET KAURA Executive Director Samtel Avionics & Defence Systems

O F F S E • On the new offset policy I feel that this revision is a welT come move as it addresses the sig- S

“A WELCOME MOVE”

nificant issues faced by the industry quite comprehensively. Increasing the validity of banked offset credits to seven years is a good step and shall be beneficial to companies like us as it increases our absorption capability.

Vendors can now provide equipment and transfer of technology (ToT) and value it for offset credits but valuing a ToT fairly might still remain a challenge. Also, I was expecting some announcement about changes in FDI limit, which was missing.

• On the benefits to the Indian players with technology transfer Introduction of multipliers was a longstanding demand of the industry.

Speaking for Samtel, as an ME, we are eligible for multiplier of 1.5 which will be very attractive to our vendors. The 3x multiplier for technology acquisition by DRDO will contribute towards improvement in quality of transactions. Yes, it could have had a better and more universal applicability, and could have been an impetus for more private industry participation if it was not just restricted to technology acquisition by DPSU/DRDO. • On the role of micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs) in offset executions With the introduction of multipliers, MSMEs do stand to benefit as it builds indigenous capability. It will contribute towards offset executions by this sector.

• On the demand for research and development collaboration in offset sector Measures such as banking of credits for seven years, introduction of multipliers will encourage the Indian industry and lead to global competitiveness. Also, formation of Defence Offset Monitoring Wing (DOMW) is a much-awaited move, and will help streamline the offset execution process.

g COVERSTORY facilitate implementation of the offset policy of the Ministry of Defence. DOFA will assist potential vendors to interface with the Indian defence industry to identify potential offset products/projects as well as provide requisite data and information for this purpose and monitor its implementation. Not just that, private sector industry was kept out of DOFA and orders conveniently were pocketed by the behemoth PSUs under the defence ministry. Under the new dispensation, the idea is to clear the cobwebs from day one. The monitoring mechanism, according to one insider, will be completely technology-driven. In other words, it will be IT driven. The idea is to have the state-of-the-art automated systems that will be a help to monitor offset monitoring. In fact, in 24 months, the Indian offset business could be a completely online enterprise that will lead to huge transparency and better results.

If this was not enough, there has been a convenient, if facetious, argument over the years that Indian industry simply does not have the wherewithal to deliver on the huge offset windfall that would come their way — one of the reasons why capacity hasn’t been built and why offsets continue to flounder. The small and medium enterprises too were kept out of the ambit of offsets. One of the reasons for this was the DPP-2008 deleting the mandate for an Indian offset partner to have a defence production licence. It had earlier been diluted by allowing offsets to be accrued against performance anywhere in the defence sector. And finally, last year, it was expanded to include civil aviation and internal security sectors.

The offset policy is clear that any manufacturer with an over `300 crore order has to invest at least a minimum 30 per cent in manufacturing activities in this country. The idea was that over a period of time this will help build indigenous defence capacity, through transfer of technology (ToT), manufacturing or even research and development (R&D). Unfortunately not much of that has happened, and if anything, the past few years have seen a mushrooming of experts who can advise you how to dexterously skirt the core issues and get your way

through the offset minefield.

One of the fundamental questions that critics still want the government to answer is what the government hopes to achieve by this routine tinkering with offset regulations. Their argument is that unless there is a profound realisation of a clearly thought-out strategy and a set of priorities that the government hopes to achieve through its offset regime, the whole exercise will be a wasted effort.

If one were to examine the scores of offset obligations that have been fulfilled over the years, the one single motive has been to do it and get away. In other words, somehow fill in the blanks, put the pieces together, don’t look back and wait for the next RFP (Request for Proposal).

The consequences have been disastrous — to say the least. Most manufacturers naturally look for easy execution and their argument is that without sizeable foreign direct investment (FDI) and control they cannot do high-end solutions in India. When Hillary Clinton came some years back, she even wanted office furniture to be part of the offset protocol!

There are also serious questions on the ability of the public sector undertakings (PSUs) under the Defence Ministry, or the DPSUs as they are referred to, being able to embrace this huge volume of offset obligations and move to the next level. At the best of times they are viewed as sloppy, bureaucratic, and in some cases venal. Will they have the capacity to absorb the billions of dollars of offsets that will be up for grabs in the next few years? Unless the government creates the playing field to get the private sector on board, the offset conundrum will be another vast wasteland.

But it is gratifying that the Ministry of Defence has given incentives to the small and medium enterprises (SMEs) that have been at the forefront of innovation.

To make the ToT more viable for the original equipment manufacturer (OEM), multipliers of 1.5 have also been introduced — a long-standing demand of the global OEMs. The defence business is a distorted business. It has numerous suppliers but only one buyer. The large contractors which get the major contracts across the globe have not been doing serious innovation. Most of the innovation is being done by SMEs. The government has decided through its ToT and multipliers that these SMEs become capable to absorb technology and in the long term be able to come with their own September 2012

Q&A

LOÏC PIEDEVACHE

Country Head, MBDA India

“THE NEW OFFSET POLICY IS A VERY POSITIVE STEP” • On the new offset policy I still need to fully analyse all the implications of this long-awaited development. However, my first reaction is that this is a very positive step and a clear sign of how India has given serious thought to advancing the domestic high technology industrial sector, while at the same time ensuring improved efficiency in dealing with its international partners.

India should be congratulated for having recognised and confronted certain issues that have at times hindered the smooth progress of certain technology projects.

If one of the intentions was to enhance clarity and transparency in offset contract arrangements, then I feel that you can safely say that the revisions should achieve this and in so doing, should certainly contribute to building up the indigenous technology and industrial capability within India. This in turn should result in enhanced global competitiveness and as a result, a further boost to India’s domestic industry.

• On multiplier clause in offset policy Our goal in India which I have stated many times over is to create a deep industrial partnership with India, not just with the DRDO and PSUs but with a wide range of private small, medium and large high-technology companies. We have long stated our willingness in India to transfer technology at the highest levels of complexity, to find new business partners with whom we can work, so our strategy continues, encouraged by the recent announcement. With the Indian government’s new policy, it is clear that technology transfer is being given a very high priority which has to be a good thing for India’s indigenous industry.

In Europe, the home base of MBDA, we have long recognised the importance of the private sector, particularly SMEs as these organisations are by their very nature very dynamic, fast thinking and quick to adapt — indeed they are obliged to be dynamic because of the highly competitive commercial market conditions www.geopolitics.in

they face on a daily basis. To be competitive you have to be innovative and this is the quality that we look for in ourselves and in our business partners. It is in this sector where I believe that real defence technology advances can and will be made in India in the near future, aided of course by technology transfer, so I do believe that the new policy is a significant step in the right direction.

• On the role of medium to small scale enterprises (MSMEs) in offset execution As I have already said, MSMEs have an important role to play in the development of innovative new technologies that are vital to the defence sector. As in Europe, it is not easy for Indian MSMEs to win defence contracts because of the various complexities associated with the sector such as project lead times, national security matters, issues of scale, defence customer relationships and so on. We have certainly found through experience that partnering with MSMEs in Europe is mutually beneficial in the sharing and development of high-technology projects. MSMEs are the source of many innovative ideas both in Europe and in India. We are already actively establishing relationships with such businesses and will increasingly continue to do so. In this respect, India’s new offset policy will go a long way towards advancing home-grown capabilities and in so doing allow domestic industry, MSMEs as well as larger concerns, to meet the high demands, both in terms of the level of high technology and the sheer quantity of work, being placed on it by the number of defence contracts under consideration.

• On the demand for Research and Development collaboration in offset sector We have been collaborating with the DRDO for some time on the MAITRI short-range

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surface-to-air missile system for the Indian armed forces. Here I can only speak for MBDA and not the international defence industry community in general, but it goes without saying, if one is really intent on forging a defence partnership with India, R&D collaboration at the highest level is a must. It is a must for both sides, without full collaboration a meaningful partnership is not really possible in my opinion. In this respect, I believe the revised policy is excellent news for India’s long-term technology capability growth.

• On measures introduced to add flexibility in the offset execution Of course flexibility is important as the idea behind offsets is to encourage the development of indigenous industrial and technology capabilities for the longterm and not to block the progress of complex defence equipment projects.

With India looking to let a significant number of contracts with overseas defence contractors, the last thing the Indian armed forces would want is for the delivery of their new equipment requirements to be held up because of problems created by overly-rigid offset arrangements. The new offset guidelines increase the number of avenues open to companies in discharging their various offset obligations. It will be up to the goodwill of India’s overseas defence partners and of course the newly-created Defence Offsets Management Wing to ensure that the offset guidelines are correctly adhered to. As far as execution is concerned, I don’t see it as an obligation but more as an opportunity, an opportunity to really push forward with a number of joint projects with both existing and new high-technology companies in India.

Q&A

ROGER ROSE Chief Executive Lockheed Martin India

O F F S Lockheed Martin, through strict con- E tract compliance and professionally- T structured offset proposals, has S

“OUR JV IS TRUE VALUE”

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maintained a policy of strict adherence to the Indian Ministry of Defence offset guidelines. The continued evolution of the MoD offset policy has created guidelines that more easily permit contractors to meet the MoD’s goals of indigenisation and tech transfer. The TataLockheed Martin Joint Venture in Hyderabad, currently producing aircraft components for global C-130J aircraft, is an example of true value addition to the Indian defence industry.

NORDIC GLORY: The BAE Systems BvS 10 articulated troop carrier is being hawked for the Indian Army

Q&A

RAJINDER SINGH BHATIA CEO Bharat Forge Ltd (Defence & Aerospace)

‘NO BIG DEAL’ According to The Hindu, Rajinder Singh Bhatia, told a CII conference: “I can assure you that making rocket motors for ISRO is far more complex than making them for BrahMos or Aakash missiles. Trust me, I have made both.” Bhatia said that the annual offset opportunities arising out of the ‘Dassault Rafale order’ would work out to around $200 million annually over a ten-year period, which is “no big deal for the Indian industry”. Bhatia said that Indian industry had the technical capability and manufacturing capacity. He mentioned two other industries — nuclear and space — where he had come out on top. He clarified that in these instances there had been clear indication from the government that self-sufficiency was the order of the day, that technology and products would need to be developed indigenously and the industry took up the challenge.

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products. This is a sure way of achieving the indigenous manufacturing and product design capability. The SMEs have been left out in the last offset policy but with this one they have been given a formal entry point. It is worth mentioning that SMEs are larger employers than big players in the defence industry of India.

There is an argument that somehow the government is wary of the private sector and believes that defence cannot be safe anywhere else but in government hands. Not anymore. By and large, the government is keen for the private sector to get on the bandwagon and roll. But frankly in many ways it’s the private sector that seems reluctant to get on board.

Or at least they only want to join the ride if it can happen their way. Barring a handful few Indian companies have shown either the flair or the courage to walk the razor’s edge that is defence production. They want safe, unending perpetual orders governed by a comfortable variety of crony capitalism that can fit into the national security ambit. This is reflective in the desire of most not to tangle with the powers-that-be and comment on anything to do with defence.

The standard prose is, ‘We do not comment on these issues.’

At the same time, the private sector partnership with think-tanks and institutes of higher education to create formidable assets, as has been done in space research or in information technology, is completely lacking when it comes to the

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defence business. That is one reason why the indigenous defence industry in the private sector hasn’t really taken off. This would also mean for the government to give up its ostrich-like attitude of not permitting exports. Surely, no one wants to be in business simply to service the needs of the Indian defence establishment when there is no real incentive in terms of numbers. At the end of the day, it will be manufacturing clout that will really make or break the Indian defence establishment. That would mean routing hardcore offset obligations into producing global quality equipment. Such direct investments raise the bar almost every which way — in terms of human resource development (HRD), in terms of technological prowess, more orders and a greater capacity to build linkages globally. That’s perhaps the best way to get offsets to help India.

Will the offsets help act as catalysts to prompt this change? No one knows, but there is an opportunity here. For the global defence companies, offsets are a nuisance that is slowly becoming a part of the DNAs of every acquisition everywhere in the world. They have learnt to live with it. For countries keen on ramping up the offset music, the best way to avoid cacophony would be creative and inventive thinking to marry policy with enterprise, research, manufacturing and transfer of technology. It will require a huge amount of creative thinking. The question is: Do we possess it?

September 2012

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NUMBERSGAME

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THE ENDURANCE of the US Army’s new Long Endurance Multi-Intelligence Vehicle (LEMV) that recently completed a successful 90-minute test flight directly over New Jersey in New York. The 7-storey flying football fieldsized blimp, which flies at speeds ranging between 30 and 80 knots is meant to provide continuous surveillance over the battlefield. Officials from Northrop Grum-

60,000

3,000

Indian PCs infected with Stuxnet

STUXNET IS the cybernetic worm that was purportedly released to target the nuclear programme of Iran.

A number of infected machines in India were Siemens instruments, mostly used by the railways. As Indian computers, especially those used by the government, are prone to cyber attacks, a number of agencies, under the leadership of National Security Advisor (NSA), Shivshankar Menon are working on a complete overhaul of the cyber-security system. The focus is on prevention of such attacks, in addition to creating an offensive capability.

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man, the makers of the blimp, have described it as the longest endurance unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) in the world.

With a 2,750 pound payload the LEMV is supposed to be ‘multi-mission capable: persistent surveillance, force protection, counter-drug operations”. It is capable of vertical takeoff and can operate at 20,000 feet.

VIEWPATNA.BLOGSPOT.COM

NORTHROPGRUMMAN.COM

-Day surveillance mission

ACCORDING TO a report in The Telegraph, the Bihar jawans were not paid for duty during matriculation and intermediate examinations in the past decade. `53,30,084 is the total outstanding amount from 1999 to 2012. As a result of non-payments, only 250 showed up for matriculation exam duty this year against the requirement of 300. Jawans get `200 per day as wages, `300 per day during elections `2,650 annually for uniforms but cannot be engaged for more than 60 continuous days.

Soldiers committed suicide since 2003

THE NUMBERS were thrown up in a report made by Defence Minister AK Antony to Parliament. On an average, the number of soldiers committing suicide reached nearly 100. “Perceived humiliation and harassment, over and above occupational and familial causes” by superiors frequently serves as the final “trigger” for jawans in stress-related

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Home Guard jawans unpaid

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JONJENMONTREAL.WORDPRESS.COM

Metre-long tunnel found on Indo-Pak border

GEOPOLITICS

THE TUNNEL on the International Border was detected by the Border Security Force (BSF) along the Chillayari border outpost (BoP) in Jammu and Kashmir’s Samba district after a section of it caved at some places due to rains. Equipped with a two-inch pipe for air supply, the 3x3 ft tunnel was detected at a depth of 25 ft below ground level. The tunnel was believed to be used for smuggling and to aid infiltration. The BSF has roped in the services of the Army, the Geological Survey of India, the ISRO and other agencies to examine the tunnel. The issue has been raised with Pakistan Rangers and a strong protest note with pictorial evidence has also been handed over by the BSF at a flag meeting.

cases in the Army, according to a report by the Defence Institute of Psychological Research. The 1.13-million strong Army also is suffering from increasing cases of fragging in which soldiers turn their guns on their comrades resulting in deaths or injuries. This year has also witnessed two cases of grim confrontations between soldiers and their officers in bases in Jammu and Kashmir.

September 2012

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training 2,500 Militants in Pak

Soldiers take part in Indra-2012

3,500

MOD

Tonnes of ammonium nitrate missing

IN ADDITION to the soldiers, 50 Russian combat vehicles were also engaged in the IndoRussian joint exercise held at Burduny firing range in Buryatia in Russia’s Eastern Military District near Mongolia. The mechanised infantry units from the two countries took part in reconnaissance, pursuit and elimination of simulated “terrorist groups” to hone their counter-terrorism skills. 250 soldiers from the 14 Mechanized Infantry regiment, along with an IL-76 heavy-lift aircraft represented the Indian contingent while the Russian presence included soldiers from its 37th Motorized Brigade. The first series of Indo-Russian Indra exercises was held at the Mahajan ranges in Rajasthan in 2005. The two countries also conduct an Indra series of naval war games.

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BSF men leave for Congo

BSF

THE MEN, part of the contingent for United Nations Organisation Stabilisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), will perform the duties of Formed Police Units. This is the seventh consecutive contingent deployment of the BSF to Democratic Republic of Congo. The BSF contingent has been trained with specific reference to combat the menace of civil war and assist the www.geopolitics.in

THE MILITANTS are being trained in 42 training camps across the border in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) according to the Ministry of Home Affairs. In addition, to these 800 to 1000 are waiting to infiltrate at any given time. 17 terror camps exist in Pakistan, and there are 25 camps in PoK. This year, twenty-five successful infiltration attempts on the India-Pakistan border in Jammu and Kashmir were reported in the month of June alone.

About 350 terrorists from the Lashkar-e-Toiba, Jaish-e- Muhammad, Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami operate in Kashmir.

local police in maintaining law and order.

They have been imparted with additional training including knowledge of French language, mob dispersal, riot control, protective patrolling, driving, aid to civilian, human rights etc as per the guide lines of the UN. The third-largest country in Africa, Democratic Republic of Congo, has been placed under UN mandate due to gross violations of human rights and internal disturbances.

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ACCORDING TO a report in The Times of India, the chemical, which is a key bomb ingredient, goes missing from Indian ports every year. India imports approximately 3.5 lakh tonnes of ammonium nitrate for industrial use every year, almost all of this in bulk through the port at Vishakhapatnam. The Ministry of Home Affairs is working on a system to track sale of ammonium nitrate to stop it from being pilfered and ending with terror groups or with

naxal cells. To this end, the chemical has been included in the list of substances in the 1884 Explosive Act, which means that any substance with more than 45 per cent of ammonium nitrate would be considered an explosive. The National Institute of Smart Government has also been asked to organise an explosive-tracking system to track the pilferage of ammonium nitrate in the supply chain.

September 2012

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GEOPOLITICS

SPECIALFEATURE

DECRYPTING INDIA’S INTELLIGENCE MAZE The problems of India’s intelligence services do not lie in a lack of resources or technology practice; instead, they are a result of inter-services rivalry, writes SAURAV JHA

www.geopolitics.in

STORMS

C

HANAKYA SAID in his Arthashastra: “The elephant of the forest having lost his senses by intoxication was tricked into a lake by a small rabbit.” Now, if India is the proverbial elephant — as even the Prime Minister likes to describe it as such — it must ensure that its senses, i.e. the intelligence agencies are intact, so that it is neither tripped by a rabbit nor inadvertently steps on one. However if recent developments are anything to go by, India’s intelligence apparatus is not in the best shape it can be and the malaise of declining probity seems to have afflicted it. The problems of India’s intelligence services do not lie in a lack of resources or technology practice, instead they are a result of inter-services rivalry, an eroding intelligence culture afflicted with politicisation and the general ethos of ‘wanting in’ that has magnified in our society as a liberalised Indian economy engages the world like never before.

It was in 2004 that India woke up to news of an officer in the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW ) having fled India for the United States via Nepal. The officer, Rabinder Singh, was the chief analyst of RAW’s South-East Asian division

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September 2012

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and prior to that had also been operationally deployed in the region. Singh actually joined RAW from the Indian Army, where he had the rank of major and rose through the ranks to reach the level of Joint Secretary. Be that as it may, Rabinder Singh joined a long list of RAW officers, who had been co-opted by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) of the United States.

Both his defection and his modus operandi, however, revealed the extent to which some very human frailties are affecting India’s intelligence

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set-up. Singh, a mediocre deskman, although some say he was good as a field operative, routinely entertained officers from other divisions of RAW in expensive restaurants in the Capital.

The typical agenda was to ‘mine’ other officers for information about their own divisions under the pretext that he (Rabinder Singh) needed to form a ‘broader picture’ beyond the purview of his own division for a forthcoming meeting with a foreign liaison or a report he was compiling. What is disturbing is that more than 50 officers within RAW apparently divulged information to Singh rather casually because of the friendly ties he had cultivated with them over the course of expensive eating-outs and sundry other favours over the years. Rabinder Singh used to copy down the discussions he had with his colleagues from other divisions and this went on for a while. Of course, officers within RAW do consult people from other divisions since not everybody has the time to focus on a variety of areas, but Rabinder Singh’s curiosity about the work of others was exceptional and this was the reason for hisdetection.

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The point is that in all wings of the government today, barring none, there is a tendency towards succumbing to material benefits and our intelligence outfits don’t seem to be rising above that either. Rabinder Singh himself may have been recruited during a training exchange programme in the US, thereby putting in focus a new threat to the security of our intelligence agencies. As India’s economic engagement with the world has grown, so too have the liaisons of its intelligence agencies with those of other countries. Training exchange programmes and liaison trips for analysts, where they exchange ideas with their counterparts from foreign agencies, are part and parcel of the ‘sops’ given to an intelligence officer today. The veritable ‘phoren trip’ is a major draw for Indians, whether in the government or outside, and rather than serve merely as a motivator it is unfortunately also exposing some vulnerabilities in the makeup of the Indian psyche.

The incident is also symptomatic of the unchecked inter-agency rivalry that is lowering the efficacy of India’s intelligence apparatus. For instance, despite RAW’s in-house Counterintelligence and Internal Security division not having enough people to watch Rabinder Singh in a fool-proof manner, the agency did not want to bring the Intelligence Bureau (IB) into the picture to keep a close watch on the suspect. The ostensible reason for that lies in the bitter rivalry that has ensued between the IB and RAW ever since the latter was prised out of the IB in 1968 and given an independent existence.

The IB, after all, is the premier agency for counterintelligence in the country and has a legion of watchers.

But RAW’s reluctance to bring in the IB in the Rabinder Singh case betrays a lack of trust of the manner in which the IB would have ‘used’ the incident in RAW’s perception. In any case, a retired officer reveals that RAW, it seems, often accuses the IB of concluding cases that had started off as a RAW operation without giving it due credit. Some in India’s external agency also believe that the reports sent to it by the IB about foreign diplomats under watch in India are sub-standard and shoddily done. The IB reportedly has its own set of complaints and maintains that RAW simply does September 2012

g SPECIALFEATURE not provide it with enough intel with respect to the overseas dealings and movements of terrorist and insurgent groups targeting India.

In fact, it is this very accusation that is leading IB to open stations in foreign countries much to the chagrin of RAW. Military Intelligence (MI) too, is beginning to move missions abroad as the Army feels that RAW simply does not focus enough on gathering military intelligence any more. Clearly, all agencies in India feel the dire need to send their people abroad. Unfortunately, however, this increasing foreign fetish also makes it easier for western intelligence agencies to recruit new moles, given the allure of a more comfortable life in the developed world.

Some of the most susceptible, for better or worse, are the mid-ranking officers who come to RAW from the Army. As a former chairman of India’s Joint Intelligence Committee once told this writer: “The quality of some Army officers deputed to RAW is not the best as you can imagine. Often those who don’t have much of a future in the line units of the Army volunteer to come to RAW. Those within the Army who are intelligence material are picked by MI. Some of the MI people are also sent to RAW. But what we often get is a major or lieutenant colonel looking to be absorbed in to the R&AW Allied Services (RAS) for what he thinks is a more cushy job than the Army.”

Intelligence agencies today are also curtailing their on-campus recruitment practices under the very justifiable reason that this has become a source of nepotism. However, that does not tell the whole story. Direct recruitment into RAW was often done from ‘known’ families that brought to the table its own inbuilt kind of security. Moreover, direct recruitment often yields operatives who are rather more intellectually gifted and come from different professions from what you might get from the 36 Group A services that are eligible to volunteer for executive positions in RAW. This is a matter of concern for the IB as well.

There are those who feel that stopping direct recruitment will turn IB into a glorified police outfit rather than an intelligence agency.

No matter who you recruit, there is a need to instil a sense of worth in them especially if they are in an intelligence role. Another incident that has come to www.geopolitics.in

RAW DEAL FOR THE NATION ¾ Rabinder Singh was chief analyst of RAW’s South-East Asian division ¾ Joined RAW from Indian Army where he held the rank of Major ¾ Rose through the ranks to reach the level of Joint Secretary ¾ Routinely entertained officers from other divisions of RAW in expensive restaurants in the Capital ¾ More than 50 officers within RAW apparently divulged information to Singh light just recently, further reveals that not all might be hunky-dory with the way credit is apportioned for effectiveness within India’s intelligence framework. Amreet Ahluwalia, a joint secretary-level officer and station chief in Beijing was recently recalled to Delhi for consultations and then dismissed under the relevant sections of Article 311 (2), which were also used against Rabinder Singh albeit in his absence.

According to reports, Ahluwalia apparently had differences with his superiors on operational matters and, perhaps, even threatened to out these on record in letters that he would address to members of the political class. Whatever the facts of the matter, the very spectacle of a Beijing station chief, which is a rather important position for obvious

SOME FEEL THAT STOPPING DIRECT RECRUITMENT WILL TURN IB INTO A GLORIFIED POLICE OUTFIT

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reasons is a matter of worry.

Indeed, given that post-26/11 not much seems to have been done by way of fixing blame fairly, it is not a good sign either. If the cat fighting between RAW and IB is not brought to an end quickly, it is difficult to see how repeated assertions of India being secure from our neighbours and beyond can be taken seriously.

Now, even as the civilian intelligence setup is going through its own travails and issues with MI are also finding their way into the public domain. MI is usually limited to 25 km from India’s border and, today, has overlapping roles with both RAW and IB as they too have with each other.

However, of late, a little known and small unit of the MI, known as the ‘Technical Support Division’ ( TDS) became a subject of controversy as it was accused of trying to illegally monitor Ministry of Defence officials at the behest of former Chief of Army Staff General V K Singh, who created TDS. As such, TDS has been disbanded by the new Army Chief Bikram Singh in what is, perhaps, another indication of the politicisation that is now creeping into every government agency. Indeed, the problems of India’s intelligence agencies have much less to do with whether they are civilian or military but have everything to do with India’s national pastime — playing politics.

Perhaps, MI should also broaden its horizons a little differently than it is doing at the moment. During the course of an informal discussion with a retired MI officer, Geopolitics was surprised to hear that at least in his opinion, the military cannot be tasked with protecting India’s economic interests overseas. This is a strange belief if there ever was one. For a country that is embracing globalisation like never before and building out-of-area military capabilities, this comment seemed at odds with what is generally projected. Given India’s engagement in Afghanistan and Central Asia via projects such as the International North South Transit Corridor, it is a little difficult to understand how the military can insulate itself from looking at the security aspect of such projects. In a world driven by geo-economics, the Indian military has to be fully integrated into India’s overall geo-economic engagement. That is a story for another day.

September 2012

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DEMINING MEASURES Dealing with the improvised explosive devices requires both technological solutions and a strategic culture

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B R I E F S BAN FOREIGN TELECOM EQUIPMENT

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FOR YEARS after 26/11, India is putting together the static coastal radar chain and the National Automatic Identification System (AIS) networks.

Together, the systems will help detect and track suspicious vessels entering Indian waters. A total of 36 radars will be installed and the first two are being installed in the mainland, six in

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WHEN IN fear, block! At least that’s the mantra of an inter-ministerial panel on the fears of cyber-penetration and control by China. The committee has recommended that all networks must have 100 per cent domestic sourcing. In other words: a complete ban on overseas sourcing of telecom equipment. The report, ‘Preference to Domestically Manufactured Electronic & Telecom Goods in Procurement, due to Security Considerations, and in Government Procurement’, states: “India’s territorial boundaries are adjacent to unfriendly neighbours. If any critical network is built using equipment from hostile countries and the same is shut down for a small time period, the country’s security will be seriously compromised,” The reports cites the example of Japan, Taiwan and South Korea that do not allow any critical network to be built using equipment from overseas countries identified as ‘hostile’.

Among the projects identified for complete domestic sourcing are the National Optic Fibre Network, defence communication networks and the National Knowledge Network.

Lakshadweep and Minicoy Islands and four in Andaman and Nicobar Islands.

The mainland ones are being commissioned in Mumbai and Porbandar regions.

The AIS network will have 84 stations. This and the radar network will hopefully provide a glitch-free surveillance cover for the country.

FAKE IMEI MOBILES BANNED

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THE TELECOM Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) wants mobile phones carrying fake IMEI (International Mobile Equipment Identity) numbers — that helps track users — banned!

There has been a proliferation of fake handsets with duplicate or cloned IMEI numbers that makes it impossible to trace the user and poses serious national security implications.

An IMEI comprises 15-digit codes assigned to a handset and it appears on the operator’s network whenever a call is made. Concerns had been raised over their usage after terror attacks in India. Cloning issues in the case of CDMA handsets were negligible but rampant in the case of GSM handsets, the official said.

IT’S THE rifle that was used to kill Osama Bin ÂLaden!

American M-4

M-4 FOR SPECIAL FORCES www.geopolitics.in

assault rifles — used by the US Navy Seals — will soon be available with the Indian Army’s Special Forces battalions.

They are likely to be used in domestic operations. The rifle

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will be for use by the Army’s eight Special Forces battalions.

US Special Forces use the weapon for their bread and butter operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. The new guns will add to the existing inventory of Israeli Tavor-21, Uzi and miniUzi rifles.

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PEACENIKS’ TIT-FOR-TAT THREAT

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TALK TO THE MAOISTS HIGH-POWERED ÂTHE Naresh Chandra Committee

has suggested that the government should engage with the Marxists by giving up the precondition that the outlaws cease violence before for any talks. What the Committee has suggested is that the government should covertly explore the possibility of opening a channel of communication with pro-talks element within the top Naxal leadership. The Intelligence Bureau may covertly approach pro-talks leaders through conduits and sympathisers. and, instead, reach out to the CPI (Maoist) brass who are favourably inclined to a constructive engagement. They may be engaged by a specially-constituted team of “seasoned”, retired bureaucrats. They must use their knowledge and skills to make the Naxal leaders understand that the government would not be cowed down by their acts of violence and that dialogue was the best option to redress their grievances, the Panel said.

THE ARABINDA Rajkhowa-led faction of United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) has threatened to stop operations by companies from states where people of Assam have been targeted in the wake of riots in the Bodoland Territorial Autonomous Districts (BTAD). Meanwhile, the All Assam Strudents Union (AASU) accused the All-India United Democratic Front’s chief Badruddin Ajmal of instigating communal forces outside the state. The Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) has demanded an inquiry to identify and punish communal forces. The Rajkhowa faction said if the attacks on the people from Assam in various states of the country were not stopped immediately, the group would force all companies and firms of those states, operating in Assam, to shut down.

INDIA BORING BORDER TUNNELS INDIA IS building up to 18 tunnels along the borders Âstorage with Pakistan and China for faster troop mobility and of critical assets like missiles. This is the best way to keep them free from enemy satellites and drones. Work has reportedly commenced on seven tunnels and the construction of 11 more tunnels in Jammu & Kashmir, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh is now at a preparatory stage. “The tunnels will provide shelter to troops and ammunition from both enemy shelling and extreme weather. They can also be used for NBC (nuclear, chemical, biological) protection,” a top official told The Times of India.

ASSAM RIFLES FREEBIES!

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THE WAY to a man’s heart is through a Nalli silk saree for his wife. At least that’s the Assam Rifles story! Sarees, cakes and sweets for Home Ministry officials, Army commanders and personal guests were the order of the day, according to a story in a national daily.

Why, there was even scotch for the Home

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Secretary and the Army Chief. Other freebies included: flowers for Army officials, chopper rides and what have you. The money came from the discretionary fund of Assam Rifles that is primarily meant for intelligence gathering/below the radar operation and the welfare of the country’s oldest paramilitary force.

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INTERNAL SECURITY

CENTRE’S ‘SOFT HANDLING’ ATTACKED

the government at the Centre with “softCHARGING handling” the issue of Sri Lankan Navy’s alleged attacks on Tamil Nadu fishermen, Chief Minister Jayalalithaa asked it to ensure that the Sri Lanka’s Navy strictly refrain from harassing them with impunity. “The Sri Lankan Navy, emboldened by the soft handling of the issue by the Government of India, is attacking fishermen of Tamil Nadu with impunity. The use of force on fishermen cannot be justified by any means.

The Lankan Navy’s actions seem to be making a mockery of the entire diplomatic process.” Tamil Nadu Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa said in a letter to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. “Every time fishermen are attacked, the state government takes it up with the Centre and the Prime Minister, who in turn take it up with Sri Lankan High Commissioner or that government to satisfy us. Such incidents are a never-ending story.

Centre should seek a strong and permanent solution to ensure our fishermen are not attacked.” said former CM K Karunanidhi on the same issue.

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T IS now apparent that the Maoists are increasingly dependent on improvised explosive devices (IEDs) to further their asymmetric war on the Indian State. In fact, given that India’s paramilitary forces seem to be getting their act together on firepower, jungle warfare training and patrolling, contact battles are no longer the best option for the relatively lightly-equipped Maoist cadre.

Instead, remotely-triggered IEDs of increasing sophistication and explosive power represent for the Maoists a far superior proposition in the risk-return space. Concomitantly, Indian security forces need to focus their energies on directly countering the proliferating use of IEDs by the Reds. However, any strategy to neutralise the IED threat has to look beyond mere technological solutions and actually needs the elevation of counter-IED methods to the level of a strategic culture within the State security forces.

One of the painful lessons of Iraq and Afghanistan learnt by the United

States (US) forces deployed in those countries was that insurgents quickly switched to IED-driven tactics to cause disproportionate casualties, rather than engage in too many direct fire fights, just like the experience with Maoists here in India. As such, the Pentagon set up the Joint IED Defeat Organisation (JIEDDO) to specifically redress the imbalance on the IED side of things. The idea of setting up a single organisation to accomplish this seemed attractive enough — JIEDDO would help pool together a range of ideas under a single umbrella, oversee consolidated research into this critical area as well as procure necessary equipment by eliminating unnecessary duplication of expenditure. Accordingly, JIEDDO’s mission comprises of three vectors: ‘Attack the Network’, ‘Defeat the Device’, and ‘Train the Force’.

Unfortunately, it hasn’t been a smooth sailing for JIEDDO since its inception in 2006 and therein lies the lessons for India, even as an analogous effort to JIEDDO is actually

US ARMY

NO SILVER BULLET: Research to fight IEDs could focus on finetuning and ruggedising existing technologies

FIGHTING THE IED MENACE

Improvised explosive devices (IEDs) of increasing sophistication represent for the Maoists a far superior proposition in the risk-return space of contact battles with Indian security forces.

Any strategy to neutralise the IED threat has to look beyond mere technological solutions and actually needs the elevation of counter-IED methods to the level of a strategic culture within the State security forces, writes SAURAV JHA www.geopolitics.in

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g INTERNALSECURITY required for India’s war on IEDs, given the magnitude of the problem. JIEDDO grew from what was basically a 12-man task force to a 1900-staff bureaucracy running a multitude of projects that the US Government Accountability Office says it (i.e JIEDDO) is finding difficult to keep track of. Worse still despite the creation of JIEDDO numerous other Pentagon agencies have been running their own counter-IED projects that often duplicate what JIEDDO or some other

agency has been doing. Essentially it’s the age-old problem wherein the creation of a common pooling mechanism to develop technology and doctrine notwithstanding, both at the services and institutional-level, officials rather cynically pursue similar programmes, thereby defeating the very reason for which an organisation like JIEDDO is set up. The US experience, of course, has a direct bearing on what should be prevented from happening in India, given the multiple agencies and cutthroat rivalry that has straddled our internal security programmes over the years. For an Indian JIEDDO, the Army, the various paramilitary forces, intelligence services, Defence Research Development Organisation (DRDO) and domestic industry need to work in sync and the kind of rival procurement circus in the internal security space one has seen in the past needs to be avoided because regardless of what individual organisations tout, they often end up buying the same mediocre equipment that they accuse the others of doing and very few seem to have any real interest in developing technology domestically and sharing doctrines and intelligence that can increase the collective effectiveness of the Indian state.

Moreover, the Indian JIEDDO should also then not become an www.geopolitics.in

omnibus compromise for accommodating the pet projects of various agencies.

Take JIEDDO’s own track record so far.

With $21 billion spent till now, JIEDDO has still managed to achieve an IEDdetection rate of only 50 per cent. It has also pursued some far-out ideas in counter-IED systems on the ‘defeat the device’ side of things, which haven’t really worked and were, perhaps, rather too optimistic to begin with.

In that sense, initially research and development (R&D) by an Indian JIEDDO could focus more on finetuning and ruggedising existing technologies than on pursuing wild card and farout ideas in the hope of finding a ‘silver bullet’ to the IED problem. DRDO recently unveiled a dedicated directorate that is engaged in researching technologies relevant for low-intensity conflicts. An Indian JIEDDO could well have the counter-IED practice of this directorate

DRDO IS RESEARCHING UAV-MOUNTED GROUND PENETRATING RADARS NOW ‘married’ to it. That way a chain of continuous feedback between the users and DRDO will be de jure established without the usual heartburn about DRDO apparently pursuing “science projects” in a vacuum. Incidentally DRDO of late has made some progress in laser counter-IED systems. For instance, DRDO’s LASTEC laboratory has developed a counter-IED laser that deflagrates IEDs in order to disable them. DRDO is also researching ground-penetrating radars (GPRs) that could be mounted on unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) for detecting buried IEDs. Across the board, the paramilitary forces are inducting various kinds of electronic countermeasure equipment to counter radio and cellular mechanisms used for remotely-triggering IEDs and these usually cover three primary frequency bands, which are generally used by insurgents. However, most of

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the systems being brought in are socalled active systems and keep jamming until you turn them off manually. A move forward would be the induction of reactive systems mounted on patrol vehicles that ‘listen’ to incoming signals and diagnose if something is out of the ordinary before jamming them. An active system that is perpetually operating on patrol is likely to make friendly radio communications rather difficult.

Nevertheless, the induction of electronic jamming equipment will compel the Maoists to rely more on wires and pressure plates, which expose IED-planting insurgents to greater risk.

Future R&D could also focus on technologies that seek to pre-detonate IEDs by utilising the fact that such devices typically use a blasting cap, which requires power to operate. Advances in wireless transmission of energy could lead to workable devices that remotely pre-trigger these blasting caps.

However, even as new tech becomes available on the jamming side of things, we are witnessing the sad spectacle of the Ministry of Home Affairs perpetually delaying the process for procurement of domestically-built mine resistant ambush protected (MRAP) vehicles that are a basic requirement to reduce IEDrelated casualties in India’s war on the Maoists. The Maoists in Central India have not just improved the way they trigger IEDs whether by wire, pressure plates or radio and cellphone signals, but have also demonstrated their ability to upgrade the explosive power of the IEDs emplaced by them. They learnt rather quickly to defeat early generation mine protected vehicles (MPVs) supplied by the OFB simply by increasing the amount of explosive used in each strike. Newer generation MRAP vehicles, though not invulnerable, are required on an urgent basis because they do offer better protection than earlier generation vehicles and also increase the cost of the IED war for the Maoists who will now have to procure relatively higher quantities of explosives for their mine campaign directed at troop transport. At the moment, there are several good MRAP offerings from Tata Motors, Mahindra and Ashok Leyland that have been adapted to Indian conditions.

However, it is clear that ‘defeating the device’ is a dynamic process which ultimately leads to a cycle of countermoves by either side. After all, MRAP vehicles no September 2012

g INTERNALSECURITY matter how much more resistant they are, can be defeated by upping the explosive power of the IEDs being used. It must, therefore, be realised that the focus has to shift to preventing IEDs from being buried in the first place and from explosives landing in the hands of Maoists. Even if detected (and not all will be) an IED causes great disruption to the progress of operations on account of the very effort needed to detect and then subsequently neutralise it.

Indeed, JIEDDO itself has focused more in the past few years on the ‘attack the network’ part of its mission. This part is essentially an intelligence heavy operation, wherein the insurgents’ IED development and deployment networks are identified and targeted. Intelligence gathering in this mission has both a

technology and a human dimension to it. There is, for example, an increasing turn to mounting foliage penetrating radars on UAVs to detect bomb and mine planters in jungle environments.

DRDO has also been working on such a system under the “Divya Chakshu” programme which also has under its purview newer generation GPRs. The third element of an Indian JIEDDO-like organisation is of course training. Already the Army is training various paramilitary forces in jungle warfare. A counter-IED training system could also be led by the Army and elevated to the level of a major sub-course in overall troop training. Consultation and exchanges with forces from Israel and with the US JIEDDO itself is likely to prove useful.

In the final analysis, JIEDDO is ultimately a shop for ideas and equipment and does not possess the mandate to go after insurgent networks directly, i.e it cannot act on specific inputs but can pass them on to security force commanders seeking to quell insurgency.

Direct action is not the preserve of JIEDDO, not even remotely. Perhaps, India could learn from this experience as well and consolidated counter-IED direct action teams could be constituted to respond quickly to actionable inputs. A commander of sufficient seniority heading an Indian JIEDDO can possibly provide enough confidence to the powersthat-be to move quickly in affected areas.

After all, even if the overall IED network trail has a global footprint, most of it is orchestrated locally.

HELMANDBLOG.BLOGSPOT.COM

BRACE FOR IMPACT: MHA has delayed procurement of domestically-built mine resistant ambush protected (MRAP) vehicles that are required to reduce IED-related casualties

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INTERNALLY DISPLACED: The violence in Assam led to the displacement of people from different communities

S THE day broke on May 29, 2012, Kokrajhar town in western Assam became a theatre of intense agitation. The local Muslim youth group, the All Bodoland Minority Students’ Union (ABMSU) started enforcing a bandh, in protest against the removal of a signboard erected on a plot of land for building a mosque. The land, according to the administration, was forest land and hence, any construction activity was illegal.

Moreover, the protest centred on the removal of the signboard appeared absurd. The signboard was still in place, although it had been dislodged from one side. The administration and police ruled out any mischief and insisted that this could have been due to a storm in the previous days. The local Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) administration prevented the protesters from forcing shops and offices to close, which resulted in a fracas and injuries to some people. Precautionary fire from the police dispersed the mob.

Trouble, however, restarted on July 6, 2012, with the killing of two Muslim youths by unidentified gunmen in the Muslimpara village in Kokrajhar district.

The government claimed that the gunmen belonged to the extremist outfit Kamtapur Liberation Organisation (KLO), which has been on a reorganisation-spree in the area. A KLO cadre responsible for the attack was arrested. However, the claim was rejected by the Muslim organisations, who blamed the Bodos for the attack.

Thirteen days later, on July 19, 2012 two All Bodoland Minority Students’ Union (ABMSU) leaders were killed by unknown motorcycle-borne attackers in

MIGRANTS OR SETTLERS?

The unresolved issue of illegal immigration has been precipitating violence in Assam’s Bodoland region. But what is more worrisome is that prospects of violence veering around this issue may not be limited to Bodoland alone in coming days, writes BIBHU PRASAD ROUTRAY www.geopolitics.in

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g INTERNALSECURITY Magurmari village in the same district. On July 20, 2012 a retaliatory attack by a Muslim mob killed four former Bodo Liberation Tigers (BLT) cadres at Jaipur. The incident sparked off a series of attacks and counter-attacks the same night and later, blew up into full-scale conflict. Rioters indulged in both pre-planned and opportunistic violence in Kokrajhar district to begin with and later in the adjoining Dhubri, Chirang, and Bongaingaon districts. Violence subsided on July 24, only to restart on August 5. Till August 8, 2012, according to Home Ministry’s accounts, 77 people had lost their lives, 5,367 houses had been burnt and 47,936 families had been affected. Men, women and children from 244 villages sought shelter in 340 temporary relief camps.

This episode of blood, fire, and displacement of 400,000 people in western Assam has brought back focus on several factors: gargantuan administrative and governance paralysis, deep-seated communal politics, availability of small arms, centre-state relations, inter-ethnic relations, etc. Questions have been raised on both the capacities of the autonomous councils as instruments of effective governance and also, the nature of peace deals with the extremist organisations, which perpetuates the violence potential of the former militants.

Against this background, one may focus on the aspect of illegal migration and examine the impact of population flow from neighbouring Bangladesh on Assam’s land and resources, accentuating the division in the popular psyche and precipitating violence. While refraining from categorising the Muslim population in the Bodoland as migrants, a job best left to the investigators and the courts, the article argues that prospects of violence veering around the same issues may not be limited to Bodoland alone in coming days.

communities, the Bodos and the ‘Muslim settlers’, who are natives of Assam state and are cohabitants with the Bodo and other communities in the Bodoland area. Gogoi stands at one end of the spectrum.

The other end, quite crowded with a host of political parties and organisations from Assam and outside jostling to prove a point, is of the opinion that the clashes are the direct consequence of unabated migration from Bangladesh. Such migration, they allege, is not only changing the demography of Assam, making the indigenous Assamese minorities in their own land, but is also responsible for the battle over depleting resources and political rights. The recent case of violence, for this group, is between Indians and foreigners.

The truth is somewhere in between. To authoritatively term the Muslim population in the Bodoland area either Indians or foreigners is an impossibility. However,

Settlers or immigrants?

Assam Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi’s August 7, 2012 statement, “Assam is just like a volcano. You don’t know what happens where”, was an abject expression of helplessness. For his government, which has been accused of a delayed response to the crisis in Bodoland, it was also a predisposed portrayal of the entire situation.

Gogoi is a protagonist of the theory that illegal migration from Bangladesh to Assam is no longer a valid proposition. For him, the recent violence amounts to a communal clash between two religious

The Kamaluddin syndrome Amid claims both by New Delhi and the government in Dispur that they are doing their best to prevent illegal migration of Bangladesh, through a gamut of legal as well as capacity-building exercises among the border guarding forces, the following case in 2008 came as a shocker.

On July 23, 2008, the Guwahati High Court sat in judgement over the fate of Mohammad Kamruddin alias Kamaluddin. 52-year-old Kamaluddin, holding a Pakistani passport was believed to have entered Assam through Bangladesh.

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AVAILABILITY OF SMALL ARMS ADDS TO THE VIOLENCE POTENTIAL OF THE PEOPLE INVOLVED given that illegal migration from Bangladesh is a reality in the entire state exerting immense pressure on its depleting resources, it is natural that Bodoland would not have remained immune to such a phenomenon. This area, where governance remains a casualty under a skewed territorial council system, such demographic changes and consequent pressures is bound to erupt in regular intervals.

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He not only lived in Moirajhar village in Nagaon district long enough to father six kids, but went on to contest the State Assembly elections in 1996 from Jamunamukh constituency. Kamaluddin had been deported to Bangladesh twice but returned with little difficulty to his wife Dilwara Begum. The court inquired how a man who possessed a Pakistani passport could contest elections in Assam. It went on to observe that Bangladeshis would soon become kingmakers in Assam and that the state government had failed to solve the problem of illegal migration. Within few days of the judgment, on August 4, 2008, authorities in Assam rounded up Kamaluddin, handed him over to the Border Security Force (BSF) personnel who pushed him back to Bangladesh under the cover of darkness through the border along village Maishashan in Karimganj district.

Irrespective of whether Kamaluddin made a third come back into Assam or not, the court’s observation was crucial and reiterated what many in Assam believe: “Political power has slipped away from the hands of the ethnic Assamese over the years and no political party can ever hope to win an election in the state without the support from the migrants lobby.” In fact, illegal migrants have already turned into kingmakers in Assam. Quite predictably, their growing political clout is demonstrated in the meek statements of the ruling regime in Assam which make little distinction between the indigenous Muslims and the immigrants.

Politics of migration Demographic movements are almost a fait accompli with Assam situated in close proximity of a country that offers nothing to its own population in terms of economic opportunities. However, while the push factor behind migration is almost beyond Assam’s capacity to resist, the governments both in Dispur and New Delhi have failed miserably in erecting protective barriers not only to make the very act of crossing over the international border difficult, but also to ensure that such people do end up acquiring citizenship in the country rather effortlessly.

According to reports, ‘language schools’ have flourished across Bangladesh converting the Bengali-speaking migrants into Assamese-speaking natives. On the international border, apart from the porosity that allows insurgents, smugglers and migrants alike to ingress, corrupt borderguarding personnel let in people for a September 2012

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TENDING TO THE WOUNDED: People affected by the violence queue up for medical aid at an aid station in Assam

meagre tip. Once inside Assam, government offices issue ration cards and voter identity documents, in return for more money, erasing the illegality on the migrant’s identity for all time to come.

Migrants then move into the established clusters, mingle with the native population and continue to move within the state seeking greener pastures and economic opportunities. This vicious circle has flourished under the eyes of the very regimes, which tend to use these migrants as vote banks.

Muslims constitute 31 per cent of the Assam’s population, and their support has had defining impact on electoral outcomes in the past. According to an estimate by an NGO, the Assam Public Works, over 40 lakh illegal migrants from Bangladesh have got their names entered into the electoral rolls.

While there is no way to substantiate the claim, estimates do indicate that Muslims dominate at least 40 of the state’s 126 Assembly Constituencies.

Not surprisingly, all the political parties in Assam have felt the necessity to use this ‘vote bank’ for their necessary advantage.

Be it the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) which claims to have an avowed policy of protecting the Assamese from the onslaught of the illegal migrants, or the Congress party, which is seen by many as having benefited from the presence of the migrants, have erred seriously in terms of tackling the presence of the Bangladeshis in Assam.

Statistics show that between 1985 and 2005, a total of 12,846 persons were declared foreigners by the tribunals under the Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunals) Act. Of these, only 1,547 could be deported. In 2005, the Supreme Court repealed the controversial Illegal Migrants www.geopolitics.in

(Determination of Tribunals) [IM(DT)] Act. Subsequently, between July 2005 and March 2008, a total of 1,205 persons were declared foreigners. Only one of them was actually deported.

In fact, the previously cited Kamaluddin case provides an insight into the attitude of the state which intermittently awakens to such assaults on its existence, before relapsing into slumber. The Kamaluddin case in 2008 was the source of intense agitations all over Assam, spearheaded by the known students’ organisations. However, within months, the issue vanished from popular memory. Not surprisingly, the Congress party, even with a “protector of the migrants” image has been re-elected consecutively thrice to state legislative assembly. The trend to fall in line and exploit the new demographic realities to its advantages even caught up with the militant group United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) which, in its formative years, had protested against illegal Bangladeshi migration. ULFA, in the early 1990s, urged the people of Assam to recognise the contributions made by the immigrants.

Governance & demographic pressure What is true about Assam can only be a fact in Bodoland. As migration from Bangladesh alters demography in the entire state, it is unimaginable that this stretch of land would remain immune to such changes. In the Bodoland area, as per the official estimation, Bodos are about 35 per cent of the population, Muslims are 20 per cent, Adivasis about 15 per cent and the rest 30 per cent are made up of Assamese and Bengali Hindus and nonBodo tribes. This makes the 2003 BTC a

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skewed experiment, which seeks to protect the interests of the Bodos in an area where their numerical strength is significantly lower than that of the non-Bodos. NonBodos argue that political power at the hands of Bodos altered the dynamics on the ground. Bodos, on the other hand, fear that their political power linked to their numerical strength is becoming even more vulnerable as a result of the rise in the number of non-Bodos, i.e. the Muslims.

Such fear has combined disastrously with the absolute lack of governance in the area where the Bodo leaders, former militants of the BLT and now members of the political party, the Bodoland People’s Front (BPF), are more keen to enjoy the benefits that the BTC experiment brings along with it, rather than providing effective governance. The net result is a sure shot recipe for disaster. Rivalry over scarce land and depleting resources has led to regular flareups in the past years, each of them veering around the same issue and each resulting in the large number of deaths and displacements of thousands. Availability of small arms, mostly those of the former militants, adds to the violence potential of the people involved.

The current phase of violence would subside. However, the prospect of peace in the future will always remain grim, unless measures are taken to address the divisive tendencies and the factors that regularly lead to these flare-ups. The migration issue is one of the, if not the only, challenges.

The Chief Minister’s statement, however, does not inspire much confidence.

(The author is a Singapore-based Senior Analyst with the Wikistrat) September 2012

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THE ARAB AWAKENING

Is the Arab Spring bringing peace and justice? India seems unsure

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ILL THOUGHT-OUT VENTURE: Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and Sri Lankan President J Jayawardene sign the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement on July 29, 1987

CHALLENGES OF PEACE MAKING It has been 25 years since the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement was signed on July 29, 1987, between Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and President JR Jayewardene. One of the key ideas then was to ensure that Sri Lanka remained a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi-religious state. Where do things stand today? ASH NARAIN ROY met a group of scholars and key personalities involved in the implementation of the 1987 Agreement to find out whether it was a genuine attempt at ending Sri Lanka’s civil war and its relevance today

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N ANY relationship, the essence of trust is not in its bind, but in its bond. Unfortunately, while signing the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement on July 29, 1987, this ‘bond’ was missing. Today the Agreement is a stark reminder of the broken promises, bitter memories and treachery.

From India’s point of view, was the accord the most ambitious diplomatic and military venture that independent India had ever embarked or was it a naïve and unwarranted intrusion into a neighbouring country to assert Indian hegemony? Was it necessary to stake the prestige www.geopolitics.in

of the Indian state and the might of the armed forces to bring peace to the islandnation? Was it an erroneous political judgment of a regime, which was smarting under the Bofors stink? Or was it a welllaid trap (which cost the lives of about 1200 Indian soldiers) hatched by wily Sri Lankan leaders that Rajiv Gandhi walked into? These and many questions have been raised from time to time and remain relevant while evaluating the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement after a quarter century.

Why did India decide to send the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) to Sri Lanka? It is easy to blame Rajiv Gandhi who

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apparently ignored the advice of the intelligence agencies and the armed forces.

India’s forays into Sri Lanka were unique in many ways. India used three major instruments of state policy — diplomacy, covert operations and the armed forces — to achieve its objectives. The IPKF operation was the largest peacetime deployment outside India’s borders. Large numbers of Tamil militants were also armed and trained as part of covert operations.

Finally, Indian civil services were used to help administer Sri Lanka’s northern and eastern provinces.

It is, of course, far fetched to call it September 2012

g DIPLOMACY India’s Vietnam, yet the operations failed miserably and India faced the worst humiliation, which was self-inflicted. The Sri Lankan mission exposed the hollowness of India’s ambition as a global power.

What went wrong? India’s decision to take the responsibility of resolving the domestic ethnic crisis of another country was flawed. India failed to account for the hidden motivations of both President J Jayewardene and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). It was naïve to proclaim a desire to preserve Sri Lanka’s unity and territorial integrity and yet use militant Tamil nationalism as a tool to reach such a goal. As Sri Lankan scholar Thomas Abraham put it: “It made no sense to have built armed separatism in Sri Lanka, when the aim was not to create a separate state! The two-track strategy was flawed by two errors: one of principle, and one of judgment.”

One can argue though that India’s commitment to preserve Sri Lanka’s unity was based on India’s own imperative need to avoid the fall out of Sri Lanka’s disintegration. As JN Dixit argued, if India did not support the Tamil cause in Sri Lanka, there was a danger of a resurgence of Tamil separatism in India. In fact, in some circles, there was a talk of a “Greater Eelam” comprising Tamil Nadu, the North Eastern Provinces of Sri Lanka and certain areas of Malaysia.

The Indian mission suffered from many contradictions. Rajiv Gandhi was to blame for this. While he gave the IPKF the mandate to confront the LTTE, the Indian intelligence was asked to continue negotiations with it. The Sri Lankan government and the LTTE took advantage of this dualtrack policy. When Prabhakaran was brought to Delhi on July 22, 1987, in a special Indian aircraft, MK Narayanan, Director of Intelligence Bureau, Kuldip Sahdev, Joint Secretary, Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), Hardip Puri, First Secretary, MEA, and JN Dixit explained the details of the accord clause-by-clause to the LTTE supremo. Prabhakaran agreed to disarm his people and personally supervise surrender of his men and join government in restoring peace.

According to LL Mehrotra, India’s High Commissioner in Sri Lanka from 1990 to 1992, “Prabhakaran could not have been unaware of the merits of the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement.” And yet, he did a volte face saying he was not in a position to endorse the agreement and that he was not aware that the agreement was going to be signed directly between www.geopolitics.in

“Prabhakaran could not have been unaware of the merits of the IndoSri Lanka Agreement.”

LL MEHROTRA

India's High Commissioner in Sri Lanka from 1990 to 1992

“The accord made the provisional council system a part of the constitution and irrevocable in practice.”

A VARATHARAJA PERUMAL Former Chief Minister of North-East Province

“The task given to me was to carry out operations to create a security environ-ment and normalcy in Northern and Eastern Provinces so that elections could be held and the democratic process continued. It had a military as well as a political part.”

AS KALKAT

Commander of IPKF

“India was reduced to a pawn in the cleverly manipulated move of the wily President of Sri Lanka, who began to dictate the pace of events and by which New Delhi eventually became the scapegoat of the century.”

KT RAJASINGHAM

Author, Sri Lanka: The Untold Story

the governments of India and Sri Lanka.

There was some modicum of peace for three months. And then things took a dramatic turn. On October 2, the Sri Lankan Navy apprehended 17 LTTE men off the cost of Point Pedro. They were not only disarmed, their necklaces with cyanide capsules were removed and they were taken to the Sri Lankan Army base.

While the Sri Lankan government said that the LTTE militants were transporting

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arms from Tamil Nadu in violation of the accord, LTTE claimed that as per the agreement signed with the Indian government on September 28, they were allowed to retain their weapons. This episode turned the course of IPKF operations. The Indian government failed to prevent these men from being shifted to Colombo despite LTTE’s persistent and desperate requests. In the end, the captured LTTE, men consumed cyanide capsules, which were provided by Prabhakaran. Thus, the Jayewardene government succeeded in creating a rift with the IPKF. As KT Rajasingham, author of Sri Lanka: The Untold Story, aptly says, “India was reduced to a pawn in the cleverly manipulated move of the wily President of Sri Lanka, who began to dictate the pace of events and by which New Delhi eventually became the scapegoat of the century.”

If Jayewardene was a wily fox, Premadasa was an even harder nut to crack.

When the July 29, 1987 Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement was signed, Premadasa was in Tokyo. He opposed the accord from day one. His statements were laced with terms like ‘slave of India’ and ‘Indian hegemony’.

During the presidential campaign, he vehemently opposed the accord. On several occasions, during his presidency, Premadasa told Indian envoys in July 2009 that he would get the accord annulled by Parliament. As Mehrotra says, Premadasa told him that “he wouldn’t mind if there was war with India. If the IPKF did not stop operations, Colombo will use force”.

Mehrotra retorted: “I have come to discuss peace with you, but if you wish, you will have the war.” Premadasa then piped down. The Sinhalese nationalist organisation Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) contributed its own bit by proclaiming that the IPKF would never go back.

According to AS Kalkat, Commander of IPKF, “The task given to me was to carry out operations to create a security environment and normalcy in Northern and Eastern Provinces so that elections could be held and the democratic process continued. It had a military as well as a political part.” At every stage, “hurdles were created by the political leadership and bureaucracy, but Rajiv Gandhi was firm on elections”. Kalkat further says: “Jayewardene had bitten more than what he could chew. He did not expect IPKF would be able to secure Northern and Eastern Provinces and that it was prepared to hold elections.” After much pressure Jayewardene agreed to the elections.

Continued on Page 72 ` September 2012

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“SRI LANKA IS AT EASE WITH A STRONG AND BENEVOLENT INDIA” It is only the Tamil Nadu factor that seems to be a big impediment to harnessing the enormous potential available for consolidating and strengthening the bilateral partnership between India and Sri Lanka. But PRASAD KARIYAWASAM, High Commissioner of Sri Lanka to India, tells PRAKASH NANDA that it is his government’s earnest desire that relations between Sri Lanka and Tamil Nadu are restored to their golden days

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T THE outset let me tell you that inspired by the civilisational links since time immemorial, the relationship between India and Sri Lanka has reached a position of irreversible excellence. The two countries will, therefore, continue to march in tandem with clear objectives of promoting prosperity, peace and security both within the region and beyond.

India holds a very special place among the Sri Lankans and Sri Lanka has always been very comfortable with a strong benevolent HEMANT RAWAT

India. It is Sri Lanka’s firm belief that India’s natural leadership in the region can, and should become a mutually beneficial asset for economic progress and stability in the region. Let me quote here our President Mahinda Rajapaksa: “India is our relation and all others are our friends.” For us India will always remain special. Our relations with other major powers, including China, will never be at the expense of India. In fact, recognising India’s role as an emerging power in the world, Sri Lanka was one of the first countries to pledge its support for a permanent seat for India in the UN Security Council.

India today is Sri Lanka’s largest trading partner with transactions amounting to more than $5 billion. India is first in terms of Foreign Direct Investment.

The largest numbers of tourists who come into Sri Lanka are from India.

In all three sectors — trade, foreign direct investment, and tourism — India occupies a dominant position in relation to our economy.

Trade between the two countries has increased exponentially since the entry into force of the India-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement in the year 2000.

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g AMBASSADOR’SJOURNAL Investor presence of Indian companies in Sri Lanka has increased in the recent past with prominent Indian names such as IOC, TATA, LIC, Bharti Airtel, Piramal Glass, L&T, Ashok Leyland and Taj Hotels. Indian banks and insurance companies operate in Sri Lanka as well. Similarly, some Sri Lankan blue chip companies have already invested in flagship projects in India.

Besides, physical connectivity between the two countries continues to expand.

Enhanced connectivity between the people of the two countries and the two economies towards greater integration will be natural and mutually beneficial.

Having said this, one must admit that domestic politics often interferes in our bilateral relations, causing some discomforts and aberrations. But then as friends, we must handle these issues in a very sensible manner. Sri Lanka today has a population of 21 million made up of 74 per cent Sinhalese; 18 per cent Tamils consisting of Tamils of recent Indian origin and Sri Lankan Tamils; 7 per cent Muslims, and 1 per cent made up of other groups. Here, and it is unfortunate, some communities display their minority complex and inferiority — rather fear — complex. With politicians from Tamil Nadu becoming hypersensitive towards the issues facing Sri Lankan Tamils, many in the Sinhalese community in Sri Lanka view India, particularly Tamil Nadu, a state with 17 million people, with great apprehension. After all, we have a history which says that South Indian kingdoms in the past, particularly the Chola Empire, had invaded Sri Lanka.

We treat all our people as equal.

Tamil is an official language of Sri Lanka.

Our President has already resolved to make Sri Lanka a tri-lingual country (Sinhalese, Tamil and English) in 10 years.

Our capital Colombo city has more Tamils than Sinhalese. Eight per cent of our Tamil population lives in the Central Province. The point is that Sri Lankan Tamils do not live only in our Northern and Eastern provinces.

We are working continuously towards providing all our citizens, including Tamils, dignity and equality. Our Constitution has been evolving over the years. Although practising democracy has been firmly established, the process of finding the perfect constitutional model for the empowerment of people encompassing all communities of the country still continues.

We have the 13th Amendment of our Constitution, derived from the India-Sri Lanka Accord www.geopolitics.in

in 1987. With change in time, its scope and nature need to be refined and we are doing that, with a “Select Committee” of our Parliament working on it. Unfortunately, the Tamil National Alliance is not joining the process. It should be noted that the 13th Amendment was in response to a situation when the country was under an “Emergency”. The situation now is different from what it was then, 25 years ago.

Like everything else, our Constitution is evolving. It is important to ensure that our Constitution is sustainable; it will be our own model and should suit our requirements and ground situation. And in refining our Constitution, we are not prepared to be dictated from abroad.

The Government of Sri Lanka, several Sri Lankan Tamil political leaders, as well as several sections of the Sri Lankan Tamil immigrants abroad, have contributed their collective strength, in the aftermath of the defeat of the Liberation Tiger of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), towards rebuilding efforts in the North of the country. This includes restoration of the livelihoods of the people in the North, rehabilitation efforts and uplifting the economy of the North. However, some Tamils, who primarily live in western countries and a few in Tamil Nadu, have rejected this endeavour. They ostensibly cite human rights concerns for not assisting fellow Tamils but seek retribution for the military defeat of the LTTE. In fact, these groups work against our efforts to bring normalcy to the Northern Province.

These West-based Tamils spend about $300,000 every month for lobbying foreign governments against Sri Lanka, and some of this money comes to Tamil Nadu. The inability or refusal of such groups to come to terms with the defeat of the LTTE and rejection of separatist ideology, seem to impact Tamil Nadu adversely. This affects negatively, the efforts by both countries to restore relations between Sri Lanka and Tamil Nadu to their golden days before the conflict, and take it forward, quickly. It is our earnest desire to prevent malicious efforts by motivated parties impacting the existing good relations between all southern states of India and Sri Lanka.

The single immediate challenge that Sri Lanka faces today is to provide a quick peace dividend to the people in the North and East of the country who were directly affected by 30 years of conflict. Although people belonging to all communities, living everywhere in Sri Lanka, express relief and happiness that they can now live their daily lives free of terrorist violence, they are not free of grievances. The Sri Lankan

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government acknowledges this and has recognised that the military gains must be invested quickly in sustainable political and socio-economic processes. Action is already underway to respond to conflictrelated grievances as well as their root causes. The process of consolidating the hard-won peace through resettlement of the displaced, reconstruction and rehabilitation began immediately after the defeat of the LTTE. An independent mechanism has been established for reconciliation.

This mechanism, called the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC), seeks to provide restorative justice. Unfortunately, there are several calls from different sections of the international community, especially from the western world, for retributive justice. Calls of this nature, at a time when the people who actually live in our country and have faced the brunt of the conflict, require time and space to heal, are unhelpful at best, if not inimical to our immediate needs. Therefore, restorative justice, not retributive justice, is the need of the hour.

Here, I must point out the helpful role that India has played. India’s assistance in resettling nearly 300,000 Tamil civilians who were liberated from the clutches of LTTE’s terrorism signals an instance of India’s recent support for the well-being of Sri Lanka and its people, especially those in the North and the East of the country. India is now engaged with Sri Lanka in the massive rebuilding effort in the North and the East of the country, providing expertise and concessionary financial assistance of over $1.2 billion for the reconstruction of housing, railways, airport, harbour and sports stadium in the Northern Province. Among other major projects, Indian enterprises will undertake building a power station near the strategic harbour port of Trincomalee.

And yet, I will be dishonest if I do not say that we were disappointed by India’s vote against us in the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva in March. As I have already said, Sri Lankans look towards India as a benevolent power that is sensitive to Sri Lanka’s genuine concerns. We understand the Tamil Nadu factor; but India must know how to handle sensitive issues, particularly when it is becoming a global power. Of course, we do appreciate India’s efforts towards the protection of our territorial integrity through the Indo-Lanka Accord of 1987. We are not ungrateful.

That is why we have made a memorial for the IPKF in Colombo, something India has not done to remember the sacrifices made by its armed forces in Sri Lanka.

September 2012

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BROKEN PROMISES: President Rajapaksha is yet to honour the commitments made to the Tamil people Continued from Page 69 `

Despite several handicaps and limitations, the IPKF did a creditable job. The credit goes to the IPKF for preventing Sri Lanka’s disintegration and the creation of Eelam. According to JN Dixit, the IPKF was “the main factor enabling elections to be held in Tamil areas and in the creation and establishment of a Tamil Provincial government. They were an especially important factor assisting the Sri Lankan government to hold the Presidential and Parliamentary elections in 1988 and 1989 and by the end of 1988 and beginning 1989, were in the final phase of containing and neutralising LTTE.” A Varatharaja Perumal, former Chief Minister of North-East Province, goes a step further. He says that the accord made the provisional council system “a part of the constitution and irrevocable in practice”. The accord and the IPKF “not only prevented the division of Sri Lanka but also limited the role of international forces in politico-military affairs of Sri Lanka”. Besides, putting a “permanent stop” on racial riots, Indian military intervention has forced Sri Lanka “to consult/approach India before it takes any decision with regard to its relations with any other country”.

All told, both India and Sri Lanka need to learn lessons from the accord. One lesson that New Delhi has learnt the hard way is that fuelling militant nationalism is www.geopolitics.in

no way to bring peace to another country.

Sadly, Sri Lanka refuses to learn any lessons from it. Peace is not the absence of war; it is the product of justice. Accommodation of demands and aspirations of minority groups create a sense of justice and inspires confidence in institutions.

Alas! Sri Lanka refuses to learn lessons from history.

After the annihilation of LTTE in May 2009, the Rajapaksha government announced that it would seek out a political solution based on devolution of powers to autonomous provincial councils under the 13th Amendment. But its subsequent flip-flop on a political solution is intriguing. The commitment made by President Rajapaksha domestically and internationally with regard to a political solution is yet to be honoured.

It seems the idea of meaningful power sharing is abhorrent to Sri Lanka’s Sinhala group. Rajapaksha’s own unequivocal resolve “to proceed with the implementation of the 13th Amendment, as well as to begin a broader dialogue with all parties, including Tamils” remains a non-starter.

As things stand today, alienation of Tamils from the national mainstream, suppression of Tamils’ reasonable demands and Sinhalanisation of the Tamil areas through planned colonisation schemes continue unabated. Perumal describes it as “ethnicity-based depriva-

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tion, discrimination and suppression”.

Despite the persistent demands from various quarters including from the West, Rajapaksa has refused to set up an independent probe into the alleged human rights violations during the civil war.

Colombo is under pressure from the global community to allow a UN agency to probe the human rights violations. But it has dismissed all such demands. Obviously, the Sri Lankan government has skeletons in the cupboard.

The war’s greatest victim, however, seems to be Sri Lankan democracy. There has been a weakening of the rule of law and the disempowerment of the Legislature and the Judiciary. Rajapaksa’s rule has also become increasingly autocratic. In April 2010, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) ranked Sri Lanka as the fourth worst nation worldwide on its Impunity Index, a list of countries where journalists are regularly murdered and governments fail to solve the crime. During the final assault on LTTE, columnist Lasantha Wickramatunga was murdered. That murder was seen as an effort to silence the critics.

There is a kind of triumphalism in the wake of LTTE’s defeat and some Sinhalese hawks are suggesting that even the limited evolutionary arrangements should be removed so that Sri Lanka can become an absolute centralised unitary state. Many see Sri Lanka under Rajapaksa as an elected dictatorship. Efforts are on to revive the 17th Amendment to empower the President to appoint members of a number of important bodies such as the human rights and election commissions as well as investigation of corruption. Another proposal is to enable the President to take part in parliamentary proceedings. It is obvious that President Rajapaksa is not fully content with his enormous presidential powers. He is also keen to acquire some prime ministerial trappings of power.

A new xenophobia among the Sinhala group has spread after the annihilation of the LTTE. Today, the Sinhalese are vehemently opposed to those demanding investigation into the crimes against Tamils. Some see it as part of the despotic dynastic project. The bloody end of LTTE’s three-decade-long campaign for Eelam gave rise to hopes that Sri Lanka would move towards a lasting peace and harmony. Alas! That hope is turning into despair.

(The author is Director, Institute of Social Sciences, New Delhi) September 2012

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WILL INDIA SPRING TO AID ARAB AWAKENING ?

India’s policy towards the “Arab Spring” has been inconsistent and unprincipled, writes YAMINI CHOWDHURY, after talking to a cross section of diplomats and strategic experts both in India and abroad

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Dr Prasanta Kumar Pradhan, Associate Fellow at the Institute of Defence Studies and Analyses, maintains that India’s latest vote on Syria should be as a “pursuit of an independent foreign policy”, rather than a change in stance to suit West-sponsored resolutions. “India’s support for the resolution can be attributed to the fact that the POWER TO THE PEOPLE: A wave of popular uprisings against dictatorial regimes has swept across the Arab World

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ocieties cannot be reordered from outside through military force.

People in all countries have the right to choose their own destiny and decide their own future. The international community has a role to play in assisting in the processes of transition and institution-building but the idea that prescriptions have to be imposed from outside is fraught with danger.”

These strong words, spoken by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, during his speech at the 66th session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York in September 2011, were predicated on the country’s lofty ideals of non-interference in the internal affairs of other nations. But less than a year later, on July 18, India displayed a striking departure from its ideological rectitude, and voted against Syria in a resolution moved in the United Nations Security Council condemning the heavy-handed state action against prodemocracy protestors. India’s actions launched an avalanche of criticism back home, after all, India had chosen to keep mute on the contentious issue, even abstaining from voting during a UN Human Rights Council Resolution (UNHRC) on Syria in August 2011.

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situation on ground is fast deteriorating with human rights violations, worsening humanitarian situation, heavy casualties on both sides and the fear of Syria slipping into a gory civil war,” he insists.

Swashpawan Singh, India’s Ambassador to Kuwait during the

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India’s support for the resolution can be attributed to the fact that the situation on ground is fast deteriorating with human rights violations, and the fear of Syria slipping into a gory civil war.”

India supported a UN resolution that sought to create political space for negotiations, increase the viability of the SixPoint Peace Plan and sought to reduce violence and suffering of the ordinary citizens of Syria.”

India joined the international community in voting against violence.

However, we continue to oppose the use of force or international intervention in the troubled country.”

DR PRASANTA KUMAR PRADHAN

SWASHPAWAN SINGH

PROF ZIKRUR RAHMAN

Associate Fellow, IDSA

second Gulf War, insists that India’s decision, like always, was guided by national interests. “India supported a UN resolution that sought to create political space for negotiations, increase the viability of the Six-Point Peace Plan and sought to reduce violence and suffering of the ordinary citizens of Syria. It also kept in mind the concerns of the Arab League and, more specifically, the Gulf States. It was a wellconsidered response to a rapidly-evolving situation on the ground,” he reiterates.

Prof Zikrur Rahman, former Indian Ambassador and Director of the Indo-Arab Cultural Centre, states, “India has always advised Syria to find an amicable solution to the crisis, something that was communicated to the country’s Deputy Foreign Minister Faisal Mekdad during his visit to India in August 2011. But as the country receded into chaos and bloodshed, India joined the international community, including Arab nations like Egypt and Jordan, in voting against violence. However, we continue to oppose the use of military force or any sort of international intervention in the troubled country.”

Contrary to popular perception, Professor Rahman does not endorse the view that India’s support of the US-backed resolutions was motivated by its aspirations for permanent membership of the Security Council. “India shares long-standing ties with Syria, which has been part of the Third World and the Non-Aligned Movement.

India’s stand on the debilitating crisis in Syria conforms to long-established principles of non-violence and non-interference, which was vindicated when India abstained from www.geopolitics.in

Former Ambassador to Kuwait

voting on a resolution that supported military intervention. Such pro-West or proUS arguments have no real substance,” he concludes.

But there are other important reasons for a change in India’s stand. Dr Rupakjyoti Borah, Assistant Professor (International Relations), School of Liberal Studies, Pandit Deendayal Petroleum University, Gandhinagar, believes that the growing disenchantment with the Assad regime impelled India to shun its silence on the issue. “The writing on the wall is clear, something which helped India decide. Besides, its dithering in Libya, Tunisia and Egypt did it no good,” he maintains.

Pallavi Ade of the Delhi-based Centre for Land Warfare Studies attributes the change in India’s stance to the desire to find a balance between its relationship with the two regional powers at loggerheads — Sunni Saudi Arabia and Shia Iran. “India cannot afford to antagonise regional Gulf powers like Saudi Arabia and Qatar, who not only have a significant Indian population, but also supply oil to India. This is especially true for Saudi, India’s largest oil supplier. The recent extradition of Abu Jindal, the prime accused in 26/11, is a perfect example of Saudi cooperation, given India’s pragmatic stand on the Syrian crisis. Even though India does not have a large expatriate population in Syria, the government is concerned about the safety of the massive Indian population in other Gulf countries such as Saudi and the UAE, should the conflict acquire a regional tone. Also, India is watchful of the development in both Syria and Iran, given the proximity of the two Shia-dominated governments,” she emphasises.

Questions have also been raised about India’s support for the cause of Sunni fundamentalism against Shia rule in Syria, which, otherwise, is a 100 per cent secular country. Dr Asghar Ali Engineer, Chairman

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Director, Indo-Arab Cultural Centre

of Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, clarifies, “India’s discrete silence on Syria is primarily motivated by the Iran factor, though it is anybody’s guess how long India will continue to exercise such discretion in the light of widespread massacre of innocent civilians.” Dr Engineer, however, insists that Western countries are not justified in supporting rebels and providing them with arms. “Their main aim, like in Libya, is to overthrow the Bashar alAssad regime. And if the regime is overthrown, Syria may turn out to be a fundamentalist state, posing grave danger to minorities like Alavites, Christians and others,” he warns.

However, Dr Maha Azzam, Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme at Chatham House, London, does not view the Arab Spring solely through the extremists vs. secularism prism, and underlines that the movement is a joint endeavour of political and ideological forces to oppose dictatorships in the region. “Even though there are few political parties in the region that are not committed to the democratic process, and pose a challenge in countries like Egypt and Tunisia, the majority is united by the aspiration to remove tyrannical regimes and install governance, accountability and democracy,” she says.

Neelam Deo, Director of Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations and former Indian Ambassador, opines, “Once India completes its term at the UNSC, it will have to continue its efforts to forge compromises through its interactions in the UN General Assembly, with organisations like the Arab league and friendly nations like the US, Turkey, Iran etc, who are deeply engaged in the developments in and around Syria.”

But not everybody shares this optimism. Sinan Ulgen, visiting scholar at Carnegie Europe, and the Chairman of the Istanbul-based EDAM think tank, is September 2012

g VOICES The majority Arab political parties are united by the aspiration to remove tyrannical regimes and install governance, accountability and democracy.”

DR MAHA AZZAM

Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme at Chatham House

skeptical of a short-term solution in Syria.

“On the ground, the regime seems intent on holding on to power despite the intensification of the armed struggle. The balance of force still favours the regime. In addition, the regime continues to obtain political and material support from Russia and Iran, thereby enhancing its resilience.

The UNSC remains blocked and there is little willingness in the international community in particular, given the electoral cycle in full swing in the US, to engineer an intervention. Short of such an outside intervention, the internal struggle within this key Arab country is likely to continue.

For the prospect of negotiations to be revived or even an interim settlement, Assad must be convinced to step down.

The position of Moscow is of critical importance in this respect. If Moscow shifts its allegiance, Assad may be forced to step down and open the way for a ‘Yemenlike’ political transition,” he affirms.

Be that as it may, the lack of clarity with regard to the events in the Arab world has also led many analysts to question the evolving dynamics of India’s West Asia policy. Dr AK Pasha, Director, Gulf Studies Programme, Centre for West Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, believes that even though India’s West Asia policy is realistic to an extent, it appears subservient to the West in instances like USIran relations. “Although we have to live uncomfortably with autocracies like Saudi and Qatar, client states of the US that tend to exploit us in the guise of energy, trade and investments, we need not toe the US line. We need to pursue an independent policy in line with our needs and aspirations,” he suggests.

India’s rather muted response to the crackdown on pro-democracy protestors in Saudi, Qatar and the UAE has antagonised many who believe that India has sacrificed its ideological commitments in www.geopolitics.in

DIPLOMACY India’s discrete silence on Syria is primarily motivated by the Iran factor, though it is anybody’s guess how long India will continue to exercise such discretion in the light of widespread massacres.”

DR ASGHAR ALI ENGINEER

Chairman, Centre for Study of Society and Secularism

favour of a more pragmatic approach to suit a globalised connect. “India’s silence on complex issues, whether Sunni fundamentalists in Saudi Arabia and the UAE or pro-democracy protests by Shia minorities, can be attributed to the fact that it would not like to alienate either Sunni powers or Shia-Iran,” insists Dr Engineer.

Even though the West supported, and continues to support regime changes in Egypt, Libya, Yemen and now Syria, it remained a mute spectator to Saudi’s military intervention of Shia-dominated Bahrain. While reiterating that the conflict in Bahrain is sectarian, arising out of the Shia majority marginalised by the ruling Sunni minority, Masri Feki, geopolitics researcher at the Paris 8 University, France, also known for his involvement in the Arab-Israeli rapprochement and the defence of human rights, particularly through the Middle East Pact (MEP) maintains, “Bahrain’s Shia majority, subject to discrimination and under-representation in state institutions, is supported by Iran and represented by pro-Iranian and conservative parties. The international community, at loggerheads with the Iranian regime over Tehran’s nuclear weapons programme, has preferred not to intervene. Unfailing support for Bahrain’s Al-Khalifa monarchy from Saudi and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) together with the entry of (principally Saudi) military forces to quell the rebellion has shut down debate.”

Dr Pradhan attributes India’s reluctance to support the movement in Bahrain to huge Indian stakes and interests in that country and the region.

“Though Bahrain is a small country, it is a member of the GCC, and is emerging as a significant strategic, economic and political partner for India. Bilateral trade between India and Bahrain stands at $1,293.08 million. The country is home to more than 350,000 Indian expatriates. As

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India must shun its myopic and often materialistic view that assesses stakes only in terms of remittances or citizens trapped in troubled regions, and adopt a more positive approach which encompasses strategic vision .”

DR SREERAM CHAULIA

Dean, Jindal School of International Affairs

GCC countries have maintained a strong and intertwined political, economic and military bonding among themselves, discord with one regime may affect India’s relationship with the others. Thus, as neighbouring countries like Saudi and the UAE intervened under the GCC banner, India’s position became understandably muted”, he explains.

Making sense of the mixed signals emerging from India on the Arab Spring is just one part of the conundrum. Dr Sreeram Chaulia, Dean of Jindal School of International Affairs, highlights the complete lack of major public debates undertaken by informed citizenry, which could influence India’s decisions. “Syria never really mattered much to India for us to move away from the traditional understanding of non-interference. However, the sad part is that think-tanks, universities and even the public at large are not concerned about India’s stand, or the way in which we could be more assertive,” he laments.

“As an emerging superpower, India must eschew its wait-and-watch policy, and instead mould and transform events around the world through proactive diplomacy,” he maintains, as he cites Turkey’s example which he believes is a rising power that has been able to create leverage in its neighbourhood through this approach.

“India must shun its myopic and often materialistic view that assesses stakes only in terms of remittances or citizens trapped in troubled regions, and must adopt a more positive approach, which encompasses long-term planning and strategic vision reflected in peacemaking solutions and proposals of our own,” Dr Chaulia concludes.

So will India spring to support the Arab world on the threshold of a new awakening?

(The author is a Delhi-based journalist) September 2012

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GEOPOLITICS

DIPLOMACY

THE ELUSIVE TREATY The proposed Global Arms Trade Treaty held in New York under the auspices of the United Nations has failed to achieve a consensus. But a hurried Arms Trade Treaty is not in the interest of the world, writes RAJIV NAYAN

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HE MUCH-AWAITED Diplomatic Conference, which met to negotiate and conclude an Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), ended without any decisive results. The Diplomatic Conference met from July 2, 2012 to July 27, 2012 in New York. The mandate for Convening the Diplomatic Conference for negotiating the treaty for four weeks was given by the 2009 UN General Assembly resolution. The same resolution also asked convening of four sessions of Preparatory Committee in 2010 and 2011 so that the legally-binding instrument became balanced and effective.

Member countries were asked to conclude ‘a legally-binding instrument on

the highest possible common international standards for the transfer of conventional arms’.

Negotiations for an ATT revealed a unique feature of global politics. Allies were divided and competitors were coming together either to promote or stall the treaty. Some countries were reluctant because their domestic constituency was resistant. The resistance stemmed for both commercial and security reasons.

Some countries were reluctant because they had no or a little experience of export controls and licensing of arms and advanced technology. As recipients of arms, some countries were apprehensive of the advent of a global licensing raj capable of creating several unnecessary

hurdles and increasing the cost of acquisition. Even some suppliers were worried.

The most reluctant country in this category was the United States (US).

Several countries that were reluctant to conclude a comprehensive treaty appeared to be in favour of expanding its scope. Several UN bodies worked to provide technical solutions to knotty issues.

One report after another was published collecting ideas and viewpoints from the international community. Non-government organisations (NGOs) were active and campaigning hard to garner support for the treaty from government as well as civil society. Some countries, especially European, were in the forefront of the campaign for an ATT.

NEXTSTEPPRODUCTIONS.ORG

TOWARDS DISARMAMENT: Although the conference failed to meet its objectives, the draft treaty is in itself an achievement

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September 2012

g DIPLOMACY And most importantly, the four preparatory meetings did take place and member states took positions. The chairman of the preparatory committee produced a couple of draft papers supposedly on the basis of discussions in the preparatory committees, though a number of countries, including India, refused to accept that the July 2011 Chairman’s Paper truly reflected discussions in the preparatory meetings. Yet, it became an enabling paper for discussions.

In the opening days of the Diplomatic Conference, the outcome was somewhat mixed. The UN Secretary General gave an inspiring and moving speech. He drew the attention of the international community to the fact that while nuclear issues made only news, conventional weapons took more lives. He stated, “Yes, nuclear issues always capture headlines.

But conventional arms are killing people every day without much attention.” He further added: “The world is over-armed and peace is underfunded. Military spending is on the rise. Today, it is well above $1 trillion a year. Let us look at Africa alone. Between 1990 and 2005, 23 African countries lost an estimated $284 billion as a result of armed conflicts, fuelled by transfers of ammunition and arms — 95 per cent of which came from outside Africa. And globally, 60 years of United Nations peacekeeping operations have cost less than six weeks of current military spending.” The UN Secretary General prognosticated that the Conference would create history. However, his confidence was shattered immediately.

On the very first day of negotiations, the member countries of the UN clashed over the seat and status of Palestine. Egypt led the chorus to grant the status of state to Palestine. Israel objected to the demand for an elevated status for Palestine.

Later, negotiations shifted from the plenary halls before the NGOs and media glare to closed-door confabulations. Statements were read out and released, but real action was taking behind the scenes. The NGOs were restless and the national governments were finding differences irreconcilable.

Reports were trickling in that quite frequently realignments of countries were taking place on different issue areas for ATT. The developing world was complaining that the US and Europe, as suppliers, finally came together to construct a treaty which could be disadvantageous for recipients. On the other hand, major suppliers had their own share of comwww.geopolitics.in

plaints about the emerging shape and contents of the treaty.

During the Diplomatic Conference, especially in its last days, a draft treaty emerged which sought to strike a balance between major global forces. First, it recognised the ‘sovereign right and responsibility’ of a national government to ‘regulate and control transfers of conventional arms that take place exclusively within its territory, pursuant to its own legal or constitutional systems’. The domestic transfer of arms became a major issue for the US. Though advocates of the ATT kept insisting that the treaty would not target domestic transfers, an impression was generated in a section of the international community, especially in the US, that the treaty would affect American domestic gun sales.

The draft treaty tried to build on the earlier initiatives to regulate conventional arms. The preamble appreciated the role of the 2001 UN programme of action that provided guidance to countries in ‘preventing, combating and eradicating the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons in all its aspects’. It also appreciated the role played by the 2001 Protocol against the illicit manufacturing of and trafficking in firearms, their parts and components and ammunition, supplementing the UN Convention against Transnational Organised Crime.

The draft treaty contained the principles on which over a decade the international community had reached some consensus. The draft treaty accepted the principle of the inherent right of countries for individual and collective selfdefence and national responsibility in regulating global trade of conventional arms. As expected, it did not prescribe any supra-national agency for export controls. And it did not de-legitimise acquisition of conventional weapons for legitimate self-defence. It also added that countries might acquire weapons for peacekeeping operations. Besides, the treaty allowed a national government’s right to produce, export, import and transfer conventional arms. To reflect the long-standing submission of the devel-

oping world, the draft treaty adopted the principle that there would be consistent and effective implementation in a universal, objective and non-discriminatory manner.

The UN resolutions expected the UN members to conclude ‘a legally-binding instrument on the highest possible common international standards for the transfer of conventional arms’. The draft treaty used the phrase, ‘the highest possible common standards for regulating or improving the regulation of the international trade in conventional arms’.

Quite interestingly, the draft treaty included all the categories and details used in the UN Arms Register in its scope.

It also included small arms and light weapons in the scope. Details of Arms Register are: battle tanks, armoured combat vehicles, large-calibre artillery systems, combat aircraft, attack helicopters, warships, and missiles and missile launchers. The treaty appeared to exclude ammunition for use in the weapons included in the scope of the treaty. It also did not include parts or components specially and exclusively designed for

ROOTING FOR PEACE: Flanked by Angela Kane (left), UN High Representative for Disarmament Affairs; and Roberto García Moritán (Argentina), President of the Conference, Secretary-General Ban Kimoon (second from left) addresses the opening session of the UN Conference on an Arms Trade Treaty

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g DIPLOMACY these weapons and munitions, technology and equipment for the design, development, manufacturing and maintenance of these weapons in the section devoted on the scope of the treaty. However, the latter section (Article 6) seems to have indirectly brought ammunition and parts into the purview of the treaty.

The draft treaty gave countries the freedom to add weapons in their national control lists. The scope reflected what India and some other countries and the Indian strategic community were arguing.

International movement of conventional arms for the transferring country’s armed forces or law-enforcement authorities operating outside its national territories was given exemption in the draft treaty.

Prohibited transfers or restrictions had invited adverse reactions from some countries before negotiations of the treaty. The draft treaty sought to strike a balance between various forces operating in the international community. It adopted restrictive measures such as arms embargo under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, prohibition relating to genocide, crime against humanity, war crimes con-

stituting grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions of 1949, or serious violations of Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions of 1949. The draft treaty also recommended some criteria such as international humanitarian law, international human rights law, an offence under international conventions and protocols relating to terrorism, gender violence, violence against children, corruption and contribution to transnational organised crime be adopted by a transferring country. These were subjective criteria and the subject matter of the heated debate. Most of these criteria were pushed by NGOs. Of course, terrorism was a subject that interests nation-states.

As countries are supposed to have proper national legal, regulatory and enforcement frameworks to implement the treaty and as there are several countries which have little experience in export controls, capacity building was a big issue before and during implementation. Some countries had opposed the idea of an International Support Unit.

The International Support Unit did not find a place, but it was said that the ATT

UNMULTIMEDIA.ORG

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Secretariat would extend all possible help to a requesting country. Any individual country may also assist any requesting country on a bilateral basis. Other international and regional or non-governmental entities could also assist any requesting country.

The draft treaty, expectedly, had provisions for information exchange, import regulation, brokering, transit and transshipment control, record keeping and most importantly, reporting. A few countries had earlier resented that national governments are suffering from the report fatigue. The draft treaty allowed them to use the report submitted for UN Arms Register, though a nation-state was expected to submit relevant additional information.

Other non-contentious provisions such as Entry into Force, amendments, duration and withdrawal and dispute settlement also entered into the draft treaty. Of all, amendments need to be more flexible so that future challenges are addressed in the treaty without much difficulty.

Given all this, a crucial question comes up: What led to the failure?

Though a number of theories are circulating to point out reasons of the failure, the reluctance of great powers such as the US, Russia and China was the principal reason. What may happen? The draft treaty is in itself an achievement. Now, in place of a Chairman’s paper, supporters of an ATT will have a draft treaty. This will provide the basis of campaign and discussions. The UN and its member countries may have to pass a fresh resolution in the September meeting of the General Assembly. A new date for the Conference will come up soon. Activities for the new round of negotiations will enter into a new phase However, the most important message that has emerged out of the failure of the Diplomatic Conference is that while the international community is in principle prepared to have an ATT, it is still not prepared for what exactly the ATT should envisage. It needs time and it must be granted time. A hurried ATT is not in the interest of the world. In the interim, some of the provisions already adopted by the UN, like 2001 Programme of Action, should be strengthened. There cannot be two views that the real challenge of regulating illicit and illegal transactions lies basically in small arms and light weapons category.

(The author is a Senior Research Associate at IDSA, New Delhi) September 2012

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REVIEW

SENSATIONAL DISCLOSURE The Meadow by Adrian Levy & Cathy Scott-Clark rattled the establishment and those in the corridors of power with revelations that the Indian security agencies had a role to play in the disappearance of five western journalists in Kashmir. Veteran journalist Satish Jacob reviews this gripping tale of kidnap, deceit and murder set in the picturesque locale of Kashmir

The Meadow Author: By Adrian Levy & Cathy Scott-C Clark Publisher: Penguin Books Pages: 499 Price: `536

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n the summer of 1995, six foreign tourists were kidnapped in the remote mountains somewhere near the Hindu shrine of Amarnath cave. The ransom note said that the kidnappers were from an Islamic outfit called Al Faran and that they wanted the release of Pakistani militant leader Maulana Masood Azhar and twenty others, including Omar Sheikh, the former student at the London School of Economics, who was involved in the 2002 abduction of American journalist Daniel Pearl. Masood Azhar was responsible for the attack on the Indian Parliament.

The kidnappings sent shockwaves in Europe and the United States and there www.geopolitics.in

was more to follow. Within four days, one of the prisoners had made a hairraising escape. A month on, another was found beheaded. In the background, the families of the missing tourists struggled to keep their hopes alive. International governments negotiated frantically with India and the Army, police and intelligence services began what was described as ‘the most elaborate manhunt in Kashmir’ to track down the kidnap victims. But the remaining four hostages were never found, their cases forgotten until the publication of this book. A government human rights commission in Kashmir has now announced that it will review records from the 1995 abduction of Western tourists.

The Meadow is a blow-by-blow account of the kidnappings which took place when the trekkers from England and the United States and Norway were seized by gun-wielding terrorists. At the time of the incident, Americans Donald Hutchins and John Childs, as well as Britons Paul Wells and Keith Mangan had just pitched their tents at the Meadow, a picturesque terraced valley somewhere near the Amarnath cave. They were unknown to each other. But they arrived at the meadow almost at the

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same time as if fate had drawn them together.

This was the second kidnapping staged by Al Faran. A year before they had captured Kim Housego, a 16-yearold British boy, the son of David Housego, a Delhi-based foreign correspondent of the Financial Times and David Mackie, a 36-year-old British film producer. But they were released within a few days because of the pressure from the media. Al Faran group was desperate to get their leader, Mullah Masood Azhar released from jail.

Masood Azhar had been arrested while travelling in Kashmir.

Al Faran was led by two experienced terrorists trained in the camps run by Al Qaeda in Afghanistan. Their leader Sikandar was a Kashmiri but his secondin-command was a Turkish national known as Al Turki.

The kidnappers forced the wives and girlfriends of the trekkers to leave their men and return to Srinagar and then took their captives on a endless journey, climbing mountains and walking through thick jungles in the remote Warwan valley, nearly 12,000 feet above the sea level. Their strategy was simply to keep the security agencies at a distance.

September 2012

g REVIEW Four days into the journey, one of the captives, John Childs, escaped in the middle of the night when everyone was fast asleep. By the time the Al Faran men discovered the missing captive, it was too late. John Childs literally ran for his life and did not rest until he had left his captors far behind. He had the good sense to go uphill completely throwing his kidnappers off the track. Childs was picked up by Lt General D D Saklani, the security adviser to the Governor of Kashmir. Child was lucky that General Saklani happened to be on a vigilance tour that morning.

Refused to be outdone, the Al Faran kidnapped two more foreigners the same day: Hans Christian Ostroe from Norway and Dirk Hasert from Germany.

They were picked from the Meadow where the two had pitched their tents separately.

Ostroe was beheaded a month later because the authors say that he gave his captors a really hard time — making attempt after attempt to escape. Ostroe would fight with Al Faran members and kept them telling that he would continue to try and escape. According to the authors he met a very brutal end. The militants pinned him down and slit his throat with his own knife. Hans Ostro was a talented artist and a film director.

He spent six months in Kerala learning Bharatnatyam and classical music.

After his death, no other captive made an attempt to escape. They just bid their time and allowed themselves to be led by their captors, traversing valleys and mountains. Their wandering continued for four months, making the kidnapping the longest in the history of terrorism in Kashmir. They survived their ordeal and somehow stayed alive without proper sleep and food. By the end of four months their kidnappers too had begun to feel exhausted. The problem was that the kidnappers had hoped that the Indian government would be forced to make a deal with them, but that never happened. According to the authors, the intelligence agencies and their handlers in the Ministry of Home Affairs in New Delhi who could have easily captured the now-tired group of militants clearly reeling under pressure, decided not to catch them.

The Army, the intelligence agencies and security forces monitoring the progress of the prolonged kidnap drama never gave any direction to a dedicated team of investigators headed by a senior www.geopolitics.in

UNFORTUNATE SCAPEGOATS? The hostages (left to right) Hans Christian Ostro, Dirk Hasert, Paul Wells, Keith Mangan, Don Hutchings

TERROR KINGPIN: The kidnappers asked for the release of Omar Sheikh who was arrested later for the murder of journalist Daniel Pearl

officer of the state police, Mushtaq Sadiq who had not only succeeded to track down the Al Faran outfit in their remote hideout but also told his superiors that it was now a matter of a simple act of taking them in because the militants were desperate to return to Pakistan.

Sadiq said in his report to his handlers that it was December and the

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heavy snow had started to close all the escape routes to Pakistan. The kidnappers had no wish to spend the winter in Kashmir. Sadiq later sent another report in which he informed New Delhi that Al Faran had handed over the hostages to an outfit sponsored by the security forces.

Sadiq continued surveillance of the new masters of the hostages but then they suddenly disappeared from sight. Sadiq’s informers later told him that they had been killed by the pro-India militia but their graves were never found.

That kidnapping of foreigners would have remained forgotten had it not been for the book by Adrian Levy and Cathy Scott-Clark with the sensational disclosure that the Indian government never wanted the kidnap crisis to end because it put Pakistan and terrorists in bad light. The book has already resulted in a fresh demand for a probe into the hostage taking after a Kashmir-based human rights group requested another look into the incident. The situation in Kashmir has improved and the days of terrorism have waned, but there’s hardly any move on the part of the government to placate the various pro-independence Kashmiri groups.

September 2012

GEOPOLITICS

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Right Angle

OFFICERS AND JAWANS

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HREE RECENT incidents involving the Indian all, why is it that the problem is manifest in the Army Army, the world’s second largest, indicate that alone? One hardly comes across this phenomenon in the there is something wrong with its man-manIndian Air Force and the Navy. Of course, it could be agement. In one incident, a jawan climbed a argued that unlike its sister wings, the Army is a huge 200 feet mobile tower in Delhi and stayed there establishment with 1.1 million men and women. But that for a few days to air his grievances against his superiors does not negate the fact that unlike in the past the “arzi” and demanded a meeting with the Defence Minister. In system or practice within the Army is losing its imporearly August, another jawan shot himself dead in the tance. Earlier, this worked as an effective grievancesSamba Sector of Kashmir, following which his angry colredressal mechanism under which the commanders or leagues ganged up to surround the officers and their resofficers held “sainik sammelans”, letting the jawans know idences in protest, leading to a prolonged face-off. In the of the latest developments and listening patiently to their third incident that took place in May, officers and jawans grievances, if any. And more often than not, actions, to of an artillery regiment deployed in the Nyoma sub-disthe satisfaction of the aggrieved, were taken. trict of eastern Ladakh, violently clashed with Of late, however, the above practice each other — which left the unit commanding is said to have lost its credibility, denting in officer, two majors and two jawans grievously the process the very communication system injured. Here the trouble started because a between the jawans and the officers. Some jawan was manhandled by a Major on the Army veterans have attributed this to the suspicion that the former had tried to molest lack of officers available to engage with the the latter’s wife, though subsequently it was jawans. It is said that a company which found by the Commanding Officer of the regishould have four to five officers under ideal ment that the officers were guilty of overcircumstances has only one, who, in turn, is Prakash Nanda reacting and of using disproportionate force too preoccupied to find time for the welfare against the jawan. of his jawans. This argument makes sense, given the That discipline and self-restraint are missing fact that the Army, with a sanctioned strength of 46,500 between the officers and jawans also explains why more officers, is short of over 12,000; a shortage of a huge and more jawans these days are knocking on the doors of 26 per cent. the judiciary seeking justice. And what is worse, the The second factor behind the widening gulf between aggrieved jawans are increasingly resorting to suicides. the officers and the jawans is sociological. Unlike in the None other than Defence Minister AK Antony informed past, jawans today are better-read (most of them have the Rajya Sabha on August 8 that as many as 1,028 solcompleted high school education), better exposed to the diers from the Army had committed suicides since 2003, outside world because of the revolutions in the field of with the yearly toll regularly climbing over 100. This year communication, and more ambitious. Given the fact that alone, 62 soldiers have taken their lives (the figure was a jawan has to serve at least 20 years to be eligible for till August). Besides, over the last nine years, 80 soldiers pensions and other facilities, he does not like careerwere killed due to fratricide, which, in military vocabustagnation and wants to be an “officer” himself. And this lary, is called fragging. is something that the commissioned officers hailing from It may be noted that a report by the Defence Institute the middle-class do not seem to have appreciated of Psychological Research had earlier held that “perenough. Though the Army does have the system of Nonceived humiliation and harassment, over and above Commissioned Officers (NCOs) — eligible usually after occupational and familial causes”, at the hands of their 10 years of service — and Junior Commissioned Officers superiors often serves as the final “trigger” for jawans in (JCOs) — eligible usually after 15 years of service — for stress-related cases in the armed forces. In fact, fragging the jawans, it has been seen that they are hardly given is an ominous development, if the American experience any leadership roles by the officer class. They are not during the Vietnam War is any indication. It is one of the imparted even proper training and exposure. neglected aspects of the Vietnam War that fragging At a time when the Army is short of young officers contributed a lot towards the emergence of Vietnam as coming through the Indian Military Academy, it is not a one country. Between 1968 and 1973, the US military bad idea to cope with this shortage by streamlining the experienced a serious crisis in morale. Chronic indisciJCO system towards better professionalism. The age propline, illegal drug use, and racial militancy all confile of the JCOs needs to be reduced, depending on their tributed to trouble within the ranks. But most chilling of educational qualification, grooming and job-training. all was the advent of a new phenomenon of fragging, Above all, standing in between, the JCOs can be the buckwith large numbers of young enlisted men turning their les fastening the jawans to the officers. weapons on their superiors.

Two interrelated factors could explain the growing distance between the Indian soldiers and their officers within the Army. One is the administrative factor. After prakashnanda@newsline.in

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Reg No.DL(E)-01/5363/2011-2013 RNI No. DELENG/2010/35319 Publication Date. 01/09/2012 Posting Date. 8-9/09/2012