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empanelling of juries composed exclusively of sympathizers with the territorial class, that the liberty of the Press in Ireland has been assailed, and influential organs of opinion prosecuted in the endeavour to silence public comment on this iniquitous system; that grievous and vindictive fines have been exacted from districts obnoxious to the landlord interest by means of charges for extra police quartered upon peaceful populations, and that the people of Ireland have been subjected to divers others the like cruel oppressions and provocations; and humbly to represent to your Majesty that, it being of the highest constitutional import to encourage the Irish people to seek the redress of their grievances by the fullest freedom of speech and of combination which is warranted by the example of the trade unions of Great Britain, this House is of opinion that the attacks at present directed by the Executive against the rights of free speech and of combination in Ireland should cease, and that the legislation protecting the trade unions in the exercise of their rights of combination against capital and non-union labour should be extended to all agricultural combinations of a similar character in that country."
In his speech supporting the amendment Mr. O'Brien charged that, "there being no real crime in Ireland, the Executive there had made crime of perfectly legitimate actions, treating the people as if the object was to goad them into conspiracy and violence. The record of the league was virtually a crimeless one, it had carried on its work now for three years without any of those blood-curdling incidents which coercion Ministers used to smack their lips over in that House. … The league, which had been tested by time and had proved its power at the general election, had started and carried on in Ireland an irresistible agitation for the suppression, for the abolition of landlordism, and had elicited in the King's first Speech a promise, such as it was, of another land Bill, although two years ago that House was assured that there was no longer an Irish land question."
An extensive combination, he said, was going on in Ireland against the taking of evicted farms, and "what form of trade unionism could be more legitimate?" But charges of intimidation and conspiracy; he claimed, were trumped up, and juries were packed, for the suppression of this movement, though it went no farther than trades unions in England could go with no interference. "The Irish people exercised the right of combination in the United Irish League, and they would continue to exercise it whether the Government liked it or not, in order to obtain the land on conditions that would give its cultivators a living wage. In the ranks of the organization were 500,000 farmers and labourers, representing with their families three-fourths of the population of Ireland. Their object was to parcel out the vast grazing lands lying derelict among the cottagers who were starving on their verge. A department of the Government was actually engaged in carrying out the programme of the league, but at such a snail's pace that it would take centuries to make any impression upon the mass of misery which existed in the country."
After several hours of debate the amendment to the Address was rejected by 203 votes against 109. ----------IRELAND: End--------
IRON, Combinations in the production of.
See (in this volume) TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.
IRON GATES OF THE DANUBE, Opening of the.
See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1896.
ISLE DU DIABLE.
See (in this volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899.
ISRAEL, The People of:
Discovery of the sole mention of them in Egyptian inscriptions.
See (in this volume)
ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.
ISTHMIAN CANAL, The.
See (in this volume) CANAL, INTEROCEANIC.
ISTHMIAN RAILWAY, The Tehuantepec.
See (in this volume)
MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.
ITAGAKI, Count: Leader of the Japanese Liberal party.
See (in this volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.
{273} ----------ITALY: Start--------
ITALY: Recent archæological explorations.
See (in this volume)
ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: ITALY.
ITALY: A. D. 1895-1896. Accusations against the Crispi Ministry.
Fresh offense to the Vatican. Disastrous war with Abyssinia. Fall of Crispi.
In elections to the Italian Chamber of Deputies, which took place in May, 1895, the government, under Signor Crispi, was accused of audacious practices, striking the names of opposed electors from the voting lists, to the number, it is said, of several hundreds of thousands, and contriving otherwise to paralyze the opposition to itself. The result of the elections was the return of 336 government candidates, against 98 of other parties. An attempt to obtain an official return of all the deputies who were receiving pay from the State, directly or indirectly, was skilfully baffled by Signor Crispi, and remained a matter of rumor and guess. In September, the government gave fresh offense to the Vatican by an imposing celebration of the 25th anniversary of the entry of the Italian troops into Rome, with a display of the flag of free-masonry. Hostility of France and Russia to Italy was made acute "by the renewal, on the return of Lord Salisbury to office in 1895, of an agreement between England, Austria and Italy for common action in the Eastern question, originally made in 1887. In virtue of this agreement Italy sent her fleet to the Aegean to support Great Britain at the opening of the Armenian question [see, in this volume, TURKEY: A. D. 1895, and after], and the consequence was that France and Russia put pressure on Abyssinia to renew hostilities against Italy. This new campaign Crispi was ill-prepared to meet, as he had detailed a corps d'armée for an expedition to Asia Minor in conjunction with the naval preparations, and the strength of the forces under arms did not enable the minister of war to detach another corps to Erythrea. To complete the difficulties of the position, a coolness arose between the Emperor of Germany and the government of Crispi, the latter having notified the German government that he should at the proper time denounce the Treaty of the Triple Alliance with the object of providing better security for Italian interests in
Africa. The Emperor in reply advised the King of Italy that Crispi was becoming importunate and must be got rid of. This defection probably determined the fall of Crispi. It gave such strength to the opposition at home, that the intrigues of the Court and military circles succeeded in paralyzing all his military plans, and especially in preventing him from superseding Baratieri, now recognized as incompetent for the enlarged operations which were in view. The King refused to consent to the suppression until it became imperative through the increase of the force to a point at which a superior officer was necessitated by the regulations, when Baldissera was appointed to the superior command. But before Baldissera could enter on his command, Baratieri, against the distinct orders of the government, attacked with a force of 14,000 men the impregnable positions near Adowah which Menelek held with 80,000. He was met by the most crushing defeat that Italy has had to undergo in modern times. Out of the total force no less than 6,000 perished.
"The history of this affair still remains more or less a secret, the court-martial which followed being rather calculated to bury than expose the facts of the case, but the immediate effect was to induce the ministry to resign without waiting for the assembling of parliament. The magnitude of the disaster made it evident that, considering the Italian temperament and its tendency to panic, the responsibility for it would be visited on the ministry, though it was only responsible in so far as it had submitted to the Royal decision deferring the recall of Baratieri. The King, unwilling to accept the programme of Rudini, gave the formation of the new ministry to General Ricotti, a Senator, Rudini taking the portfolio of home affairs (March, 1896). … The scheme of army reorganization proposed by Ricotti, which aimed at improving the efficiency of the force by devoting money rather to the instruction of the rank and file than to the maintenance of superfluous officers, was opposed, … the law was defeated in the chamber, and Ricotti gave place to
Rudini as President of the Council. The rejection of Ricotti's plan was a triumph for the Franco-Russian party, which had re-assumed the direction of foreign affairs. Africa, under this policy, being excluded from the Italian sphere of action, peace was made with Menelek [October 26, 1896] on terms which practically implied withdrawal from Erythrea to the port of Massowah. This measure satisfied the exigencies of the old Right, while the Radicals were conciliated by the exclusion and proscription of Crispi and by the understanding with France, as well as by the reversal of the repressive policy towards the extreme members of their party. Thus the year 1897 saw Italy reduced to inertia abroad and apathy within."
W. J. Stillman, The Union of Italy, chapter 15 (Cambridge: University Press).
The peace made with King Menelek in 1896 ended the Italian claim to a protectorate over Abyssinia, which seems never to have had any basis of right. It started from a treaty negotiated in 1889, known as the Treaty of Uchali, which purported to be no more than an ordinary settlement of friendly relations, commercial and political. But the convention contained a clause which is said to have read in the Amharic (the court and official language of Abyssinia), "the King of Abyssinia may make use of the government of the King of Italy in all matters whereon he may have to treat with other governments." In the Italian version of the treaty, the innocent permissive phrase, "may make use," became, it is said, an obligatory "agrees to make use," &c., and was so communicated to foreign governments, furnishing grounds for a claim of "protection" which the Abyssinians rejected indignantly. Hence the wars which proved disastrous to Italy.
ITALY: A. D. 1897. Dissolution of the Chamber.
Election of Deputies. Reconstruction of the Ministry.
Early in the year a royal decree dissolved the Chamber of Deputies, and elections held in March gave the Rudini Ministry a large majority. The Catholic party refrained almost entirely from voting. But divisions arose in the course of the year which brought about a reconstruction of the Cabinet in December, Signor Rudini still being at the head. An important event of the year was the resolution of the Italian government to evacuate Kassala, on the Abyssinian frontier, directly eastward from Khartum. The Italians had taken it from the Mahdists in 1894. It now became part of the Anglo-Egyptian territory.
{274}
ITALY: A. D. 1898. Arbitration Treaty with Argentine Republic.
See (in this volume)
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1898.
ITALY: A. D. 1898 (March-June).
Report on charges against Signor Crispi. His resignation from Parliament and re-election. Change of Ministry.
In March, a special commission, appointed the previous December, to investigate certain serious charges against the ex-Premier, Signor Crispi, reported his culpability, but that nothing in his conduct could be brought for trial before the High Court. The charges were connected with a scandalous wrecking of several banks, at Rome, Naples, and elsewhere, which had occurred during Signor Crispi's administration, and which was found to be due to political extortions practiced on those institutions by members and agents of the government.
Personally, it did not appear that the ex-Premier had profited by what was done; but his wife seemed to have been a large recipient of gain, and moneys wrung from the banks had been used for party political purposes and for the government secret service fund. On the report made by the commission Signor Crispi resigned his seat in Parliament, and was promptly re-elected from Palermo by an overwhelming majority. In May, the Ministry of the Marquis di Rudini, much weakened by the troubled state of the country, was reconstructed, but only to hold its ground for another month. On the 17th of June, upon a threatened vote of want of confidence, it resigned, and, on the 28th, a new Liberal Ministry took office, with General Pelloux at its head.
ITALY: A. D. 1898 (April-May).
Bread riots in the south and revolutionary outbreaks in the north.
"May 1898 will be remembered for a long time in Italy, and one may wish that the eventful month may mark the turning-point in political life of the new kingdom. The revolt was general, the explosion broke out almost suddenly, but long was the period of preparation. 'Malcontento' is quite a household word in Italy and the Italians had more than one reason to be dissatisfied with their national government. The rise in the price of bread, as a consequence of the Hispano-American war, was the immediate, but by no means the only, cause of the uprising which darkened the skies of sunny Italy for several days. The enormous taxation imposed upon a people yet young in its national life, in order to carry out a policy far too big for the financial means of the country; the failure in the attempt to establish a strong colony in the Red Sea; the economic war with France; the scanty help Italy received from her allies in time of need; the political corruption, unchecked when not encouraged by those who stood at the helm of the State; the impotence of the Chambers of Deputies to deal with the evil-doers as the claims of justice and the voice of the
people required, all these evils have prepared a propitious ground for the agitators both of the radical and reactionary parties.
"The Bread Riots began towards the end of April, and in a few days they assumed a very alarming aspect, especially in the small towns of the Neapolitan provinces, inhabited by people ordinarily pacific and law-abiding. The destruction of property was wanton and wide-spread, women careless of their lives leading the men to the assault. In many cases the riots soon came to an end; in others the immediate abolition of the 'octroi' did not produce the desired effect. … There was no organization in the Neapolitan provinces; the riots were absolutely independent of one another, but they were originated by the same cause misery; they aimed at the same object a loud protest by means of devastation; they all ended in the same way viz., after two or three days the soldiers restored order, the dead were buried, and the ringleaders taken to prison to be dealt with by the military court. In the north, at Milan, the uprising was of quite a different character. In the south of Italy it was truly a question of bread and bread alone. In Central Italy it was a question of work, in Lombardy a truly revolutionary movement. The Neapolitan mob shouted for bread and bread alone, some asking for cheaper bread, some others for 'free bread.' In Tuscany the cry was, 'Pane o Lavoro!' (bread or work). In Lombardy quite another trumpet was sounded: 'Down with the Government! Down with the Dynasty!'
"The Milanese, of all the people of Italy, have plenty of work and bread, and it is admitted by all that bread had nothing to do with the revolt of Milan. I have studied this movement from its inception, and my conclusion is that the revolt broke out long before it was expected, thus making the discomfiture more certain. The great majority of the population of Milan was, and is, conservative and loyal to the King, although not pleased with the doings of the Government. Only a minority,
but a very noisy and active minority, is against monarchical institutions. For some time past the revolutionary party of Milan have made no mystery of their political aspirations towards the establishment of a Milanese republic, to be called 'Republica Ambrogiana.' … Milan is also the headquarters of Socialism and Anarchism. Socialists and Republicans once upon a time were implacable foes. Many a battle they fought one against the other; but since 1886 the two have come to love each other more, or to hate each other less, whichever it may be; and towards the end of 1895 they entered into partnership against their common enemy Crispi! Then the Anarchists came in. Decent Republicans and timid Socialists were rather averse to ally themselves with anarchy; the very name was loathsome to them. However, this natural mistrust soon disappeared, and the Anarchists were welcomed into the dual alliance. Still another element was to enter the clerical party. … The clericals have not a special cry of their own. They satisfied themselves by rubbing their hands and saying: 'Down it goes at last.' Little they knew that not the dynasty, not united Italy was then going down, but society itself. … A friend of mine, who was in the midst of the revolt, assures me that its importance has been very much exaggerated in the first reports sent abroad; and from the official documents, since published, it appears that about 90 barricades were erected, and some 20 houses ransacked to provide the necessary material to build them. The number of the killed amounted to 72, and that of the seriously wounded to 63. On Monday evening [May 9] order was restored in Milan. … On Wednesday morning shops and factories were reopened, but it will take years to undo the mischief done on May 7, 8, and 9, 1898. All are sadder now; one may hope that they will be wiser also. The agitators, the deluded, the masses, the governing classes, the Government, all have had their lesson."
G.
D.
Vecchia, The Revolt in Italy (Contemporary Review, July, 1898).
ITALY: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.
See (in this volume) PEACE CONFERENCE.
ITALY: A. D. 1899-1900.
Parliamentary disorder, leading to arbitrary government. Assassination of King Humbert.
Much feeling was excited in Italy by the agreement between Great Britain and France which practically awarded most of the Sahara Hinterland of Tripoli (a possession long hoped for and expected by the Italians), as well as that of Tunis, Algiers, and Morocco, to France (see, in this volume, NIGERIA). The government was accused of want of vigor in opposing this, and was held responsible, at the same time, for the humiliating failure of an attempt to secure a share of spoils in China, by lease of Sammun Bay. The resignation of the Ministry was consequent, early in May; but the King retained General Pelloux at the head of the government, and new associates in his cabinet were found. The Chamber of Deputies became unmanageable; obstruction, very much in the Austrian manner, was carried to such an extent that Parliament was prorogued. The King then, by royal decree, conferred extraordinary powers on the Ministry, suspending, at the same time, rights of meeting and association, to suppress political agitation, and taking, in fact, a serious backward step, toward government outside of constitutional law. Liberals of all shades, and, apparently, many constitutional Conservatives, were alarmed and outraged by this threatening measure, and, when Parliament was reconvened, the proceedings of obstruction were renewed with more persistency than before. The government then attempted an arbitrary adoption of rules to prevent obstruction; whereupon (April 3,
1900) the entire Opposition left the House in a body. The situation at length became such that the King adjourned the Parliament sine die, on the 16th of May, and a new Chamber of Deputies was elected on the 3d of the month following. The Opposition was considerably strengthened in the election, and the Ministry of General Pelloux, finding itself more helpless in Parliament than ever, resigned on the 18th of June. A new Cabinet under Signor Saracco was formed.
On the 29th of July, 1900, King Humbert was assassinated by an Italian anarchist, named Angelo Bresci, who went to Italy for the purpose, from Paterson, New Jersey, in the United States, where he had latterly been living. The King was at Monza, and had been distributing prizes at a gymnasium. At the close of the ceremony, as he entered his carriage, the assassin fired three shots at him, inflicting wounds from which the King died within an hour. The murderer was seized on the spot, tried and convicted of the crime. He received the severest penalty that Italian law could inflict, which was imprisonment for life. The son who succeeds King Humbert, Victor Emmanuel III., was in his thirty-first year when thus tragically raised to the throne. He is weak in body, but is reputed to have an excellent mind. He was wedded in 1896 to Princess Helene of Montenegro.
ITALY: A. D. 1900. Military and naval expenditure.
See (in this volume) WAR BUDGETS.
ITALY: A. D. 1900. Naval strength.
See (in this volume) NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.
ITALY: A. D. 1900 (January).
Adhesion to the arrangement of an "open door" commercial policy in China.
See (in this volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).
ITALY: A. D. 1900 (January).
Exposure of the Mafia.
Circumstances came to light in the course of the year 1899 which compelled the government to enter upon an investigation of the doings of the Sicilian secret society known as the Mafia. This resulted in the arrest of a number of persons, including a Sicilian member of the Chamber of Deputies, named Palizzolo, charged with complicity in the murder, seven years before, of the Marquis Notarbartolo, manager of the Bank of Sicily at Palermo. The accused were brought to Milan for trial, which took place in January, 1900, and the disclosures then Made showed that Sicily had long been terrorized and tyrannized, in all departments of affairs, by a few men who controlled this murderous secret organization, Palizzolo being, apparently, the head of the fiendish crew. One of the ministers in the Italian government, General Mirri, Secretary of War, was found to have had, at least, some scandalous understandings with the Mafia, and he was forced to resign.
ITALY: A. D. 1900 (January-March).
The outbreak of the "Boxers" in northern China.
See (in this volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).
ITALY: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
Co-operation with the Powers in China.
See (in this volume)
CHINA.
ITALY: A. D. 1900 (July-September).
An Italian view of the state of the country.
"Appearances, it is well known, are often deceptive, and the present condition of Italy is a case in point. Discontent is not a new thing for the Italian mind to be agitated by, but there is an enormous difference between being discontented with the Government of the day and being dissatisfied with the national institutions. Italians have a quick perception and are extremely impulsive; they often act suddenly and on the impression of the moment, but they are also apt to fall into a state of lethargy, during which the will of the nation is very weak, both as a stimulus to good government and as repressive of that which is bad. There are, however, times in which this will asserts itself. Italy is just passing through one of these lucid intervals.
"The assassination of King Humbert seems to have awakened the whole nation from a long sleep. Those who thought there was no affection left for monarchical institutions in Italy must have experienced a very depressing disappointment. For forty-eight hours there was no king at all in Italy. King Humbert was dead and his successor was somewhere on the high seas, but nobody knew exactly where, yet not a single disorderly movement was noticed anywhere. Clericals, Socialists, Republicans, the three declared enemies of the monarchy, entirely disappeared from the scene during the crisis.
{276}
If anyone of these parties, which during the last period of national lethargy had grown more audacious and bolder, had only attempted to assert itself, the Italian public 'en masse' would have revolted against it, and performed one of those acts of summary justice of which the history of Italy furnishes abundant examples. I think this absence of disorder of any kind is the most convincing proof that can be adduced
in favour of the present state of things in Italy. Surely, if the people had been nursing in their hearts a general revolt, that was the moment for action.
"Of course a few anarchists here and there have rejoiced over the crime of their comrade; however, I venture to assert that it is not quite correct to call Italy the hotbed of anarchy. It is true that many of the most fierce anarchists are Italian by birth; but anarchism did not originate in Italy, it was imported there. France and Russia had under another name anarchists long before the name of any Italian was ever connected with anarchism. … Political education is still in Italy of very poor quality truthfully speaking, there is none. Even the anarchists go elsewhere to perfect their education. The assassins of Carnot, of the Empress Elizabeth, and of Canovas, had their political education perfected in Paris or in London. Italy does not export political murderers, as was very unkindly said on the occasion of the assassination of the Empress of Austria. Italy at the worst exports only the rough material for the making of anarchical murderers. Even the assassin of King Humbert belongs to this category. He left Italy with no homicidal mania in him. He was not then a wild beast with a human face, to make use of an expression uttered by Signor Saracco, the Premier of Italy. The anarchist clubs of Paris, London, and New York were his university colleges."
G. D. Vecchia, The Situation in Italy
(Nineteenth Century Review, September, 1900).
ITALY: A. D. 1901. Fall of the Saracco Ministry.
Formation of a Liberal Cabinet under Signor Zanardelli. Census of the kingdom.
The Saracco Ministry, which took direction of the government in June, 1900, was defeated on the 6th of February, 1901, and
compelled to resign. An extraordinarily heavy vote (318 to 102) was cast against it in condemnation of its conduct in matters relating to a "Chamber of Labor" at Genoa. First, it had ordered the dissolution of that body, as being subversive in influence, and then, when a "strike" occurred in Genoa, as the consequence, it receded from its action and reconstituted the Chamber. By the first proceeding it had disgusted the Conservatives; by the second the Radicals, and by its indecision the Moderates. They combined to overthrow it. With some difficulty a new Cabinet was formed containing Liberals of various shades, with Signor Zanardelli, a veteran republican of the Garibaldi generation, at its head. A writer who has frequently discussed foreign politics with a good deal of knowledge in the columns of the "New York Tribune," over the signature "Ex-Attache," believes that Zanardelli is committed "to anti-clerical legislation of the most drastic and far reaching character," and "may be depended upon to proceed against the Vatican with a vigor unprecedented in the annals of united Italy. And there will be," he thinks, "no attempt on the part of Victor Emmanuel to hold him in leash. Existing laws will be enforced to the utmost against the Papacy, while new measures may be looked for to restrict further the activity of the Church as a factor in political life, to extend the control of the government over all ecclesiastical enterprises and undertakings and to emphasize the fact that all Italians, no matter whether they form part of the Papal Court or not, are Italian citizens, as well as subjects of the Italian crown, and required to obey the laws and to fulfil their obligations as such."
A Press despatch from Rome, in February, announced that "the result of the first Italian census in 20 years has proved a surprise. It shows that the population is 35,000,000, while it was not expected that it would exceed 31,000,000. The ratio of increase is greater than in any other European country. This is ascribed to improved sanitation. The birthrate continues high. It is estimated that 5,000,000 Italians have gone to the
United States and South America."
----------ITALY: End--------
ITO, Marquis: Administration and political experiments.
See (in this volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898; 1898-1899; and 1900 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).
J. JACKSON-HARMSWORTH EXPEDITION, Return of the.
See (in this volume) POLAR EXPEDITION, 1897.
JAMAICA: A. D. 1898. Industrial condition.
See (in this volume)
WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.
JAMAICA: A. D. 1899. Financial crisis and conflict between the Governor and the Legislative Assembly.
A crisis in the financial circumstances of the Colony, consequent on expenditures exceeding revenue for several years, was reached in 1899, and led to a serious conflict of views between the Governor and the Legislative Assembly. The latter is constituted of members partly elected and partly appointed by the Governor. The elected members of the Assembly had been in the majority, hitherto, but the Governor possessed authority to add to the nominated membership, and he exercised that authority, as a means of obtaining action on a tariff
bill which he held to be a necessary measure. He did so under instructions from the British Colonial Secretary. Before this occurred, an agent of the Colonial Office, Sir David Barbour, had been sent to Jamaica to report on the financial situation. His report, submitted in June, besides recommending financial remedies, contained some references to the political constitution of the colony among them these:
{277}
"The peculiar constitution of the Government had … an influence in bringing about, or aggravating the present financial difficulties: When it was apparent that either more revenue must be raised or expenditure must be reduced, the Government was in favour of increasing taxation, while the elected members of the Legislative Council pressed for reductions of expenditure. From the nature of the Constitution, the Government was practically unable to carry proposals for increased taxation in opposition to the votes of nine elected members, while the elected members could not in any satisfactory manner enforce reduction of expenditure. The present state of things shows that both increase of taxation and reduction of expenditure were necessary, but though there has been much friction in recent years, and great loss of time in the Legislative Council, neither increase of taxation nor reduction of expenditure was effected in any degree at all adequate to avert the difficulties which were approaching. …
The Home Government are, in the last resort, responsible for the financial condition of Jamaica, while, under ordinary circumstances, the Colonial Office exercises at present no real direct and immediate control over the finances. … It may be taken for granted that under any circumstances Her Majesty's Government would be unwilling to see the Colony sink into a condition of insolvency without an effort for its relief, and as the ultimate responsibility must, therefore, rest on Her Majesty's Government it would seem better to exercise the power of control, while it is still possible to
apply a remedy, rather than to wait until the mischief can only be redressed at the cost of the British taxpayer. On the other hand, as no real responsibility can be enforced on the Elected Members, it seems necessary to give the Governor some practicable means of enforcing his policy, and I would suggest that this might be done by keeping the number of nominated Members at its full strength so that in case of need the Governor would only have to make the necessary declaration, and would not have to go through the preliminary operation of adding to the number of nominated Members."
On the 22d of August, the report of Sir David Barbour was reviewed at length by the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, in a despatch to Governor Hemming, and the above recommendations were substantially approved and made instructions to the Governor. "Two plain facts in connection with this matter," said the Colonial Secretary, "must force themselves upon the attention of all who study the question, still more of all who are called upon to find a solution of it. The first is, that 'the Home Government,' in Sir David Barbour's words, 'are in the last resort responsible for the financial condition of Jamaica.' The second is that as a 'working compromise,' the existing system has failed. It is a compromise, but it has not worked. I am not now so much concerned with principle as with practice. As a machine for doing the work which has to be done the present system has failed. It is in fact impossible, except where tact and goodwill and friendly feeling exist in an unusual degree, for the government of a country to be carried on when those who are responsible for it are in a permanent minority in the Legislature. I decline to allow the Jamaica Government to remain in that position any longer, not merely because it is unfair to them, but also because, recognizing the ultimate responsibility of Her Majesty's Government for the solvency of the Colony, I must ensure that the measures which they may consider necessary are carried out. I must instruct you, therefore, before the Legislative Council is again summoned,
to fill up the full number of nominated members and to retain them, using at your discretion the power given you by the Constitution to declare measures to be of paramount importance. You will give the Council and the public to understand that this step is taken by my express instructions. It is my hope that the Elected Members will recognise that my decision is based on public grounds, and has become inevitable, that they will loyally accept it, and co-operate with me and with you for the good of the Colony."
Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications (Papers by Command: Jamaica, 1899 [C.-9412] and 1900 [Cd.-125]).
----------JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.: Start--------
JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.: Administrator of Rhodesia.
See (in this volume)
SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY): A. D. 1894-1895.
JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.: Raid into the Transvaal. Surrender. Trial in England. Imprisonment.
See (in this volume)
SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1895-1896.
JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.: The German Emperor's message to President Kruger concerning the Jameson Raid.
