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Masculinity and Identity in Irish Literature

This book addresses Irish identity in Irish literature, especially masculinity in some of its forms through an interdisciplinary methodology. The study of language performance through literary analysis and corpus studies will enable readers to approach literary texts from both quantitative and qualitative perspectives, to take advantage of the texts’ full potential as well as examining these same texts through the perspective of gender identity. This will be carried out through a specialised corpus composed of 18 novels written by twentieth- and twenty-first-century male Irish authors. Thus, the language and behaviour patterns of contemporary Irish masculinity can be found as part of these male characters’ performance of identity.

This book is primarily aimed at undergraduate and graduate students who wish to introduce themselves in the study of gender and identity in an Irish context as well as researchers looking for interdisciplinary methodologies of study. What is more, it can present researchers with varied options of analysis that corpus studies have not yet touched upon so thoroughly such as masculinity and Irish literature. As a monograph meant to show analysts new fields of study in Irish literature, this book will sell to academic libraries and can be used in MA courses.

Cassandra S. Tully de Lope is currently researching while working as a civil servant teaching in an Educational Centre for Adults in Extremadura (Spain). Formerly, she worked as an Associate Lecturer at the University of Extremadura where she received her PhD with cum laude distinction in Contemporary Irish Literature and Masculinity in 2022.

Routledge Studies in Irish Literature

Editor: Eugene O’Brien, Mary Immaculate College, University of Limerick, Ireland

Feminist Discourse in Irish Literature

Gender and Power in Louise O’Neill’s Young Adult Fiction

Jennifer Mooney

James Joyce’s Mandala Colm O’Shea

The Irish Short Story at the Turn of the Twenty-first Century Tradition, Society and Modernity

Madalina Armie

Seamus Heaney’s American Odyssey

Edward J. O’Shea

Seamus Heaney’s Mythmaking

Edited by Ian Hickey and Ellen Howley

Irish Theatre

Interrogating Intersecting Inequalities

Eamonn Jordan

Reading Paul Howard

The Art of Ross O'Carroll-Kelly

Eugene O’Brien

Wallace Stevens and the Contemporary Irish Novel Order, Form, and Creative Un-Doing

Ian Tan

The Art of Translation in Seamus Heaney’s Poetry Toward Heaven

Edward T. Duffy

Masculinity and Identity in Irish Literature Heroes, Lads, and Fathers

Cassandra S. Tully de Lope

For more information about this series, please visit: www.routledge.com/Routledge-Studies -in-Irish-Literature/book-series/RSIL

Masculinity and Identity in Irish Literature

Heroes, Lads, and Fathers

First published 2024 by Routledge

605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 and by Routledge 4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

© 2024 Cassandra S. Tully de Lope

The right of Cassandra S. Tully de Lope to be identified as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

ISBN: 978-1-032-39319-3 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-032-39320-9 (pbk)

ISBN: 978-1-003-34918-1 (ebk)

DOI: 10.4324/9781003349181

Typeset in Sabon by Deanta Global Publishing Services, Chennai, India

To David.

List of figures x

List of tables xi

Acknowledgements xii

1 Introduction 1

1.1 Preliminary considerations 1

1.2 Using corpus studies in the analysis of literary texts 3

1.3 “Identity” as a multifaceted concept 4

1.4 Terminology 6

1.5 Organisation of this book 9 References 10

2 Irish identity, language, and masculinity 12

2.1 Introduction 12

2.2 Language as a gendered performance 13

2.3 Language in fiction 15

2.3.1 Irish English in fiction 17

2.4 Irish masculinity 18

2.4.1 Heroes, lads, father figures, and other models of masculinity in Ireland 20

2.4.2 Irish masculinity in fiction 26

2.5 Conclusion 29 References 30

3 Interdisciplinary methodologies for literary studies 35

3.1 Introduction: Corpus linguistics and digital humanities 35

3.2 Corpus stylistics 36

3.3 Merging discourse analysis and corpus studies 38

3.4 Corpus-based vs corpus-driven 40

3.5 Characterisation 42

3.6 The case of terms of address, speech acts, and body language 43

3.7 Conclusion 46

References 47

4 The Corpus of Male Irish Writers 51

4.1 Introduction: Preliminary questions when building a corpus 51

4.2 The creation of a corpus 52

4.3 The Corpus of Male Irish Writers (CMIW) 54

4.4 A brief insight into the novels of the CMIW 56

4.4.1 Characters against the world 57

4.4.2 Characters against each other 61

4.5 Conclusion 66

References 67

5 Introduction to corpus analysis and initial results 69

5.1 Brief insight into Sketch Engine’s interface 69

5.1.1 Wordlists and keywords 70

5.1.2 N-grams 72

5.1.3 Word sketches 74

5.1.4 Concordance: basic and advanced (CQL) 77

5.2 Initial results 80

5.2.1 Word sketches of hero, man, and lad 80

5.2.2 Collocates of like a man 82

5.3 Conclusion 84

References 84

6 Male vocatives and male hierarchy 87

6.1 Terms of address and functions of vocatives 87

6.2 Proper names (Mr Bell) 92

6.3 Nicknames (Charlie boy, wee Francy) 93

6.4 Male nouns (Father, Dad, Da) 95

6.5 Insults amongst male characters 97

6.6 Endearments 98

6.7 Conclusion 99

References 100

7 Adverbs and verbs of speech to imply domination 101

7.1 Taxonomy of verbs of speech 101

7.1.1 The dominance model 103

7.2 Queries carried out regarding verbs of speech 106

7.3 He + verbs of speech + adverb: He said aggressively 108

7.4 I + verb of speech + adverb: I said faintly 118

7.5 You + verb of speech + adverb: You smiled cruelly 126

7.6 Proper names + verb of speech + adverb: Ruttledge said quietly 130

7.7 Conclusion 141

References 142

8 Body language, hypermasculinity, and other models of masculinity 144

8.1 Introduction: Body language and masculinity 144

8.2 Verbs of movement 145

8.3 Parts of the body and masculinity 150

8.3.1 Eye(s) 151

8.3.2 Hand(s) 152

8.3.3 Shoulder 154

8.3.4 Arm(s) 155

8.3.5 Head 157

8.4 Conclusion 158

References 159

9 Conclusion 161

9.1 The research in this book 161

9.2 Contribution to the field of literary and linguistic research 162

9.3 Indexicality and Irish masculinities 163

9.4 Concluding remarks and future lines of investigation 164

Reference 165

Index 167

5.1 Display of N-grams containing man in the corpus

5.2 Dual display of Word sketch of man

5.3 Display of concordance lines of query: [word= “he”] [lemma= “say”] [ tag= “RB.?”]

5.4 Word Sketch Differences of man and hero, and man and lad

5.5 N-grams of like a …

6.1 Occurrences of vocatives in the corpus

6.2 Subdivisions of vocatives in the corpus

7.1 Division in categories of He + VoS

7.2 Division in categories of I + VoS

7.3 Division in categories of You + VoS

7.4 Division in categories of proper names + VoS

8.1 Division in categories of body language in the corpus

4.1 Specifications of the Corpus of Male Irish Writers and its subcorpus

5.1 Display of wordlists of verbs and their absolute frequency in the Corpus of Male Irish Writers

7.1 Model of gender dominance for verbs of speech

7.2 Pronoun “he” plus adverbs per verb of speech

7.3 Pronoun “I” plus adverbs per verb of speech

7.4 Pronoun “you” plus adverbs per verb of speech

7.5 Subjects with “proper names” plus adverbs per verb of speech

8.1 Verbs related to body language

8.2 N-grams of eye(s)

8.3 N-grams of hand(s)

8.4 N-grams of shoulder(s)

8.5 N-grams of arm(s)

8.6 N-grams of head

Acknowledgements

Many thanks to the authors and publishers who gave me access to the novels in online format and granted their permission to add their novels to the Corpus of Male Irish Writers: John McGahern’s publisher Florence Rees, Paul Murray, Roddy Doyle, Keith Ridgway, and Dermot Bolger. I will forever be an admirer of your work.

Heartfelt thanks to Professor Carolina Amador-Moreno, who supervised an early version of this project during my PhD years. You will always be a source of motivation, support, and wonder, and I am very lucky to be able to call you my friend and colleague. I also wish to extend my thanks to other members of the Department of English Philology from the University of Extremadura for always providing a helping hand and helping me grow academically and personally.

I would also like to thank my parents Olimpia and Terence, my sisters Olimpia Siobhan and María del Mar, and my grandparents Pedro and Mercedes for their support and encouragement. Gracias de todo corazón. Lastly, there are not enough words of appreciation for my husband, David: Thank you for your unconditional support, help, and love. You are my inspiration and a chuisle mo chroí.

Introduction

1.1

Preliminary considerations

The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries witnessed in Ireland a revival of Irish tradition and culture that enhanced an Irish identity that actively resisted that of the English political, cultural, and social establishment: The Celt warrior and hero. However, in Paul Murray’s 2003 novel An Evening of Long Goodbyes, the hero is no longer a man but a dog:

“They must have dumped it,” Frank said, coming over.

“Dumped it? Don’t be absurd. How could they have dumped it? Why, that dog’s a hero – a hero!”

“Don’t think it’s goin [sic] to win many more races, though, Charlie.” He was right. The dog’s flanks were streaked with blood. One of his legs was badly chewed, and his eyes and snout bore the gouge-marks of Celtic Tiger’s teeth.

(Murray, 2011/2003, pp. 407–408)

The greyhound seems to have been both literally and symbolically bitten by the Celtic Tiger, a moment of economic boom in Ireland from the mid1990s that resulted in recession in the 2000s. That is, a dog considered to be a hero, signifies the last remnants of an Irish effort during the twentieth century to maintain an ideal of masculinity based on a crafted, and therefore, artificial, traditional Irish image of men as heroes and warriors, which, in turn, reflects upon the depiction and staging of other masculine ideals such as the father or the son. Irish masculinity seems to be described in terms of the traditional values surrounding the father figure of a conventional household: Breadwinner, land worker, husband; and the image of the son has been represented as a rebellion against older generations, only to become a traditional father once they enter parenthood.

Studies on Irish masculinity seem to have overlooked the cultural and traditional burden that is Irish mythology in contemporary masculinities.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003349181-1

Heroes like Cúchulainn, Ossian, or Brian Boru are learned and ingrained in everyday life: From the idolisation of young Irish men’s sacrifice during the independence years to the explicit iconicity in the myth of Cúchulainn and all its representations – like the statue in the General Post Office (Valente, 2011, p. 142), plays, films, and even a rollercoaster in Emerald Park (Co. Meath) which is advertised as the largest wooden rollercoaster of Europe and asks its visitors: “Are you brave enough to join Cú Chulainn on his warrior’s quest?” (“The Cú Chulainn Coaster”) – could indicate a growing emotional complexity and a representation of heroism and masculine ideals that have evolved to accommodate the changing roles of these past decades (Mahony, 1998, p. 18). Irish masculinity, perhaps as a way of contesting English rule and as a way of creating a new identity, was defined during the early twentieth century with a strong and manly persona that is obsessed with heroes. Twentieth-century literature portrayed Irish masculinity in constant struggle to fulfil the role of the father, the hero, and the perfect son through the representation of an idealised rural Ireland and a faithful soldier who is willing to die for one’s country. Nevertheless, it is very early on when the ideals that are being marketed seem to fail the recipients of this heroic masculinity. Authors like J. M. Synge in his demythologisation of the countryside or Seán O’Casey in his portrayal of urban discontentment show the opposite of a heroic and mythical Ireland. The honour, strength, and charisma proper of mythological heroes that early-twentieth-century writers wanted to depict and convince the Irish population with are debunked in the representation of Irish masculinities throughout the twentieth and the twenty-first centuries. Irish identity in fiction struggles with the achievement of a certain type of masculinity that does not seem to come naturally to any of them. Faraway now is the heroic image of Irish warriors to present male characters who, instead, might seem to go in the opposite direction by rejecting any heroism. W. B. Yeats, in his nationalistic efforts during the Literary Revival of the early twentieth century, presented a Cúchulainn who was a warrior and a hero, although not in any magical terms. Yeats provided the common Irish man with a more human image of a mythological hero who, instead of becoming more approachable and achievable by ordinary men, set the bar in a middle realm between fantasy and reality. What could have been a reconciliation of Irish masculinity with the ideals that this literary and social movement paraded became, in turn, a yoke of expectations that could not be fulfilled.

This book, thus, focuses on that unfulfilment that twentieth- and twenty-first-century male characters in novels written by Irish authors may feel. During these centuries there has been a surge of both female and male Irish writers who have depicted the social struggle of finding one’s identity in and outside of Ireland: For instance the construction of Irishness through the characters’ response to the colonial experience in

Éilís Ní Dhuibhne’s novels (Nash, 1993; Lojo Rodríguez, 2018), the demythologisation of returning home in migrant narratives in Dermot Bolger’s fiction (Pine, 2011), or the questioning of political identities in the representation of Irish Catholic Unionism in Sebastian Barry’s novels (ibid.); however, masculinity in fiction, as seen by male writers, has certainly been neglected. This book lies within the remit of the influence Irish mythology and the creation of a Celtic identity has on both the male writer and the male character. What is more, the focal point with which to study the performance of masculinity carried out by male characters in a selection of novels is that of language. At the same time, the male characters’ identities and their performance of language is studied and analysed through the blending of different methodologies in order to widen the scope of the research. Hence, through the analysis of literature by using a more quantitative methodology as is corpus stylistics, language and behaviour patterns of contemporary Irish masculinity could be found. The interdisciplinary standpoint that this book provides will allow the study to present results that would have been limited had this research only been carried out with one or the other methodology. Furthermore, by selecting novels written by Irish men, the portrayal of male characters can be purer in the sense that they might reflect in the novels personal feelings known to them as men under the construction of a hegemonic masculinity passed down on from generation to generation. More on this will be dealt with in the following section on corpus studies and the analysis of literary texts.

1.2 Using corpus studies in the analysis of literary texts

A “corpus” can be defined as a collection of texts with the purpose of analysing them. At first instance, corpus studies try to find patterns in language, a method that has been used, according to McCarthy and O’Keeffe (2010, p. 3), since biblical scholars manually indexed words from the Bible. With the technological improvement of the twentieth century, this painstaking and manual work helped the development of software that would compile data for its study. Since the 1970s, computers and digital tools have improved by giving detail to the analysis of language, and thus, corpus linguistics was born in the field of digital humanities. Before the coinage of “corpus stylistics” as another way with which to study literature through corpus analysis, McIntyre and Walker (2019, p. 1) describe the use of corpus linguistics in literature as a combination of techniques from stylistics and corpus studies that “was a fringe activity at best.” There seemed to be a controversial aspect in the abridging of methodologies so much so that O’Halloran (2007) termed the use of corpus to analyse texts “corpusassisted,” and Mahlberg (2007) established that, on occasion, literary stylistics is already a controversial and limited tool as it may not allow room for much interpretation of a text. Nevertheless, with a growing number

of analysts interested in the study of literature through corpus analysis, there came a number of articles and monographs that detailed corpus stylistics as a fruitful approach and application from Mahlberg’s 2013 analysis of Charles Dickens’ narrative to Fischer-Starcke’s 2010 analysis of Jane Austen’s work, or Nieto Caballero and Ruano San Segundo’s 2020 analysis of Galdós’ prose in Spanish. What the merging of methodologies proposed was to unite quantitative analysis with qualitative one without meaning better due to “qualitative” approaches, but as an interdisciplinary approach that allows literary studies to see patterns that would have been otherwise lost in the reading or analysis of one single text.

However, corpus studies and the analysis of literary texts are not limited to the quantitative analysis of canonical literature, but it allows researchers to expand their definition of what texts to include in their analysis, from newspapers, tweets, radio programmes, TV series, to translations. Hence, where corpus studies offer repeated, typical patterns across a number of texts, literary stylistics offer to study the distinctiveness of texts that deviate from “linguistic norms that trigger artistic effects and reflect creative ways of using language” (Malhberg, 2007, p. 221). Hence, the merging of methodologies can present a link between corpus studies and stylistics “in that ‘creativity’ can only be recognized as such when there is a language norm against which the ‘creative’ language comes to stand out” (ibid.). Still, the merging methodologies are not limited by one or the other approach. Nieto Caballero and Ruano San Segundo (2020, p. 36) argue that corpus stylistics has a concrete methodological procedure alongside a theoretical motivation for study. In this manner, the systematic methodology that corpus studies offer can unfold hypotheses that traditional stylistics or literary studies could not have detected (ibid.), or even approached from a systematic point of view.

1.3 “Identity” as a multifaceted concept

“Identity” is a very complex term to describe by using only one definition or one field of knowledge. Hence, for social psychologists, identity “is a particular form of social representation that mediates the relationship between the individual and the social world” (Chryssochoou, 2003); whereas from an “identity politics” standpoint, there seems to be a subjective and an objective aspect that encompasses one’s identity. According to Bilgrami (2006, p. 5), one’s subjective identity includes “what you conceive yourself to be, whereas your objective identity is how you might be viewed independently of how you see yourself.” That is, one’s objective identity includes biological, social, or linguistic facts about oneself, for instance, one’s gender and the performance of it. As gender is constructed, so is identity. The concept of identity is complex and multiple, and gender cannot be

abstracted out of it because its meaning lies within the realm of identities of sexuality, class, race, age, and religion (Tosh, 2011). Just as identity is multiple and complex, so is masculinity. Despite Men’s Studies having existed since the 1970s, it is not until 2002 when Connell defines masculinity as having multiple models and the field now insists on the plural concept of masculinities (Floyd & Horlacher, 2017, p. 1). Apart from the different masculinities, it is also worth mentioning the ongoing crisis regarding masculinity persistently understood to operate at a very broad social or structural level. For instance, the inclusion of women to the labour market and the widespread economic changes have made it increasingly difficult for men to be the “breadwinners” of the house (Floyd & Horlacher, 2017, p. 4), or in terms of political realignments perhaps through the different waves of feminism, which dispose large numbers of men to be a politically surrounded group. For a man to feel free it seems that he needs to be without the restraints of women’s domesticity or civilisation (Connell, 2005).

The concept of masculinity in crisis is not one new to Ireland, as well as the struggle to maintain power. Studies carried out in Europe in which perspectives on masculinities are described (Madden, 2010, p. 70), include Ireland, like any other country in Europe, which still sees masculinity within the traditional views in which manliness is based on employment and dominance. First, at the beginning of the twentieth century and through the country’s liberation movement and, then, with the rise of the Celtic Tiger, social and economic change in Ireland has constituted a central context for men to perform their masculinity in a very narrow scene. Hence, this book and its study of male characters in literature aims not to explain why men behave in a certain way, but how this cultural male identity is ingrained in its literary characters. Irish culture is undeniably obsessed with the past (Pine, 2011, p. 3): Its heroes, its battles, its rebellions, and this remembrance is a factor in the creation of both a national and an individual identity, especially for men, who seem to be surrounded by a certain number of heroic standards, and still, as Pine (2011, p. 7) suggests, the most recent 30-year phase of Irish remembrance culture does not only look back to the past early-twentiethcentury heroics but to a degraded past. In the literature and films of the period, especially at the end of the twentieth century and the Celtic Tiger, Madden (2010, p. 70) describes how there are marginalised masculinities which are being destabilised in the broader social and economic context of men’s traditional social and sexual roles, not only with the growing visibility of homosexuality, and the influence of feminism, but also because of the secularisation of Ireland and the economic changes brought about by the Celtic Tiger. Hence, drawing from the motivation that Irish masculinity and its representation in literature has been under researched, this book hypothesises that contemporary Irish literature still carries a mythological, traditional, and heroic component in the description of male characters.

That is, despite the new models of masculinity appearing in the twenty-first century, there is still a traceable male character that is an archetype of the traditional role of the hero, ingrained in Irish culture, literature, and society. While the societal roles keep changing and new masculinities arise, there is also the appearance of what Kiberd (2018, p. 265) calls a “Cuchulain complex,” that is, an opposition to the domesticity and the traditionally feminine values rooted in anxious masculinity and which could be found in a world of empire and war. The changing sexual roles in society are not only one factor to describe masculinity in crisis, as is mentioned before, but also the social role men perform in society. Traditional forms of masculinity in which men work the land, take care of their families, and provide for them (Ní Laoire, 2002, 2005) were a growing struggle during the declining years of the Celtic Tiger. What was an economic source of power for masculinity, even the name itself, echoing a second coming of Irish nationalism and revival, turned out to crush men’s morale, their view on their identity, how they performed intimacy with others, and how they behaved in a deconstructed society. Madden (2010, p. 71) expresses how there is a limit even in male emotional expression so that tenderness is distinguished from homosexuality. In this way then, gender norms are strongly conceived to prove how affection is “unmanly” under these societal standards and at the same time, calls out for the need of new forms of masculinity that, as Madden (ibid.) mentions, “allow for a broader range of male emotional and affectional expressions,” without questioning their identity. This evolved into the assertion of a reactive and masculinist identity (Kiberd, 2018, p. 320) that was opposite to weakness. Hence, the hypermasculine identity during the late twentieth century centres on men being the breadwinners of the household and belonging to a peer system as that of “the lads,” a concept that will be explored in the following sections, especially in that of the model of masculinity embodied by “the son” in Chapter 2. The conflicting ambivalent change of societal roles, the search for a new masculine identity, and the remains of a hypermasculine identity ruling over the traditional views on masculinity, also make other identities marginalised, creating thus the need to create narratives which allow for new forms of expression, emotion, and physicality banned by traditional masculinity. Hence, there exists a niche in which to pay attention to old societal standards and the creation of new emergent male identities in Irish literature.

1.4 Terminology

This section lists a number of terms that are relevant for the different areas of knowledge that are used as methodologies in this book. Although these will be explained in more detail throughout the following chapters, for beginners of corpus or gender studies some of these concepts might be useful as a starting point. These concepts have been taken from a

number of sources such as McEnery and Hardie (2012), Tognini-Bonelli (2001), Culpeper (2001), Connell (2005), Semino and Short (2004), and Schriebman et al. (2008, amongst others.

Authenticity: Term used in corpus studies that refers to how real and in use is the language studied in corpus analysis. The material that is included in a corpus is supposed to be genuine when it is compiled from spoken or written sources; however, this comes into question when the data compiled is the fictional representation of language in prose, poetry, or drama. In this manner, the analyst needs to decide whether the corpus faithfully represents language in use or not. This is further discussed in Chapter 4 (cf. Tognini-Bonelli, 2001, pp. 55–57).

Characterisation: According to Culpeper (2001), this is the process through which we create images of a character’s personality, image, voice, speech, etc., in our minds.

Clusters: Recurring sequences of words that can appear in a corpus and can help create hypotheses from the patterns created: E.g., “he put his hands in his pockets” as shown in Mahlberg (2013) and Nieto Caballero and Ruano San Segundo (2020) could help the process of characterisation of male characters. This is further explored in Chapter 8. Clusters are also known as N-Grams, Multi-Word Units, or lexical bundles in computational linguistics.

Concordance: Collection of occurrences in corpus studies usually presented in lines with the searched word highlighted in the centre, also known as Key Word in Context (KWIC) concordance. This will be explained in detail in Chapter 5.

Corpus linguistics: Study of language through a collection of texts (corpora) that can be applied to other fields of study such as lexicography, language teaching, translation, stylistics, grammar, gender studies, forensic linguistics, computational linguistics, and others (cf. TogniniBonelli, 2001, pp. 1–2).

Corpus stylistics: Study of patterns in language use in a large collection of texts using techniques from both stylistics and corpus linguistics. It is still a difficult term to define (McIntyre & Walker, 2019; Nieto Caballero & Ruano San Segundo, 2020) as corpus stylistics uses corpus linguistics tools and software but aims at analysing a given corpus through a theoretical lens as well, paying attention to both quantitative and qualitative aspects of the study.

Corpus-based: Analysis of corpora where the analyst has already a hypothesis about what they might find in their studies.

Corpus-driven: According to Vo and Carter (2010, p. 310): “[C]orpora themselves are the data from which creative language uses are uncovered.” That is, the researcher does not create a hypothesis before the results are presented and reaches any conclusion by means of language analysis.

Digital humanities: Academic field of study concerned with preserving, studying, and promoting accessibility of traditional texts or files, from physical to digital ones (Nieto Caballero & Ruano San Segundo, 2020, p. 37; Mahlberg, 2014). This field covers aspects from digitalisation of texts to critical analysis of those same texts using computing software and techniques.

Fictionalisation: Process through which a real language is adapted in narration and might maintain spelling, dialectal, grammatical, or lexical features that make it recognisable in the eyes of the reader. E.g., Roddy Doyle’s fictionalisation of Irish English in his Barrytown Trilogy with “yis” instead of “you.”

Frequency list: Tool used in corpus linguistics that generates a complete list of all the items in a corpus and establishes “how many tokens are in total – at the simplest level a token and a word can be considered to be the same thing – and how many different types constitute this total” (Evison, 2010, p. 124). They might be ranked in alphabetical order or in frequency order (from highest to lowest).

Hegemonic masculinity: Coined by Connell (2005), this concept was understood as the highest performance and achievement a man could have. It’s a specific form of masculinity that has been historically considered the most prestigious one due to its dominating, prowess, and well-standing qualities in society. Other forms of masculinity that do not conform to this ideal standard are marginalised, subordinated, or repressed.

Hypermasculinity: Exaggerated performance of one’s masculinity in order to appear more manly in any given context. Not only can this appear in everyday life, but also in the media and in fiction. It emphasises very manly ideals such as physical strength, some forms of aggression and violence, possessiveness, or sexual prowess.

Irishness: Qualities that encompass everything that means being Irish or typical of the Irish people. This includes culture, art, societal aspects, literature, sports, language, etc.

Key word: These are not necessarily the most frequent words in a corpus, but words that are identified statistically as being relevant in a given corpus (Evison, 2010, p. 127). This can be automatically generated by the software tool being used or established by the analyst in the creation of a specific-purpose corpus. Key words are displayed in lines with the frequency listed next to them.

Models of masculinity/new masculinities: Different performances of one’s masculinity that do not include the hegemonic one. These, according to Connell (2005), can be marginalised, subordinated, and complacent. However, more and more, new studies show that the performance of masculinity is wider and aims at depicting new and contemporary identities such as LGBT+ ones, amongst others.

N-Grams: Cf. Clusters.

Normalisation: This consists of extrapolating raw frequencies from different-sized corpora so that they can be shown by a common factor (Evison, 2010, p. 126). The results can be expressed by occurrences per thousand or million words. In order to do this, the raw frequency of the token that is shown is divided by the total amount of words of the corpus and then multiplied by 1,000 or 1,000,000 respectively, thus showing how frequent a particular word is in the corpus.

Proppian model: Also known as morphology or typology, coined by Vladimir Propp (1968/1928) and in which he studies fairy tales and highlights the common structure, characters, and items that are repeated throughout. Propp defined the spheres of action for a hero/ heroine to carry out their adventure, as well as the magical tools they might encounter, and the different characters in their path, such as the villain, the wizard, the donor, and the helper.

Representativeness: When collecting and compiling a corpus, one of the main factors that contribute to the balanced creation of the same is whether the texts compiled are an accurate representation of the type of language that is under investigation. More on this will be said in Chapter 4.

1.5 Organisation of this book

This book comprises nine chapters. In them, I present the different theories, methodologies, and results. Chapter 1 presents the introduction of this book by presenting some preliminary considerations, why the use of interdisciplinary methodologies can benefit one’s research and the definition of some terminology that has been deemed important throughout the book. In Chapter 2, this book presents the context for the study of Irish identity through the performance of language and gender, especially masculinity. This chapter goes from general-to-specific ideas starting off with a brief overview of gender studies and identity followed by how masculinity is performed through language. Then, the chapter delves into Irish masculinity and the different models of masculinity that will be described in this book: Heroes, lads, fathers, and other models. Chapter 3 dives into the theoretical framework for this book: The merging of different areas of knowledge such as Corpus Stylistics, Discourse Analysis, and characterisation. By using both a quantitative and a qualitative analysis, the hypotheses presented in this book will be supported or refuted not only by numbers, but also by literary criticism. Chapter 4 presents the data collected for this book and the creation of a corpus of 18 novels written by male Irish authors from the Republic of Ireland between 1965 and 2018. In this chapter, I will also offer the rationale for the selection of the novels analysed in this book, an insight of the novels, and the male characters analysed.

Chapter 5 presents the methodology that will be used in the analysis that forms the basis of this book through the software tool with which to analyse texts: Sketch Engine (Kilgarriff et al., 2004), as well as the different linguistic aspects that can be used to analyse a corpus (frequency lists, concordance lines, collocations, clusters, etc.). The use of Corpus Query Language (CQL) will be also explained, and the different formulae to search the corpus will be presented. Chapters 6–8 present the results of the analysis of the corpus and a discussion of the same. Chapter 6 focuses on male vocatives and how these are used to dominate or subordinate other in conversation; Chapter 7 focuses on verbs of speech and the adverbs that accompany these verbs in order to see whether there is verbal domination amongst male characters; and finally, Chapter 8 focuses on body language and how it is used amongst male characters to present themselves to others. Finally, this book draws to a close in Chapter 9 with the contributions, the limitations of the present study, and future research as well as some final concluding remarks regarding Irish masculinities.

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Culpeper, J. (2001). Language and characterisation: People in plays and other texts. Routledge.

Evison, J. (2010). What are the basics of analysing a corpus? In M. McCarthy & A. O’Keeffe (Eds.), The Routledge handbook of corpus linguistics (pp. 122–135). Routledge.

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Floyd, K., & Horlacher, S. (2017). Contemporary masculinities in the UK and the US: Between bodies and systems. In S. Horlacher & K. Floyd (Eds.), Contemporary masculinities in the UK and the US (pp. 1–18). Palgrave Macmillan.

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Irish identity, language, and masculinity

2.1 Introduction

Gender, as a social construct, has changed throughout the years: A century ago, to be a man involved being “a leader in public life, a patriarch at home” (Clare, 2001, p. 69), that is, several virile attributes like power and authority that were opposed to vulnerability or weakness, representing the stereotypical qualities of women. Nowadays, gender is still being performed as an essential part in the construction of identity regarding status, age, profession, religion, ethnicity, or national identity. Studies of gender in relation with all these elements have come to the realisation that gender rarely stands alone but that it is a set of cultural codes which usually include important factors such as certain notions of race or hierarchy of class, and which is acquired by a constant reaffirmation and public display.

As masculinity studies became more and more popular amongst scholars, a question of whether masculinity and its study were comparable to that of feminism and women’s liberation was raised (Spender, 1981). Men did not seem to aspire to liberation, unless they were part of the gay liberation movement. The notion of a collective men’s consciousness (Tosh, 2011, p. 21) was not completely valid unless it belonged to a silent majority who benefitted from patriarchy and its penalties. Thus, the study of masculinity took a cultural turn in which stereotypes and idealistic notions of masculinity were central to the definitions of the term. Domination and subordination do not exist only between two genders (Connell, 2005, p. 158) but also in relation between members of the same gender as well. Connell (ibid.) delimited the concept of hegemonic masculinity as that of the norm and one which men should aspire to imitate. The social construct that is identity makes something physiological (voice, tone, pitch, strength, build, etc.) become a salient key in the performance of hegemonic masculinity, whilst at the same time, those masculinities that do not take place in the hegemonic spectrum have a disconnection in men’s power that dismiss the experiences of individuals and pay more attention to the socially accepted group norm (Kiesling, 2007, p. 660). In

DOI: 10.4324/9781003349181-2

the following sections of this chapter, there will be a general-to-specific approach in order to unravel some of the main theories and hypotheses regarding the construction of Irish masculinity and its performance in literature.

2.2 Language as a gendered performance

Research on language and gender since the early 1970s has opened new possibilities in the spectrum of gender with new definitions of femininity, masculinity, and queer identities depicted by means of language use. In 1975, Lakoff’s Language and the Woman’s Place identified the “women’s register” in which women used language, sometimes unconsciously, to perform an inferior role in society. That is, by using tag questions, hedges, question intonations, and the avoidance of curse language or expletives (Kendall & Tannen, 2015, p. 640), a woman’s place was defined as being weaker than that of a man. Thus, if language is looked at from a gender binary classification, there exists the division of a “women’s language” versus a “men’s language.” However, what is commonly accepted as a “neutral language” is effectively identical to this “men’s language” because men are taken as the universal norm (Cameron, 2006, pp. 106–107).

Lakoff’s publication had a major impact on language studies as it established three main ideas: Firstly, how most children first learn “women’s language” as their first language as they may be closer to the female figure of the house (Lakoff, 2004, p. 41); secondly, how one style of speaking predominates in men’s speech and other in women’s speech (Lakoff, 2004, p. 95); and thirdly, how there is a dominant group in society that establishes stereotypes of the other groups (ibid.). Through the performance of a particular speech act, whilst located in a specific cultural and societal time and place, it is possible to understand a great deal about who we are, what we want, and the guidelines and expectations that bind us together in society, because speaking is not a matter of individuals encoding and decoding messages, but an ongoing process of negotiation (Gumperz, 2015, p. 312). Language, thus, equals a performance in gender, or, as West and Zimmerman (1987) described it, “doing gender.” Lakoff’s views on language and gender were nevertheless criticised, and several authors took into their hands to both prove and discredit Lakoff’s theory (Fishman, 1978; Cameron, McAlinden & O’Leary, 1988). Some opposed Lakoff’s stance because of her lack of empirical analysis; however, others expanded on the field of language and gender and the socalled “dominance approach” which establishes that, in fact, men reflect in language the power dynamics of society, and as a result, this dominance model set out to undo the linguistic consequence of male dominance (Cameron, 2006). Just like the hegemonic identity is the one men should strive for when performing gender, performing language in a certain way

identity, language, and masculinity

to achieve that status is also looked for. Authority and forcefulness seem to belong to the sphere of masculine qualities in a male-dominated society in which women use non-forceful styles like unassertiveness. This, therefore, links language to the social norms of womanhood and, by extension, manhood. Male peer groups organise themselves hierarchically and become active producers rather than passive ones of gendered behaviour; that is, men and women may use their ways of speaking in a particular way to produce a variety of effects (Cameron, 2006, p. 64). This is also how Tannen (2002) explains the negotiating of status in boys and men when they engage in direct confrontations or use opposition. There seems to be a ritualistic aspect, which Tannen (2002, p. 1652) calls “agonism,” in which boys’ roughhousing and men’s use of verbal challenges are ways both of situating yourself in your peer group and of exploring ideas, without the feminine quality of talking things through as it is considered what women would do. Thus, boys and men may maintain a status and their masculinity is safe.

Initial studies on the different performances in conversation amongst men and women showed how talks amongst women portray some ritual and common aspects that do not happen amongst men (Coates, 1996). There is a mirroring strategy which women do as a form of repetition of syntactic patterns and key words and phrases (Kendall & Tannen, 2015, p. 643), which turns out in women bonding over conversation, whereas men do not seek bonding through speech, as they may be able to accomplish it in a different way, that is, through the aforementioned term from Tannen: “Agonism” (Kendall & Tannen, 2015, p. 644). For instance, fraternity members of Kiesling’s 2004 studies use different ways of addressing each other, especially “dude,” to create the sense of “cool solidarity” which conforms to a discourse of masculine solidarity both combining intimacy and distance and indexing what Kiesling (2004, p. 286) names “young Anglo masculinity.”

Nowadays, most of the research on language and how it affects gender has been shuffled from an essentialist position (Montoro, 2014, p. 349) to a more fluid definition of the notion of maleness, femaleness, and gender; that is, any linguistic variable would not be only identified as that of a man or a woman. Still, it is possible to find that male speakers may use the presence of women as an excuse to boast a full-on performance of exaggerated masculinity with epic achievements in different fields, Coates (2011, p. 272) says, as disparate as sport and wine buying. Hypermasculinity is also achieved through toughness, violence, callousness, and attraction to danger (Vokey et al., 2013). Everyday life experiences become more meaningful through the formulations of inequality, for example unwanted touch or having someone’s talk or space repeatedly interrupted. Abundant evidence suggests that those with greater power and authority, that is, who conform to the established rules of hegemonic

masculinity, are more likely to interrupt, initiate touch, stare at, and violate the space of those with lesser power (Thorne, 2002, p. 11), regardless of gender.

Power conforms to a category in relation to gender, language, and how people perceive those using that influence. Social structure needs to be demonstrated in interaction to create social and linguistic identities. Kiesling (2006, p. 263) describes some mechanisms of linguistic domination in which people with hegemonic identity may discuss how to hold onto power or explicitly belittle the subordinate class. One example of this, as pointed out by Van Dijk (2015, p. 475), is how men may use diminutives when addressing women to belittle them. Makri-Tsilipakou (2015), for instance, focuses on the use of different forms of address towards women (girl, lass, woman, lady) and how it indexes a character and identity upon the person addressed thus in conversation. Another of the many ways that power is performed is through group membership. This has been studied from a sociolinguistic point of view regarding teen talk and teenagers’ slang in their social environment such as social media, groups, and gangs (Tagliamonte, 2016, p. 3). In studies on adults (Coupland & YlänneMcEwen, 2006) the paralinguistic code existent in a community allows its members to belong to that same community or, on the contrary, to be seen as alien with the consequence of being excluded and marginalised. Slang, terms of address, or any other paralinguistic code in this sense is associated with “social groups outside the mainstream or with local peer group identity” (Tagliamonte, 2016, p. 2). For instance, there is a difference between addressing someone as buddy, mate, dude, or man, which shows a degree of familiarity and equal terms; and between captain, sir, or sergeant, which shows how the addresser is in a subservient social position. Finally, regarding conversations, it is agreed how differences of power or status are shown in talks and conversations such as interruptions, topic changing, and initiation (Lakoff, 2004; Montoro, 2014; Cameron, 2006); hence, nowadays, it is not so much about the gender but about the power that is managed in social interactions, aspects that will be studied in the following chapters of this book.

2.3 Language in fiction

Fictional language, especially in the novel genre, has tried to develop and reinforce all the possibilities of discourse about identity representation; that is, fictional language could also be studied in the way in which it practises identities (De Fina, 2006, p. 351). Research on narrative and cultural identities has shown that what defines people in narrative is not only the content of their stories but also the social norms they use to belong to a certain group. These social norms the characters comply with to present

a realistic image to the reader are variable and changeable like register, accent, and lexis. Some of the first studies carried out by Ochs and Taylor (1995) or Bucholtz (1999) widely support, on the one hand, the social constructionist conception of identity as something that needs to be performed constantly, and, on the other hand, there is also the notion that within one person there might be not just one presentation of the self but different representations as if a character could choose from an inventory within (De Fina, 2006, p. 353), and was able to change in different social circumstances and with other interlocutors.

Considering that fiction usually bases its plot development on conflicting actions that unravel throughout the course of the novel, short story, or play, the conflict regarding the search of identity of oneself is one more tool for the writer to develop and disentangle the plot. Creating an identity that bonds linguistic form and ideologies of gender, class, and ethnicity is especially complex; thus, speakers (whether fictional or not) may heighten or diminish their linguistic display depending on the goals they try to achieve in an interaction. Despite the ability of one character to mutate into another social group through register, manners, or appearance, the norm of that group will still be honoured. Multilayered identities can be associated with more than one social category; that is, a man is a father when speaking with his children, a husband when speaking with his partner, a lad when speaking with other lads, equal in social category to him, and so on. The problem arises when the character realises their own many faces and the conflict begins.

Despite fictional speech being based on real speech, the reconstruction of spoken language and its fictionalisations may lose aspects such as dialect and a faithful record of slang and accent along the way (Toolan, 1992, p. 31). However, fictional dialogue still displays orality (Amador-Moreno, 2010, p. 531) to a certain extent since fictional interaction is understood by the reader if it follows the same rules that exist in everyday interaction. The writer may adapt and codify conversation to convey further meaning through “hesitations, false starts, interruptions and overlaps” (Hughes, 1996, p. 36). Still, the relationship between oral and fictional discourse in literature is described as a paradox (Searle, 1975, p. 319). The author need not commit to reality when narrating a story but to the reader’s ability to recognise the authenticity in the author’s writing, so that the narrative seems plausible (Amador-Moreno, 2010).

When trying to convey realism through speech, it is noticed how the fictionalised conversations are not going to be measured against real speech. For Leech and Short (1981), the representation of a realist piece of conversation in fiction needs certain characteristics that involve dialectal features, informal linguistic features, or even specific idiolects for specific characters. Hughes (1996, pp. 78–86) also points out two more stylistic aspects that help a writer provide that sense of real speech in fiction: One that

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E I N D E .

Transcriber's Notes:

Het papieren boek accentueert sommige woorden met uitgebreidere letterafstand ("expanded letter-spacing"). In de 'platte-tekst'-versie wordt dit met underscores aangegeven:

gespatieerde tekst → g e s p a t i e e r d e t e k s t

Bladzijdenummers zijn in de 'platte-tekst'-versie weggelaten. In de HTMLversie zijn ze wel zichtbaar, maar virtueel, wat het voordeel heeft dat u kunt zoeken op tekst-fragmenten zonder dat de bladzijde-nummers het zoeken hinderen.

Als u de weergave van de bladzijde-nummers wilt aanpassen, kijk dan met een tekstverwerker in het <style> blok naar de CSS-klassen [.pagenum] (voor bladzijde-nummers) en [.hyphen] voor afbreekstreepjes

Voor het gemak van de lezer is een lijst van illustraties toegevoegd na de inhoudsopgave (alleen in de "HTML"-versie).

Voor de hand liggende interpunctie fouten zijn gecorrigeerd maar worden hier verder niet genoemd.

Dit boek bevat een aantal zetfouten. De volgende zetfouten zijn gecorrigeerd:

[sprak vrouw Verlaat ] → [sprak vrouw Verlaar ]

Ook al komt de achternaam "Verlaat" 1x voor, uit de context is op te maken dat dit "Verlaar" moet zijn

[kleine tuschenpoozen] → [kleine tusschenpoozen]

[Hoe de kleine Steven zijn speelmaker verloor.] →

[Hoe de kleine Steven zijn speelmakker verloor.]

Staat in de inhoudsopgave goed, maar fout verderop in het boek.

[maar zelf zijn kleeren] → [maar zelfs zijn kleeren]

[toe ze den hun] → [toen ze den hun]

[hadden beooordeeld en ze] → [hadden beoordeeld en ze]

[bakkers Antoon is] → [bakker Antoon is]

"bakkers" is meervoud van "bakker" terwijl het hier maar één persoon betreft. Bovendien is verderop in de tekst sprake van "Antoon van den bakker" en ook is er een "bakker Joosten" waarin ook geen meervoud is gebruikt.

[was op somige plaatsen] → [was op sommige plaatsen]

[tevens vor de] → [tevens voor de]

[overal de opene plekken] → [overal de open plekken]

[die blijk-blijkbaar zijn] → [die blijkbaar zijn]

[stappen waren onstaan ] → [stappen waren ontstaan ]

[dat de Liefde de meeste is ] → [dat de Liefde de meester is ]

[XX. esluit.] → [XX. Besluit.]

Staat in de inhoudsopgave goed, maar fout verderop in het boek.

[is 't, hier om te] → [is 't hier, om te]

Mogelijke zetfouten die niet gecorrigeerd zijn:

[lekte de twee]

Deze schrijfwijze, "lekte", komt 2x voor, terwijl de hedendaagse schrijfwijze "likte" ook 1x voor komt Dit is niet gecorrigeerd

[Stins] / [Stint]

Beiden zijn achternamen voor dezelfde persoon en beiden komen 1x voor Welke juist is, blijft onduidelijk, en daarom is dit niet gecorrigeerd.

[rojaal] en [rojaalsten]

Of deze spelling in 1916 gangbaar was, kon niet worden achterhaald

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