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DANGERS FROM PORTABLE SURFACE-TO-AIR MISSILES
geopolitics VOL I, ISSUE V, SEPTEMBER 2010 RS 100
D E F E N C E D I P L O M A C Y S E C U R I T Y
INDIA-SOUTH KOREA
GROWING CAMARADERIE
MANAGING
INDIAN ARMED FORCES MAOIST
LEADERSHIP CRISIS
EXPANDING FRONTIERS With a growing commercial aviation sector, ambitious space programmes and rising defence budget, Indian aerospace industry is all set to take a big leap forward
Document1
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DEFENSE AND SECURITY
TECHNOLOGY TO MAKE THE WORLD MORE SECURE Homeland Security
Radar
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ATM
Space Simulation and Training IFF/BTID
Electro-optics
EW Automatic Test Systems
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Indian space odyssey COVER STORY P36
While ISRO is close to attaining indigenisation in its space operations, Indian aerospace industry is yet to become well-organised and self-reliant. A close look at the state of Indian space programme and aerospace industry
PERSPECTIVE (P16)
FOCUS (P20)
MANAGING FORCES
DANGER IN THE AIR
It is imperative to mould our defence manpower in tune with the changing geopolitical realities
Man-Portable Air Defence System may fall into the hands of terrorist outfits, posing a serious threat to civilian aircraft in India
SCRUTINY (P33)
BOOK EXCERPTS (P68)
VIEWPOINT (P4)
Will they deliver?
Bureaucrats’ show
Time to be equal
The deal for the Hawk AJT with BaE is a temporary resolution of a trainer woe. How strong is our relation with the British arms industry and have they ‘course corrected’ to learn from past mistakes?
Air Marshal R K Nehra laments the concentration of all powers — organisational, financial and promotional - in the hands of the bureaucrats at the MoD
Anuma Acharya bemoans the unfair treatment meted out to women officers in the Indian armed forces
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September 2010
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WHEELS OF RETRIBUTION (P52)
DEADLY LIAISONS (P58)
UNDERSTANDING CONCERNS (P66)
TERRORISTS’ ABODE (P48)
CPI-Maoist, an assemblage of a huge array of criminal and opportunistic elements, has been steadily losing its top leadership
China and Pakistan have spun a sophisticated naval-nuclear collaboration to contain and box India. What has been India’s response?
There are several issues of mutual interest between India and the Republic of Korea, though there do exist some honest differences, says ambassador Young-sun Paek
Kerala is gradually turning into a safe haven for extremists, with the state government looking the other way
DIPLOMACY (P62) STRONG AND STEADY India-South Korea bilateral relations assume added significance against the backdrop of clandestine nuclear and missile cooperation between North Korea and Pakistan
GLOBAL EYE (P10)
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DAMNING DISCLOSURES
Editor-in-Chief
K SRINIVASAN
WIKILEAKS’ AFGHAN WAR DIARY OPENS A PANDORA’S BOX ON SUBTERRANEAN LINKS AND DEALS!
Editor
PRAKASH NANDA Consulting Editor
VISHAL DUGGAL
Conceptualised and designed by Newsline Publications Pvt. Ltd., D-11 Basement, Nizamuddin (East), New Delhi -110 013, Tel: +91-11-41033381-82 Managing Editor: TIRTHANKAR GHOSH All information in GEOPOLITICS is derived from sources we consider reliable. It is passed on to our readers without any responsibility on our part. Opinions/views expressed by third parties in abstract or in interviews are not necessarily shared by us. Material appearing in the magazine cannot be reproduced in whole or in part(s) without prior permission. The publisher assumes no responsibility for material lost or damaged in transit. The publisher reserves the right to refuse, withdraw or otherwise deal with all advertisements without explanation. All advertisements must comply with the Indian Advertisements Code. The publisher will not be liable for any loss caused by any delay in publication, error or failure of advertisement to appear. Owned and published by K Srinivasan, 4C Pocket-IV, Mayur Vihar, Phase-I, Delhi-91 and printed by him at Nutech Photolithographers, B-240, Okhla Industrial Area, Phase-I, New Delhi-110020. Readers are welcome to send their feedback at geopolitics@newsline.in.
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Cover Design: Jitendra Rawat
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VIEWPOINT
WORST AMONG EQUALS ANUMA ACHARYA bemoans the unfair treatment meted out to women officers in the Indian armed forces
I
AM ONE among the beneficiaries of the High Court order of 12 March 2010 that directs the Indian Air Force (IAF) to reinstate the petitioners and grant them the Permanent Commission. The High Court order was not well-received by many senior officers especially those on the higher side of the age or already retired from the service. For their entire life they have been tuned to visualise women as classy, graceful, feminine, pretty creatures, who have been important in their lives in a certain manner. That women can be authoritative, tough, or even in a position of command is too much for them to assimilate. I would like to draw the attention to the most crucial aspect of ‘gender equality’ which has been largely overlooked so far: The maximum strength of women officers has been long capped at 10 per cent of the total strength of the officers in all the three arms of the armed forces. The 90:10 ratio which laughs in the face of equality has been accepted by the women officers without a murmur. So, the officers/persons in their best of the assumptions may refer back the facts that ‘gender equality’ has not been sought by the women officers. Many senior and much decorated Army officers who have been writing on the issue without checking the basic facts are propagating the myth that the criteria for selecting women officers have been relaxed to pedestrian levels. The astonishing facts are available for comprehensive
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appreciation with a Delhi-based GOI research centre, which has complete data of women candidate’s performance visa-vis men. The same may be obtained through RTI. Shockingly, the selection standards at the service selection boards (SSB) have been downgraded for male candidates three years before. The same was never done for women candidates as their performance at the SSB has been far superior to that of their male counterparts. A similar edge has been maintained by women officers in professional performance as well. I have received the commendation for professional performance by the Chief of the Air Staff and also by the Air Officer Commanding in Chief of the Premier ‘Command’ of IAF. I was also awarded for the ‘Best Team Performance’ as a ‘Team Leader’ or ‘Section Commander’ in 2007. Women officers have been receiving numerous medals/commendations. Yet the male officers conveniently choose to remember the only number of days/months of maternity leave taken by the women officers and not their medals/commendations. Today most of the women officers prefer to have only one child and not two children, but the entire male logic calculates the statistics based on ‘two children status’ for the entire lot of women officers. Is that really fair? The most unfortunate part of the reality is that these senior male officials with one among the highest rank and decoration (who have so much say against the women in the armed forces) have not contributed at September 2010
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GRIT, GUTS AND GLORY: Women Airforce officers bound for mountaineering expedition all to groom the new women entrants to the requirement of the system. The newly commissioned women officers face the following challenges upon joining their first units in the armed forces: Extra-protective treatment by the senior officers assuming them as ‘women’ and not as a ‘colleague officer’. Male officers assume that women officers have only ornamental value, thus assign them less important duties like that of liaisoning officer, mess entertainment member, food member etc.
Instead of grooming the new entrants, some senior officials either patronise them or some may also treat them with additional importance to enjoy a kind of proximity with them. At the same time, the male officers of same seniority feel a deep sense of competition from them. These women officers also face ‘prejudicial factor’ which in simple terms means that they are not liked by the wives of colleague officers for various (obvious) reasons. Of course, there have been handfuls of
senior officials, who have dispassionately groomed the women officers who have really been able to achieve many milestones on their performance graphs. I shall sum up here with prayers to God to give ‘atmagyan’ to the male officers to enable them to let go of the myths they have been holding on to steadfastly for eons. (The writer is a Wing Commander. Her views are in response to the cover story “Madam Commander” that appeared in our July issue — Editor)
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September 2010
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gONLOOKER A tax for unity SOUTH KOREAN President Lee Myungbak stunned many of his countrymen with his proposed tax levy to pay for unification with North Korea — his first serious public reference to unification since taking office in 2008. “Reunification will happen,” Lee Myung-bak said in a speech marking the 65th anniversary of the country’s liberation from Japan’s 1910-45 colonial rule and added,”It is therefore our duty to start thinking about real and substantive ways to prepare for reunification such as the adoption of a unification tax” to prepare for the potentially huge financial burden of the reunification. Under Mr Lee’s presidency, relations between Seoul and Pyongyang have scraped new lows and the 1998 “Sunshine Policy” of co-operation has almost completely unravelled. Multinational talks on dismantling the North’s nuclear weapons programme have broken down and trade remains almost non-existent. Mr Lee, speaking on the 65th anniversary of the Korean peninsula’s liberation from Japanese colonial rule, called on Kim Jong-il’s isolated dictatorship to “face reality” and choose “co-existence over confrontation”. “The two of us need to overcome the current state of division and proceed with the goal of peaceful reunification,” he said. His three-step plan involves denuclearisation, economic integration and the dismantling of institutional barriers to form a “community of the Korean nation”.
SARAN, THREATS AND NEPAL ISSUES
“LET SHYAM Saran, Hari Saran or someone called Ram Saran visit Nepal, it will promote Nepalese tourism for certain…but, India’s Shyam Saran’s visit to Nepal was different. Shyam Saran declared right at the airport that he was the special envoy of Indian Prime Minister but our foreign ministry was not informed of his visit…thus his visit had broken all the diplomatic limits”. Jhal Nath Khanal, Chairman, United Marxist Leninist(UML) Party on the visit
In effect, it summed up former foreign secretary Shyam Saran’s mediatory visit to Kathmandu as Dr Manmohan Singh’s special envoy to forge consensus among Nepal’s warring political parties with Nepali lawmakers calling it a violation of diplomatic norms and asking the government to draft a new foreign policy to prevent such lapses in future. Over 30 MPs of the Parliamentary Committee on Foreign Relations and Human Rights that had summoned Foreign Minister Sujata Koirala to demand an investigation into allegations by a Maoist MP that he was threatened by a senior official of the Indian Embassy in Kathmandu (the embassy sent a letter to the foreign ministry, dismissing the allegations as baseless and irresponsible) turned their sights on Saran’s surprise visit. After Koirala, who is also the deputy prime minister, admitted that her ministry had not been informed by the Indian authorities of Saran’s three-day visit, it was lambasted as a breach of protocol by the MPs. Some of the MPs called for the Indian Embassy official accused of threatening one of their peers, to be declared persona non grata and sent back to India. They also said the threat incident hurt India-Nepal ties and
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was an attack on Nepal’s sovereignty and the dignity of its parliament. Meanwhile, India is contemplating a proposal suggesting construction of border roads along the Indo-Nepal border in Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Minister of State for Home Affairs Mullappally Ramachandran in written reply to a question in the Lok Sabha said: “A comprehensive proposal for construction of border roads along the Indo-Nepal border in the States of Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar is under the consideration of the Government.” The announcement in Parliament comes on the heels of Indian Ambassador to Nepal, Rakesh Sood stating that “Nepal could become a safe haven for international terrorist groups due to continued political instability here”. The U.S. State Department in its “Country Reports on Terrorism for the Year 2009” had has warned that a politically unstable Nepal could pose a serious terrorist threat to India. Behind the repeated failures of the 601-member Constituent Assembly of Nepal to elect a Prime Minister in place of Madhav Kumar Nepal is the open claim that unless the demand of the Madheshis for creating one Madheshi province along the southern border of the country within a federal Nepal is acceded, it would not be possible for the Assembly to elect a Prime Minister enjoying majority support in the House. Apart from the decision of the Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (UML in short) to abstain from voting in the election of the Prime Minister, four rounds of elections have been held without any decision, the Madheshi factor is also withholding the decision.
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O N L O O K E R
GATES SETS DEADLINE Fonseka US SECRETARY of Defence Robert Gates has finally indicated that he will leave office in 2011 — in the early part rather than the later. He let this be known in a wide-ranging interaction with Foreign Policy answering a range of questions with much candor and humour:
ON LEAVING “If I stay until January of 2011, I will have been in this job — I’m the 22nd Secretary of Defence, and I’ll have been in the job longer than all but four of my predecessors. And those four are Robert McNamara, Don Rumsfeld, Cap Weinberger, and Charles E. Wilson. I think the toughest thing in public life is knowing when to dance off the stage. And to leave when people say, “I wish you weren’t leaving so soon,” instead of “How the hell do we get that guy out of there?” And the other aspect of this is, like I said, two separate wars for every day I’ve been on the job is very wearing. And there’s a certain point at which you just run out of energy.
ON ACHIEVEMENTS [Then there’s] this rebalancing and all these initiatives with respect to the budget, trying to get rid of programmes that don’t measure up, aren’t needed, or at least cap them in terms of the numbers. And I suppose a third would be — and I certainly didn’t intend this when I came here — a rigorous reinforcement of the principle of accountability. It’s a very, very rare thing for a senior person to be fired in this town, and I’ve done a bunch.
ON SERVING IN ADMINISTRATION
THE
OBAMA
And I felt the same way going into 2008 — that if somebody asked, I worried a lot about the baton getting dropped in the changeover between administrations. And so I knew if the President, whoever was elected President, asked me to stay that I would say, “Yes.” Now, you know, the timing was always sort of vague in my mind: six months, a year, just to provide a smooth transition and so on -- [it] ended up being longer than that. One of the things that I always warned holdovers about when I was in government before [was that] the last thing that a new administration wants to hear is, “We tried that and it won’t work.” And so it becomes a matter of style in terms of how you say that.... I say “It’s been an option. The last administration tried it this way, and that way didn’t work.” But there’s more than one way, perhaps, to do this. You just have to — one of the dangers of being a holdover is that you talk too much. And I’ve tried to avoid that, and I hope I’ve been successful.
Politics at Ground Zero THIS WAS not the issue the Democrats wanted to be talking about. The Party of Obama is still in a tough position heading into the fall midterm elections, as it fights to hold onto the House and Senate. But as the President travels the country campaigning for candidates, he is trying to make the case that the economic woes are really the fault of his predecessor and those obstructionists in Congress. But that is not cutting much ice. The issue confronting him now is the proposed Islamic Center that would be built in lower Manhattan, two blocks from Ground Zero. It is Obama who had said: “Muslims have the same right to practice their religion as everyone else in this country”. But conservatives erupted, wondering out loud whether
Obama understood the sensitivities about the events of Sept. 11th. “This is a basic issue of respect for a tragic moment in our history,” railed House GOP Leader John Boehner. Rep. Peter King (R-N.Y.) said the president “caved in to political correctness.” References to Barack Hussein Obama were all over the Internets. Subsequently, Obama took another swipe at the issue. But this time, in referring to his last remarks, he added, “I was not commenting and I will not comment on the wisdom of making the decision to put a mosque there. I was commenting very specifically on the right people have that dates back to our founding. That's what our country is about.” That threw everybody out of whack. Washington Post columnist Richard Cohen, under the header “Moral Midgetry,” wrote that after his initial speech, Obama “went to bed a panicked man and reached, trembling, some hours later, for a political morning-after pill to take back some of what he had said.”
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pronounced guilty
Former Sri Lankan Army chief Gen Sarath Fonseka has been stripped off his rank, medals and pension after President Mahinda Rajapaksa ratified the verdict of his conviction by a court martial. The General had been found guilty by a three-member panel and sentenced to a dishonourable discharge. They said he was guilty of dabbling in politics while heading the country’s military last year. “The President in his capacity of Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces has confirmed the findings and the punishment handed down by the first court martial,” a military official said. By the decree signed by Rajapaksa, Fonseka will lose his right to wear rank, medals he has won in his 40-year-long-career in the Army, as well as his pension. He is also being tried by another court martial for corruption in defence deals. The General and his supporters say the charges are politically motivated. Gen Fonseka led the army in its victory last year against the Tamil Tigers and was hailed as a war hero by the majority Sinhalese community for bringing an end to 26 years of civil war. He still faces a second court martial on alleged corrupt deals while in the army. One of Gen Fonseka's lawyers, Sunil Watagala, told the media that the case has been heard in the absence of the defence team during a court vacation. Fonseka has been allowed to leave jail under military escort to attend parliament since April, when he was elected an MP for the opposition Democratic National Alliance (DNA). His parliamentary status will not be affected by the sentence.
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CHINA’S GROWING
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HINA’S drive to transform itself into a major military power is being pursued in a secretive manner that ‘increases the potential for misunderstanding’ and military conflict with other nations, according to the Pentagon’s (US Defence Ministry) annual report to Congress on China’s military released on August 16. “The limited transparency in China’s military and security affairs enhances uncertainty and increases the potential for misunderstanding and miscalculation,” it says. Meanwhile, China remains concerned about strategic ramifications of India’s rising economic, political, and military power even as it quickly modernises its own military. The 83-page report, “Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China” noted “China has deepened its ties with India through increased trade, high-level dialogues, and an improved military-to-military relationship.” “China is currently investing in road development along the Sino-Indian border primarily to facilitate economic development in western China,” it said noting “improved roads would also support PLA border defence operations. “China and India agreed to boost trade from $11.4 billion in 2007 to $40 billion in 2010, and they have held several rounds of dialogue over disputed territorial claims. “Sino-Indian Defence ties were institutionalised in 2007 with the establishment of an Annual Defence Dialogue and by conducting three bilateral defence exercises since 2007.” “Nonetheless, Beijing remains concerned with persistent disputes along China’s shared border with India and the strategic ramifications of India’s rising economic, political, and military power,” the Pentagon said. “Despite increased political and economic relations over the years between China and India, tensions remain along their shared 4,057 km border, most notably over Arunachal Pradesh, which China asserts is part of Tibet and therefore of China, and over the Askai Chin region at the western end of the Tibetan Plateau,” the report said. “China tried to block a $2.9 billion loan to India from the Asian Development Bank, claiming part of the loan would have been used for water projects in Arunachal Pradesh (India’s northeastern state bordering China). This represented the first time China sought to influence this dispute (China lays claims to Arunachal Pradesh) through a multilateral institution,” it said. On cyberwarfare the report said: “In March 2009, Canadian researchers uncovered an electronic spy network, apparently based mainly in China, which had reportedly infiltrated Indian and other nations’ government offices around the world. More than 1,300 computers in 103 countries were identified.”
Photo courtesy: www.commons.wikimedia.org
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MILITARY CLOUT
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Among the findings in the Pentagon report is
that China has as many as 1,150 short-range ballistic missiles and is acquiring an unknown number of medium-range missiles. While final testing of the missile is believed to be a year or two away, some experts say it would take a decade more to attain accuracy. The report also said China could start con-
struction of its first aircraft carrier by the end of the year and had begun a program to train 50 pilots to operate fixed-wing aircraft from an aircraft carrier. Experts say China appears to be building land-based mock-ups of a carrier flight deck and is also sending pilots to Russia for training. Its DF-31 and DF-31A nuclear-armed ICBMs
are live, and the latter “can reach most locations within the continental United States.” The report says Beijing may eventually put
to sea five of its “newest IN-class (Type 094)” nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarine (SSBN). The PLA Navy also has 13 Song-class diesel-
powered attack submarines, and may field up to 19 Yuan-class attack submarines, the follow-on to the Songs. China’s surface combatant fleet, including the
systems fitted on its ships, reflect the leadership’s priority on an advanced anti-air warfare capability for China’s naval forces, which has historically been a weakness of the fleet. The PLA’s air fleet is composed of nearly 500
combat aircraft, all of which are positioned to strike Taiwan without refueling, with “airfield capacity to expand that number by hundreds,” states the report. Beijing is also upgrading its B-6 bomber fleet,
eyeing a new model that will be armed with a new long-range cruise missile. The PLA Air Force has also continued to
expand its inventory of long-range, advanced SAM systems and now possesses one of the largest such forces in the world. Among the new capabilities acquired by, or
under development for, PLA ground forces are Type 99 third-generation main battle tanks, a new-generation amphibious assault vehicle (AAV), and 200-mm, 300-mm, and 400-mm multiple rocket launch systems, the report states.
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DAMNING DISCLOSURES
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WikiLeaks’ Afghan War Diary reconfirms ISI’s links with the Afghan Taliban. As the US and the NATO are in no position to ensure a stable and independent Afghanistan, India’s Afghan policy needs a relook, writes BHASKAR ROY
W
IKILEAKS FOUNDER Julian Assange describes the work of his non-partisan web portal similar to the opening of the Stasi files in East Germany after the fall of the Berlin wall, and Daniel Ellsberg’s leak of the Pentagon Papers. After the cold war and the initial phase of confusion in Russia, many highly classified files from the KGB’s archives were leaked such as the Metrokin papers. Except for the Pentagon papers which had reasonable contemporariness, most other leakages had only historic importance to learn from. However, the WikiLeaks’ Afghan War Diary is very contemporary, and confirms many things that are already known but not seen by the public in the form of raw documents. Pakistan’s leading newspaper, The Dawn, welcomed the leaks as “solid information” about the ISI’s links with the Afghan Taliban. It added that till now most of the information on these links came from the Afghan intelligence, and hence could be questionable. John Kerry (Democrat), Chairman of US Senate Foreign Relations Committee, described some of the leaked documents as “completely dismissible”, some as “completely unreliable”, and some as “very reliable”. Kerry made these observations in his opening statement on the committee’s hearing, drawing from the depositions made by experts on the situation in Afghanistan on the basis of the leaked files. One tends to agree with Kerry to some extent. The leaked files were raw filed reports. These contained basic information not processed to be labelled as “Intelligence”. Lt Gen (Retd) Hamid Gul, former ISI Chief (1987 to 1989), picked on this little difference to argue that the files were not reliable at all. The fact remains, however, that hard information either through visual observation or communication intercepts happens to be actionable intelligence at times where there is no time to send it to the headquarters for interpretation and value addition. Hard information of this kind does not call for corroboration, unlike information given by a “source”. Of the four experts called by Senator Kerry’s Committee, only one spoke something of
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“THESE RECKLESS LEAKS WILL NOT IMPACT OUR ONGOING COMMITMENT TO DEEPEN OUR PARTNERSHIPS WITH AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN AND TO DEFEAT OUR COMMON ENEMIES.”
“THEY RAISE SERIOUS QUESTIONS ABOUT THE REALITY OF AMERICA’S POLICY AND MAKE THE CALIBRATIONS NEEDED TO GET THE POLICY RIGHT MORE URGENT.”
“THESE REPORTS REFLECT NOTHING MORE THAN SINGLESOURCE COMMENTS AND RUMOURS, WHICH ABOUND ON BOTH SIDES OF THE PAKISTANAFGHANISTAN BORDER.”
US NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISOR, GEN JIM JONES
SENIOR US SENATOR, JOHN KERRY
PAKISTAN’S AMBASSADOR TO THE US, HUSAIN HAQQANI
urgent relevance. David Kilcullen, a former aide of General David Petraeus in Iraq, made it very clear that unless the safe havens for terrorists and insurgents in Pakistan were seriously addressed, the situation would not improve. The WikiLeaks has embarrassed the USA and Pakistan in different ways. The leaks have very important political implications for President Barack Obama’s and the Democrats’ political fortunes. With the Senate and Congressional elections coming up later this year, President Obama’s public ratings are falling. There are many reasons for the falling ratings including the state of economy, but the leaks have added to his woes. What concerns the US public is the obfuscation of truth on the progress of the war in Afghanistan. The people generally see reports in the media which are largely based on official briefings. They have a large, emotional stake in this. The general American is a simple person who swears by the constitution and believes in freedom, democracy, religious tolerance and security of his country. The American people are willing to make sacrifices for these goals. But they are equally outraged when they find their sons and daughters laying down their lives fruitlessly, and that facts are distorted. And such outrage can bring the government down as has happened before. The April, 2010 Department of Defence (DOD) report to the US Congress on the war noted the objectives as per the President’s directions. The main agenda included denying the Al Qaeda a safe haven, reversing the Taliban momentum, and strengthening the capacity of the Afghan government and its security forces. The core elements to achieve these objectives included creating conditions for withdrawal and building effective partnership with Pakistan. It was evident, according to Obama’s
directions, that military withdrawal was a priority. He did not really explain his vision of what kind of Afghanistan the US and NATO forces would leave behind if, according to his directives at that time, US forces started withdrawing from July 2011. This statement read in proper perspective was tantamount to a policy of abdication and handing over Afghanistan to the Taliban and Pakistan. Thankfully, the recent Kabul Conference on Afghanistan has reversed the Obama decision. Unfortunately, the reports that the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) was making advances and holding grounds came to be unfounded. The much publicised Marjah offensive suffered a serious setback. The equally hyped Kandahar offensive has also come to a naught. If Marjah could not be held, how could they expect to succeed in the Taliban stronghold of Kandahar? True, the Americans have been pressing Pakistan hard to act more decisively against the insurgents. Before leaving office at the end of 2008, President George W Bush, and the CIA had shown hard evidence to the newly elected Pakistani leaders including Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani, that the ISI was passing on tactical information to the Taliban and the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). Since then, more evidence has been shared by America with Pakistan but with little impact on the ISI’s activities on the ground. In trying to retrieve the situation after the WikiLeaks and also bail out Pakistan, top US officials are insisting that for the last one year Pakistan, especially the ISI and the army, have been much more co-operative and have taken action against insurgents. To substantiate their stand, the Pakistan army’s strike against the TTP in South Waziristan and Swat and some other anti-Pak rogue clique elements are cited. When talking about the period of
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Pakistani co-operation, it is clear that the period of the WikiLeaks (2004-2009) stands discounted. And the manner in which the American authorities are pursuing the sources of such leaks would ensure that the world does not get any more real information till Afghanistan blows up in our faces. As regards the Pak Army’s counterinsurgency activities, these remain specifically focused on those groups who have gone hostile to the establishment for co-operating with the US. The TTP was created by the ISI itself to support the erstwhile Taliban government in Kabul. Similar is the background of other terrorist or insurgent organisations which have tuned rouge. Obviously, the Pak Army has desisted from action in North Waziristan where the terrorist front, the Haqqani network, is located. After much denial, the Pak leaders have accepted the existence of the Quetta Shura, the Afghan Taliban’s main decision-making body in Quetta city of Pakistan, but have taken no action against it. The US is no longer making any pretence that Pakistan’s civilian leaders have any worthwhile influence in security and foreign policy areas. They openly acknowledge that it is the army which is calling the shots in Pakistan. During her visit to Pakistan in July, US Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, had a closed-door meeting with General Parvez Kayani, Pak Army Chief. This provoked The Dawn to quip that the civilian government had abdicated security and foreign policy to the Army, and hence they better spend their time getting foreign assistance for development work. Pakistan is under de facto military rule. As these developments affect India’s vital interests, it cannot observe silence. For, they directly affect Indian security and diplomatic and people-to-people reach in Afghanistan and September 2010
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g GLOBALEYE Central Asia. The WikiLeaks reveal the planning of the attack on the Indian Embassy in Kabul of July 07, 2008. An ISI Colonel was involved in the preparation of this attack which was budgeted at a whopping $120,000! Who funded the terrorist attack? Circumstantial evidence suggests it could only be Pakistan. The leaked files have other reports of planning attacks on Indian interests and persons in Afghanistan. The Haqqani clique was offered $15000-30,000 for each attack. We know the results. It should be said to their credit that the Americans had kept their Indian counterparts informed. That is why the destruction from the attack on the Kabul Embassy was minimal, though the military attaché and political counsellor lost their lives. It must be recognised that the Pakistani Army is in no mood to improve relations with India. In fact, the relations are going to be worse once the foreign forces leave Afghanistan, and Pakistan-sponsored Taliban rules or shares powers in Kabul. It should be remembered that the ISI is a tight monolithic organisation working under the army. There are no rogue elements in the ISI who resort to supporting terrorism. This is all part of the plan. Hence, coming to any understanding with Pakistan’s civilian government is an exercise in futility. This was well illustrated by India-Pak Foreign Ministers’ talks in Islamabad recently. How independent an Afghanistan can the US and the NATO ensure? From the looks of it, nothing. And the same goes for the US and Western support for India’s role in Afghanistan. India has spent over $1.3 billion in Afghanistan, mainly in infrastructure construction, medical infrastructure and education. The common Afghan is very happy especially with medical assistance like prosthetic foot, better known in India as the “Jaipur foot”, to people who have lost limbs in land mine accidents. But this is what upsets the Pak Army — India’s acceptance and influ-
“I ENJOY CRUSHING BA — S. THE MOST DANGEROUS MEN ARE THOSE WHO ARE IN CHARGE OF WAR. AND THEY NEED TO BE STOPPED.” WIKILEAKS FOUNDER, JULIAN ASSANGE
ence is quietly growing in Afghanistan. The Americans are appreciative of India’s role and contribution, but yet are of the view that this complicates relations with Pakistan. India has, therefore, no alternative to seek other means for its Afghan policy, especially post-US/NATO withdrawal. This is where Russia and the Central Asian countries come in. The US interest in Pakistan goes beyond the war on terror. It is Pakistan’s geopolitical position providing access to the Central Asian energy resources, strategic concerns about China, and a weak Pakistan that will allow India to dominate the extended region. Washington’s strategic relations with India have limits. It would be wishful to think that Pakistan will act against the Afghan Taliban, the Hqqqani network or Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, Hizb-e-Islami (HEI). They are future assets for Pakistan in Afghanistan. The WikiLeaks would have embarrassed Pakistan, especially the ISI and Pak Army; especially Army Chief Gen. Kayani who was the ISI Chief from 2004 to 2007, the period WikiLeaks covers. Kayani cannot shirk his responsibility. A little-mentioned fact about Kayani is his involvement with Bangladeshi leaders (BNP and JEI) and intelligence officers, when he was ISI Chief. Kayani introduced internationally wanted criminal and terrorist Dawood Ibrahim to the then most powerful man in Bangladesh, Tareq Reheman. Dawood has an Interpol Red Corner notice against him, but lives in Karachi under ISI protection. Tareq Reheman is the elder son of the then Bangladesh Prime Minister and BNP Chief Khaleda Zia. Kayani brought in the Dubai-based Pakistani-owned company, the ARY, as a front to fund their Bangladeshi partners to import ten truck loads of arms from China for the ULFA insurgents in Assam — North-East India. When defining an international terrorist and organisation, will the United Nations, US and the West take these facts about the ISI and Kayani into account? It is no wonder that the Pak army and ISI were upset over British Prime Minister David Cameron’s statement that Pakistan cannot be allowed to double deal. China stands right behind Pakistan. following the WikiLeaks. The Chinese Ambassador in Pakistan, Liu Jian, made this abundantly clear. China had excellent relations with the Taliban government, and stepped up relations with the Karzai government. It has its eye on Afghanistan’s natural resources, having already bought the rights to the Aynak Copper mines for $3 billion. It also sees Afghanistan as a land link to Central Asia and Europe. Beijing has its teeth well and truly in Afghanistan.
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There is nothing new in Wikileak’s allegations that Pakistan’s intelligence apparatus is lending logistic or moral support to Afghan insurgent groups like the Haqqani network. This has been said dozens of time before, without any concrete proof proffered by either NATO or Afghan officials. But at the same time there are elements in this context that pass the test of probability and plausibility. Among these is the case of Stephen Kappes, the CIA’s deputy head, confronting the ISI in July 2008 with evidence of its role in a deadly suicide attack on the Indian embassy in Kabul. www.dawn.com
A comparison of WikiLeaks has been made with the unwarranted release of the Pentagon Papers in 1971, which had exposed deliberate lying by the American government over the conduct of the Vietnam War. While the Pentagon Papers dramatically affected the continuation of the war in Vietnam, WikiLeaks may not have a similar effect. For the main reason that quite a lot of what these Leaks revealed about war crimes was more or less already known. www.thenation.com
The WikiLeaks-type cyber activism, if not curbed, could pave way to deepen chasms between the affected communities, which is bound to make more mayhem in the region, allowing the global powers to play their own respective strategic games. www.dailymailnews.com
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‘MPT PROJECTS WILL DAMAGE COASTLINE’
AN AD hoc committee on agriculture and forests has raised apprehensions that the expansion plans of Mormugao Port Trust may have a ‘detrimental impact’ on Goan coastline. In its first report submitted in the Goa Legislative Assembly, the panel headed
by Laxmikant Parsekar has said that the projects “may severely damage the demography and the state’s ecology considering the minimum land base”. Further, it opined that such projects are not viable for a small state like Goa. The panel has also sought details regarding
INDIAN BALLISTIC MISSILE PREPARED FOR SERVICE
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the present status of the directions issued by Goa State Pollution Control Board to MPT for compliance and the port trust’s response to it. As per records available with the Board, the MPT is either in the process or has already commenced the construction of a few projects, which include development of 4.61 million metric tonnes/ annum coal terminal, irone ore export terminal at west of break water, 4 MMTPA coal/coke handling port terminal, fishing jetty at Katem, Baina, iron ore terminal at berth no 8, cruise-cum-container terminal/berth for Indian Coast Guard/NIO ships, foreign navy vessels, among a couple of more projects. The government in its reply further stated that the MPT has to consider the cumulative impacts of all proposed projects and include them in the comprehensive EIA/EMP study, to carry out public consultation/public hearing for the projects as proposed by MPT as per the procedure prescribed in environment impact assessment notification issued by union ministry of environment and forests. The Board has asked the MPT to comply with the requirement before taking up any projects.
NUCLEAR-CAPABLE Agni 3 ballistic missile is all set for placement on combat duty. So says Defence Minister A.K. Antony. The weapon has a range around 1,900 miles. The weapon’s completion would enable India to work on an ICBM capable of delivering warheads 3,100 miles or farther. India’s armed forces already possess the 430-mile-range Agni 1 missile and the 1,200mile-range Agni 2.
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g Armed forces fulfilling their duty in J&K, says General V.K. Singh ARMY CHIEF General V.K Singh has reiterated that armed forces are fulfilling their duty in Jammu and Kashmir. “As far as the Army is concerned, it is doing its job. Rest all political issues are being discussed in the Parliament, and, I have complete confidence on the experienced and far-sighted leaders. Whatever decision they will take, will be good,” said the Army Chief to the media persons recently on the sidelines of an event in Bengaluru city. He also revealed the Army’s role in restoring normalcy in flood-ravaged region of Ladakh. “In Leh, the Army is working a lot. You know, whatever work is happening there, the Army and Air Force are working together to fix everything. We hope to do everything to bring normalcy there,” said Singh. Ladakh has been ravaged by flash floods caused by a series of cloudbursts. More than 7,000 soldiers are conducting rescue and relief operations in the region. Helicopters of the Indian Air Force have dropped and distributed food, drinking water, and other aid materials to remote villages that have been completely cut off from the rest of the state.
INDIA, VIETNAM AGREE TO FIRM UP DEFENCE TIES
NAVIES OF INDIA, BRAZIL, SA TO CONDUCT WAR GAMES FOUR INDIAN warships have been dispatched for a two-month-long overseas deployment along the African coast for participating in complex trilateral war games among Indian, Brazilian and South African navies. Destroyer INS Mysore, frigates INS Tabar and INS Ganga, and tanker INS Aditya will also patrol the Exclusive Economic Zones of Mauritius and Seychelles, as also conduct PASSEX exercises and make port calls on Kenya, Tanzania, Mozambique and other countries. The trilateral naval war games, IBSAMAR, will be part of the strategic initiative launched under the IBSA (India, Brazil, South Africa) framework to bring together the maritime forces of three dynamic democracies and economies from three continents under one umbrella. The first IBSAMAR exercise was held in May 2008. While overseas deployments have been a regular feature for Indian Navy to project power as well as “build bridges of friendship”, the IBSAMAR war games are considered a challenging endeavour since the distance from India to South Africa, as also from Brazil to South Africa, is some 4,000 nautical miles. The IBSA forum was established in June 2003 to promote south-south dialogue, cooperation and the adoption of common positions on issues of international importance. During the IBSAMAR exercise in September, the three navies will conduct anti-air and anti-submarine warfare, as also visit-board-search-seizure operations and anti-piracy drills. India will be the “lead planner” for this edition of IBSAMAR, while Brazil will take upon the role in the third edition to be held in 2012.
INDIA AND Vietnam have to strengthen their defence cooperation. The modalities of implementing the 2009 memorandum of understanding in this domain were discussed by Vietnam’s National Defence Minister Phung Quang Thanh and Indian Army Chief General V. K. Singh during the latter’s recent visit to Hanoi. Gen. Singh, marking the first visit to Vietnam by an Indian Army Chief in over a decade, discussed with his counterpart there, Deputy Chief of General Staff Pham Hong Loi, two areas that needed immediate cooperation : training of military personnel and dialogue between experts on strategic affairs on both sides. Defence Minister A. K. Antony is expected to visit Vietnam in October to participate in the first-ever regional meeting of political leaders in the defence field. Vietnam, now chairing the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), has invited India to the ASEAN+8 Defence Ministers meeting. The 10-member ASEAN will be joined by Australia, China, India, Japan, New Zealand, Russia, South Korea, and the United States.
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MANAGING FORCES
Conventional forces are being transformed the world over to conform to the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA), devising weapon systems that require minimum manpower. It is imperative, therefore, to mould our defence manpower in tune with the changing geopolitical realities, points out GURMEET KANWAL
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S MILITARY manpower becomes more and more expensive to recruit, train and retain, planners are increasingly opting for technological solutions at least in low-risk areas and relying more on ‘mean and lean’ conventional forces for deterrence. However, at the same time, forces trained for conventional conflict are increasingly proving to be ill-equipped to face the challenges of sub-conventional conflict. The ongoing conflicts in Afghanistan, Chechnya and Iraq amply demonstrate the limitations of modern conventional forces in complex environments. With economic power gradually replacing military power as the key determinant of national strength and geo-political status, force levels have declined globally since the end of the Cold War. The decreasing emphasis on gaining and holding territory is leading to downsizing of conventional forces, as opposed to the old threat-based organisations, particularly of army battalions. Emerging threats like international fundamentalist terrorism, especially from non-state actors, are also guiding this trend. Simultaneously, the strength of reserve troops is going up across the board. The conventional forces are being transformed to conform to Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA) concepts and technologies. Special efforts are being made to upgrade intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities, particularly those provided by space-based platforms, and to attain the ability to wage network-centric warfare (NCW). At the higher end of the technology trajectory, the trend is towards introducing weapons platforms and ISR systems that are either completely unmanned like Predator UAVs seen in Afghanistan or those that require minimum manpower for prolonged employment and usage. The levels of Special Forces are rising the world over as greater reliance is being placed on the low-visibility employment of military force, especially against terrorist cells and fundamentalist insurgents. Some of the armed forces are gravitating towards raising specialised internal security and counterinsurgency forces as their new branch. This is being seen as a means to separate a ‘lean and mean’ conventional force for deterrence from fluctuating force levels for sub-conventional conflict. In India, the Rashtriya Rifles experiment has worked rather well. Another visible trend is the massive expansion of paramilitary forces for internal security duties. In Asia, India leads in this
UPHILL TASK: Indian armed forces need to match their march with global war trends reliance on second tier forces. Almost all the central police and paramilitary forces (CPMFs) like BSF, CRPF, ITBP, CISF and SSB, have greatly augmented their fighting strength since the mid-1990s when realisation first dawned on the military and civilian bureaucracy that insurgency and terrorism were here to stay. Special efforts are being made to reduce the logistics footprint of armed forces by outsourcing the supply and maintenance chain to civilian trade, wherever it can be done without compromising operational readiness. After the American experiment in Iraq and Afghanistan, armed forces the world over are considering outsourcing the perime-
THE LEVELS OF SPECIAL FORCES ARE RISING THE WORLD OVER AS GREATER RELIANCE IS BEING PLACED ON THE LOW-VISIBILITY EMPLOYMENT OF MILITARY FORCE.
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ter security of airfields, logistics bases and other similar nodes and convoy protection duties, when deployed out-of-area for peacekeeping, peace-support and stabilisation operations, to private companies so as to reduce the need for the large-scale deployment of regular troops on rear area security duties that are not optimally suited to their skills and training. The booming Indian economy offers lucrative career options to the youth in the private sector. Therefore, the armed forces increasingly face an acute shortage of officers. The worst affected is the Indian army that has a staggering shortage of approximately 13,000 officers as against an authorised strength of about 40,000 officers. In 2004, the Indian government had announced a proposal to recruit IAS and allied services officers after the 12th standard with a view to catch them young for a career in the bureaucracy. Presumably, a new academy is proposed to be established for this purpose because the Mussoorrie academy has a different charter. The best and the readily available option to train these young recruits is the National Defence Academy (NDA), Khadakvasla, Pune, which provides the finest all-round education at the undergraduate level in India. In fact, it would do the budding officers a world of good to do some national service in the armed forces for about four to five years during which they would be exposed to a disciplined way of life, gain hands-on experience of man-management and good leadership, imbibe values and ethics September 2010
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g PERSPECTIVE and will learn to be officers and gentlemen. They would also contribute handsomely to national security and help to reduce the officers’ shortage in the armed forces. The shortage of officers in the armed forces continues to have a deleterious effect on their fighting capability, particularly in counterinsurgency operations in Jammu and Kashmir and the north-eastern States. As the shortage of officers is primarily in the ranks of Captain and Major, the solution lies in a re-vamped short-service entry scheme which offers lateral induction into civilian jobs after five to eight years of service in the army. Such a scheme offers the twin benefits of filling all the vacant positions and reducing the pension bill. The most pragmatic option is for the central government to absorb all the officers scheduled for early release from the three services. The best method with multifarious benefits to the nation would be to make "military service" compulsory for all aspirants for the central and all India
services, including the Indian Foreign Service (IFS), the Indian Administrative Service (IAS), the Indian Police Service (IPS), other allied services, the Central Police and Para-military Forces (CPMFs) and other similar organisations. Recruitment to the IAS, IFS and the allied services should be channelled only through the armed forces, for men as well as women. All perceptive observers of the national scene accept that in these times of a failing national character, with rampant corruption, political expediency and widespread nepotism ruling the roost, the three services are playing a stellar role in holding the nation together as a viable political entity. A disciplined way of life, highly advanced and pragmatic man-management techniques, a no-nonsense approach to problem solving and active secularism, have helped the services ward off the maladies afflicting the other organs of the state. The officers transferred to the central services from the armed forces will carry with them these impeccable attributes and will undoubtedly succeed in transforming the manner in which the bureaucracy conducts the business of administration. Compulsory military service for entry into the central services will also give civilian bureaucrats a better understanding of India’s defence and security interests and will create a permanent bond of camaraderie between the civilians and the servicemen. It is a win-win situation and an idea whose time has come. Superiority in numbers has never been instrumental in winning battles. Victory on the battlefield goes to the side that can synergistically orchestrate its full combat potential at the point of decision. As, India’s internal security and counter-insurgency (CI) operations are manpower intensive therefore scaling down army’s involvement in these operations and major reductions in manpower does not appear to be in sight despite the raising of many new battalions of central police forces. Therefore, no military analyst can recommend a reduction in force levels unless the external and internal security environment is seen to improve substantially. Answering a question regarding
reduction in the strength of the standing army in an interview, former Defence Minister Pranab Mukherjee had said in 2004, "In view of the current commitments, I do not think it is possible to reduce the strength of the army." Hence, it is a Catch-22 situation. The Army cannot reduce manpower because of its commitments in low intensity conflict (LIC) and it cannot modernise and improve the quality of its forces
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g PERSPECTIVE unless it reduces its manpower strength because its huge numbers are a drain on the defence budget. Therefore the answer lies in reducing the costs of manpower. The fundamental challenge is to find ways and means to maintain a force structure capable of dealing with today’s realities and still generate sufficient resources to invest in modernisation and crucial military technologies. As expenditure on manpower accounts for over 50 per cent of the army’s budget, all possible avenues need to be explored to save manpower costs without compromising operational preparedness. Several viable options are available though each option needs to be thought through logically to eliminate its disadvantages. Territorial Army (TA) battalions have performed creditably in the post-independence conflicts and are continuing to do so in CI operations in J&K and in the northeastern states. An infantry battalion TA requires approximately 50 to 60 regular armed forces personnel to form the nucleus; the rest are TA personnel. The TA units will have to be embodied for much longer than the present 45 days annually to enable them to be better trained. They will also need to participate in operational alerts and manoeuvres with troops. The time has come to recognise and exploit the true war-fighting potential of TA units. The other aspect of TA-isation is to convert some regular Indian Army units to TA units. Besides infantry battalions, field artillery and Corps of Army Air Defence TA units have existed in the past in India. In the initial stages the concept could be tried out with infantry battalions. It would be prudent to convert one or two rifle companies rather than a whole battalion to TA companies. When the teething problems have been tackled, it could be extended to other arms like the armoured corps, artillery, Corps of Army Air Defence, engineers, signals and mechanised infantry. All this will require enactment of a new Indian Territorial Forces Act with stringent provisions for ensuring the availability of TA personnel whenever they are called up for service. A beginning in this direction can be made by making TA service compulsory for all central government employees. This would require a bold political initiative, but one from which no nationalistic political party concerned with the nation’s security should shy away. Another option is placing whole formations and battalions in suspended animation in peace time. Not all formations and units are required to be in a state of immediate operational readiness at all times to ensure the territorial integrity of the nation since
THE NAVY AND THE AIR FORCE NEED MORE EDUCATED PERSONNEL THAN THE ARMY BECAUSE OF THE GREATER COMPLEXITY OF THEIR WEAPONS SYSTEMS.
‘Colour’ (active) service in the armed forces should be reduced to seven years, as it used to be earlier. On release from the Army, the other ranks (OR) who wish to sidestep laterally could be absorbed by the Central Police Organisations (CPOs - BSF, CRPF, CISF, ITBP et al). They should continue to serve in the CPOs till superannuation, as per the prevailing terms and conditions of service. On transfer to the CPOs, the army should have a lien on their service as reservists for a period of eight to 10 years. During this period, the reservists would be put through refresher cadres, annual training camps and occasional courses. During national emergencies they could be called up whenever required to fill all the vacancies in their old units. Depending on the arm and the type of equipment held they could be licked into shape as a top-grade fighting unit in three to
FRONT WITHIN: Forces are being increasingly involved in internal security duties wars are now unlikely to breakout virtually overnight. There would normally be a long gestation period during which an endeavour would be made to resolve contentious issues through bilateral as well as multilateral or United Nations (UN)-sponsored diplomatic negotiations. If this line of argument finds acceptance, it should be possible to downgrade the readiness standards of certain formations earmarked for offensive operations. These would have to be carefully selected. The modus operandi would be that while the command and control elements and a core group of essential personnel are retained to maintain equipment (most of which would be moth-balled) and warlike stores and to ensure the upkeep of barracks, the remaining personnel would be reservists who would be called up only when war clouds appear over the strategic horizon.
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six months. No matter how closely one analyses this proposal, it appears to be a win-win situation. The logistics supply organisations of the armed forces could do with some reduction in manpower, combined with corresponding reductions in stocking levels of FOL, rations and spares with arrangements to push forward the required stores quickly when necessary. This can be achieved by relying more closely on civilian trade rather than attempting to do everything in house. Various other measures can be thought of to conserve manpower and better manage those personnel who undertake to commit their lives to the service of the nation. (The writer is Director, Centre for Land Warfare Studies (CLAWS), New Delhi) September 2010
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MOVING DANGER: American soldier with man-portable air-defence system
DANGER IN THE AIR Pakistan seems to have gone ahead of India in the manufacturing of manportable surface-to-air-missiles. And, it is quite likely that these missiles will fall into the hands of terrorist outfits, posing a serious threat to civilian aircraft in India, warns ABHIJIT BHATTACHARYYA
I
T HAPPENED on November 22, 2003 when an Airbus-300 cargo flight, on takeoff from Baghdad (to Bahrain), was reportedly hit by a SAM (surface-to-air missile) — the aircraft’s left wing caught fire but it managed to make a successful emergency landing. According to a US Congressional Research Service (CRS), ‘attacks using portable SAM/anti-aircraft missile” (operated by a single person)’ have been attempted several times” since 1979. And there were at least five major incidents during this period, resulting in two fatal crashes. According to a 2005 Rand Corporation study, shoulder-fired surface-to-air missiles, also known as man-portable air-defence
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systems (MANPADS), constitute a real terrorist threat to civilian aircraft all across the globe. It is not improbable if Al-Qaeda and other jehadi outfits, instead of trying to hijack a passenger aircraft, find the option of using MANPADS to destroy it on its landing or take-off flight path much easier! Obviously, just one success, killing 200 passengers and one aircraft may lead to devastating repercussions — leading to cancellation of flights, drop in passenger numbers and the consequent fall in airport business. Above all, fear may grip the administration, thereby resulting in all-round turbulence in the world market. According to Rand estimate, “a single successful missile attack against a commercial airliner could inflict economic losses from US $1.4 billion,
if there was a total shutdown of airline traffic for just one day, to US $70.7 billion if the shutdown stretched out to a month”. Post-9/11, the world is seriously discussing the threat to civil aviation owing to terrorist attack. As per the recently-leaked ‘WikiLeak’ document, on May 30, 2007 Afghan insurgents shot down a twin rotor Chinook helicopter over Helmand with a portable SAM. The Americans need not be surprised that Afghans use those missiles. After all, the earlier generation of Afghans too got huge quantity of US-made Stinger missiles to hit the Soviet choppers in the 1980s through the Pakistani, Saudi and US intelligence services. The scenario becomes more frightening, considering that around half a million manportable SAMs have already been produced worldwide and will continue to be produced in future. And around two dozen non-state actor organisations (including Al-Qaeda) are believed to be in possession of various types of these missiles. In October 2007 a cache of Chinese made HN-5 missiles (a rudimentary MANPAD) was discovered at Farah province of Afghanistan. In January 2008, an explosive ordnance team unearthed, two HN-5 missiles at Kandahar. In July, 2008 insurgents tried in vain to shoot an F/A-18 Hornet with an early generation MANPAD at night. Like the USSR in the 1980s, the USA is heavily dependent on helicopters to get around the uneven and often-unpaved terrain of Kabul countryside. So far insurgents have fired only early-MANPADS against the USA in Afghanistan. Although the exact numbers thereof are not in the domain of public knowledge, credible information suggests that most of these were Redeyes of the General Dynamics origin of 1960s. Understandably, therefore, all these MANPADS have expired parts and do not necessarily have the modern-day tracking technology; hence inaccurate. Still, it is quite scary that so many of these obsolete MANPADS are working. According to Jane’s Land Based Air Defence-2009, the Netherlands recently ordered 18 Rheinmetall Defence MANPADS Cueing Systems (MCS) for use with its currently deployed Raytheon Stinger man-portable SAM systems. Of the 24 makers, however, not all are major players yet. Thus the Belarus product was first revealed at the Minsk Defence Exhibition in May 2005. The portable air-defence missile sub-units are on sale offer but are not known to be used internationally. The Chinese, however, have emerged as a MANPADS heavyweight producer, seller and user. Beijing began with the Soviet-era
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ACCORDING TO A 2005 RAND CORPORATION STUDY, SHOULDERFIRED SURFACE-TO-AIR MISSILES, ALSO KNOWN AS MANPORTABLE AIR-DEFENCE SYSTEMS (MANPADS), CONSTITUTE A REAL TERRORIST THREAT TO CIVILIAN AIRCRAFT ALL ACROSS THE GLOBE. Strela-2 systems which were supplied by Egypt in 1974, as a “technology gift” owing to Chinese assistance to Cairo in the 1973 Yom Kippur War. China took off, and began with development of HN-5 (Hung Nu or Red Cherry) — a product-improved version of the first-generation Soviet Strela-2/SA-7 Grail man-portable surface-to-air missile system. Not surprisingly, China soon transferred the HN-5 technology to Pakistan for use in the production at the then Dr A Q Khan Research Laboratories, now renamed as Institute of Industrial Control Systems (IICS). According to Jane’s, the production of HN-5 family is complete. It is in service with the Chinese armed forces, North Korea, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Iran, Iraq, Myanmar, Pakistan and Thailand. Another MANPADS, FN-6, “specifically designed for use against low and very low altitude targets such as fighters, fighter-bombers and September 2010
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g FOCUS helicopters”, has been offered to Malaysia. China also has another type, Qian Wei-1 (QW-1) MANPADS, first unveiled at Farnborough Air Show 1994, and reportedly “in many respects the technology involved is similar to that used in the US Raytheon Missile Systems FIM-92 Stinger and (USSR/Russia) Igla systems. And expectedly, Pakistan has been the beneficiary, being the “all-weather friend”; it has built a similar missile in appearance and performance to the QW-1 Vanguard known as the Anza Mark-II. As the QW family of missiles kept expanding with QW-2 series, once again it was offered for export. Expectedly, “Bangladesh and Pakistan are” reported to be “the only known users”. However, information gained from Seoul Asian Aerospace exhibition suggested that “Pakistan has purchased the production line for the complete system from China and is producing under the name of Anza-III, reported the Jane’s. Egypt has been one of the earliest users and producers of Sakr Eye MANPADS (originally from the USSR) which was supplied to Beijing and Pyongyang in 1974. Reportedly the Egyptian product is also in service with the various Afghan factions, Hamas terror group and the Palestinian militants. In Europe, France has made spectacular progress in man-portable SAMs’ develop-
ACCORDING TO JANE’S LAND BASED AIR DEFENCE-2009, THE NETHERLANDS RECENTLY ORDERED 18 RHEINMETALL DEFENCE MANPADS CUEING SYSTEMS (MCS) FOR USE WITH ITS CURRENTLY DEPLOYED RAYTHEON STINGER MAN PORTABLE SAM SYSTEMS.
AIRCRAFTS’ MENACE: Patriot surface-to-air missile ment and export to overseas customers. French Mistrals, a short-range (up to 6 km) SAM, “capable of intercepting a wide variety of aerial targets” is in use by at least 26 countries including Pakistan (air force and navy). Jane’s reveals that Gaza and the West Bank-based military wing of the Al-Quds Martyr’s Brigade is attempting to develop SAMs. In 2004, it was confirmed by the then Hamas leader Nizar Rayyan that “Hamas engineers are trying to develop anti-aircraft missiles”. It has been confirmed that “a reverseengineered missile in the class of ex-Soviet Strala or the Iranian Misagh-1 is the most likely” for such a weapon. Several Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) Al-Quds Brigade operatives, however, were “injured in February, 2006 when attempting to use a home-made SAM to shoot down an Israeli helicopter”. There are several other countries in MANPADS production line: — Germany, Iran, Israel, Japan, North Korea and South Korea, Poland, Pakistan, Romania, Serbia, Sweden, UK and Ukraine. However, the most widely used MANPADS still originate from, Moscow and Washington. The Russian-made Strela-2/ SA-7 systems were “widely deployed to the various wars between Arabs and Israelis”, and reportedly from June 1968 to June 1970, Egypt fired 99 missiles at Israeli targets resulting in 36 damaged or downed aircraft. In 1974, Syria shot down 11 Israeli aerial targets, and the relative simplicity of the SA-7 has resulted in “widespread distribution to the various guerrilla and terrorist groups throughout the world”. The Tamil Tigers used this weapon against the Sri Lanka Air Force. Small wonder, Russian systems are used by more than 70 nations worldwide (including India).
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Of all the MANPADS, USA-made Stinger perhaps has the most variants — hybrid systems; alerting and cueing system; tripod mounted; pedestal mounted; dual mounted; extended range; tracking and launch systems etc. Little wonder that Stinger continues to be operated by all and sundry; from the Saudi Armies to Afghan guerrillas (virtually all factions); GIA guerrillas in Algeria; Chad and Chechen army; Iranian Revolutionary Guards (Pasadaran); the various Palestinian guerrilla groups in Lebanon; PKK (i.e. Kurdish) guerrillas in Turkey; Taiwanese Marines; UNITA guerrillas in Angola to UK’s Special Air Services (SAS) and US Special Forces. In South Asia, however, Pakistan seems to have gone ahead of India in the manufacture of MANPADS. Islamabad’s Anza Mark-I and II “resemble the Chinese QW-1 Vanguard system” but appear “comparable with second and third-generation man-portable SAM systems”. Reportedly, the Pakistani Anza Mark-II has “an all-aspects engagement capability” and the system has been used in the Kargil war in 1999. The full-scale production of the system started in 1994 and it is in use of both the army and the air force of Islamabad. Gleaned from Jane’s, it is seen that the “Indian Army has used its own resources and the Electrical and Mechanical Engineers (EME) to overhaul life-expired Russiandesigned SAM systems”. The difference in approach between two South Asian neighbours, however, is too stark to be elaborated. One only hopes that Pakistani machines do not fall into the hands of its proxy terrorist regiments to pose a serious threat to civilian aircraft in India. September 2010
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GREAT EXPECTATIONS India expects value for its money spent on the big bucks Hawk deal with Britain
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INDIA TO INDUCT 32 WARSHIPS IN 10 YEARS GOVT SANCTIONS ADDITIONAL RS 4,764 CRORE FOR SUBMARINE PROJECT INDIA WILL induct 32 more warships, including 27 being built indigenously, to its naval fleet in the next 10 years. According to Flag Officer Commanding-in-Chief Eastern Naval Command Vice Admiral Anup Singh, the warships “to be inducted in the service within a decade” include corvettes, frigates and destroyers. “Out of the 32 ships, three are being built in Russia and two in Italy. The remaining 27 are being built in the country,” Singh said. At present five Kilo-class, or Sindhughosh, submarines and a Foxtrot submarine are deployed in the eastern coast. On the western coast, the Navy had deployed five Sindhughosh and four German KSS submarines.
WITH THE delivery of the Scorpene submarines getting delayed, the government has sanctioned an additional amount of Rs 4,764 crore for the project, the Rajya Sabha was informed recently. “The last (of the six) submarine will be delivered in the second half of 2018. Government has recently sanctioned an additional amount of Rs 4,764 crore for the project,” Defence Minister A K Antony said in reply to a written query.
INDIA TO ORDER 42 ADDITIONAL SU-30S INDIA’S DEFENCE Acquisition Council has approved the procurement of 42 additional Sukhoi 30MKI fighters from Hindustan Aeronautics. The estimated cost of the project is Rs. 20107.40 crore and the aircraft
are planned to be delivered during 2014-2018. The proposal is being progressed as a repeat order from M/s Hindustan Aeronautics Limited, India under the Defence Procurement Procedure-2008.
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India had signed a Rs 18,798 crore deal with France in 2004 for six diesel electric submarines to be constructed at an Indian shipyard and the first submarine is expected to be completed by the Mazagon Dockyards Limited in Mumbai by 2012. The delay in delivery of the submarines has been due to initial teething problems, absorption of technology and augmentation of the MDL infrastructure and procurement of MDL-procured materials.
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ANALYSTS AT a leading American institution, IGI Consulting, say in a new study that the military and aerospace avionicsmarket for fiber optics components, subsystems, and systems will more than double by 2013. IGI’s new report — “Military and Aerospace Fiber Optics in Avionic Systems” — includes military and commercial aircraft including fighter aircraft, transport aircraft, unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), and commercial aircraft. IGIC analysts say they estimate the total fiber optic market for these two markets at $306 million in
2009, growing to $703 million in 2013. The increase is due to factors such as greater acceptance of this new technology driven by the rapid acceptance and developments in the telecommunications field, the need to reduce size, weight and power, the need for higher bandwidth, and the opening of the UAV market. Despite the desire to use more fiber in aircraft, specific military and aerospace requirements present major barriers such as the unavailability of commercial offthe-shelf technology, lack of hardened components for the military and aerospace environment, available test and maintenance procedures, and the availability of low-cost, easy-to-use test and measurement equipment, IGI analysts say. IGI analysts also say that more flexibility needs to be built into smart wiring systems to reduce cost of retrofits and upgrades and maintenance by using builtin test equipment and continued research is needed in standards, test equipment, integrated optical components, manufacturing technology, and testing and hardening of fiber optic systems
DEFECTIVE CHOPPERS BOUGHT FOR RS182 CR EVEN AS it expressed serious concern at the alarming shortfalls in ageing helicopter and aircraft fleets of Navy and IAF, the Comptroller and Auditor General(CAG) has blasted the Defence Ministry for procuring six defective and phasedout UH-3H helicopters from the US for Rs 182.14 crore. The six helicopters were manufactured in January 1961-July 1965 and were decommissioned by the US Navy in 2005 itself. “Audit examination revealed the helicopters procured were lifeexpired and had many defects which would ultimately compromise operational effectiveness,” said CAG. The helicopters were bought from the US government under the “foreign military sales” programme, which is a direct governmentto-government deal without any multi-vendor competition. The helicopters were acquired to operate from the second-hand
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amphibious transport warship USS Trenton, rechristened INS Jalashwa by the Navy, also purchased from the US in 2006. The latest CAG report, tabled in Parliament recently, said, “Considering the vintage of the helicopters and the obsolescence of spares, maintenance of the six refurbished helicopters by Indian Navy would be a challenging task. In fact, one helicopter has already been cannibalised to ensure serviceability of the other five helicopters.” The CAG report said the helicopters were bought in “as is where is” condition with “no guarantee of supportability and replacement of defective rotables due to obsolescence”. Moreover, the helicopters are devoid of any type of weather/surface surveillance radar, which is the most important sensor of a utility helicopter during its “search-andrescue” operations.
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BOEING P-8I WITH INDIABUILT SUBSYSTEMS COMPLETES DESIGN REVIEW BOEING HAS successfully completed the final design review (FDR) for P-8I, India’s long-range maritime reconnaissance and anti-submarine warfare aircraft. The P-8I, based on the Boeing 737 commercial airplane, is a variant of the P-8A Poseidon that Boeing is developing for the U.S. Navy. Completion of the FDR locks in the design for the aircraft, radar, communications, navigation, mission computing, acoustics and sensors, as well as the ground and test support equipment. It also paves the way for the programme to begin assembling the first P-8I aircraft. “For P-8I, we are incorporating not only India-unique design features, but also India-built subsystems, so this agreement that the design addresses all customer requirements is a huge milestone,” said Leland Wight, P-8I programme manager for Boeing. “It also leads us to the program's next
stage: We are on track to start fabricating the P-8I’s empennage section before the end of this year.” During the five-day FDR held in Renton, Washington, recently., Indian Navy officers met with Boeing representatives from Defense, Space & Security and Commercial Airplanes to review relevant design information and performance against specifications. “The P-8I’s unique capabilities are tailored to India’s maritime-patrol requirements. It has the reach and capability to defend India’s vast coastline and maritime waters,” said Vivek Lall, India country lead, Boeing Defense, Space & Security. Boeing will deliver the first P-8I to India within 48 months of the original contract signing, which took place in January 2009. India is the first customer for the P-8 outside the United States.
INDIA WILL NEED 1,150 AIRCRAFT WORTH $130 BILLION, SAYS BOEING
MAJOR AIRCRAFT manufacturer Boeing has revised upwards its market outlook for India saying the country would require 1,150 planes worth USD 130 billion over the next two decades. The company, which had earlier estimated that 1,000 planes worth about USD 100 billion would be required in the country in the same period, revised its outlook on the basis of the estimated growth rates of GDP and passenger traffic. “Most of these aircraft will be twinaisle or the Boeing 787-8 type which will be able to fly point-to-point to destinations in Europe and the US to Indian cities,” Boeing India President Dinesh Keskar told reporters recently.
Modernisation of AN-32 Fleet of IAF INDIA AND Ukraine have signed a contract on modernisation of one hundred and five AN-32 fleet of Indian Air Force (IAF). The up-to-date equipment which will be fitted on the aircraft during mod-
ernisation include avionics and hydraulic systems, etc. The life of AN-32 aircraft will be increased by 15 years up to 40 years. First batch of aircraft has already been positioned in Ukraine,
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which was a part of the erstwhile USSR. This information was given by Defence Minister Shri AK Antony in written reply to Shri Nand Kumar Sai in Rajya Sabha recently.
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g 155-MM GUN CONTRACT: DRDO ENTERS THE FRAY WITH THE international procurement of the 155-mm towed gun for the Indian Army dogged by controversy and failure, India’s Defence R&D Organisation (DRDO) has made the potentially game-changing decision to jump into the fray. The DRDO’s most productive laboratory, the Armament Research & Development Establishment (ARDE) in Pune could soon become the hub for developing an indigenous 155-mm towed gun, with the DRDO partnering private industry giants such as Bharat Forge and Larsen & Toubro. A DRDO project to produce a 155mm towed gun indigenously would introduce an Indian consortium into a jinxed procurement confined to
foreign vendors, many attended by controversy. Defence Minister A K Antony has informed Parliament that the Central Bureau of Investigation had recommended the blacklisting of four companies that had been involved, at various stages of this procurement: Singapore Technologies Kinetics (STK); Germany's Rheinmetall; Israel Military Industries (IMI); and another Israeli company, Soltam. Denel, a South African company, had been blacklisted earlier; and the only other gun on offer, the BAE Systems FH-77B-05 howitzer, is a modernised version of the controversial Bofors gun. In these circumstances, an indigenous 155-mm gun could be a politically palatable choice.
INDIA TO GET TWO MORE AWACS TO MAKE AIRSPACE IMPREGNABLE INDIA WILL go in for two more AWACS (airborne warning and control systems), the “formidable eyes in the sky”, after the last of the three Israeli Phalcons already ordered is inducted in December. IAF is also on course to induct a wide array of radars, from 19 LLTRs (low-level transportable radars) and four MPRs (medium-power radars) to four Aerostat and 30 indigenous medium-range Rohini systems, towards making Indian airspace as impregnable as possible. All this is in tune with the crucial plan underway to set up five nodes of IACCS (integrated air command and control system) across the country, with the first one coming up in the western sector facing Pakistan, to plug existing gaps in the country's air defence coverage. Seamless data transfer from civilian and military radars as well as AWACS, all networked under IACCS, will make it possible to get the “air situation picture” at a central place in real time. This will ensure that swift counter-measures can be mounted to thwart aerial threats soon after they
are detected. “We have already moved the case for two more AWACS,” IAF Chief Air Chief Marshal P V Naik said recently. These will be in addition to the three Phalcon AWACS already contracted under the $1.1 billion project finalised with Israel and Russia in March 2004. The complex project, under which the Israeli 360-degree Phalcon early-warning radar and communication suites were mounted on
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Russian IL-76 heavy-lift military aircraft, was hit by several technical delays. Consequently, the first AWACS arrived in India only in May 2009 and the second in March 2010. The third is slated to be inducted by this year-end.
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VIVEK LALL is an old India hand. Appointed Vice President and Country Head, Boeing Defense Space & Security, in May 2007, Dr Lall came to this position after serving as Managing Director of Boeing Commercial Airplanes in India. He has played numerous leadership roles in marketing and engineering at Boeing. He is confident that India will procure from his company C-17 airlifters, among the best in the world for military and humanitarian airlift. Excerpts from an exclusive interview.
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“WE WANT TO BE A PREFERRED PARTNER WITH INDIA”
Q
Why is the C-17 Globemaster III advanced airlifter so essential for India’s defence services? The C-17 is the workhorse of the US Air Force transport fleet and has proven highly reliable in the harsh environments of Iraq and Afghanistan. The Indian Air Force (IAF) will use the C-17s to modernise cargo capabilities. With a payload of 170,000 pounds, the C-17 can fly strategic distances directly into small austere airfields with 3,000 landing strips. The C-17 fulfills the following key airlift requirements to provide rapid reaction in response to strategic and tactical needs: Advanced strategic and tactical capabilities that far exceed the capabilities of the IL 76 & C 130 Disaster Relief and humanitarian relief/ evacuation/ air ambulance Aid to civil power Move of field ambulance and emergency relief equipment Transportation of troops and heavy equipment including artillery, helicopters, trucks and tracked vehicles
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Payload and personnel delivery to high altitude regions Hot and high altitude air drops Paratroop capabilities Movement/logistic support for movement of armed force units and equipment Move large contingent of paramilitary in contingencies. Large payload delivery into austere and semi-prepared environments
Will the Globemaster deal entail technology transfer? Who will take care of the maintenance in the long run of these planes? The Indian Air Force (IAF) will be offered the opportunity to participate in the Globemaster III Sustainment Partnership (GSP). GSP is designed around the concept of performancebased logistics where the customer pays for readiness, not specific parts or services. It is responsible for all C-17 sustainment activities, including material management and depot maintenance support. The partnership capitalises on Boeing’s expertise with the US Air Force to ensure readiness levels which meet the customers’ needs. The US Air Force (USAF) has partnered with Boeing on sustainment for the C-17 since 1998. International customers also use GSP for support and include The United Kingdom Royal Air Force, The Royal Australian Air Force, Canadian Forces, The Qatari Emiri Air Force and the NATO Consortium (Strategic Airlift September 2010
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g INTERVIEW Capability). The current GSP agreement is a three-year contract, FY2009 - FY2011. Boeing was notified that the USAF has approved a tenyear Justification and Approval (J&A) request for Boeing to provide continued support to the C-17 through 2021. When will the Globemaster’s trials by India begin? What kind of tests or benchmarks would the planes be subjected to? The IAF is conducting trials on the C-17 now. The familiarisation flights will allow the IAF to experience the unique capabilities of the C-17; such as landing and taking off on short, austere runways, and flying hot and high altitude air drops. What are the requests for proposals (RFPs) that you are looking at and what is your long-term strategy considering Boeing had redirected its energies from the commercial to the military side of business in India? Our defence focus started about five years ago and we have achieved some successes in India. The Indian Navy has bought 8 P8-Is for longrange maritime reconnaissance. Boeing has also sold VVIP jets. Very recently the American Congress has approved the sale of 10 C-17s to the IAF which would be the biggest defence deal between the two countries. We are also in the fray for the fighter jet MMRCA competition which could emerge as an iconic symbol of Indo-US relationships in the time to come. Our focus areas for the future will be around homeland security, space, cyber security, and energy. What is your view on the 26 per cent cap on private players in investment in the Indian defence industry? The Indian government’s overall FDI policy is a very progressive one and demonstrates the importance that it places on foreign investment as a catalyst to achieve the country’s industrial objectives. What about the conditionalities like offset clauses that India usually talks of while concluding high-value military deals with foreign countries? Our intent is to be a preferred partner with India. We are here to establish a strong India footprint with a long term view. Our engagement strategy is to partner with the industry, make them a part of our international supply chain and contribute to India’s mission to become self-reliant and an exporter of defence products. One way to do it is through the offset policy which is very much required for India. The MoD has shown great foresight by introducing the offset policy which will provide an impetus for the development of the country’s indigenous aerospace capabilities.
How do you propose to offset any major contracts that you bag? The C-17 contract will require a 30 per cent offset that is regulated in accordance with the Defence Procurement Policy. Boeing has provided the Indian Air Force with a draft offset proposal. We are currently providing clarifications, as requested, to the IAF on our offering. How much importance do you give to the linkage between the success of your plans in India and the state of overall IndiaUS relations? Both countries have come a long way in their relationship. We hope the closer ties between India and the United States will expand the scope for increased defence trade for the mutual benefit of both countries. How is the Boeing participating in the Indian space programme? Boeing has initiated senior leadership discussions with ISRO to offer our support to India’s human space flight programme. With our legacy in space exploration design, development and integration, we believe that we can provide value-added assistance to India’s national programme. We plan to submit a formal request to the US Department of State to enable us to proceed down this path should our services be accepted. Our first discussion will focus on ISRO’s requirements for the future. The areas of potential cooperation include Launch Escape System (LES), Vehicle Health Monitoring System and Abort Triggers (VHMSAT), Life Support System, Crew Accommodations and other areas such as reusable space systems and composite cryogenic tanks. The Human Spaceflight Commercial Crew Development (CCDev) contract was awarded by NASA to Boeing with Bigelow Aerospace as a key teammate to initiate the design and development architecture of a commercial transport to and from ISS. This programme opens the door for collaboration between Boeing and India/ ISRO in these areas of commercial crew transportation. Boeing’s and NASA’s CCDev investments allows Boeing to begin the groundwork to develop a commercial crew capability. Future services using this capability will be offered commercially worldwide. Our potential collaboration with India would include not only these services but also support to the design and development of their national human space flight programme.
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In the face of the mounting losses of pilots and planes, India plans to acquire 57 more Hawk AJTs. ROHIT SRIVASTAVA reports
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September 2010
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NORDINATE DELAYS in development of indigenous system and procurement of weapons from foreign vendors have been a part of life for defence forces in India. The reasons for these delays vary from procedural delays to indecisiveness of the authorities — uniformed and civil. A case in the point is the acquisition of Advance Jet Trainers (AJTs) first planned in the late 70s: It took three decades for India to acquire these AJTs. Underscoring the importance of AJTs for India is the follow-up order of AJT Hawk worth over £500 million. On 28 July BAE systems signed a deal with Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), in the presence of British Prime Minister, David Cameron during his historic visit to India to supply products and services for additional 57 Hawk AJT aircraft to be built under license in India: 40 aircraft for the Air Force 17 for Navy. The aircraft will be manufactured at HAL’s facilities in Bengaluru and BAE Systems will provide specialist engineering services, the components and equipment necessary for airframe production and the support package for the Indian Air Force and Indian Navy end-users. The importance of the deal can be understood by the presence of British Premier David Cameroon, who said, “I am delighted to witness the agreement between HAL and BAE Systems and Rolls-Royce. This is an outstanding example of India-UK defence and industrial partnership, and this agreement will bring significant economic benefits to both the countries. It is evidence of our new, commercial foreign policy in action.” Commenting on the news BAE Systems India Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer, Andrew Gallagher said: “The Hawk AJT fast jet-training solution enables Air Force or Navy to provide front-line pilots for even the most modern fighter aircraft such as the Eurofighter Typhoon or Sukhoi SU-30.” The BAE Systems Hawk will be pow-
ered by the Mk871 variant of the Adour engine to be assembled in Bengaluru, India, in partnership with HAL. The RollsRoyce engine contract with HAL is worth up to £200 million and includes the first Adour engines for the Indian Navy, which will operate 17 of the aircraft. HAL Chairman Ashok Nayak on this occasion said: “Once again, we are proud to partner with Rolls-Royce on a programme where India’s next-generation pilots will train on Advanced Jet Trainers powered by Adour engines, which the two companies will co-produce.” Chris Awde, Rolls-Royce Sales and Commercial Director, Defence, said: “This new fleet of Adour engines will bring many advantages to the Indian Air Force and Navy. Pilots will benefit as the engine’s performance and handling make it ideally suited to training, while operating the Adour in the Hawk and the Jaguar will continue to bring commonality benefits and savings. The Adour Mk871 shares a high degree of commonality with the Adour Mk811 that
THE DELAY IN ACQUIRING PROPER AJT HAS RESULTED IN AN IRREPARABLE LOSS IN TERMS OF FIGHTING EFFICIENCY OF THE AIR FORCE.
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powers the Indian Air Force Jaguar fleet. The Adour engine has been developed by the joint venture company Rolls-Royce Turbomeca. For the Navy the AJT could not have come at a better timing as it is expanding its fighter squadron with Mig-29k, and a shore-based training facility is also being set up in Goa, for training its fighter pilots.
“I AM DELIGHTED TO WITNESS THE AGREEMENT BETWEEN HAL AND BAE SYSTEMS AND ROLLS-ROYCE. THIS IS AN OUTSTANDING EXAMPLE OF INDIA-UK DEFENCE AND INDUSTRIAL PARTNERSHIP, AND THIS AGREEMENT WILL BRING SIGNIFICANT ECONOMIC BENEFITS TO BOTH THE COUNTRIES. IT IS THE EVIDENCE OF OUR NEW, COMMERCIAL FOREIGN POLICY IN ACTION.” BRITISH PRIME MINISTER, DAVID CAMERON September 2010
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g DEFBIZ 17 AJTs will be delivered every year beginning expectedly from July 2013. The Navy is expected to get nine from the first lot with the rest going to Air force. India planned to buy this trainer way back in 1984 during Mrs Indira Gandhi’s regime. Due to procedural delays it was not finalised during the eighties and then came the dark decade of 90s where acquisition in defence was blocked. The deal was finalised in March 2004 for 66 aircraft in Rs 8,000 crore India was to get 24 planes in fly-away condition and the remaining to be assembled in HAL. The planes began to arrive in November 2007 onwards. These HAL-assembled AJTs were to be fitted with avionics developed by HAL for ground attack and navigation systems. India is feeling the need for AJTs for its fighter pilot training for last three decades. Today a pilot graduates from a sub-sonic jet trainer Surya Kiran to Mig-21, a third generation supersonic fighter. This is a quantum jump for any pilot. This sudden change in complexity of cockpit has been blamed for a substantial number of air crashes in Air Force, which has one of the highest accident rates in the world and has lost numerous planes due to human error. Wing Commandor Praful Bakshi, a leading defence analyst, says, “To prepare a newly trained pilot into advanced fighting technique in fighter cockpit in a modern tactical battle area (TBA), it is mandatory that he be taught all the tech-
“ONCE AGAIN, WE ARE PROUD TO PARTNER WITH ROLLS-ROYCE ON A PROGRAMME WHERE INDIA'S NEXTGENERATION PILOTS WILL TRAIN ON ADVANCED JET TRAINERS POWERED BY ADOUR ENGINES, WHICH THE TWO COMPANIES WILL CO-PRODUCE.” HAL CHAIRMAN, ASHOK NAYAK
dour engine being readied for AJT ENGINEERING GROWTH: An Ad nology in weapon system and advanced fighting technique before he steps into the cockpit of a modern fighter aircraft.” To bridge the technological gap between the Surya Kiran and Mig-21 it was planned to acquire an AJT which could provide the pilot with advanced weapons control, avionics, command control and communication system and target acquisition techniques. The AJT was also to provide the pilot hand-on training over a supersonic jet and the knowhow of controlling the supersonic jet and its complex manoeuvres. It takes five years to fully train a fighter pilot in IAF. With the AJT the complex training process would be simplified and will also reduce the stress of being trained in a full-fledged fighter. The delay has cost dearly to both IAF and exchequer. Wg Cdr Bakshi, says,” The delay in acquiring proper AJT has resulted in an
INDIA IS THE ONLY MAJOR POWER WHICH DOES NOT HAVE A TRAINER JET OF ITS OWN.
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irreparable loss in terms of fighting efficiency of the Air Force and further has cost a vast amount of foreign exchange to exchequer with loss of aircraft and of course the priceless life of pilots”. Hawk is also capable of ground attack and air defence like any fighter aircraft, thus it will also provide IAF with options during war. India is only major power which does not have a trainer jet of its own. In 1999 HAL secured a project worth 180 crore to develop an Intermediate Jet Trainer (IJT) to replace Surya Kiran. IJT was scheduled to go into limited series production in 2004-05. 225 IJTs were to be inducted in total to replace all the Surya Kirans. Like every indigenisation effort in development even this has got delayed and product is short of what was promised. Wg Cdr Bakshi on the indigenisation says, “The inherent weakness of the industrial setup of the country has directly resulted in lack of the nation’s capability to produce modern fighting machines in land, sea or air and a lack of modern fighter aircraft and AJT stands out as a glaring example of the shortcoming.” In fact, the latest deal comes prolonged delays and at a time when India is going to acquire MMRCA and FGFA in coming years the new recruits will have the AJT, to smoothen the transition from basic trainer to fighter. September 2010
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DEALS WITH THE RAJ Not long ago, UK’s BAE was blamed for supplying faulty components for Hawk AJT. Curiously, a fresh Indo-British deal has been struck with the Indian Air Force placing order for Hawk’s bulk purchase. Has Britain taken the necessary corrective steps in the mean time for India to opt for the British equipment, wonders ABHIJIT BHATTACHARYYA
W
HEN THE British rule came to an end, Indian armed forces understandably knew nothing except the Londonmade military hardware. Such was the Indian dependence on the British that even on the eve of the 1971 IndoPak war, the Navy of New Delhi continued to be the torch bearers of the British shipyard on the sea. Regretfully, however, Indians had to be contented with a fleet of second-hand, old and used Royal Navy vessels. Thus, the unfinished aircraft carrier HMS Hercules (R49) was reconstructed, (after being in limbo from 1945 to January 1957) and commissioned into the Indian fleet, as INS Vikrant, in March 1961. The cruisers, Mysore and Delhi; in service with
the Royal Navy for 17 and 15 years respectively before being commissioned into Indian fleet, were 31 and 38 years old during the December, 1971 war. All three British destroyers (renamed Rana, Rajput, Ranjit) were seven years old each (manufactured in 1942) when inducted into the Indian fleet in January 1950. The list of British ships in Indian Navy continued from 1940 to 1960s with only stray small vessels of Yugoslavian, Italian, and Hong Kong origin dotting the fleet. The only distinct exception, however, was the Moscowbuilt four Foxtrot class patrol submarines, five Petya class light frigates (Kadmat, Kamorta, Kavaratti, Katchal, Kiltan) and a 9,000-tonne submarine tender Amba (acquired in 1968). Post-1971 Indo-Pak war, there were dra-
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matic changes in the fleet composition, deployment and operational system of the Indian Navy as Captains of the former colony (Delhi) switched over from London to Leningrad-made vessels and aircraft. Thus, as things stand today, in a fleet of 142 ships (consisting of attack/patrol submarines, aircraft carrier, destroyers, frigates, corvettes, patrol ships/craft, minesweepers, landing ships, mine hunters etc) there are only two ships of British origin; aircraft carrier Viraat (commissioned in 1987) and training ship Krishna (acquired in April 1995 and commissioned on August 22, 1995). Obviously, Britannica no longer rules the waves, not at least over the warships of its former jewel (colony) of the crown!
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TIME-TESTED TIES: British Minister of Defence Equipment and Support Quintin Davis with MoS for Defence MM Pallam Raju In combat aviation too, the grip of Royal Air Force is over, and use of English aircraft by India has loosened considerably. Post-1947 was the era of English made Spitfire, Hurricane, Vampire, Hunter, Canberra and Folland Gnat in the Indian sky. Things soon changed fast as the Russians responded to the needs of New Delhi thereby making it a consumerextension centre of Moscow’s militaryindustrial complex. Thus, of the “632 combat capable” fleet of Indian Air Force aircraft except the 90-odd Anglo-French Jaguar S International (included in which are 16 maritime attack aircraft) which were acquired in 1979 and 1986 respectively, there is no exclusive British flying machine in the combat squadrons of Delhi. Though India got its first Hawk advanced jet trainer in 2007 from Britain after a long time, the fact of the matter is that London is no longer the producer of quality fighters unlike what it was in the past. The military aviation initiative and enterprise no longer lie with the Englishmen. The innovation skill and technological enterprise of London have crossed the Atlantic to rest at Chicago, St Louis, Wichita and Seattle. Thus whereas UK aircraft-makers got 45 page space in Jane’s All the World’s Aircraft 1983-1984, the 2009-2010 edition had only 22 pages to offer the London aviation industry. And, except the Hawk advanced jet trainer/light attack aircraft, which first flew on August 21, 1974 and the Nimrod maritime reconnaissance aircraft which made its maiden flight 43 years ago on May 23, 1967, UK has nothing new to show to the world aviation.
Both Hawk and Nimrod are products of BAE Systems which happen to be the sole bearer of the Union Jack in the military machine mart. Indeed, the British military industrial complex appears to be facing a crisis of sorts in a turbulent market of shrinking defence budget, cash crunch, credit squeeze, overall sluggish military transaction, and only a few buoyant sectors like Middle East, China and India. And the British Prime Minister Cameron understood it too well while in India. Hence his categorical insistence on “trade and industry”, with an urge for stronger UK industrial enterprise in India. A lingering doubt, however, crops up in the light of occasional faulty and defective military/civil aircraft/rotorcraft being supplied by UK in the past. It happened in 1980s. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, in her free market enterprise principle, made use
INDIAN NAVY HAS ONLY TWO SHIPS OF BRITISH ORIGIN: AIRCRAFT CARRIER VIRAAT AND TRAINING SHIP KRISHNA.
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of London’s aid budget to supply 21 Westland30 helicopters to India to temporarily bail out Westland Helicopters Limited. Since the British made rotorcraft turned out to be hopelessly sub-standard and unsuitable for hot and humid tropical climate operations, India was constrained to sell its entire fleet of Westland30 helicopters back to Britain for the scrap value of just UK Pound 900000, nine years after the machines were found to be technically faulty and being grounded. India had paid UK Pound 65 million for nine of the 21 helicopters. In reality, the British Prime Minister had virtually forced India to purchase these helicopters despite the no-go advice of Indian aviation experts. The “deal” bailed Westland and Thatcher out of trouble, albeit temporarily. The 14-seater Westland-30 proved highly unreliable and a commercial disaster of the machines crashed, in Jammu and Nagaland respectively. Prone to technical snags, the copters required constant servicing and repairs, and could be airborne more as exception than the rule. Ultimately, when the entire fleet was withdrawn from service on safety ground in 1991, Westland confessed that sales of the Westland-30s had been “mediocre”. The helicopter died its natural death after its mission failure in India. It also inflicted irreparable damage on the quality, credibility and image of the makers as well as the British aviation industry. It, however, happened again with India’s latest acquisition of UK’s BAE-made Hawk AJT; the Government of India categorically blamed the manufacturer of original equipment for supplying faulty components for the aircraft that is currently being made by the Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) in Bengaluru. In a strongly worded statement in Parliament, on April 22, 2010, Minister of State for Defence M M Pallam Raju said: “Key components required for manufacturing the aircraft had various shortcomings.” In fact, HAL’s delivery schedule of the aircraft is behind time owing to differences with BAE Systems, the manufacture of “original equipments” of the AJT. Reportedly, the BAE Systems “supplied wrong components and at times there were defects in major systems like the wing component”. To the surprise of Indian defence watchers, however, India signed fresh agreements to purchase a further 57 BAE Systems Hawk Mark 132 AJT during UK Prime Minister David Cameron’s visit to India in July, 2010. Curiously, the same Indian Minister who had bitterly complained in Parliament on April 22, 2010 about the same British-made AJT being substandard and defective announced the fresh Indo-British deal on Hawk aircraft on July 21, September 2010
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g SCRUTINY 2010 at the Farnborough Air Show on British soil! Understandably, the British are delighted in persuading the Indians to go for an additional 57 aircraft, recent complaints and charges by Indian officials of sub-standard quality and the demand for consequential compensation notwithstanding. One hopes that the British authorities have satisfied their Indian counterparts on the latter’s apprehensions about the quality of their products! Curiously, Jane’s All the World’s Aircraft 2009-2010 reveals some interesting facts on Hawk’s progress report over the years. Hawk first flew exactly 36 years ago on Wednesday, August 21, 1974. Royal Air Force ceremonially flew its 1000000th Hawk hours on July 05, 2006. Yet, in 2008 Hawk was reportedly “eliminated from recent competitions”. Hence BAE was “considering options for Hawk”. The best years of Hawk’s sales, however, were in the 1980s and early 1990s. Thus, after delivering 20 Hawks in 1996 and 22 in 1997, it drew blank in 1998. Deliveries resumed in 1999 with 10 to Indonesia. In 2000, 16 were delivered (eight each to Australia and Canada); thereafter it steadily dropped to 13 in 2001; 03 in 2002 and 01 in 2003. And, ironically Indian purchase agreement was announced on September 03, 2003 when the sale of the British aircraft had hit rock bottom. The sales, however, rose to 02 in 2004 to 03 in 2005; 06 in 2006 and 16 for the Indian Air Force in 2007 and 15 in 2008. Clearly, therefore, just as India saved British workers’ job in 1980s by purchasing a moribund industry’s defective Westland30 helicopters at the peril of Indians’ lives, the 36-year-old Hawk of the BAE Systems too appears to have got a fresh lease of life ever since Indian Air Force placed order for bulk purchase of Hawk AJT. Clearly, the onerous task of saving jobs, technical expertise, aircraft industry and market share has been done well by the British Prime Minister Cameron for the sake of the overall interest of his country. Cameron surely deserves compliments for successfully pushing
GEARING UP: British forces face tough times in today's changing geopolitical environment the financially ailing and decaying industry into the arms bazaar. Now, a quick reality check of UK’s present military hardware may be of some interest. Reportedly, the Royal Air Force’s Tornado fleet (which was to carry through to its retirement in 2025) is expected to be grounded to save UK Pound 7.5 billion. It is, therefore, almost certain that “one of Britain’s three fleets of fast jets (Harrier GR9 or Tornado GR4 or Euro fighter Typhoon) would have to be sacrificed to achieve brutal savings”. British army too is in the line of fire as it is offering to put most of its current fleet of heavy tanks and artillery into long-term storage. The future of Royal Navy also appears turbulent as it has offered to put the Royal Marines under the control of the army in an attempt to stave off any further cuts to its destroyers and frigates. Royal Navy’s brief is clear: “We cannot cut any more ships as it has only 22 frigates and destroyers, covering seven standing commitments around the world.” Thus with allround trimming of military men and machines, UK is desperately trying to save money to rectify its debt-ridden fiscal balance sheet. However, reduced budget is bad news for the arms manufacturers. Hence, the British search for overseas market. The gravity of the situation could be seen from the fact that an active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar for the three-
nation Euro fighter Typhoon aircraft is being launched in a bid to win export orders from India. Reportedly, “the demands of the Indian government that its next-generation fighter aircraft be equipped with an AESA radar forced the three Euro fighter partner companies to make their moves”. It thus appears that UK today is more than keen to increase its defence exports to ensure the creation of best possible conditions for its industry in an increasingly cut-throat arms bazaar. Hence, the need for an enhanced role for the government in promoting the UK defence industry. Cameron had recently declared that his country’s foreign policy would be increasingly focussed on promoting British business. Thus, despite emerging as the second largest defence exporter, with a market share of 20 per cent, Britain hopes to expand from its traditional hubs of Saudi Arabia and USA to India. Indeed, London eyes business and money from India. Delhi should ask for equal and honourable reciprocity. India too needs value for its money and quality equipments unlike the sub-standard materials supplied by the English vendors in the past. Since arms bazaar today has turned into a buyer’s market, UK being one of the suppliers, must focus and concentrate on the needs of India not from the point of view of a Shylok, but as a responsible and reliable business partner in a long-term perspective. (The author is an alumnus of the National Defence College of India, Delhi and a Member of International Institute for Strategic Studies, London)
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BEYOND HORIZONS September 2010
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Taking up the development of cryogenic engine in the first half of 1990s, ISRO is close to attaining self-reliance in launching satellites. But how far has it met its objective of distributing the fruits of space technology into the mainstream of national development? RADHAKRISHNA RAO takes a close look at the Indian space programme Astronaut Nicholas Patrick putting finishing touches on cupola space window of the NASA space shuttle Endeavour
N AIR of excitement was quite palpable as the four-stage, reliable Indian space workhorse PSLV (Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle) soared majestically into the clear, blue sky of July 12 noon from Satish Dhawan Space Centre (SDSC) in the spindle-shaped Sriharikota island on India’s eastern coast. And much to the delight of the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO), the 44.4-metre tall, 230tonne core alone version of PSLV injected India’s advanced remote sensing satellite Cartosat-2B along with four other auxiliary spacecraft into a circular orbit of 637-km with an orbital inclination of 98.1 degree in about 20 minutes of its flawless take-off. This “textbook precise launch” by PSLV featuring alternate liquid and solid fuel-driven stages was its sixteenth consecutive successful mission. Not surprisingly then, a visibly pleased ISRO Chairman K Radhakrishnan said: “We had an excellent flight. It injected precisely the five satellites. The entire ISRO team is behind the success.” In a way, this successful PSLV orbital mission lifted the spirits of ISRO which had suffered a setback earlier in mid-April when its three-stage GSLV (Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle) carrying, for the first time, the fully Indian-made upper cryogenic engine, had come a cropper by failing to orbit the GSAT-4 communications spacecraft. ISRO has stated that Cartosat-2B, carrying a state-of-the-art PAN (panchromatic) camera capable of taking black and white pictures in the visible region of the electromagnetic spectrum, has transmitted high quality imageries, many of which cover the Indian land mass. The imageries sent down by Carotsat-2B have a spatial resolution of 0.8-metre. These imageries find application in infrastructure planning and development activities including the conceptualisation of micro watershed development plans. They can also be used by the Indian defence forces for mapping the areas of interest and monitor the military build up across the border. On the other hand, the 116-kg. Algerian Alsat-2A earth observation probe was launched by PSLV as part of a commercial agreement Algeria’s National Space Technology Centre had entered into with the Bangalore based Antrim Corp, the commercial arm of the Indian space programme. Built by Astrium of France, Alsat-2A features an advanced earth imaging payload capable of taking imageries with a resolution of 2.5-metres in panchromatic mode and 10-metres in each of four colour bands in multi-spectral mode. The launch of Alsat-2A was facilitated by the Technology Safeguard Agreement (TSA) that India had signed with USA. September 2010
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EXPLORING SPACE: ISRO chairman K Radhakrishnan after signing a space research deal with the president of Korean Aerospace Research Institute, Lee Joo Jin Among the micro-satellites launched by PSLV is Studsat, a 650-gm earth observation system developed by the students from a consortium of technical institutions in Bangalore and Hyderabad. The mission objective of Studsat described as a pico satellite was to promote space technology in educational institutions and encourage research and development in miniaturised satellites. The two other foreign satellites that PSLV had hoisted into space were: 6.5-kg nano satellite built by the Space Flight Laboratory of University of Toronto, Canada and one kg nano satellite developed by the University Of Applied Sciences Of Switzerland. As pointed out by the Indian space agency, this is the sixth flight of PSLV in its core alone avatar. In a core alone version, the launch vehicle is without its usual six strap on motors attached to the first stage. One significant improvement in this PSLV flight was the incorporation of dual launch adapter to facilitate the launch of two large satellites. In April 2008, PSLV had set a new launch record by orbiting as many as ten satellites in one go. An improved version of PSLV was also used for launching India’s first lunar probe Chandrayaan-1 in October 2008. Interestingly, PSLV was originally designed with the objective of launching one tonne class Indian earth observation satellites into a polar/sunsynchronous orbit. Since its first successful flight in October 1994, the launch capability of PSLV has been progressively boosted through a variety of innovations including the increase in fuel in stage motors and strapons, use of composite materials for the satellite mounting structure and changing the sequence of strap on motors. Buoyed up by the success of PSLV, ISRO has
decided to prepare the ground for GSLV launch carrying an Indian made cryogenic engine stage sometime next year. “We have come across a few scenarios after a detailed analysis of GSLV failure. Now the immediate task is to test it on the ground and we look forward to realise it next year,” observed Radhakrishnan. He also revealed that a GSLV equipped with a home-grown cryogenic engine stage would be deployed for launching India’s second lunar probe, Chandrayaan-II. S Satish, Director of ISRO’s Public Relations and Publications division, pointed out that recommendations of the Failure Analysis Committee (FAC) which investigated the causative factors for the failure of April 15 GSLV mission would be taken into account while preparing the vehicle for 2011 launch. Said Satish: “Failures have never deterred
“ISRO IS PLANNING TO LAUNCH 10 SATELLITES IN A YEAR. THE ACTUAL NUMBER OF SATELLITES TO BE LAUNCHED WILL BE DECIDED BASED ON NATIONAL DEVELOPMENTAL PRIORITIES.” SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY MINISTER, PRITHVIRAJ CHAVAN
ISRO which is as determined as ever to successfully qualify the indigenous cryogenic engine stage to power the future flights of GSLV.” Significantly, the failure of GSLV has been traced to the sudden and abrupt stopping of the Fuel Booster Turbo Pump (FBTP).Though the main cryogenic engine and the two steering engines of GSLV did ignite, the non availability of liquid hydrogen fuel to the main thrust chamber of the cryogenic engine resulted in the failure of GSLV flight. This was the conclusion of FAC set up by ISRO. It was with the objective of speeding up the development of GSLV that ISRO signed an agreement with former Soviet space outfit Glavkosmos for the supply of a pair of cryogenic engines along with the transfer of relevant technology. However, the unceremonious break up of the once might Soviet Union leading to a shift in global geo-political dynamics, resulted in a politically turbulent Russia being coerced by USA into abandoning the plan for transferring the cryogenic engine technology to India. The US argument was that the transfer of highly sensitive cryogenic engine technology to India constituted a violation of the so called MTCR (Missile Technology Control Regime). Subsequently, the Indo-Russian deal was watered down to the supply of seven Russian cryogenic engine stages to ISRO sans technology transfer. Against this backdrop, ISRO took up the development of a cryogenic engine in the first half of 1990s. The engine develops a thrust of 73-kN in vacuum with a specific impulse of 454 seconds and provides a payload capability of 2,200-kg to the geostationary transfer orbit. It works on a “staged combustion cycle” with an integrated turbo-pump running at 42,000 rotations per minute. The aim of GSLV has been to help India attain self reliance in launching INSAT class communications satellites weighing over 2-tonne. Most of the INSAT class satellites now being operated by ISRO were launched by means of the Ariane vehicle of the European space transportation company, Arianespace, under commercial terms. ISRO is also developing a high-performance version of GSLV named GSLV-MKIII, which, when ready in 2011, would be capable of placing a 4-tonne class satellite into a geostationary transfer orbit. The 629-tonne threestage GSLV-MKIII features an upper cryogenic engine stage with a propellant loading of 25tonne. ISRO is also working on a semi cryogenic engine capable of developing a thrust of 2000-kN thrust with liquid oxygen and kerosene propellant combustion for the common liquid core in unified launch vehicle. As part of its long term vision of reducing the cost of access to space, ISRO has set its September 2010
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g COVERSTORY sight on realising a reusable space vehicle falling back on air breathing propulsion. An air breathing rocket system uses atmospheric oxygen from the surrounding and burns it with the stored on-board fuel for producing the forward thrust in contrast to the conventional chemical space vehicle which carries both oxygen and on-board fuel. PSLV, which has been used for launching a total of 25 satellites of foreign customers, is being promoted by Antrix as a cost-effective space vehicle for low earth and middle earth missions. Once the GSLV equipped with the Indian cryogenic engine become operational, Antrix will offer its services to the customers keen on getting 2-tonne plus class satellites off the ground. As part of its long term goal of entering the global market for custom made satellites , Antrix has teamed up with Astrium, a fully owned subsidiary of the European aerospace and defence consortium EADS, to build communications spacecraft for European satellite operators. W2M satellite launched in Dec.2008 was built by ISRO on behalf of Antrix. While ISRO built, integrated and tested the satellite, Astrium provided the service payloads of the satellite. Hylas, an advanced communications satellite built by ISRO with the payloads provided by Astrium, is now getting ready for its late 2010 launch. Hylas, designed for a lifespan of 15 years exploits the generic, flexible payload equipment. For both these satellite projects, Astrium was the prime contractor. Antrix also has an understanding with Astrium for the PSLV service for launching remote sensing satellites. Antrix is now busy exploring the possibility of bagging larger number of contracts for both satellite fabrication and launch service. “The goal is to achieve cost efficiency by proper sizing of the system and increasing the volume of production,” said K R Sridhara Murthi, Executive Director of Antrix. Antrix also offers to supply, install, integrate commission and operationalise ground stations for remote sensing, communications and weather watch satellites. The customer base of Antrix is made up of some of the leading space companies from across the world including EADS Astrium, Intelsat, Avanti Group, Inmarsat, Worldsat, KARI (Korea Aerospace Research Institute), Eutelsat, OBA Systems and several other space industries in Europe, Middle East and South East Asian countries. Radhakrishnan also stated that two more orbital missions are planned to be realised before the end of this year. Sometime in October, a GSLV with Russian supplied cryogenic engine stage will launch GSat-5P communications satellite featuring 12 normal C-band and six extended C-band transponders. A few days later, a PSLV mission will
GET, SET, GO: Anxious moments before PSLV launch
“WE HAVE COME ACROSS A FEW SCENARIOS AFTER A DETAILED ANALYSIS OF GSLV FAILURE. NOW THE IMMEDIATE TASK IS TO TEST IT ON THE GROUND AND WE LOOK FORWARD TO REALISE IT NEXT YEAR.” ISRO CHAIRMAN, K RADHAKRISHNAN
launch India’s Resourcesat-2 remote-sensing satellite as a primary payload. Piggy riding this PSLV flight will be Youthsat, a mini satellite realised with the participation of youths from the Indian and Russian universities and X-sat, a remote sensing satellite from Singapore’s Nanyang Technological University (NTU). The 100-kg. X-sat, a micro satellite designed for earth observation is being launched as part of a commercial contract bagged by Antrix Corp. About India’s manned mission slated for a take off in 2016, Radhakrishnan drove home the point that prior to sending two Indians into a near earth orbit, an unmanned crew module will be launched by means of a modified version of PSLV in 2013. He elaborated stated that as part of the manned mission, ISRO has defined life support system, the thermal proofing on-board the module and a crew escape system in case of emergency. According to Radhakrishnan, under the first phase of the plan of action for Indian human mission, critical technologies including that of re-entry will be developed while the focus of September 2010
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ISRO: The structure THE POLICY of the Indian Government in space activity is under the overall responsibility of the Space Commission. The Space Commission formulates guidelines and policies to promote the development and application of space science and technology. In this activity, the Space Commission is supported by other national level committees, such as INSAT Coordination Committee (ICC), the Planning Committee on Natural Resources Management System (PCNNRMS) and the Advisory Committee on Space Sciences (ADCOS). The Department of Space (DOS), created in 1972, acts as the implementing arm of the Space Commission's policies and the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO), under the guidance of DOS, is the main space-dedicated body to implement the national space programme and meet the national developmental needs. ISRO coordinates the space programmes related to different activities such as the development of satellite communication, earth observation, launch vehicles, space science, spaceindustry development and support to disaster management. Another key actor in space activity in India is the Antrix Corporation Limited. This company is the commercial arm of DOS and
the second phase would be on the realisation of a human rated vehicle. ISRO’s largely autonomous three tonne crew capsule will be designed to orbit at 400km altitude for seven days with two astronauts on board. This capsule will have the flexibility of being upgraded with rendezvous and docking. To support the human flight mission, ISRO will also set up a third launch pad at SDSC. Significantly, the Russian offer to fly an Indian cosmonaut onboard its Soyuz spacecraft sometime in 2013 will help ISRO in pushing ahead with its manned flight project with a greater degree of confidence. Russian space outfit Roskosmos will not only assist ISRO in crew selection and training but also in the development of crew module. Way back in1984, Rakesh Sharma became the first Indian cosmonaut to fly into space on board the Russian Soyuz spacecraft. Meanwhile, ISRO in tie-up with the Institute of Aviation Medicine (IAM), an entity functioning under the Indian Air Force (IAF), will be setting up an astronaut training centre on the outskirts of Bangalore. About India’s Chandrayaan-II mission, Radhakrishnan said that the development is in advanced stage. “We hope to have Chandrayaan-II mission by 2013,” said he. Like its predecessor, Chandrayaan-II will also carry
is responsible for the marketing and international promotion and exploitation of products and services related to the Indian space programme. In particular, Antrix markets subsystems and components for satellites, undertakes contracts for satellites to user specifications, provides launch services and tracking facilities and other related services and activities. In close collaboration with ISRO, several specialised establishments operate under the responsibility of DOS. These establishments, located in various places all over the country, have responsibility in different fields of the space activity. The main space centres are:
Vikram Sarabhai Space Centre (VSSC) - specialised in the development of satellite launch vehicles and sounding rockets ISRO Satellite Centre (ISAC) - the lead centre for satellite development, covering structures, thermal systems, spacecraft mechanisms, power systems and satellite integration Satish Dhawan Space Centre (SDSC), SHAR (Sriharikota Space Centre) - India's prime launching pad facility, providing the launch infrastructure as well as solid propellant
“PSLV HAS ONCE AGAIN DEMONSTRATED ITS VERSATILITY AND RELIABILITY THROUGH THIS FIFTEENTH SUCCESSFUL LAUNCH IN A ROW. THE OCEANSAT-2 SATELLITE WILL HERALD A NEW BEGINNING IN OUR UNDERSTANDING OF THE OCEANS.” PRIME MINISTER, DR MANMOHAN SINGH payloads from the international scientific community. The lander /rover component of Chandrayaan-II which will be developed in
processing and their testing. A second launch pad has been recently built here. Liquid Propulsion Systems Centre (LPSC) the lead centre in the area of liquid and cryogenic propulsion for launch vehicles and satellites. Space Applications Centre (SAC) - specialised in the development of payloads for communication, meteorological and remote sensing satellites; it conducts space applications research and development ISRO Telemetry, Tracking and Command Network (ISTRAC) — it provides mission support to low-Earth orbit satellites and to launch vehicle missions Master Control Facility (MCF) - the monitoring and control centre for the geo-stationary satellites ISRO Inertial Systems Unit (IISU) - carries out research and development in inertial sensors and systems and allied satellite elements National Remote Sensing Agency (NRSA) an autonomous institution supported by DOS, it is responsible for acquisition, processing and distribution of data from remote sensing satellites, based in Hyderabad.
collaboration with Russia, would be designed to land on the lunar surface, collect samples, subject them to in situ analysis and send back the data to the main orbiter. The biggest hurdle in the successful accomplishment of Chandrayaan-II mission will be to find way to ensure that robotic rover lands safely on the lunar surface. Also on the agenda of ISRO are plans for an orbiter to explore the Red Planet Mars, a solar research satellite and a probe to asteroid belt. But then some of the high-profile projects including manned mission and planetary probes being pursued by ISRO are being viewed as a dilution of the original philosophy of the Indian space programme that was aimed at distributing the fruits of space technology into the mainstream of national development. Dr Vikarm Sarabahi, the architect of the Indian space programme had observed in late 1960s: “We don’t have the fantasy of competing with the economically advanced nations in the exploration of the moon or the planets or manned spaceflight. But we are convinced that if we are to play a meaningful role nationally and in the community of nations, we must be second to none in the application of advanced technologies to the problems of man and society.” September 2010
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HANGING IN MID-AIR Indian aerospace industry is yet to become well-organised and self-reliant, excelling in manufacturing, and attaining a higher degree of strategic autonomy in competitive aerospace industrial sector, writes DEBA R MOHANTY
T
HE GLOBAL aerospace industry, that suffered the most during the whole of 1990s as a result of massive post-Cold War downturn in defence industrial efforts, has consolidated to such an extent that a recipient’s choices have come down from more than three dozen prime companies to less than ten in a span of two decades only. Pentagon, which used to look at half a dozen domestic suppliers, now has a choice to make between Boeing and Lockheed for its military aerospace needs. Europe has four prime aerospace contractors yet most of them find it difficult to sustain their production lines unless they get substantial orders beyond the continent as the continental European demands have declined considerably. Russian prime aerospace contractors have survived, thanks primarily to India and China. World’s top 100 arms companies sold a whopping USD 385 billion worth of weaponry in 2008, a figure which is likely to double by around 2014 if the current rate of increase is maintained. However, more and more advanced smaller and stealthy systems are being preferred by countries (for example, demand for systems like armored vehicles,
light helicopters and UAVs are currently in demand in conflict zones like Afghanistan). Although the US has decided to scrap production of F-22 raptor and even hinted that F-35 JSF could be the last of the fighters, elsewhere major aerospace contractors are also finding it difficult to sustain their production lines and hence a fierce competition occurs wherever there is hint of a demand from any corner. After Brazil, it is India that has invited six major aerospace vendors for a USD 10.3 billion MMRCA tender for 126 fighters. In fact, the military aerospace demand of the Indian armed forces for the next two decades will be substantial. Although the exact quantum of aerospace assets that Indian military needs is difficult to arrive at, rational assessments can always be attempted — well within and beyond the latest long-term integrated perspective plan (2007 - 2022) could see the IAF increase its combat fleet to 42 squadrons, the aerospace assets of joint forces, Army and Navy would also be huge, apart from aerospace needs of the central paramilitary and police forces. Long-term conventional aerospace needs apart, the requirement for immediate internal security purposes is also expected to be huge.
Such a procurement scenario necessitates policies of either a broad range of import choices from foreign manufacturers or nurturing of a robust aerospace industrial infrastructure within India. Conventional wisdom would always point toward the latter as the former would not only be a costly proposition but also a major hindrance on the path to self-reliance — a necessary component of national power. Once this is realised, it becomes necessary to map the Indian aerospace sector. Catering initially to British MR (maintenance and repair) needs during pre-Independence times, the Walchand-promoted Hindustan Aircraft Limited has now become Hindustan Aeronautics Limited, the only state-owned Indian aerospace company with 19 production units, 9 R&D centres scattered in seven states. Symbolically or otherwise, the Gorilla-sized HAL, ranked 45th in the world’s top hundred arms companies, has built up comprehensive skills in design, manufacature and overhaul of fighters, trainers, helicopters, transport aircraft, engines, avionics and system equipment. The company has an impressive product track record — 12 types of aircraft manufactured with in-house R&D and 14 types produced under license. HAL has thus far manufactured over 3550 aircraft, 3600 engines and overhauled over 8150 aircraft and 27,300 engines. Its prime products at various stages of development, apart from being a license producer of many foreign aerospace systems, include Dhruv ALH, Tejas LCA, IJT, etc. With such an impressive record and capability developed by HAL with specialized technological help from DRDO, the larger conceptual question is: do you need to further develop and diversify an aerospace industrial capability whose base is already robust enough? If not, then what are the options available for the state? The problem lies at two different and often contradictory levels (of course the problems go well beyond) — ‘perception’ and ‘ground reality’. Perceptions are well known, as cited above, that such a big aerospace company ought to possess capabilities to cater to at least the core demands of the Air Force. The problem, however, is with the latter — a point too often diluted by the state, including its cheerleaders (read serving civil and scientific bureaucrats especially from the MoD and some sections of the media), on the one hand, and the strategic community (again read, retired civil and military bureaucrats and journos) and the industry captains or their designated representatives, on the other. In sum, a realistic analysis of Indian military aerospace industrial landscape has actually September 2010
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MARKET OVERVIEW THE INDIAN space industry includes state-owned entities like Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO), National Aeronautics Laboratories (NAL), Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) and the Defense Research and Development Organization (DRDO).The Ministry of civil aviation governs the aviation industry. There are four key levers driving growth in India's Aerospace & Defense (A&D) industry: A rapidly growing commercial aviation sector; a significantly large aerospace defense budget; foreign players increasingly outsourcing parts manufacturing, IT and engineering services; and finally a domestic set of private players that are attempting to reshape aircrafts manufacturing and design. India is still a country that is pre-dominantly dependent on foreign imports of aircrafts & aircraft parts. Commercial aircraft builders like Boeing and Airbus and defense aeronautic companies such as Dassault and Lockheed have significant market control of the Indian A&D space. However, the government is spending considerable resources in enabling the growth of a local industry to capitalize on what it believes to be a lucrative industry, especially as it tries to establish selfreliance and improve exports. According to a recent study undertaken by Delphi Expert Panel , the growth in India's manufacturing sector and the rising stock of its R&D capabilities are bound to have repercussions not only in the Indian but also in the international aerospace markets. For example, it is anticipated that India's MRO (maintenance, repair and overhaul) segment will grow at 10 per cent annually, reaching $1.17 billion by 2010 and $2.6 billion by 2020. Among the conclusions that the Delphi Expert Panel arrived at, the following are noteworthy: FDI limit: The FDI barriers on foreign participation in aerospace & defence production will probably remain. However, the FDI limit
eluded scholarship. This is evident from the kind of debate that we often witness in any of the grand colloquia organised by either the government agencies or trade or research institutions on the subject where one often finds a set of interesting observations — that India is a vibrant and lucrative market, that HAL has performed exceptionally well, that India has a sizeable mid-sized industrial base capable of supporting larger manufacturing base, that foreign participation is needed for strengthening the domestic industrial base and that cap on foreign direct investments in the Indian defence production sector must be raised!
may be relaxed from the existing 26 per cent to about 49 per cent in the defence sector while for the commercial sector even higher limits might evolve. Tax benefits: the Indian government is trying to encourage investments into the aerospace sector. Offset policy & its implications: the offset policy is expected to ramp up the domestic aerospace industry both in terms of scale & technological capabilities. IP protection: it is a very high impact enabler which will encourage global players to start their cutting edge R&D activities in the country. Improved IP protection policies are expected from the government. Shortage of skilled workforce: it seems likely that the current shortage of skilled manpower for the aerospace industry will be resolved in 2020 and will act as one of the most important enablers for the progress of the industry. Technological environment The technological projections: advanced research in Unmanned Aerial Vehicle, composites and alternate fuels seem very unlikely to happen in India. However, the increase in R&D investment is expected to drive the Indian industry to move up in the value chain and provide necessary impetus for the much needed progress. Dominance of foreign players: not unexpectedly, foreign players will (still) dominate the aerospace industry in India. Domestic companies will find it difficult to challenge this situation especially given the technological gap between them and the foreign companies. Only at the bottom of the value chain where cost advantages overpower technological prowess, will Indian companies be able to dominate. Organisations like HAL or ISRO are, however, expected to create and sustain their niche positions and evolve into the larger aerospace value chain configuration. Role of R&D and engineering: these areas are not expected to have a major role in the Indi-
THE MILITARY AEROSPACE DEMAND OF THE INDIAN ARMED FORCES FOR THE NEXT TWO DECADES WILL BE SUBSTANTIAL.
an aerospace sector over the next decade. While these functions will support growth in the aerospace sector, the major competitive advantage of the Indian aerospace sector is expected to be its labour cost competitiveness in the manufacturing area. Competitive across aircraft models: this is rather unlikely to happen given that the Indian aerospace sector has virtually no experience of aircraft design or manufacture outside of the government owned companies. However, the Indian aerospace sector is expected to develop basic competencies in aircraft manufacture . Integrated solutions: it is also unlikely that the Indian aerospace sector will be able to deliver fully integrated solutions. The experts, however, maintain that significant progress shall be made towards attaining such capabilities until 2019. Indian companies dominate MRO segment: this projection is also very unlikely given that India is not only a late entrant into this sector but there already exist fairly well developed MRO hubs in Asia. The civilian MRO sector is therefore expected to have significant foreign exposure but on the military MRO side India may be able to be a leading player in Asia, though India will find it difficult to catch up with the existing MRO hubs in China, Japan, Singapore, & Korea. Domestic demand and India's central geographical location should boost MRO significantly and turn India into a major MRO hub in Asia. Cost advantage as only growth driver of Indian aerospace sector: the Indian aerospace companies will have to shift from competing on lowest prices only to competing on superior technology and delivery of more integrated solutions. Access to skilled manpower is the only advantage: this is unlikely to happen although some experts put a very high desirability to it. The Indian aerospace companies will draw their advantage from a combination of factors primarily low costs and expertise in certain parts of the value chain like basic design & engineering services as well as low end component manufacture.
Hence, one must put the record straight before deliberating on options for future. Let’s start from the beginning: One of the reports of the latest powerful Parliamentary Committee on Defence states: “… that no scientific system has been put in place by the Ministry of Defence to assess the exact level of indigenisation achieved by defence production units in the country. In fact, the statistical information on the extent of indigenisation furnished to the Committee fails to reflect the true picture as some of these figures admittedly do not include the quantum of import content utilised in products manufacSeptember 2010
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g COVERSTORY tured by public sector units.” The often braggart assertion that indigenisation percentage of defence production is more than 77 per cent by the MoD is contradicted by the observations made at other places by the same Ministry. This applies to the aerospace industrial performance as well. Second, the same report states elsewhere, “…As regards ToT (Task Order Team), most of the manufacturing programmes in DPSUs and OFB (Ordinace Factory Boards) are under license production… in the case of SU-30 MKI, the indigenous percentage which was 13 per cent during 2004-05 would go up to 43.4 per cent in the phase IV of the programme.” Given the fact that two fresh batches of nearly 80 Su-30s have also been decided to be procured along with the 140 previously signed, the indigenous percentage could go up to 65 to 70 per cent in the next few years. But, what are the criteria of arriving at ‘indigenisation’? One does not have an easy answer as data related to Indian aerospace industry are not only inadequate but are often shrouded in mystery. In the absence of a well-articulated defence industrial policy, what we witness in the aerospace sector is ‘chaos’. First, HAL as the only manufacturer continues to grab all the work, including tasks that are in the lowest ends of production spectrum, instead of being selective in emphasising on strategic areas like air frame, aero-engine and avionics. HAL may not blamed for this as it continues to be the only company capable of producing both systems and larger components. Second, private companies who had shown initial enthusiasm are now jilted, to such extent that even though they find the sector commercially lucrative often times they feel jilted thanks primarily to bureaucratic mindsets. Most of them, one is afraid, may like to shelve their plans of foraying into critical aerospace manufacturing unless given due support by the government. That Mahindra & Mahindra has announced that it will now venture into aerospace busi-
ness is a welcome step, no doubt. However, a company like Tata which had established the first private airline company and whose chairman flew an F-16 in Aero Show 2008 actually shows that the company can develop capabilities to be an aerospace system integrator. But, has any one taken note of the symbolic gesture shown by r Ratan Tata? Interestingly, a state-owned defence company — BEML Limited — has decided to set up an aerospace unit in Bengaluru. It has been allotted 25 acres of land in SEZ Aerospace Technical Part at Devanahali, Bengaluru by the Government of Karnataka. It has proposed to establish facilities for manufacturing items like ground support equipment (GSE), ground handling equipment (GHE), machining of aerospace components, fabrication of toolings of aerospace requirement, sub-assembly of aircraft structures and defence offset-related work. Ideally, such works should have been taken up by mid and small-sized private companies while a specialised company like BEML should instead concentrate on strategic R&D and manufacturing activities. If companies like Dynamatic Technologies can get substantial orders from companies like Boeing, why not medium and small Indian manufacturing companies be encouraged to get similar works from HAL or foreign aerospace companies? Let us go beyond the often explanatory excuses like lack of expertise in private domain, not enough money, national security interests, etc. and propose a few suggestions for the stakeholders in the Indian aerospace sector. First, the government must recognise the strategic importance of a well-organised and competitive aerospace industrial sector. This entails an in-depth multi-disciplinary study on the aerospace sector, preferably under the aegis of a designated task force. Such a study
should clearly elaborate the role of stateowned, private and foreign companies. Second, subject to acceptance, the government must wholeheartedly implement recommendations of such a task force. Third, R&D components of aerospace technologies, currently under the DRDO, must be treated as an independent single window innovation-provider for the whole aerospace sector. Third, a corpus fund must be created for facilitating both R&D and manufacturing activities related to aerospace. Funding can be considered on an open competitive basis and should preferably be ‘programme’ based. Fourth, both state-owned and private companies must be encouraged to forge ties with foreign companies and incentives should be prioritised for companies that can either bring in through outright purchase or jointly develop or indigenously develop technologies. Fifth, while HAL enjoys the status of a gorilla, creation of a couple of more such giants in the private sector seems like stretching one’s imagination beyond the zenith, encouraging a few private companies to become chimpanzees (critical component manufacturers and suppliers) or marmosets (catering to the lower ends of aerospace work) is not a bad strategy at all. That Indian aerospace market is too lucrative is to state the obvious. However, given limited capabilities that the Indian aerospace industrial sector possesses, it is the state and its leadership who have to decide how best to nurture a vibrant self-reliant industry that would not only create jobs, innovate, excel in manufacturing and even export knowledge but more importantly attain a higher degree of strategic autonomy in knowledge society and better utilise taxpayers’ money. (The author is a Senior Fellow in Security Studies at the Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi.Views are personal).
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INTERNAL SECURITY KERALA IS NEW TERROR DEN India’s most literate state is gradually turning into a safe haven for fundamentalist extremists, with the state government looking the other way
DEATH WISH Though the lethality of their murderous attacks does not wane, the ruthless Maoist brigade is steadily losing its top leadership
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B R I E F S 740 militants have tried to infiltrate into J&K since 2009: Antony INFILTRATION ATTEMPTS across the Line of Control show no signs of abating. In fact, they have registered a jump. As many as 740 militants tried to sneak into Jammu and Kashmir over the last 18 months. “In 2009, 485 terrorists had attempted to infiltrate into J&K. This year, from January to June, a total of 255 terrorists have attempted to infiltrate,” Defence Minister A K Antony has told Lok Sabha. The security forces, on their part, have killed 114 terrorists — 59 of them while infiltrating — and arrested 60 others in J&K in the first six months of this year. “Along the LoC, the Army had adopted a robust counter-infiltration strategy, which has an appropriate mix of technology and human resources to check infiltration effectively,” said Antony. “Innovative troop deployment, efficient use of surveillance and monitoring devices and the LoC fence have enhanced the ability to detect and intercept terrorists attempting to infiltrate/exfiltrate. The Army’s counter-infiltration posture is an effective deterrent to infiltration attempts,” he added.
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Just Rs 1,500 to cross into India!
ONE JUST needs to shell out Rs 1,500 for crossing into India from Bangladesh. The total package of crossing the border by managing a section of the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) and Border Security Force (BSF) guards, bringing the illegal immigrants to an Indian city and getting them a job costs around Rs 4,000. The startling facts came up during initial questioning of the 28 alleged illegal immigrants rounded up during a series of anti-terrorist squad (ATS) raids in city. The Bangladeshi natives are being with promises of good jobs during the holy month of Ramzan that comes up in next few days. In reality they take up menial jobs. The ATS sleuths have gathered information regarding a well-oiled nexus of cross-border agents and their local counterparts in city. The agents are suspected to have moved to Mumbai as next batch of immigrants is due to cross the border. During Ramzan, which is followed by Eid festivities, Mus-
lim-dominated localities remain bustling with activities and there is a spurt in trade and commerce. The agents arrange accommodation and work for immigrants. Apart from hotels where these people work as cooks, they also find work in shops and at construction sites. Women find work as domestic helps. They also beg outside religious venues. The agents charge them another Rs 1500 if they return. It is learnt that the immigrants are made to walk several kilometres through forests, wade through waters and then cross the border after negotiating with BSF personnel. They are later brought to Kolkata by train and from there to cities like Mumbai, Pune, Nagpur. Sleuths have also learnt of illegal immigrants sheltering in Rajnandgaon in Chhattisgarh. In city, more dens of Bangladeshis are likely to be in Jaffer Nagar, Gangabai ghat, Tajbagh and such places.
‘Khalistan militants still a threat’
Paramilitary forces short of over 86,000 bullet-proof jackets CENTRAL PARAMILITARY forces battling Maoists and manning border areas are a vulnerable lot. The forces are facing a shortage of more than 86,000 bullet-proof jackets. Central Reserve Police Force needs the highest number of jackets — 40,069 — followed by Border Security Force, which is short of 15,467 jackets, according to the Home Ministry. Minister of State for Home
PUNJAB GOVERNMENT'S move to recommend deletion of names of 46 former Khalistani militants from the Centre's list of 'blacklisted' Sikh radicals will not get the Union Home Ministry's nod as security and intelligence agencies still consider them potential threats amid several reports of attempts made to revive militancy in the state.
The existing blacklist — meant for travel ban and denial of visa — comprises names of 169 Sikhs who were directly or indirectly associated with various pro-Khalistan militant outfits. Names of 46 of them, however, have been cleared by a Punjab government committee for deletion from the central list.
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It is highly unlikely that the Centre will prune the list at a time when reports hint at revival of militancy in Punjab at the behest of Sikh radicals and Khalistani militants who have taken political asylum in different countries. The Home Ministry had in May forwarded the list of 169 blacklisted Sikhs to the Punjab government. The state government's move has raised eyebrows within the security and intelligence establishment. Officials believe that though Sikh militancy ended in Punjab long ago, the government could not take a risk amid reports of attempts made by different elements — including Pakistan's ISI which has given shelter to a number of Khalistani militants — to revive the pro-Khalistan movement. September 2010
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IAF can fire in self-defence during anti-Maoist operations EVEN AS the debate rages on the deployment of the armed forces in
antiMaoist operations, the Indian Air Force (IAF) has been given permission to fire in self-defence if its helicopters engaged on logistical missions in support of the paramilitary forces are fired at by the ultras. The permission has been granted but with
strict conditionalities that it cannot use rockets or the integral guns of the helicopters and that it can retaliate only if fired upon. So far, the IAF has stationed four medium-lift Mi-17 helicopters at Raipur for assisting the paramilitary and state police forces in their anti-Maoist operations in Chhattisgarh and other affected states. The helicopters are used for ferrying personnel and supplies and for evacuating casualties. The IAF has also suggested that the 15-odd Mi-17s it has deployed on UN peacekeeping operations in Congo be recalled in case it is asked to increase the number of helicopters on anti-Maoist operations.
J&K: CRPF to get non-lethal arms FACING REBUKE for excessive use of lethal force against the stone-pelting protesters in Kashmir, Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) is awaiting mandatory clearance from the Home Ministry to get it equipped with the latest non-lethal weapons for better riot management. A proposal in this connection is under consideration to equip CRPF with latest non-lethal weapons such as 12 bore automatic guns, rubber bullets and other such items for taking on protesters in a better way. The force will soon acquire the latest equipments already available to Rapid Action Force (RAF) and Jammu and Kashmir Police (JKP) after getting mandatory clearance from the Home Ministry. The Force is already in the process of acquiring protective gear for “total body protection against stones, projectiles and ordinary chemicals”. The gear, 600 sets of which the CRPF plans to procure for now, includes a chest protector, shoulder and elbow pads, and elbow, thigh and shin guards. Over 1,800 CRPF personnel have been
injured after being struck by stones in the Valley over the past two years — 250 have been injured since the current phase of street violence began on June 11. The CRPF is also getting over 900 pairs of riotcontrol gloves with “moulded black hard shell Carbon-Tek fibre knuckles and panels to deflect blows and debris” and “leather shells with reinforced palms”. The gloves are “designed to protect the user against injuries during close contact with potentially violent individuals, as well as in riot and civil disturbance situations”. The CRPF is also planning to switch to a new pepper spray that has red pepper, military tear gas and an ultraviolet marking dye that can help identify suspects. “The combination of inflammatory effects of red pepper and the severe facial irritation caused by tear gas produces an effect far superior to any single-ingredient defence spray,” said a source. A hundred containers of the “3-in-1 sprays” are being procured, and could be deployed immediately in the Valley.
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INTERNAL SECURITY
Affairs M Ramachandran told Lok Sabha recently that shortage of bullet-proof jackets for Assam Rifles is 6,237, Central Industrial Security Force (11,861), IndoTibetan Border Police (8,216), National Security Guard (1,725) and Sashastra Seema Bal (2,645). The total shortage of the life-saving jackets is 86,220. He also said orders had already been placed for procuring 59,000 bullet-proof jackets. “Acceptance of tender of 59,000 bullet-proof jackets has been placed on April 27, 2010. Delivery is scheduled to be completed by the end of this year,” Ramachandran said.
CISF gets bullet-proof ‘morchas’ at airports
THE CISF has recently procured a number of bullet-proof 'morchas' in a bid to further secure the domestic and international terminals. This is more advanced than the traditional morchas that are made of sand bags. These bulletproof morchas are made of iron and would be able to resist bullets entirely. At critical situations, it will give security personnel an element of cover while they are taking positions. After Delhi, Mumbai is the second airport to get these morchas. These ‘morchas’ will be on wheels and operated by security personnel who would have the benefit of mobility. Usually, security personnel at critical locations at airports and railway stations have ‘morchas’ that are traditionally made of sand bags — the main purpose of which is to allow security personnel to take position with some cover, in the face of an attack. September 2010
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A TERROR DEN
Kerala is gradually turning into a safe haven for extremists, with the state government looking the other way under political compulsions, writes WILSON JOHN
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ERALA MAKES for an intriguing case study of a secular state gradually turning into a haven for extremism of one religious community, which inevitably is setting in motion a cycle of retaliatory responses from other communities. This ‘paradise’ has all the incendiary material to become another Kashmir. The growing extremist networks in Kerala, funded by West Asian charities linked to global jihad, can become a serious threat to India by helping global terrorist groups like al-Qaida and Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) to recruit, raise funds and find easy shelter, training sites and transit routes. These extremist groups can not only carry out attacks across India, but also jeopardise India’s maritime security in future. These extremist groups, mostly in the garb of religious groups and NGOs, many with the overt support of the police and political parties, have been steadily expanding their area of operation beyond the Vindhyas. Kerala has been a key training ground for activists of Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI), a radical group with a pan-India presence, earlier funded by World Assembly of Muslim Youth, a charity run by Osama bin Laden’s brother that had its headquarters in Fall’s Church, Washington, till 2001. Today, it operates from Saudi Arabia. SIMI, which once had cadre strength of 100,000, has been involved in almost all the terrorist incidents in India since the early 1990s. The extremist groups and their allies enjoying considerable influence among the community have been successful in radicalising Muslim workers from Kerala in Gulf though only partially. The number of terrorist leaders now sheltered in many of the Gulf countries is a clear measure of the radicalisation carried out by groups like LeT and various Wahhabi charity organisations based there. There is a heavy inflow of hawala money into Kerala, some diverted for extremist causes. In 2007, the State Home Minister told the State Assembly that every year Rs 10,000 crore of hawala money flows into the state from various West Asian countries apart from the Rs 40,000 crore coming through legal channels. This `dirty money` comes from charity groups like Rabita-al-Alam al-Islami (Mecca, Saudi Arabia), International Islamic Relief Organisation (Jeddah, Saudi Arabia), Jamiat Ihya-at Turaz al-Islami (Kuwait) and World Assembly of Muslim Youth (Saudi Arabia). The hawala channels also bring in counterfeit currency to India printed in Pakistan. These organisations aiming to expand the Wahhabi influence in South Asian countries such as India have been spending petrodollars for decades. Almost all of them have
LAW CATCHES UP: SIMI leader Safdar Nagori appearing in the court offices in several cities in Pakistan and Bangladesh; in India, these organisations operate through proxies offering scholarships for students, financial aid to build and repair mosques and madrasas and for setting up social welfare units for women and children. A careful scrutiny of educational scholarships offered to Muslim students in Kerala and other states in India will reveal the hand of organisations like International Islamic Relief Organisation, accused of funding several global terrorist groups like Hamas and LeT. These organisations are particularly active in northern Kerala. Though the recent hacking a professor’s
“THEIR POPULAR FRONT OF INDIA (PFI) STRATEGY IS TO MAKE MUSLIMS A MAJORITY COMMUNITY IN KERALA... IN 20 YEARS, THEY WANT TO MAKE KERALA A MUSLIM MAJORITY STATE.” KERALA CHIEF MINISTER, V S ACHUTHANANDAN
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arm for setting a question paper which, allegedly, denigrated Islam, in Ernakulam district has stirred the police and the political parties to take action against Popular Front of India (PFI), there is hardly any semblance of worry in the officialdom about the state becoming a terror sanctuary. Consequently, there is little government effort to neutralise extremist groups and alliances like PFI, or setting up a robust intelligence and counter-terrorism mechanism in the state. The fact that the National Investigating Agency (NIA) is reinvestigating many of the recent terrorist incidents in Kerala and have unearthed details about the network of terror and extremist groups in the state raises damning questions about the will and capability of the state intelligence and police agencies. The conduct of the politically-connected Kerala Inspector General Tomin J Thachankary, not only for corruption but also for his mysterious meetings with terrorists in Qatar, only magnifies this question mark. The radical groups first appeared in Kerala in 1993 around the time when SIMI was transforming itself from a youth organisation into an extremist group, funded and guided by West Asian charities and events. The killing of Muslim scholar, Chekanoor Moulavi, in Mallapuram in July 1993, was among the first attempts by extremist Wahhabi elements in Kerala to silence those who opposed radical views. The moulavi, for instance, considered the Quran to be the only text which a Muslim should follow. However the Wahhabis and other radical groups base their beliefs on Hadiths. Although some persons were September 2010
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DEMOLISHING HARMONY: December 6 spurred the growth of Islamic extremism in Kerala arrested for the murder, at least three of the main accused remain free. The 1998 Coimbatore blasts carried out by al Umma led the investigators to Kerala among other places. The Babri Masjid demolition in 1992 spurred the growth of several extremist groups in India, specially Kerala. SIMI spearheaded this radical upsurge, setting up cells, recruiting and training its cadres in using weapons and explosives. One of the key SIMI leaders during this phase was CAM Basheer. Coming from a middle-class family in Aluva (Ernakulam), Basheer attended the Aeronautical Engineering College, Chalakudy, and did a flight training institute in Bangalore before joining the Mumbai international airport. He joined SIMI while still in college and rose to become the group’s state president in 1987. It was in Mumbai that Basheer began advocating violence as a means to protest discriminations against Muslims in India. In 1991-92, when the country was caught in the maelstrom of violence over the disputed mosque in Ayodhya, Basheer began organising rallies and protest marches in Mumbai. After the demolition of the mosque in December 1992, Basheer began planning a violent revenge. Basheer’s association with the three main accused in the first serial train bombings in India in December 1993 revealed the emergence of a terrorist network stretching from Saudi Arabia to Kerala. Of the three accused, Jalees Ansari, Abdul Karim Tunda and Azzam Ghouri, the last one fled to Saudi Arabia and met with radical Indian Muslims, including Basheer who had by then become a key functionary of LeT which had substantial support in mosques, charity organisations, educational institutions and the royalty in Riyadh. Basheer and others were influenced by Abdur Rahman Makki, a senior LeT functionary and brother-in-law of the group’s founder Hafiz
Saeed. Basheer and Ghouri set up the first LeT cell in Saudi Arabia to recruit Indians, particularly those from Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Kerala, to carry out attacks in India. Two close associates of Basheer were Mahmoud Mohammad Ahmed Bahaziq, the Indian-born Saudi national, said to be the chief financial officer of LeT, and Abdul Aziz al-Hooti who runs a flourishing automobile components in Muscat. Of the many Indians, including Malayalis, who came into contact with Basheer, was Sarfaraz Nawaz, a key SIMI leader. Nawaz, from Ernakulum, had joined SIMI in 1995 when he
“THE INCIDENT IN MUVATTUPUZHA WHERE A COLLEGE TEACHER'S PALM WAS CHOPPED OFF EARLY THIS MONTH SHOULD NOT BE SEEN AS JUST AN INCIDENT BUT IT IS A CLEAR CASE OF A CRIME BEING DONE IN THE NAME OF RELIGION.” KERALA HOME MINISTER, KODIYERI BALAKRISHNAN
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was studying at Nadwat-ul-Ulema in Lucknow. worked as SIMI’s office secretary in Delhi before moving to Muscat where he met al-Tooti and Basheer. The trio either funded or facilitated several terrorist attacks and the birth of Indian Mujahideen (IM). The serial bombings carried out by IM in 2008 were funded by the Basheer-Tooti network. Nawaz, in fact, had close contacts with Nazeer, an LeT recruit who has admitted to being influenced by jihadi ideologues like Hassan al Banna, Syed Qutb and Mawdudi. There is evidence that Nazeer and other SIMI activists had also attempted training recruits in Kerala at Binanipuram (Ernakulam) and Vagamon (Kottayam). A Pak-trained LeT operative, Riyazuddin Nasser, who was arrested in Karnataka in January 2008, told his interrogators about the Nilambur forests being used by terrorists to take shelter and recoup. In fact, his interrogation led busting of the Vagamon training camp arrest of some top SIMI leaders including its chief, Safdar Nagori in Indore. Nazeer had escaped to Bangladesh after the Bangalore blasts with the help of one of LeT’s Bangladesh contacts, Mubashir Shahid. He was arrested in December 2009 following the disclosures made by LeT leader in Chicago, David Coleman Headley, one of the main accused in the 2008 Mumbai attacks. Nazeer’s LeT handler in Bangladesh was Khurram Khaiyam — an Aziz Reza Commando Force (ARCF) commander — who was involved in the 2002 attack on the US consulate in Kolkata. Khurram had escaped to Bangladesh after the attack and became part of LeT’s plans to strengthen its network in eastern India. Khurram was most likely one of those who had met and briefed Headley in Pakistan. Khurram and Nazeer were an integral part of the LeT plans for serial attacks in India, and in Bangladesh, in 2009 and 2010. The plan was to create a team of Indian terrorists hiding in Bangladesh, brief them about specific targets, and facilitate their movement across India. Headley’s visits to several Indian cities were primarily to locate the targets for the new terror team which even had a name, Deccan Mujahideen. There were several others in the network who have not been caught, many of them were from Kerala and worked in the textile sector in Bangladesh. Extremist groups like PFI and others currently operating in Kerala are offshoots of SIMI, which, after its ban in 2001, has transformed into a dangerous proxy for global terrorist groups like LeT. (The writer is a Senior Fellow/Vice President, Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi.) September 2010
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REAPING THE WHIRLWIND CPI-Maoist, an assemblage of a huge array of criminal and opportunistic elements, has been steadily losing its top leadership and allowing its central military commission to dominate over the central committee, finds out BIBHU PRASAD ROUTRAY
EXPLOITING THE IMPRESSIONABLE: The Red Brigade has even managed to recruit women cadres in battle against the State
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N JULY 2, police in Andhra Pradesh claimed to add one more feather to its cap. It had succeeded in eliminating a senior leader belonging to the Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPIMaoist), Cherikuri Rajkumar alias Azad. According to police sources, Azad was killed in an encounter that took place in northern Adilabad district. However, this official version has been challenged by the Maoists and their cheerleaders who claim that Azad was killed in a fake encounter after being arrested in Nagpur. Irrespective of whether Azad was killed in a real or fake encounter, the death of this 58-year-old leader, with three decades’ experience in the red revolution, comes as one more serious setback to the outfit. Repeated attacks on every symbol of the state structure and mounting deaths of civilians and security forces is a pointer to the fact that lethality of CPI-Maoist’s manoeuvres has grown over the time. At least two major attacks in Chhatisgarh this year in April and May claimed the lives of 100 CRPF personnel. It not only set off an open spat session between the CRPF special Director General Vijay Raman and Chhattisgarh Director General of Police Vishwaranjan, but also led the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) to relocate the CRPF zonal headquarter to Kolkata. Such military successes have been a primary reason behind the CPI-Maoist disinclination in the government’s repeated call for peace talks. However, it is clear now that such success for the outfit, which has grown enormously in size and which has expanded its influence from 50 odd districts in 2001 to over 300 districts in 2009, has come at irreparable costs. On September 20, 2009, 63-year-old Kobad Ghandy, in charge of the CPI-Maoist’s South-Western Regional Bureau (SWRB) coordinating its activity in Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Kerala and Maharashtra was arrested in New Delhi. A Parsi intellectual Ghandy was a member of the outfit’s politburo, the highest decision making body. The CPIMaoist central committee bemoaned the arrest to “betrayal by a weak element in the Party who was acting as his courier”. The outfit alleged that Ghandy’s courier led the Andhra Pradesh police to New Delhi where Ghandy was supposed to meet his contacts. Ghandy was in charge of liaising with Maoists in Belgium, Peru, Philippines, Turkey, Germany and Nepal. His arrest was touted as a major setback to the outfit. Incidentally, Ghandy’s wife Anuradha, a central committee member, had passed away earlier
THERE IS A CONSCIOUS EFFORT ON PART OF THE SECURITY FORCES TO TRY AND NEUTRALISE THE TOP LEADERS OF THE OUTFIT. in April 2008 in a Mumbai hospital. Ghandy’s arrest had followed a month after police in Jharkhand arrested another politburo member and secretary of the central military commission of the outfit Amitabh Bagchi alias Sumit along with Tauhid Mulla, a Bengal state committee member of the CPI-Maoist. Both had returned from West Bengal on August 19, when they were picked up from the Ranchi railway station. Three months earlier, on May 24, 2009, another central committee member Patel Sudhakar Reddy alias Vikas was killed in an encounter in the jungles of Warangal district by the Andhra Pradesh police. The Maoists had alleged their leader was arrested by Andhra Police when he had gone to meet a contact in Nashik, also in Maharashtra, tortured and killed in the Warangal jungles after being flown there by helicopter. Reddy hailing from Mahaboobnagar district in Andhra Pradesh had begun his Naxal career in the early 1980s. In 2008, Lanka Papi Reddy, a former central committee member surrendered to the Andhra Pradesh police. Other senior leaders who have been
killed in police encounters in recent years are central committee and central military commission leader Vadkapur Chandramouli alias Devanna (December 2006), central committee member and Karnataka state secretary Sande Rajamouli alias Naveen (June 2007) and Sakamuri Appa Rao, in charge of the Andhra Pradesh State Military Commission (March 2010). In addition, Tushar Kant Bhattacharya, chief of the CPI-Maoist’s ‘Triple U’ unit, the militant wing that operates in Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh and Uttar (north) Bihar, was arrested in January 2010. Losing senior leaders is natural fallout of any prolonged arms struggle. However, the pace at which CPI-Maoist has lost its top leadership is said to have given a serious blow to its operational abilities. All these leaders had spent decades in the outfit. Sudden removal of these organs, thus, is sure to affect the outfit at least for sometime. There is bound to be a vacuum at the top level before it is filled up with people with less experience. The need to keep its leaders safe and secure has been repeatedly emphasised by the Maoists. For example, in its June 2009 publication Post-Election Situation: Our Tasks the outfit had specifically mentioned about protecting its top leadership and cadres while attempting to inflict maximum losses on the enemy. The outfit had asked its cadres to ‘protect the leadership and preserve the party cadres and PLGA fighters by avoiding unnecessary losses; expand the party by recruiting new members and train up comrades at every level to build new leadership; rectify the weaknesses in the existing mechanism and strengthen it by avoiding everything that is likely to be exposed to the enemy through betrayers, arrested persons and our party records’. Similarly in a media interview in October 2009, after Kobad Ghandy’s arrest CPIMaoist General Secretary Ganapathy had
INTELLECTUAL FACADE: Kobad Ghandy and the slain Maoist Azad
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MURDERS MOST FOUL: CRPF jawans killed by Red butchers admitted: “The loss of leadership will have a grave impact on” the outfit. He had also indicated that the CPI-Maoist is reviewing the reasons for the losses regularly and devising ways and means to prevent further losses.” He had also said that the outfit will adopt “secret methods of functioning” and “foolproof underground mechanisms” in addition to enhancing its mass base and smashing “enemy intelligence networks” to check further losses. Ganapathy had indicated that the outfit is also “training and developing new revolutionary leadership at all levels to fill up the losses”. Subsequently, the outfit is also known to have evolved a charter of do’s and don’ts for the senior leaders. In March 2010, the CPIMaoist Politburo reportedly issued an order to all its central committee members to “break mass contact, return to the forests and clamp down on communication with frontal organisations based in cities and towns”. Such steps had been initiated after media savvy senior Maoist leader Kishenji in West Bengal twice came close to being arrested. The top leadership asked him to restrict his interactions with the media. There is a conscious effort on part of the security forces to try and neutralise top leaders of the outfit, especially in charge of its military affairs. The Andhra Pradesh police have a dedicated wing working on this aspect and as past instances have shown, it has been very successful in achieving its mandate. This has inspired other state police establishments to develop similar wings. However, the fact remains that most of the senior Maoist leaders neutralised so far
belong to the central committee (which is the political wing) and not the military commission. As a result, military capacities of the outfit remain more or less unaffected. The CPI-Maoist carried out over 500 attacks between April-June 2010 in nine states across the country. A highest of 140 attacks were reported in Chhattisgarh, 111 in Jharkhand, 88 in West Bengal, 78 in Bihar and 43 in Orissa. As many as 348 people, including security force personnel were killed in such attacks. On August 4, 2010,
“LEFT WING EXTREMISTS, ESPECIALLY CPI (MAOIST), CONTINUED TO COMMIT ACTS OF VIOLENCE IN THE AFFECTED STATES. SECURITY FORCES HAVE REGISTERED SOME SUCCESSES IN COUNTERING THE ACTIVITIES OF THE LEFT WING EXTREMISTS”. HOME MINISTER, P CHIDAMBARAM
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“THE CPI-MAOIST CARRIED OUT OVER 500 ATTACKS BETWEEN APRIL AND JUNE 2010 IN NINE STATES ACROSS THE COUNTRY. A HIGHEST OF 140 ATTACKS WERE REPORTED IN CHHATTISGARH, 111 IN JHARKHAND, 88 IN WEST BENGAL, 78 IN BIHAR AND 43 IN ORISSA. AS MANY AS 348 PEOPLE, INCLUDING SECURITY FORCES PERSONNEL WERE KILLED IN SUCH ATTACKS”.
around 200 Maoists carried out an ambush on a 100 member police team searching for a Maoist leader in Dantewada district in Chhattisgarh. At least 12 policemen were reportedly killed in the attack. Over a period of time, the central military commission of the CPI-Maoist has achieved pre-eminence over the central committee. Just like the Taliban in Afghanistan, the CPI-Maoist today is an assemblage of a huge array of criminal and opportunistic elements who have found entry into the outfit’s various state wings. (The writer is a former Deputy Director at the National Security Council Secretariat, New Delhi) September 2010
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DEFINING NEXT GENERATION RADIO WITH SDR SOFTWARE-DEFINED radio is set to pave the way for the next generation of military communications equipment. For its first 100 years or so, the improvement of radio was driven by the development of better hardware, including improved components, more sophisticated circuits and more precise manufacturing. During this time, each type of radio was designed with a specific purpose in mind, and the waveband it operated on and the wave-form it used was fixed by the hardware. To change a device’s behaviour was impossible unless you ripped out and replaced substantial parts of the circuitry. The arrival of softwaredefined radio (SDR) changed all that. SDR takes advantage of the processing power of modern computer technology to emulate the behaviour of a radio circuit. The software defines how the radio performs, making it feasible for a single radio to emulate and communicate with many different types. Unlike its hardware-based counterparts, these devices can be improved and updated and given new capabilities by changing the software. Theoretically, it is possible to reduce SDR to a computer that decodes everything arriving at an antenna that’s connected to it. In practice, however, this is not feasible: antenna voltages are tiny, way below anything a computer’s analogue-to-digital converters (ADC) can handle, so at the very least an SDR has to have a low-noise amplifier between the antenna and the ADC. The SDR concept originated through work carried out in the defence sector in Europe and the US, although the term wasn’t coined until 1991 when Joseph Mitola published the first paper on the topic at the IEEE National Telesystems Conference 1992. The US SPEAKeasy projects in the 1990s were the first SDR implementations using programmable processing to emulate existing military radios, while General Dynamics’ Digital Modular Radio (DMR)
system, incorporating SDR, was adopted around ten years ago by the US Navy. Previously, ships often carried several racks of radio equipment to communicate with aircraft, shore, small boats and assorted allies; with an SDR facility on board, this was reduced to a single rack, saving space and weight, and reducing complexity. General Dynamics claims its DMR system typically replaced 14 different radio racks and took up 50% less space. Early SDR systems employed proprietary software making it difficult to ‘port’ components from one radio built by one company to another. As a result, the Department of Defence wanted the next generation, Joint Tactical Radio System (JTRS or ‘jitters’), to be standardised. JTRS is
based on an open software communications architecture (SCA), which is increasingly recognised as an international standard and used by equipment manufacturers around the world, while the European Secure Software Radio Programme (ESSOR) standard is also based on SCA. JTRS radios have become much smaller and more energy-efficient since DMR was first used on board ships, and the system is now widely used in hand-held radios too. However, now we will see “cognitive radio” that identifies the point at which wireless personal digital assistants (PDAs) and the related networks are sufficiently computationally intelligent about radio resources and related computer-to-computer communications to: (a) detect user communications needs as a function of use context, and (b) provide radio resources and wireless services most appropriate to those needs.
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KEY COMPONENTS OF AMERICA'S MILITARY ARE NOW DOMINATED BY CHINESE MONOPOLY MOST OF America's key military technologies require rare earth elements, whose production China holds a nearmonopoly over. It's thus perhaps no surprise that China has made the threat of rare earth export restrictions a new political bargaining chip. While the U.S. technically has large sources of rare earth elements within its territory, the U.S. rare earth mining industry died over ten years ago. The Pentagon and the US Energy Department are still scrambling to work out what this means for US security. An interim report from the Government Accounting Office (GAO) has laid bare just how delicate the situation has become. "The US previously performed all stages of the rare earth material supply chain, but now most rare earth materials processing is performed in China, giving it a dominant position. In 2009, China produced about 97 per cent of rare earth oxides. Rebuilding a U.S. rare earth supply chain may take up to 15 years," it said.
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DRDO’S BORDER INTELLIGENCE SYSTEM BY 2011 A BORDER communication intelligence gathering system that would be of help to the armed forces and paramilitary in intercepting communication of terror groups across the border is likely to be inducted into the services by the end of next year. Developed by Hyderabad-based Defence Electronics Research Laboratory (DLRL), the project envisages fitting up of 10 static and 25 mobile stations for intercepting enemy communication in the border areas. The communication intelligence system would be of help to both the armed forces and the paramilitary in intercepting communication of terror groups across the border. DRDO is also working on other electronic warfare requirements of the security forces such as communication and electronic intelligence systems including jammers and integrating them on platforms. It is also developing the laserbased ordnance disposal system (LORDS) for destroying rockets, bombs and explosive that have completed their shelf-life without having to get closer. The LORDS will be based on armoured vehicles so that the unwanted ordnance could be disposed of without getting any closer to it. Work is progressing on other laserbased systems such as direct energy warfare application, low intensity conflict (LIC) applications, battlefield optoelectronic systems and advanced science and technology for future systems. Among the LIC systems are hand held dazzlers that immobilise human targets for a few minutes, providing the much needed advantage to the security forces, apart from crowd control dazzlers mounted on vehicles and air defence dazzlers that work against enemy aircraft or helicopters. Eforts are on developing on low level light radars (LLLRs) that could be deployed in mountainous areas.
Soon, inflight refreshments for Sukhoi pilots INDIAN AIR Force (IAF) pilots will soon get to relish delicious snacks like halwa and sip fruit juice inside the cockpits of their combat aircraft during long-distance sorties. IAF has asked the Defence Food Research Laboratory (DFRL) to develop light food products in squeezable tubes that the pilots can consume even as they are strapped in their Sukhoi 30 MKIs, Mirage 2000s and the Jaguars. According to Dr A S Bawa, director of the Mysore-based DFRL, they have taken up new projects for the IAF and have been developing food products like halwa, pulav and fruit juices that can be consumed from squeezable tubes. “We have in the past supplied a few food items to the IAF, but they had some issues as the pilots found them difficult to consume while flying at supersonic speeds. But now, during a recent interaction, they asked us to develop a few food items for their pilots,” he said. Bawa added that DFRL is developing a few food items for the IAF which will be similar to ones consumed by astro-
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nauts on space missions. However, there was a huge challenge before the scientists while preparing these food items for the air force. “Though the food items are similar to the ones consumed by astronauts, here the challenge is greater. The pilots are strapped in the G-suits and hence cannot move their hands freely, hence we have to identify a place where the tubes can be kept. Besides, they travel at much higher speeds and we also have to keep the ‘G’ factor (gravitational factor) in mind,” said Bawa. The IAF requirement for these food products for their pilots comes as the Air-Force is hoping to transform into a strategic force with its combat aircraft like the Sukhoi 30 MKI, Mirage 2000, Jaguar involved more long-distance sorties. With all these combat aircrafts capable of air-to-air refuelling by the air force’s mid-air refueller IL-78, the sorties have become longer and an example of this is the IAF’s participation in exercises in the US and Europe.
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GOING GREAT GUNS India-South Korea relations assume significance in view of the clandestine North Korea-Pakistan nuclear cooperation
UNDERSTANDING EACH OTHER The Republic of Korea’s Ambassador to India, Young-sun Paek, presents a candid view of bilateral ties
LETHAL COALITION China and Pakistan have spun a sophisticated navalnuclear collaboration to contain India
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PERILOUS CONVERGENCE M ERCANTILE TRADING and naval supremacy have always played key roles in China’s eminence as a global power. Concerted China-Pakistan encirclement by way of a sophisticated naval-nuclear collaboration that the two countries have spun is a clear and present danger confronting India today. Chinese naval craft and nuclear-tipped missiles have aided the buildup of the earlier fledgling Pakistani Navy to be a potent force contending India in its own backyard. India’s critical maritime infrastructure and the littoral megapolises stand exposed to an assured first strike, thanks to Chinese nuclear-tipped land attack cruise missiles, deployed from Pakistani submarines. Secondly, the Chinese-Pakistani convergence has resulted in joint naval exercises that feature coordinated patrols of their warships. China has also made a major infrastructure
investment in the port of Gwadar. China’s maritime moves in the Indian Ocean have long been part of a carefully cultivated strategy of building naval access and basing. While China claims its access strategy stems from a genuine need in view of its growing reliance on maritime trade for resources and markets in Southwest AsiaPersian Gulf and with Africa, there is also the adversarial intent that such an access is premised on denying similar access to its competitors. The pathways of Chinese naval technological and operational capabilities have reached the full scope control in the first island chain. It has been engaged in the buildup of its active sea-denial capabilities to a limited extent in the second island chain. Moving in an aggressive quest and to sustain its future leverage into the third island chain, China envisions the preparedness for its future force projection by creat-
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China and Pakistan have spun a sophisticated navalnuclear collaboration to contain India in the South Asian region and neutralise its naval dominance. An increasingly assertive China is leveraging Pakistani naval assets with cruise missile inventories, creating yet another front in the Indian Ocean. What has been India's response? W LAWRENCE S PRABHAKAR finds out ing access and basing facilities with infrastructure facilities under a dual-control of both the host nation and China, providing China access facilities that would be of civilian-military scope. China’s strategy lays emphasis on the Peoples Liberation Army (PLA)-Navy “presence” preceding future deployment. In the preparatory emphasis for deployment, China aims at the operational reach without aiming at the sustainability of the deployment — given the PLA-Navy’s serious deficits in platform availability and lack of naval vessels of higher endurance. China believes that its maritime interdependence with other nations and regions have to be incrementally ramped through progressive capabilitybuildup. China’s “String of Pearls” is a coastal-port access — a crucial nexus of geopolitical influence, economic access, military presence (presently benign); infrastructure
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DIPLOMACY buildup for the littoral state with dual use capability tied to present and future Chinese investments in trade and regional development. In terms of outcomes, China's "String of Pearls" earns preferential resources market access at highly subsidised terms for the host state and highly favourable terms for China's economic access and dominance with the purpose of competitively overwhelming its rivals. China had strongly stated that the Indian Ocean cannot be India's Ocean. In 1992 the PLA General Logistics Department's report stated that China had to strengthen its Indian Ocean presence challenging India's domain with a string of Indian Ocean littoral economic-military infrastructure projects of dual use (civilian-military) paving way of the local country's coastal and port infrastructure development and for co-location of Chinese maritime assets. Leveraging its geo-strategic access to the Gulf Region, and the highly strategic sealanes of communication of the Gulf-Southwest Asia waterways leading to the Arabian Sea-Indian Ocean, Pakistani naval access at Gwadar, Ormara offers alternate deep-sea port access in the region apart from Karachi. China has achieved a very strategic and significant foothold in the region overlooking the Straits of Hormuz providing it with multi-ship naval access berthing facilities as well as it could maintain maritime surveillance of US, Western-allied, and Indian merchant and naval shipping in the region. Given the new growing levels of interoperability between the Pakistan Navy and the PLANavy, Pakistani naval infrastructure buildup offers to China the most crucial of the "pearls" in its carefully orchestrated maritime 'string of pearls buildup' of naval access in the region. Pakistani naval access would provide for China, new options of the maritime-overland trade links in the region that would link Gwadar and Ormara in a network of highways overland to China that could enable for the safe and reliable transfer of its imports. It provides the much-needed investment for Pakistan that is beleaguered due to its negative credentials due to radical Islamic terrorism that is now sweeping the region. Chinese transfers of ballistic and cruise missiles to Pakistan have been the perennial and perilous threat that India contends. These have given Pakistan a multi-platform land attack cruise missile attack capability. Reinforced with proven technology, Pakistan's Chinese-supplied missiles can carry nuclear payloads. It presents India a strategic threat that comes not only from Chinese bal-
listic missiles but also from cruise missiles deployed from Pakistan. China's family of anti-ship cruise missiles (ASCM) and land attack cruise missiles (LACM) in the region is in the Pakistani arsenal. China's intent is to contain and box India in the South Asian region and neutralise its naval dominance. China had adopted a systematic sea-denial capability of missile transfers of anti-ship cruise missiles and land attack cruise missiles perpetually creating vulnerabilities in India's naval strength. While it bolsters Pakistani naval access-denial strategy, it aims to limit India's freedom of action in the Arabian Sea; China has supplied Pakistan with the reliable C-602 antiship cruise missiles as well as the Babur Hatf-7 land attack cruise missiles China has not only transferred technology and bolstered Pakistan with an order of battle of cruise missiles, it has augmented its submarine strike force with its C-802, C-803 naval cruise missiles along with its Dong Hai DH-10A with a potent range exceeding 600 km in its Type 093 Shang class SSN/SSGN (Submersible ship nuclear/Submersible ship guided nuclear). Chinese deployment of its Type 093 submarines in the Indian Ocean is in tactical coordination with Pakistan's Khalid class Agosta-90B and Pakistani F-22P frigates tipped with Chinese ASCMs of the YJ-62 (C602), YJ-83 (C-803) and the Babur Hatf-7 LACM with a Pakistani sea deployment provides the perfect menu of strategic stealth. Besides the overwhelming Chinese cruise missile stockpiles in Pakistan's arsenal, Pakistan has several US-supplied Harpoon anti-ship cruise missiles which are compatible for upgrades as a land attack cruise missile. The Harpoon Block I C antiship missiles are formidable weapons that can knock out India's carrier launched in twos. With a 124-km range, these missiles with upgradation in fuel propulsion and terminal guidance could be adapted as a LACM
CHINA'S MARITIME MOVES IN THE INDIAN OCEAN HAVE LONG BEEN PART OF A CAREFULLY CULTIVATED STRATEGY.
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fired from an Agosta 90B Khalid class submarine. The Khalid class is an air-independent propulsion submarine that enjoys longer durations of submergence and can fire Chinese ASCMs, the Harpoon and the Babur Hatf-7. Pakistan's Type 21, Type 22 frigates, and the Jalat missile boats are all potential platforms of multi-mode deployment of the Chinese C-602, which Pakistan had recently acquired about 120 of them, and the C-803 ASCMs. The Pakistani naval order of battle (NAVORBAT) poses a formidable threat to the Indian Navy and the littoral regions of India that are dotted with vital strategic and critical offshore maritime assets that include economic and military assets. They include nuclear power plants, industrial bases and thus are prime targets for the joint ChinesePakistani targeting and strategic coercion of India. Pakistani naval support facility at Gwadar emerges as a vital access and basing point for PLA-Navy warships and submarines. It presents a solid leveraging point for China for an increased presence in the region as part of China's forward naval presence to secure the sea-lanes in the Northern Arabian Sea-Gulf of Aden. Hence, misslescarrying PLA-Navy warships and Pakistani Navy frigates and submarines would have more of coordinated naval tasking operations in the region thus heavily bearing on India's western seaboard. The Chinese-Pakistani missile force are tasked in operational doctrine of preemptive strikes against India in using a variety of conventional payloads that would be decapitating preceding ballistic missile strikes against India. This operational reality would confront India in the coming years, as an increasingly assertive China with its expanding maritime presence in the region would be leveraging Pakistani naval assets with its cruise missile inventories creating a second front in the maritime theatre of confrontation with India in the Indian Ocean. In the long run, Pakistani naval infrastructure would be the critical leverage for Pakistan and China in the creation and maintenance of an enduring naval access. This would serve as a semi-permanent basing of a future PLA-Navy fleet of surface warships and even nuclear attack submarines in the Indian Ocean region that would be based on the rationale of China's heavily dependent commerce and trade with the Middle East and the African regions. India's response to the burgeoning September 2010
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and ballistic missile proliferation in the region by China and its leveraging of Pakistan has been rather limited. India’s reliance on Russia as a prime supplier of hardware and technology collaboration partner has been through very difficult pathways. India’s experience of negotiating with the Russian aircraft carrier purchase of the Sergei Gorshkov and other deals has not been satisfactory. The tragedy of the Nerpa Akula class nuclear submarine and the delay in its slated delivery to India are negative consequences of dealing with Russia whose machine and technology do not seem to be in line with anticipated expectations. The only flagship project of success is the collaborative development of the PJ-10 Brahmos, which is a derivative of the Yakhont P-800 series. India’s imperatives lie in striving to build the follow-on to the Brahmos-II with a longer range and improvise on its guidance technologies perfecting it with successful tests with conventional and nuclear payloads. Yet another project that India is conceiving is the development of a longer-range subsonic land attack cruise missile called Nirbhay. The Nirbhay would be a 1000 km range subsonic cruise missile with a 1000 kg payload warhead that would give India greater depth in targeting Pakistan countering the Babur Hatf-7. India’s options are however to develop a credible multi-platform land attack cruise missile having a longer range and greater payload. India also encounters the serious
ADVERSARIAL INTENT: The Pakistani naval order of battle poses a formidable threat to the Indian Navy limitation that much of the Russian cruise missile technology transfer is actually in favour of China and the Indian efforts for a substantial technological collaborative partnership with Russia remains a chimera. Given the extreme limitations of Russian technology and the deficits of understanding that are now emerging, the imperative for India is to synergise with the other powers namely US, Israel and France which could offer better packages in technology collaboration, hardware supplies and proven opera-
AGGRESSIVE POSTURE: Chinese Navy is steadily increasing its technological and operational capabilities to corner India
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tional performance. India’s incremental efforts in the development of the Brahmos in its ASCM and LACM modes have been successful. However, what is needed is collaborative partnerships that would give it a variety of LACMs with varied ranges, guidance and propulsion technologies, enhanced stealth and more importantly the vital inputs of intelligence collation of terrain mapping that could provide it with effective targeting strategies. Imperative in this task is the dedicated need for a constellation of satellites that would provide India its own autonomous system of navigational guidance rather than reliance on the GPS, GLONASS or the Galileo. India should optimally decide on policy and strategic priorities to augment its missile force with the optimal mix of ballistic and cruise missiles of longer range and greater payload capacities. The need for integration to its own navigational satellite system in the longer run would provide it with the autonomy of targeting options. The parameters of time, resources and technological development now favour China. China has ruthlessly exploited this technology gap leveraging its Pakistan alliance to create a two-theatre strategic missile pincer threat. India has to contend this dual jeopardy of potent ballistic-cruise missile arsenals in its western and eastern theatres — defending its littorals and borders against a stealthy threat. (The writer is Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Madras Christian College, Chennai) September 2010
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GOING GREAT GUNS India-South Korea relations have expanded in almost all spheres — political, economic, cultural and strategic — which assume significance against the backdrop of clandestine nuclear and missile cooperation between North Korea and Pakistan, writes RAJARAM PANDA id historical foundation. Cultural contacts between the two countries date back to ancient times and both are optimising this foundation to hone their present relationship. According to Samguk-Yusa or The Heritage History of the Three Kingdoms written in the 13th century, a princess from Ayodhya came to Korea and married King Kim-Suro and became Queen Hur Hwang-ok in the year 48 AD. Interestingly, the First Lady Mrs Kim Yoon-ok and former President Kim Jong-pil, inter alia, trace this ancestry. The Buddhist connection further strengthened the bonds between the two people. When India came under the British rule and Korea became the colony of Japan in 1910, there was a period of lull in bilateral ties. The anti-colonial movements in both the countries resurrected interest to revive the old ties. Nobel Laureate Rabindranath Tagore has a huge reputation in the RoK after he composed a short but evocative poem in 1929 about Korea’s glorious and bright future, thus:
DEEPENING BONDS: Republic of Korea President Lee Myung Bak (2nd from R) with the Indian PM, the Vice President and the President
I
N THE wake of the bonhomie between India and the Republic of Korea (RoK) that has witnessed the deepening of economic and strategic aspects of the relationship in recent years, India’s global profile has assumed an added dimension. The growing proximity between the two nations in the economic realm culminated in the signing of a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA), which took
effect on January 1, 2010. The significance of enhancing defence cooperation by holding joint naval exercises on annual basis and to work together for speedy resolution of the North Korean nuclear crisis can be seen against the backdrop of widespread international fears of a possible clandestine nuclear and missile cooperation between North Korea and Pakistan. The sculpting of this partnership has sol-
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“In the golden age of Asia, Korea was one of its lamp bearers, And that lamp is waiting To be lighted once again For the illumination of the East.” When Japan was defeated in World War II, Korea thought it got its freedom back but the intervention of ideology that divided the world into two camps turned the Korean peninsula into a theatre in which both the camps fought a three year bloody war to spread their sphere of influence. Though an armistice was signed in 1953, thereby ending the war, a peace treaty is still eluded. Even September 2010
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before the Korean War broke out in 1950, India played an important role in Korea after the end of Japanese colonial rule in 1945. India was the Chairman of the nine-member UN Commission set up to hold elections in Korea in 1947. Indian help in the successful holding of elections in the South Korea that led to the establishment of the RoK on 15th August 1948 is well appreciated by the people there. Even the resolution that finally led to the ceasefire on 27 July 1953 was sponsored by India. India extended help to the multinational force by way of contributing a medical unit, and 60 para field ambulances. In fact, when South Korea was preparing for the 60th year of the outbreak of the Korean War, President Lee Myung-Bak warmly remembered India’s support and contribution to the defence of the South after hostilities broke out on 25 June 1950. In fact, the medical unit headed by Col Rangaraj valiantly rushed to the aid of wounded soldiers in the face of a fierce crossfire. For its distinguished service, the unit received citations of merit from the Korean government on a number of occasions. During this time, many North Korean soldiers who fought the War and taken as Prisoners of War (POWs) were given the option to go back, remain in South or opt for a third country as per international law. India extended an open arm to those North Koreans who wanted to settle in India. The Indian government helped them in their rehabilitation. All, except one, are dead by now. Hyeon Dong Hwa, the President of Korea Residents’ Association in Delhi, is the sole survivor. He has made India his home for the past 60 years. India-RoK bilateral relations have expanded in almost all spheres: political, economic, cultural and strategic/defence. In the political component of the relationship, engagement of political leadership at high level has provided the framework for relations in other areas to blossom. In the economic domain, things are already looking up. Agreements have reached to attain the cultural depth and strengthen them further by providing institutional support. Cooperation in defence areas is another area where both see mutually beneficial opportunities. Since India adopted its “Look East” policy in the early 1990s, the ROK has responded enthusiastically to construct a fruitful relationship with India. This was complimented by the historical foundation which is already in place. An example of ROK’s warmth towards India came clear when India’s “Japan-oriented” Look East policy did not
THE YEAR 2011 HAS BEEN DESIGNATED AS THE “YEAR OF INDIA” IN KOREA AND THE “YEAR OF KOREA” IN INDIA. deter Japan to impose sanction against India following the nuclear test in 1998 but ROK did not. The ROK was aware that its arch enemy — North Korea — was receiving nuclear technology from Pakistan and the ROK was appreciative of India’s security needs as also the security environment in the South Asian region. The evolution of this relationship reached a high point when President of India made a state visit to the ROK in February 2006 and paved the bilateral ties to enter a period of vibrancy. Following President Lee Myung-bak’s visit to India in January 2010 as Chief Guest at the Republic Day celebrations, bilateral ties were elevated to “strategic partnership”. The recently successful visit of External Affairs Minister S M Krishna to the RoK (17-19 June 2010) once
again demonstrated the deepening of India’s strategic engagement with the ROK. The foundation for a vibrant partnership was laid when Indian President visited the ROK in February 2006, during which the Joint Task Force for concluding a bilateral CEPA was launched. Subsequently, when Minister for Commerce and Industry Anand Sharma visited Seoul on 7 August 2009, the CEPA was signed. It came into force on 1 January 2010. The impact of the CEPA was immediately felt when bilateral trade soared by a robust 70 per cent in the January-April 2010 period and the projections of an upward trend in the coming months may take both to reach the trade target of $30 billion by 2014 from $12.2 billion in 2009. Given an annual increase of about $3.3 billion, this seems to be an achievable target. While Korea’s economic presence in the Indian market is already visible, some sectors of the Indian industries such as pharmaceuticals, IT enabled services and agro-products are looking for greater market access in the RoK. On 1 June 2005, both countries agreed to take their bilateral ties to a higher plane “by utilising synergies in trade, investment and hi-tech areas”. South Korean company POSCO agreed to set up a $12 billion integrated steel plant at Paradip in Orissa. This mega project is the single largest foreign investment by any country in India. The central government has already given all the necessary clearances. Though there has been
TOUCH OF WARMTH: Foreign minister S M Krishna with his Korean counterpart YU Myung-hwan
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some opposition from the local people in the state in connection with land acquisition, the state government is working hard to move the project forward. The delay has not deterred POSCO to retract its commitment from the project. ROK is one of the top ten investing countries in India. LG, Samsung and Hyundai have already become household names in India, having established their presence in the country’s business scene. The main sectors attracting FDI from the ROK are transportation industry, fuel (power and oil refinery), electrical equipment (computer software and electronics), chemicals (other than fertilizer) and commercial, office and household equipment. Conversely, Indian firms such as Tata Motors have entered the Korean market by acquiring Daewoo Commercial Vehicles, Kunsan at a cost of $102 million. The historical cultural links which were kept hidden are being brought to the surface to complement the burgeoning economic and defence ties. During the meeting of the Sixth Joint Commission on 18 June 2010, Krishna signed three documents: (a) MoU between the Ministry of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises of India and the Small and Medium Business Administration of the ROK on Cooperation in the field of Small and Medium Enterprises; (b) MoU between the Indian Council of Cultural Relations and Korea Foundation; and (c) MoU for cooperation between the Indian Council for World Affairs (ICWA) and the Institute for Foreign Affairs and National Security (IFANS) of the ROK. The Korea Foundation has decided to establish an office in New Delhi and presently looking for suitable office space. The office is expected to be functional from 2011, which will be the hub of cultural activities. Apart from showcasing RoK’s rich culture in India, it will deepen people-to-people contact. The year 2011 has been designated as the “Year of India” in Korea and the “Year of Korea” in India, showcasing their cultures in each other’s country. The Indian diaspora in the ROK is estimated to be about 6000 at present. The composition of the Indian community includes businessmen, IT professionals, scientists, researchers and students. The 1,000-strong IT professionals and hundred-odd scientists can provide the intellectual inputs to exploit the potentials of the relationship. Cooperation between the two countries to cope with the challenges emanating from non-state actors in the Gulf of Aden was identified as the core focus for cooperation
“IN 1999, A KOREAN SATELLITE KITSAT III WAS LAUNCHED BY INDIA. WE LOOK FORWARD TO WORKING WITH THE ROK (REPUBLIC OF KOREA) IN FABRICATION OF SATELLITES AS ALSO IN HELPING LAUNCH MORE KOREAN SATELLITES ON INDIAN LAUNCH VEHICLES.” EXTERNAL AFFAIRS MINISTER, S M KRISHNA in defence and in particular between the two countries’ navies. Ways to enhance bilateral defence and security cooperation through expanded naval cooperation are already in place. The Defence Minister of Korea visited India in 2007 and had very good discussions with his Indian counterpart. The Coast Guards of the two countries have also been collaborating and both intend to expand this cooperation further. India’s Defence Minister A K Antony is scheduled to visit the RoK later this year to finalise naval security cooperation between the two countries. When Prime Minister Manmohan Singh visits the ROK in November 2010 for the G-20 summit, bilateral relations will get further boost. Another dimension of bilateral coopera-
LEADING KOREAN COMPANIES SUCH AS LG, SAMSUNG AND HYUNDAI HAVE ALREADY BECOME HOUSEHOLD NAMES IN INDIA.
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tion was identified in the energy sector. The ROK welcomed Krishna’s suggestion to establish an India-ROK Joint Working Group on hydrocarbons to draw benefits from each others’ expertise. India has proposed establishment of the dedicated Joint Science & Technology Fund of $10 million, with contribution of $5 million from each side, to promote joint research between scientists and technologists of the two countries. There seems to be a commitment between the two countries to transcend the buyer-seller relationship towards “co-production, joint ventures and transfer of technology”. Significantly, while addressing the IFANS, Krishna said that both the countries “will soon commence negotiations on an agreement for peaceful uses of nuclear energy”. He further said that such an accord was relevant to India’s “search for a more rational energy mix”. Recognising “Korean capabilities in civil nuclear energy”, a framework for cooperation will help address India’s growing energy needs. Both have already exchanged drafts for inking an Inter-Governmental Agreement on Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy and an early conclusion of such an agreement would be of tremendous interest for India as such a deal will pave the way for Seoul’s export of an atomic power plant to India. Since the RoK generates 40 per cent of its electricity from nuclear powers and is eager to export its expertise, India can benefit if an agreement is entered between the two countries in this field. Launching of Korean satellites on Indian launch vehicles can be a tempting proposition for the ROK. On the possibilities in space-related cooperation, Krishna said: “In 1999, a Korean satellite KITSAT III was launched by India. We look forward to working with the ROK (Republic of Korea) in fabrication of satellites as also in helping you launch more Korean satellites on Indian launch vehicles. Our launch services are of very high quality and our costs are extremely competitive. Perhaps, the ROK can think in terms of participating in experiments on our next Moon orbiter, Chandyayaan II. The sky, literally, is the only limit to such scientific collaboration between India and Korea.” As both the countries are now in the first year of implementing their CEPA, a marriage between ROK’s strengths in reactor technology and India’s strength in space programme can cement India- ROK ties further. (The writer is Senior Fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. ) September 2010
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UNDERSTANDING MUTUAL CONCERNS A
There are several issues of mutual interest between India and the Republic of Korea, though they do have some honest differences. In a candid conversation with Prakash Nanda, the Republic of Korea’s ambassador to India YOUNG-SUN PAEK points out why these differences should be seen in a context
T THE outset, let me point out that the last three and half years have been eventful in the relations between Republic of Korea (ROK) and India. We have been “strategic partners” and I am told India attaches highest level of importance to its relationship with friendly countries. There have been great surges in the levels of bilateral trade, foreign investments and people-to-people exchanges. In 2008 our bilateral trade was worth $ 15.6 billion. In the year 2009-10, the figure, when finally calculated, should reach the figure of $18 billion. And our goal is to reach the $30 billion mark by 2013. There are as many as 400 companies that are doing business with India. Last year, 38 new companies came to India. What all this means is that Korean companies, and I am saying this in a lighter mood, have learnt how to manage things in country where myriad of bureaucratic procedures usually hamper things. Every country has its own business culture and India has its own. We respect that. But what is heartening is that Koreans are adjusting well to the Indian business culture. It is not that they do not have complaints, but they are going ahead in spite of them. Korean companies are very positive about India. Take the case of $12-billion — POSCO project in Orissa, the single biggest foreign
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investment in India. When this project produces steel as per plans, it will be hugely beneficial for both South Korea and India. But we are encountering serious hurdles. However, we are still very hopeful. There are no doubts in the minds of the political leaderships in Bhubaneswar, Delhi and Seoul about the project. My President is extremely keen on the project. So are Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. In fact, my President has been personally assured by Prime Minister Singh that the project would sail through the challenges by environmentalists and motivated political activists. We expect the Orissa government to exercise its influence over the people opposed to the project and convince them how POSCO is deeply committed to their social and economic well-being and why they should not be misguided by some vested interests. POSCO has already initiated measures towards establishing schools and hospitals. It has assured displaced people jobs and other dependable sources of income. Koreans have always looked at India with love and reverence. The two countries have deep cultural roots. Our relationship dates back to more than 2000 years, when a princess from Ayodhya married a Korean prince. Buddhism has been a strong bond between us. Koreans fondly remember how the great poet Rabindranath Tagore,
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through his poems, inspired the Koreans to fight against the Japanese during their colonial rule. Most of Tagore’s books have been translated in Korean language. It is this legacy that motivated me to convince the Samsung Electronics to sponsor the “Tagore Literary Award” to scholars every year. I have worked very hard towards the establishment of a “Korea Cultural Centre” in Delhi in order to promote people-to-people exchanges. It will open next year. Politically, we respect India and its positions on many global issues. It is not that we have not some honest differences. But these differences should be seen in a context. After all, the two countries are geographically far away. Our regional concerns and India’s regional concerns are different. And these differences, in turn, mould out respective global outlooks. Take, for instance, the case of the reforms in the United Nations and India’s desire to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council. We understand India’s contention that the world body must reflect the present realities. But we are not in a position to say “Yes” to India. Because, while we may not have anything against India as such, the very fact that along with India there is also Japan which is also claiming to be a permanent member is complicating the matter. We are not prepared to accept Japan’s claim, given our history and Japan’s role in it. And this principled position of ours has necessitated a different approach from us towards the expansion of the Security Council. This approach is different from Indian approach, which is that Japan, India, Brazil, Germany and South Africa should be added to the list of permanent members of the Security Council. I hope that our Indian friends will understand our position.
EXUDING OPTIMISM: Republic of Korea Ambassador to India Young-sun Paek
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BUREAUCRATIC MISCHIEF In this chapter excerpted from the book, Hinduism & its Military Ethos, brought out by Lancer Publishers, AIR MARSHAL R K NEHRA laments that all powers — organisational, financial and promotional — are concentrated in the hands of the bureaucrats at the MoD. And these babus are well-entrenched having the ear of the politician. If a General is to express even a mild dissent with the state of affairs, they brand him anti-national
W
HEN INDIA became free, one of the first tasks was to evolve a new structure for management of the defence set-up. Therefore, it would be relevant to enumerate the broad principles on which the defence structure of a democratic country needs to be built: In a democracy, there has to be ‘civil’ control over military; But the word ‘civil’ means political (and only political) and
not bureaucratic. War is the most complex and specialised activity that a man engages in. What makes a soldier give his life (for the country) is an issue far more complex than even understanding the nature of God. Over the ages, millions have claimed to understand the concept of God. But those who understood the motivation behind the soldier’s willingness to die would be in thousands,
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maybe only hundreds. It is not claimed that all generals understand these issues, but some of them do. We have to identify them and bring them up. In short, issues of war have to be left to the generals. They must be listened to with respect directly by the politicians, not through the via media of bureaucrats. In any set up, lot of space must to left to the generals to plan and manoeuvre. Each cog in the defense structure which September 2010
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TRADITION OF SACRIFICE: Indian armed forces are known the world over for their services to the nation has some degree of power must have an equivalent amount of responsibility and accountability; and that must be defined in very precise terms leaving no room for ambiguity, and manipulability to escape responsibility. All the above principles were violated with impunity in evolving the defense structure of independent India. In view of the lukewarm interest (and lack of capability) of the politicians, bureaucrats took on the job. Of course, the politician reminded the
bureaucrat of the principle of a ‘tight leash’. The Indian bureaucracy (the ICS and IAS) has some of the finest brains of the country. They set about designing a structure in which generals were pushed on to the periphery, from which they could: Neither participate in any meaningful way in the decision making process. Nor protest over being excluded. In other words, the generals could be seen (occasionally), but were not to be
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heard. Service headquarters were given the status of attached subordinate offices. An umbrella-type all encompassing Ministry of Defence (MoD) was created and put above these subordinate offices. All powers — organisational, financial and promotional — were concentrated in the hands of the bureaucrats at the MoD. The post of Defense Secretary was created, who soon enough assumed powers of an ersatz Chief September 2010
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g BOOKEXCERPTS of Defence Staff. The Defence Secretary and as indeed, the Joint Secretaries can walk in and out of the office of the Defense Minister several times a day. The Service Chiefs generally get to meet the Defence Minister only on weekly meetings. With their close proximity to the politicians, bureaucrats in the MoD have the ear of the Defence Minister. Whenever they find him in a relaxed mood, they can always whisper a thing or two in his ear. The note for the selection of a new Service Chief is initiated by a Joint Secretary, in which he could cleverly build in the necessary biases. Defence Secretary would pen the final note in which he would, of course, keep the ‘pliability’ factor in view. The deputies to the Service Chiefs, called the Principal Staff Officers at Service Headquarters have no chance of interacting with the Defence Minister. Views of the generals cannot be conveyed to the Defence Minister, unless and until these have been edited, chipped and chopped by the Deputy and Joint Secretaries. An iron wall in the form of bureaucracy came to be built between the military and the politicians, between the Defence Minister and the generals. In the foregoing, we have laid major part of the blame for the present state of affairs in the Indian defence set up on the shoulders of politicians and bureaucrats. We have, largely, spared the generals. That is not fair. Generals must also carry a good share of blame for their many acts of commission and omission. On the advent of independence, as stated earlier by us, the politicians gave somewhat of a cold shoulder to the generals. Far from being alarmed from that, the generals might have felt even a bit relieved. The might have argued, ‘Let us talk to the politician through the bureaucrat; he speaks our type of English’. The generals showed a singular lack of vision in not appreciating that the politician controls every lever of power. The overall blame could possibly be distributed as follows: - Onethird each to politician, bureaucrats and generals - In India, politician is the mai-baap (all-in-all); he should be given 50 per cent of the blame; the remainder 50 per cent being shared equally between the bureaucrats and the generals. At this stage, it must be stated to the credit of the bureaucrat that he only moved in the space which the generals were reluctant to occupy. By the time the generals woke up, it was too late; the bureaucrat was wellentrenched and had the ear of the politician. If a general was to express even a mild dissent with the state of affairs, he could be branded anti-national. Something on these lines appears to have happened to a Naval Chief,
THE PRESENT DEFENCE STRUCTURE HAS EVOLVED ON THE DEMEANING PRINCIPLE OF KEEPING THE ARMED FORCES ‘ON THE LEASH’. who was sacked most unceremoniously. Throughout the history of independent India, generals have generally failed to put up their point of view with the required degree of clarity and emphasis. Is it possible that we have failed to produce generals of the right caliber? Irrespective of the actual position, the prevalent belief is that we did produce ‘good’ generals. Whatever, the generals did not assert when it was imperative to do so, sometimes even in national interest. There could be many reasons for that — the rat race for promotions being one of the important one. It is not easy to disregard the ‘goodies’ that come with the post. Another reason could be the intense Inter-Service rivalry. That exists in all countries, including the USA which even has a ‘Joint Chief of Staff’. However in India, the rivalry exceeds all limits, and is the most distinguishing feature of all Inter-Service interactions. That rivalry is not going to go away even if we appoint a ‘Chief of Defence Staff’, which in any case, would not solve any of the problems presently staring ‘India’s Defence’ in its face. It would just add another cog to the wheel, and make the issues even more complex. (However, it is a bigger question, and needs a separate discussion.) One way to put the Armed forces ‘in their place’, is through means of pay commissions. As such, a decision was taken at a very early stage not to allow a General anywhere near the outskirts of the Pay Commissions. The sixth Pay Commission submitted its report in early 2008. By an ingenious thought process, it upset the long established equivalence between the various ranks of the armed forces, vis-à-vis the paramilitary. Among other things, it pushed the police DGP of a state to a higher level than a Lieutenant General (non GOC-in-C). That meant that the DGP of even the smallest state (with a police force of say 7,000), and DGP (Housing) of UP, rank
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higher than a Corps Commander, with 60,000 troops, guarding the most sensitive part of the Western border. When a hue and cry was raised, the government kept on deliberating over it for more than a year at various levels, i.e. Committee of IAS Secretaries (no generals permitted), Group of Ministers. Whilst some relief packages were announced, the question of status of the Lt Gen was further complicated. Displaying exceptional ingenuity, combined with rare depravity, the Lt Gens were further split vertically. It was decreed that only one third of the Lt Gens will be given a higher grade; the rest? Must rot at the ‘low’ grade. That decree has created three tiers of Lt Gens (perhaps unprecedented in the world): Lt Gen - GOC-in-C Lt Gen - High grade (1/3rd) Lt Gen - Low grade (2/3rd) In the IAS, some 80-90 per cent become additional secretaries, and about 60-70 per cent full secretaries. In the Armed Forces, only about 10 per cent reach the level of Lt Gen. After that agonising and hazardous journey, the Lt Gen is informed, “Please cool your heels in the low grade, till we get time to look at you.” That can shatter the most committed and the most loyal. There is only one level each of (full) Secretary, and Additional Secretary. Why shred the rank of Lt Gen, all for a paltry few lakhs (hundred thousands) rupees a year; or is there a deeper scheme? It is these ‘low grade’ Lt Gens, who as Corps Commanders are at the cutting edge of the battle. In the final analysis, it is their plans and push and daring that determines the difference between ‘Victory’ and ‘Defeat’. No sane nation will put its generals with ‘a grievance on their mind’, to face the enemy in the actual battlefield. That is how the psychology and nature of war works, which as a nation we do not understand. A mindset which can think of this type of mischievous scheme (split Lt Gens into three grades) can do anything to destroy the cohesiveness of the Armed Forces. However, under a lot of pressure, the issue was partially resolved in January 2010, i.e. after about two years; the Generals gained as Additional Secretaries had to be accommodated. In the present defense structure, whilst all power rests with the Ministry of Defence, they have no accountability worth the name. The present defence structure has evolved not on the sacred principle of ‘national interest’, but on the demeaning principle of ‘power grab’ and keeping the armed forces ‘on the leash’. The disastrous results are there to see as we shall enumerate in the following chapter. September 2010
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End of Secrecy W IKILEAKS FOUNDER Julian Assange has promised that his secret-spilling website will publish the remaining 15,000 records from the Afghan war logs, despite a demand from the Pentagon that WikiLeaks “return” its entire cache of published and unpublished classified U.S. documents. WikiLeaks has already released 77,000 documents out of 92,000. This issue of GEOPOLITICS has dealt with some of its contents having relevance for India. What I want to underscore here is the principle of leaking or revealing the information pertaining to the armed forces in a democracy. This assumes significance since Assange has also expressed his apprehensions in one of his recent interviews that the Pentagon has the cyber capabilities to prevent WikiLeaks from Prakash disseminating the remaining material. Paradoxically, many human rights organisations seem to be supporting the Pentagon in blocking the WikiLeaks information. Usually, the human rights organisations the world over are ideologically opposed to the security organs of the State. But in this case, their standard argument, an argument the official establishment of the United States also shares, is that the published records reveal the names of hundreds of the Afghan informers who will be now easy preys of the Taliban and al-Qaida. They are not convinced with the logic of the likes of Assanges that a journalist’s job is to inform, howsoever unpalatable the information may be. They say that indiscriminately publishing 92,000 classified reports reflects a real problem of methodology and, therefore, of credibility. Journalistic work involves the selection of information and being an information outlet, WikiLeaks is subject to the same rules of publishing responsibility as any other media. Mark the words “selection”, “indiscriminately” and “responsibility” pertaining to the role of journalists here. But what about the case when one organ of the State publishes material that another organ of the same State considers indiscriminate and irresponsible leakage? We in India are familiar with this problem. The Indian armed forces often criticise the role of the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG). It is not that they are opposed to the CAG’s authority to oversee the financial and procedural irregularities or diversion of funds. But what they complain is that in the process of the CAG doing its duty, it “indiscriminately” divulges information on the forces’ classified operational readiness reports (ORR) which our enemies could well exploit. For instance, CAG recently indicated that
India’s only aircraft career INS Viraat was not battleready and that operational availability of Indian submarines was as low as 48 per cent due to an ageing fleet and prolonged refit schedules! But then, how to “select”, be “discreet” and reveal “responsibly” military information is always a matter of subjectivity. One cannot quantify the objective criteria for guiding the ultimate decision. I for one cannot understand what objective criteria the Government of India have had to deny us the contents of the Henderson BrooksBhagat report, also referred to as the Henderson Brooks report, which analysed the Sino-Indian War of 1962. Its authors were officers of the Indian armed forces — Lieutenant-General Henderson Brooks and Brigadier P S Bhagat, commandant of the Indian MilNanda itary Academy at the time. After all, we should have the courage to find out what went wrong in 1962. Finding flaws is the best way to remedy them and may be the resultant debate would have made us better prepared to face the 1965 and 1971 wars by Pakistan, which, as experts are finding out now, did not exactly reflect the Indian superiority. The point is that in a democratic society such as ours where the clamour for information-transparency is bound to increase rather than decrease, the armed forces have to think of other options to maintain their superiority over their enemies. In any case, the proliferation of information technology is bound to erode every country’s information-security in some way or the other. To a great extent, some of the world’s most advanced technology is widely available on the commercial market. It is against this background that one reads in Western literature how the armed forces of democracies should use camouflage, deception, and denial to prevent potential adversaries from using information as a weapon against their respective countries. This will involve improving its sensors to deal with concealment, developing weapons that destroy fiber optic networks, and creating tools that will help intelligence analysts identify targets. Additionally, the military must revamp its organisational structure in order to create a smaller and less noticeable footprint in the theatre. And it is essential to help military commanders make the right decision when operating under great pressure and in the presence of massive amounts of information. In short, India and its leaders must examine how information-transparency could influence its national military strategy.
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