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The Oxford Handbook of Language and Race (Oxford Handbooks) 1st Edition H. Samy Alim
The Oxford Handbook of AMERICAN IMMIGRATION AND ETHNICITY
The Oxford Handbook of AMERICAN IMMIGRATION AND ETHNICITY
Edited by RONALD H. BAYOR
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Bayor, Ronald H., 1944–Title: The Oxford handbook of American immigration and ethnicity / edited by Ronald H. Bayor.
Other titles: Handbook of American immigration and ethnicity
Description: New York, NY : Oxford University Press, 2016. | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2015047823 | ISBN 978–0–19–976603–1 (hardback : acid-free paper)
Subjects: LCSH: United States—Emigration and immigration—History. | United States—Ethnic relations—History. | United States—Race relations—History. | Immigrants—United States—History. | Ethnicity—United States—History. | Nationalism—United States—History. Classification: LCC JV6450 .O94 2016 | DDC 304.8/73—dc23 LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015047823
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Ronald H. Bayor
1. The Impact of Immigration Legislation: 1875 to the Present 14
David M. Reimers
2. European Migrations 34
Dirk Hoerder
3. Asian Immigration
Madeline Y. Hsu
4. Latino Immigration
María Cristina García
5. African American Migration from the Colonial Era to the Present
Joe W. Trotter
6. Emancipation and Exploitation in Immigrant Women’s Lives
Donna R. Gabaccia
7. Protecting America’s Borders and the Undocumented Immigrant Dilemma 124
David G. Gutiérrez
8. Inclusion, Exclusion, and the Making of American Nationality 144
Gary Gerstle
9. Race and Citizenship
Gregory T. Carter
10. Assimilation in the Past and Present
Richard Alba
11. Whiteness and Race
David R. Roediger
12. Race and U.S. Panethnic Formation
Yen Le Espiritu
13. Intermarriage and the Creation of a New American
Allison Varzally
14. Immigration, Medical Regulation, and Eugenics
Wendy Kline
15. The World of the Immigrant Worker
James R. Barrett
16. Neighborhoods, Immigrants, and Ethnic Americans
Amanda I. Seligman
17. Machine Bosses, Reformers, and the Politics of Ethnic and Minority Incorporation
Steven P. Erie and Vladimir Kogan
18. Immigration, Ethnicity, Race, and Organized Crime 319 Will Cooley
19. The Myth of Ethnic Success: Old Wine in New Bottles
Stephen Steinberg
20. Immigration and Ethnic Diversity in the South, 1980–2010
Mary E. Odem
21. Allegiance, Dual Citizenship, and the Ethnic Influence on U.S. Foreign Policy
David Brundage
22. Historians and Sociologists Debate Transnationalism
Peter Kivisto
23. Written Forms of Communication from Immigrant Letters to Instant Messaging
Suzanne M. Sinke
24. Ethnicity, Race, and Religion beyond Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish Whites 430
R. Stephen Warner
25. Immigration, Race, and Ethnicity in American Film 452
Steven Alan Carr
26. Language Retention/Language Shift, “English Only,” and Multilingualism in the United States 463
Joshua A. Fishman
27. Melting Pots, Salad Bowls, Ethnic Museums, and American Identity 477
Steven Conn
28. New Approaches in Teaching Immigration and Ethnic History 489
John J. Bukowczyk
Contributors
Richard Alba is Distinguished Professor of Sociology at The Graduate Center, CUNY. His most recent books are The Children of Immigrants at School: A Comparative Look at Integration in the United States and Western Europe, with Jennifer Holdaway (2013); The Next Generation: Immigrant Youth in a Comparative Perspective, with Mary Waters (2011); and Blurring the Color Line: The New Chance for a More Integrated America (2009).
James R. Barrett is Professor of History and African American Studies at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. He is author or editor of numerous publications on working-class history and race and ethnicity in American cities, including The Irish Way: Becoming American in a Multi-Ethnic City (2012). He is a contributing editor to Labor: Studies in Working Class History of the Americas and the Journal of American Ethnic History, and co-editor of the series, The Working Class in American History, with more than 120 volumes in print.
Ronald H. Bayor is Emeritus Professor of History at Georgia Tech, a former president of the Immigration and Ethnic History Society, and founding editor of the Journal of American Ethnic History. His most recent book is Encountering Ellis Island: How European Immigrants Entered America (2014). Other publications include Multicultural America: An Encyclopedia of the Newest Americans (2011); The New York Irish, co-edited with Timothy Meagher (1996); Race and the Shaping of Twentieth-Century Atlanta (1996); and Neighbors in Conflict: the Irish, Germans, Jews, and Italians of New York City, 1929–1941(1978).
David Brundage is a Professor of History at the University of California, Santa Cruz. He has published widely in the areas of U.S. immigration and labor history and is the author of Irish Nationalists in America: The Politics of Exile, 1798–1998 (2016).
John J. Bukowczyk is Professor of History at Wayne State University in Detroit, editor of the Journal of American Ethnic History, and author of numerous publications on various immigration and ethnic topics. He received the American Historical Association’s inaugural William Gilbert Award for Best Article on Teaching History for his article, “The American Family and the Little Red Schoolhouse: Historians, Class, and the Problem of Curricular Diversity” and the Albert B. Corey Prize of the American Historical Association and the Canadian Historical Association for his coauthored book, Permeable Border: The Great Lakes Basin as Transnational Region, 1650–1890 (2005). He is past recipient of Wayne State University’s President’s Award for Excellence in Teaching.
Steven Alan Carr is Graduate Program Director and Associate Professor of Communication at Indiana University-Purdue University Fort Wayne, a 2002–2003 Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies Postdoctoral Fellow at the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, DC, a 2010–2011 Loewenstein-Wiener Marcus Research Fellow at the American Jewish Archives, and co-director of the IPEW Institute for Holocaust and Genocide Studies. He is the author of Hollywood and AntiSemitism: A Cultural History up to World War II (2001) as well as numerous essays on the evolving response of the American Film industry to Nazi anti-Semitism and the Holocaust.
Gregory T. Carter is Associate Professor of History at the University of WisconsinMilwaukee. Focusing on racial mixing, civil rights, intellectual history, and popular culture, his writing has appeared in Ethnic Studies Review, Journal of American Ethnic History, and Mixed Race Hollywood, edited by Mary Beltran and Camilla Fojas. He is the author of The United States of the United Races: A Utopian History of Racial Mixing (2013).
Steven Conn is Professor of History at Miami University of Ohio. He is the author of five books including, most recently, Americans Against the City: Anti-Urbanism in the Twentieth Century (2014) and Do Museums Still Need Objects? (2010).
Will Cooley is Associate Professor of American History at Walsh University. He has published articles in the Journal of Urban History, Labor History, and the Journal of Sport and Social Issues, and a chapter in the book, Building the Black Metropolis: African American Entrepreneurship in Chicago. Cooley studies race and social mobility in urban America.
Steven P. Erie is Professor of Political Science and Adjunct Professor of History at the University of California, San Diego. He is the author of Rainbow’s End: Irish Americans and the Dilemmas of Urban Machine Politics, 1840–1995 (1988) and other books and articles on urban politics. His research interests include ethnic and racial politics, urban politics, public policy, and governance.
Yen Le Espiritu, originally from Vietnam, is Professor and former Chair of the Department of Ethnic Studies at the University of California, San Diego. She has published widely on Asian American panethnicity, gender and migration, and U.S. colonialism and wars in Asia. Her most recent book is Body Counts: The Vietnam War and Militarized Refuge(es) (2014).
Joshua A. Fishman is the late emeritus professor of Social Sciences at Yeshiva University, Albert Einstein College of Medicine and founding editor of International Journal of the Sociology of Language. He was a leading scholar on multilingualism, bilingual education, the Yiddish language, language and ethnicity and religion, and language movements. His publications include numerous books and articles dealing with various aspects of language, including Language Loyalty in the United States: The Maintenance and Perpetuation of Non-English Mother Tongues by
American Ethnic and Religious Groups (1966); Yiddish in America: Socio-Linguistic Description and Analysis (1965); The Rise and Fall of the Ethnic Revival: Perspectives on Language and Ethnicity (1985); Bilingual Education (1991); Language and Ethnicity (1991); and Can Threatened Languages Be Saved? (2000).
Donna R. Gabaccia is Professor of History at the University of Toronto Scarborough where she teaches courses on international migration, world history, and gender and women’s studies. She has written many books and articles on immigration to the United States, on Italian migration worldwide, and on international, interdisciplinary, and gender perspectives on human migrations, including a book she coauthored with sociologist Katherine Donato, Gender and International Migration: From the Slavery Era to the Global Age (2015).
María Cristina García is the Howard A. Newman Professor of American Studies in the Department of History at Cornell University. She is author of Havana USA: Cuban Exiles and Cuban Americans in South Florida (1997); Seeking Refuge: Central American Migration to Mexico, the United States, and Canada (2006); and several articles and book chapters on immigration history. Her forthcoming book focuses on U.S. refugee and asylum policy in the post-Cold War period.
Gary Gerstle is the Paul Mellon Professor of American History at Cambridge University. His publications include his book, American Crucible: Race and Nation in the Twentieth Century (2001); E Pluribus Unum?: Contemporary and Historical Perspectives on Immigrant Political Incorporation, co-edited with John Mollenkopf (2001); and “Acquiescence or Transformation: Divergent Paths of Political Incorporation in America,” in Outsiders No More? Models of Immigrant Political Incorporation, edited by Jennifer Hochschild, Jacqueline Chattopadhyay, Claudine Gay, and Michael Jones-Correa (2013).
David G. Gutiérrez is Professor and Chair of the Department of History at the University of California, San Diego, where he specializes in the history of Mexican America, immigration history, and the history of citizenship and civil rights. He is the author of Walls and Mirrors: Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the Politics of Ethnicity (1995); editor of the Columbia History of Latinos in the United States since 1860 (2004); and co-editor with Pierette Hondagneu-Sotelo of Nation and Migration: Past and Future (2009). He is currently working on a monograph on the historical evolution of the immigrants’ rights movement and with co-editor Luis Alvarez, The Routledge Handbook of the History of Mexican America (forthcoming 2016).
Dirk Hoerder Emeritus Professor at Arizona State University and the University of Bremen, taught North American social history, global migrations, borderland issues, and sociology of migrant acculturation. His publications include Cultures in Contact: World Migrations in the Second Millennium (2002), The Historical Practice of Diversity: Transcultural Interactions from the Early Modern Mediterranean to the Postcolonial World (2003), on which he was co-editor; and Migrants and Migration in Modern North America (2011).
Madeline Y. Hsu is Associate Professor of History and past director of the Center for Asian American Studies at the University of Texas at Austin. She is the author of Dreaming of Gold, Dreaming of Home: Transnationalism and Migration Between the United States and South China, 1883–1943 (2000), which received the 2002 Association of Asian American Studies History Book Award; and The Good Immigrants: How the Yellow Peril Became a Model Minority (2015), which explores intersections between American foreign policy goals, immigration laws and practices, and shifting racial ideologies through the migration of Chinese intellectuals.
Peter Kivisto is the Richard A. Swanson Professor of Social Thought at Augustana College and Visiting Research Fellow at the University of Helsinki. His research focuses on immigration, social integration, and civil society. His most recent books include Solidarity, Justice, and Incorporation: Thinking Through The Civil Sphere, which he coedited with Giuseppe Sciortino (2015), and Religion and Immigration: Migrant Faiths in North America and Western Europe (2014).
Wendy Kline is the Dema G. Seelye Chair in the History of Medicine in the Department of History at Purdue University. She is the author of several articles and two books: Bodies of Knowledge: Sexuality, Reproduction, and Women’s Health in the Second Wave (2010) and Building a Better Race: Gender, Sexuality, and Eugenics from the Turn of the Century to the Baby Boom (2011). Her current book project, under contract to Oxford University Press, is entitled Coming Home: Medicine, Midwives, and the Transformation of Birth in Late Twentieth-Century America.
Vladimir Kogan is Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science at Ohio State University. He is coauthor of Paradise Plundered: Fiscal Crisis and Governance Failures in San Diego (2011), which won the best book award from the Urban Political Section of the American Political Science Association. His research has been published in American Politics Research, Political Communication, State Politics and Policy Quarterly, Urban Affairs Review, and the Rutgers Law Journal.
Mary E. Odem is Associate Professor in the Department of History and the Latin American and Caribbean Studies Program at Emory University. A U.S. historian, her research interests include immigration, race and ethnicity in the modern United States, and gender and women’s history. Her current research examines Latin American immigration to the U.S. South. She has published numerous articles on this topic and co-edited Latino Immigration and the Transformation of the U.S. South (2009).
David M. Reimers is Emeritus Professor of History at New York University. He has written extensively about immigration. Among his books are Still the Golden Door: The Third World Comes to America (2d ed. 1992) and, with coauthor Leonard Dinnerstein, The World Comes to America: Immigration to the United States Since 1945 (2014).
David R. Roediger is the Foundation Professor of American Studies at the University of Kansas where he teaches and writes on race and class in the United States. His recent books include Seizing Freedom: Slave Emancipation and Liberty for All (2014) and, with coauthor Elizabeth Esch, The Production of Difference (2014). His writings on race and immigrant history include The Wages of Whiteness (1991) and Working Toward Whiteness (2006).
Amanda I. Seligman is Associate Professor of History and Urban Studies at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. She is the author of Block by Block: Neighborhoods and Public Policy on Chicago’s West Side (2005) and Is Graduate School Really for You?: The Whos, Whats, Hows, and Whys of Pursuing a Master’s or Ph.D. (2012) and co-author of the Bibliography of Metropolitan Milwaukee (2014). Her current projects include a monograph on the history of block clubs in Chicago, and the Encyclopedia of Milwaukee.
Suzanne M. Sinke is Director of Graduate Studies and Associate Professor in the Department of History at Florida State University. She is the author of numerous articles and book chapters on migration and gender; co-editor of three books on migration, including Letters Across Borders: The Epistolary Practices of International Migrants (2006); and author of Dutch Immigrant Women in the United States, 1880–1920 (2002). Her research often draws on and examines the letters of international migrants.
Stephen Steinberg is Distinguished Professor of Urban Studies at Queens College and the PhD Program in Sociology at the CUNY Graduate Center. He is the author of The Ethnic Myth: Race, Ethnicity, and Class in America (1981, 1989, 2001); Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy (1995, 2001); and Race Relations: A Critique (2007).
Joe W. Trotter is Giant Eagle Professor of History and Social Justice at Carnegie Mellon University in Pittsburgh. He also directs Carnegie Mellon’s Center for Africanamerican Urban Studies & the Economy (CAUSE). His publications include Race and Renaissance: African Americans in Pittsburgh Since World War II, with Jared Day (2010); Coal, Class, and Color: Blacks in Southern West Virginia, 1915–1932 (1990); and Black Milwaukee: The Making of an Industrial Proletariat, 1915–1945 (1985, 2007).
Allison Varzally is an Associate Professor at California State University, Fullerton. Her first book, Making a Non-White America: Coloring Outside Ethnic Lines, 1925–1955, won the Theodore Saloutos Prize from the Immigration and Ethnic History Society for best book on any aspect of Immigration History in the United States. She is currently completing a book about the immigration of adopted Vietnamese and Amerasians and their families since 1965.
R. Stephen Warner is Emeritus Professor in the Sociology Department at the University of Illinois at Chicago, where generations of students made him aware of the variety and vitality of the religious institutions of post-1965 immigrants. Under funding from
the Lilly Endowment and the Pew Charitable Trusts, he directed, with Judith Wittner, the New Immigrant and Ethnic Congregations Project, which produced Gatherings in Diaspora: Religious Communities and the New Immigration (1998). He is also the author of A Church of Our Own: Disestablishment and Diversity in American Religion (2005) and co-editor with Ho-Youn Kwon and Kwang Chung Kim of Korean Americans and Their Religions: Pilgrims and Missionaries from a Different Shore (2001).
Introduction
The Making of America
Ronald H. Bayor
The immigration and ethnic history field has expanded not only in volume since the early years of study in the 1930s and 1940s but also in terms of topics and interpretations. Initial historians who studied immigration mostly focused on one group or on western and northern Europeans, sometimes in a way designed to illustrate the important place that a particular group held in American life. The concentration for these historians, who were often of the same background as the group they studied, consisted of placing value on the immigrant’s historical contribution to America. Theodore Blegen’s work on Norwegians and Carl Wittke’s work on Germans as well as on the Irish and on northwestern Europeans in general, illustrate this methodology.1 Oscar Handlin, in his book on the Boston Irish, introduced a social history approach that set the tone for later works and in his The Uprooted (1951) placed the immigration topic before the reading public.2 Studies therefore tended to focus on single groups, on white Europeans, on men, and on assimilation, often as a straight-line process. Non-white immigrant groups faced a decidedly different history and traditionally have received less scholarly attention from immigration historians. Their American experience entailed a denial of citizenship status and discrimination beyond what the white ethnics had to endure. African Americans came to America before the founding of the nation yet had few or no rights; Latinos could be found in early America on the land before the English arrived, and were an important element in U.S. history but were often disregarded as legitimate parts of American history. The treatment of America’s non-white people reveals the role of race in regard to assimilation, politics, intermarriage, transnationalism, gender, acceptance, panethnicity, and other facets of immigration history. Neither Plymouth Rock nor Ellis Island tells the complete story of American immigration; the non-white groups complicate and enhance the telling of the American saga. As Paul Spickard relates: “The immigrant assimilation model has no explanation for the stubborn fact that today American-born U.S. citizens of Asian and Mexican descent are regarded as foreigners in their native land by Whites, even those whose ancestry in the United States may be
of substantially shorter duration.”3 The immigrant story is a multifaceted one, far more complex than early immigration historians envisioned. Furthermore, it is a story of world migration patterns that include regions containing nontraditional sending countries. Atlantic and Pacific migrations taking people across the world along numerous transportation routes is a clearer view of what occurred.
Race, traditionally considered a biological term—although now seen as a culturally constructed category—often became confused and conflated with ethnicity, a cultural description, and with nationality, indicating national background. Chinese immigrants could be defined as a racial group, an ethnic one, or one based on their nationality. Germans, however, would signify ethnicity and nationality, but not race; however, for much of the eighteenth to twentieth centuries, they found themselves described in racial terms. Ethnicity as a classification replaced nationality and race in the 1940s for white groups.
Before the 1965 Immigration Act, therefore, the field was a bifurcated one. Students of race—particularly sociologists and historians researching African Americans— and students of immigration and ethnicity took up complementary but different lines of inquiry. A rich publication variety developed in these areas. The immigration and ethnicity scholars looked at an increasingly more complicated history with important research done on assimilation and incorporation, ethnic succession, comparative analysis of two or more groups and in more than one receiving country, migration patterns that revealed the chain migration that occurred, religious mores, cooperation and conflict, ethnic identity, and ethnic influence on domestic and foreign policy. Within these works, new information energized further research. To name just a few of the significant publications: Rudolph Vecoli and later John Bodnar countered Handlin’s view of the immigrants being uprooted; Milton Gordon outlined the various stages of assimilation and opened a long-term discussion of how groups adapt to a new culture; Samuel Bailey wrote about Italian immigrants in New York and Buenos Aires; Donna Gabaccia analyzed the chain migration between Sicily and Elizabeth Street in New York; Jay Dolan studied the immigrant church; George Pozzetta and Gary Mormino looked at ethnic cooperation in Ybor City, Florida; and Ronald Bayor looked at the conflict found among European ethnic groups in New York. Ethnic identity has been a focus of sociologists such as Mary Waters and Richard Alba and historians such as Joshua Zeitz. Frederick Luebke and many other historians have studied foreign policy and ethnic influence. Many aspects of America’s ethnic past and present found substantial exploration.4 Along with the formation in the 1960s of what became the Immigration and Ethnic History Society, the publication of the Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups in 1980, and the appearance of the Journal of American Ethnic History (JAEH) in 1981, the field took on a more systematic methodology and a formal discipline among scholars.5 However, certain topics remained understudied, even within the white European migration model. The role of women immigrants persisted as a largely neglected topic until the 1970s. The increasing public recognition of gender as an important analytic focus opened this aspect of immigration and ethnic history to further inquiry. Scholarship benefited from such works as The Jewish Women in America (1976);
The Italian Immigrant Woman in North America (1978); and, most significantly, Hasia Diner’s Erin’s Daughters in America (1983).6 Importantly, studies of women in Mexican and Asian ethnic groups also appeared. However, in a 1991 Forum essay in JAEH, Donna Gabaccia could still write of the marginalization of immigrant women in the historical literature. As she pointed out, it is not that a lot of works in women’s immigration history are unavailable or unstudied but rather that the field sat on the margins of so many disciplines and subfields that a synthesis noting its place in the body of literature was difficult.7 Yet it has been clear since the 1980s that women’s immigration fits solidly and importantly within the context of migration history.
But in writing about marginalization, the non-white peoples of American immigration have been most overtly left out of the history. In considering melting pot concepts, so long the myth of American life and still accepted by many nonscholars, a place for color never existed—for African Americans, Asian Americans, Latino Americans, or Native Americans. Perhaps the consensus approach of the 1950s that the American people were a united, conflict-free entity, defined by democratic beliefs rather than race, obscured the reality. Although multitudes of books and articles appeared about slavery and Jim Crow, race riots, and lack of citizenship rights, little scholarship emerged that placed each particular group’s history into the American story beyond discrimination, ghettoization, conflict, conquest, and fear. Ellis Island signified the American immigration story, not Angel Island, where mostly Asians entered. The turning to that minority history opened up new questions fortified by the heavy non-white immigration that the United States experienced since the 1970s and the prospect of whites becoming a minority by 2050. Among the major sending countries now are China, South Korea, Mexico, El Salvador, and Nigeria, rather than Italy, Poland, or Russia.
This Handbook is designed to consider America’s immigration and ethnic history within its full racial and ethnic unfolding and to analyze the substantial impact of the newest Americans as well as to understand the history and scholarship that came before the 1965 act. Which old questions must be asked again, and what new questions are needed? Where is the research going, and what topics will future scholars likely research for an understanding of the new population dynamics?
Immigration has always been a challenging subject for historians and sociologists as well as for the general public. Some questions have been persistent. All who research U.S. immigration and ethnicity still grapple with the question posed by eighteenthcentury French immigrant writer St. John de Crèvecouer: “What, then, is the American, this new man?” This query constituted a difficult one in the eighteenth century; by the twenty-first century, with more religious, linguistic, nationality, and racial backgrounds evident in the United States, the inquiry takes center stage for understanding who we are. Furthermore, as the years have passed, Americans have tried to comprehend the assimilation process. Was a melting pot the way to describe what occurred, or perhaps was it a multicultural salad bowl with each part retaining its identity but still seeing itself as an element of the whole? But if multiculturalism is the norm, what becomes of the motto “E Pluribus Unum” (“Out of Many, One”) found on the Great Seal of the United States, on U.S. currency, and on the President’s Seal.
Concern with fragmentation of the American mosaic has reemerged as an issue among the public as well as among scholars. Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., while supporting multicultural education, worried about a simplistic, yet defining, ethnic interpretation of American history, especially if embodied in school curricula. He wrote in 1991 in relation to a New York Commissioner of Education report on syllabus reform that this approach “will only increase the fragmentation, resegregation, and self-ghettoization of American life. The bonds of national cohesion in the republic are sufficiently fragile already.” In a 1992 statement, Schlesinger feared that “the cult of ethnicity has reversed the movement of American history, producing a nation of minorities—or at least of minority spokesmen—less interested in joining the majority in common endeavor.”8 Do ethnic groups still see themselves as American or only as hyphenated Americans, or perhaps as part of a panethnic entity (e.g., all Asians seeing themselves as one group)? During high immigration times, anxiety about splits within America based on the country’s many ethnic, religious, and racial groups has appeared along with the larger issue of assimilation. New groups that are not the traditional immigrants to America have intensified these discussions. Michael Novak, in his Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics (1972), inspired and reflected such unease in a book written for a nonscholarly audience during the white ethnic revival of the 1970s as well as in response to the Black Pride movement that arose during the civil rights crusade.9
A concern with fragmentation has also arisen as a result of the proliferation of ethnic museums. Other than the Ellis Island and Angel Island museums, as Steven Conn notes, many museums commemorate one group, and visitors to that museum are from that group. The ethnic-specific museums actually follow the early writings of historians, telling the story of the accomplishments and the value of that group to America. The emphasis is on that group’s worth as an acknowledgment of its acceptance. But these museums could also be an indication of less fragmentation as groups move into the American mainstream and long for their past heritage. Can the desire for ethnic museums be a sign of assimilation?
Scholarship has concentrated not only on what the immigrants became but also on what cultural traits they brought to the New World. Were the immigrants uprooted from their ancestral homes, leaving everything behind, as earlier writings suggested, or were they transplanted, bringing many aspects of their culture with them while adapting to the American environment as well? But then, the question must be asked whether all immigrants had the same experience and how these specific group assimilations took place, if at all.
Intermarriage, whose rates have recently increased substantially across ethnic, religious, and racial boundaries, must be analyzed in regard to assimilation as well as determining how to define who is an American. Is intermarriage the forerunner of a post-racial society; does it matter which groups are intermarrying; and what does this say about group identity in the future? With more immigration and with changing attitudes toward mixed religious, racial, and ethnic marriages, the understanding of background differences among Americans is more complicated than earlier. Even the
U.S. census has recognized mixed ancestry, but what that term means is not exactly clear and goes back to Crèvecouer’s original statement.
Nativism has also been a constant issue in American life and academic studies. While native-born white Protestant Americans feared large-scale European migrations from Ireland and from southern and eastern Europe in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, it is the immigration, both documented and undocumented, from Asian, African, Latin American, and Caribbean nations since the passage of the 1965 immigration act that has sparked anti-immigrant reactions in present times. Nativism and anti-immigrant attitudes had many sources, mainly based on concerns about job competition, crime, disease, increasing poverty, radicalism or terrorism, religious and cultural differences, and a sense of invasion by racially inferior peoples who would outbreed the real Americans of Anglo-Saxon backgrounds, or by those who would not understand American democratic principles. The overall fears rested on the assertion that America would decline economically, culturally, and biologically according to the pseudoscience of eugenics, which considered these newcomers as racially unfit. Such opinions found expression throughout American history, even though the colonial period saw a mix of races, religions, and nationalities in its population.
Madison Grant, in The Passing of the Great Race (1916), warned against the new immigrant tide of southern and eastern Europeans who were weakening and changing America. Recent proponents of historical nativism include Patrick Buchanan, who similarly warns of the new immigrant tide of Third World immigrants who “are living off public services, and many are going into crime.” He cautions that “the great American Melting Pot is not melting, as once it did.”10
The introduction of Muslim immigrants into American life has brought all the old fears to the fore, especially after September 11. The apprehension of French Catholics in the eighteenth century and of Irish Catholics in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries has been revisited on Arabs and other Muslims in the twenty-first century. Gary Gerstle refers to this anti-Muslim attitude as a resurgence of religious nationalism. Although eugenics has been discredited, the science of genetics may still play a role in immigration debates. In a desire to explain human behavior through nature rather than nurture, a genetic test for entry into the United States could be a future scenario. Some scientists write of a genetic predisposition to crime or disease. New fields are developing along these lines, and that indicates future controversy over who is eligible for entry into the country.
As more non-white people have immigrated to the United States, historians and sociologists have taken a closer look at previous migrations in regard to who was considered white by law and custom, who was allowed to attain citizenship, and what has been the role of identity politics, which is based on the particular ethnic or racial group or on a multiethnic coalition. The new scholarship on “whiteness” is now a major theme of the field. Scholars such as David Roediger, Matthew Jacobson, Thomas Guglielmo, and Russell Kazal introduced a discussion regarding the initial treatment of white versus non-white immigrants. Italian, German, and other European immigrants benefited
from their racial placement within the white category. Although these scholars have at times understated anti-immigrant hostility toward white groups, their overall assessment that white immigrants received a more favorable reception than immigrants of color is correct. The other judgment of these historians that European immigrants eventually coalesced into a white category, thereby removing most traces of their specific preand post-migration cultures is less evident. These scholars contend that only a “symbolic ethnicity” remains, which has little meaning within a group’s life. However, a tendency still exists for Italians, Jews, and other European migrants to view themselves in both ethnic and racial (white) terms. Growing evidence exists of a continuation of ethnicity within the white grouping. One important work is Jordan Stanger-Ross’s book, Staying Italian, which discusses the continuation of an Italian identity in postwar Toronto and Philadelphia. Ethnicity did not disappear but continued to shape lives.11
The United States has had a love-hate relationship with its immigrants.12 Federal legislation since 1882 has tried to regulate or impede immigration through quotas and other laws. Race and nationality often determined eligibility for entry into America. The 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act, for example, was meant to prevent Chinese immigration into the United States, but western state legislatures also passed laws to deny rights to those born in China although already living in America, such as owning land. Legislation in the 1920s severely curtailed immigration from largely Catholic, Eastern Orthodox, and Jewish parts of Europe.13 On the surface, it appeared that Congress wanted mainly white Protestants from northern and western Europe as immigrants. These attitudes were evident in large-scale nativist movements that worked to deny entry, citizenship, and voting rights to the “others.” The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798, which indicated early suspicions of foreigners, the Know Nothings of the 1850s, the American Protective Association and Immigration Restriction League of the 1890s, the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s, and the white supremacist and anti-immigrant groups active today reveal a continued hostility and distrust of immigrants.14 Anti-immigrant targets in the past consisted of Catholics and, to a lesser extent, Jews, but in contemporary America, the targets are primarily Arab Muslims and Hispanics. The racist aspects of America’s past are revealed as well in colonial conquests and the role of racism in dealing with foreign non-white groups.
Yet clearly, the election of Barack Obama illustrates the other trend: an acceptance that was impossible until very recently. Acceptance was always part of the equation. Laws allowing refugees, war brides, and family members of those already in the United States to enter the country expanded the immigration numbers regardless of the restrictionists’ desires. Citizenship for aliens serving in the U.S. armed forces further opened up that opportunity. Even the harsh national quotas acts in the 1920s allowed easy entry for Western Hemisphere immigrants. As the United States moved during the twentieth century from being an isolationist country to one engaged with the world, the laws became less harsh. Vying with the Soviet Union for the allegiance of Third World nations, the United States became more willing to accept previously excluded immigrants. The Chinese Exclusion Act repeal in 1943, when China was an ally in World War II, illustrates this shift. Most importantly, the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965
eliminated discriminatory nationality quotas. The law allowed, through family unification and skill preferences, the entry of larger numbers of immigrants from Asia, Latin America, and Africa. The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, which created an amnesty program for undocumented immigrants, further showed a generosity of the American people propelled by the need of labor on their farms and in their factories and a desire to finally end the illegal immigration issue.
The 1965 Act brought large-scale immigration to the American South for the first time. Always defined in black-white terms, the arrival of Asians, Hispanics, and Africans changed the definition, even though all the “new” groups have been in the South for many years, even centuries. But these were not Africans coming as slaves but as nationality groups moving from a postcolonial Africa. Hispanics came from South America as well as the Caribbean, and the new Asian immigrants showed a greater diversity than the Chinese who had settled in Mississippi in the nineteenth century. Not only the variety but also the numbers indicated a different situation than before. The impact on regional demographics, politics, culture, and racial identities has been profound.
What’s next? Will the non-white immigrants merge into a black panethnic grouping? Will the churches, in this southern Bible belt of the United States, be able to adjust to and absorb these new people? What impact will multiculturalism have on Southern culture? How will the strong restrictionist attitudes evident in southern states such as Alabama and Georgia shape the future of ethnicity and race in this region? The 1965 Act brought the most changes to this part of the country and forced blacks and whites, particularly politicians, to change their focus from only issues that pertained to their groups.
Even with the 1965 Act, congressional deliberations included racial and ethnic considerations. Congress intended to allow more European immigrants, especially from such countries as Italy, to emigrate as nonquota family reunification immigrants. In their discussions over the 1965 legislation, members of Congress gave little thought to the possibility that the legislation would open the gates widely to Third World nonwhite immigrants. This law and the new immigrants, documented and undocumented, arriving from south of the border, inspired spirited debates once again about the future makeup of the country, the porous borders, the declining white majority in the United States, and the crime, poverty, employment issues evident in other periods of largescale immigration. The American people were generally more accepting of immigrants than in earlier times, but resentments and hostility, even to the point of border militias and draconian anti-immigrant laws in Arizona, Alabama, and Georgia continued. The Dream Act is one example of the American split personality on immigration. The act proposed to provide citizenship to those brought to the United States at a very young age by their illegally entering parents. This special migrant category consisted of Americans who spoke English, went to college, and served in the armed forces. Some had never been to the Old Country and knew little of its culture. The Dream Act’s failure in Congress, the subsequent outcry from pro-immigrant voices, and President Obama’s efforts to allow these immigrants to stay and flourish indicated the persistence of the love-hate relationship. But what really changed? Was America becoming a different place? Were these new immigrants so unlike those in previous centuries?
Another consistent pattern has been the ethnic and racial group impact on U.S. foreign policy. Irish, Jewish, Cuban, and eastern European Americans have long exerted such an influence. Lobbying Congress concerning old world problems and interactions with the United States persist into the twenty-first century. In contemporary America, as immigrants arrive from new areas, issues such as transnationalism, dual citizenship, panethnicity, and improved communication with the former country have enhanced the ties and enabled the influence. But this has not been true for all groups, even some of the newer ones. The concern with terrorism and the tensions regarding Muslim immigrants have again raised the issue of foreign ties and divided loyalties. Although not yet on the level of the broad-based attacks on hyphenated Americans during World Wars I and II, the potential is there. Any new terrorist attack in the United States perpetrated by American citizens with ancestral ties to Muslim countries or by foreign nationals will make many Americans more wary of any semblance of dual loyalties.
Some other patterns have remained the same in present-day America but with variations. Chain migration, defined as immigrants following the migratory pattern of predecessors from villages to specific areas of the United States, still exists. As with the Irish, Germans, Jews, Italians, and others, contemporary immigrants migrate to certain areas that place them together in particular cities and neighborhoods. Ethnic enclaves rarely consisted of a majority of one group, so ethnic and racial interactions occurred often but not always amicably. Conflict, particularly if a racial factor existed, was frequent. The experience of earlier years is not directly repeated today as attitudes toward even racial “others” have changed. For example, Atlanta was once a city of highly contentious neighborhoods and conflicted groups, so much so that street names were changed to make it appear that whites and blacks did not live on the same street. Yet evidence is available in the twenty-first century to indicate racially mixed areas that have not experienced white flight or mob violence. New immigrants have moved to all parts of the city with little friction evident.
Economics remains a strong driving force for immigration along with issues such as war and religious persecution. People come to make their lives better, even if they have to migrate illegally. Migration from America’s southern border declined as a recession took hold during the early twenty-first century. During the Great Depression, immigration declined as well, with more people leaving the country than entering. When the immigrants arrived, in any period, the first priority became securing a job. Each group found their employment niche. Irish and Germans, like present-day Chinese, Koreans, and Dominicans, found work in certain fields: Koreans opened fruit and vegetable stores, Chinese entered the garment industry, and Dominicans found jobs in the building trades. And immigrant workers have mobilized into unions much like earlier immigrants and have moved the unions—although they are much weaker than their organizational ancestors—into a pro-immigration stance. New immigrants’ effect on various cities and neighborhoods is striking: Cubans have revitalized Miami as a gateway to Latin American business; Koreans have moved into cities like New York and Los Angeles as merchants helping to bring business back to declining neighborhoods.
Other similarities and differences exist as well between former and present immigrants. European immigrants, according to prevailing scholarship, coalesced into a Euro-American grouping with a dwindling sense of specific ethnicities, essentially a panethnic entity. If this has happened, although some questions remain as to when and how completely it occurred, does it mean a similar trajectory for non-whites. If so, what meaning will this have for assimilation, for political coalitions, for power sharing.
Southern and eastern European immigrants, although not always desired, did enter the United States as legally white and therefore were allowed all the citizenship rights given to the American white majority. These groups may have been shunned and looked at as not quite white, as in-between people, but no legal challenges occurred to contest their racial status. Their “whiteness” gave them a privileged status and set the non-white groups into a separate, more feared and less mobile position. White panethnicity was all about power and acceptance. In the latter half of the twentieth century, immigration policy made clear distinctions between white Cubans and black Haitians, indicating the continued reification of whiteness. Scholars need to study whether this racial split continued. While a panethnic Hispanic group is evident, nationality and perhaps racial splits are visible. Will white Hispanics eventually identify mainly as whites, following the European example? Whiteness is certainly still a privileged category. Will black Hispanics totally fall into the African American category and identify in that way? West Indian blacks indicate that this identification is already happening. Nigerians and other Africans present still another aspect of a black panethnic grouping. How intermarriage will affect various groups’ identity in the future is unknown.
Religion is also a major marker in American life. The arrival of Muslims, Buddhists, and Hindus has complicated the usual acceptance of the Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish religious identification of Americans.15 New groups have been marginalized and have been the victims of religious persecution. The terrorism threat has led to greater nonacceptance of Muslims, and particularly for Arab Americans among them. This reaction is revealed in the opposition to the building of mosques and the attacks on those, such as Sikhs, who look like they might be Muslims. As with earlier hostility, the persecuted, as in the case of Catholics, have had to make a strong effort to be recognized as loyal citizens not subject to any foreign dictates. America’s changing religious makeup and the strong religiosity that has found its way into politics suggests a future in which the new immigrants and their unfamiliar beliefs will have to find a place in the American religious hierarchy. At what point Muslims will be accepted into the Protestant, Catholic, Jewish categorization of the American people as a fourth grouping will be an important future issue. World events, transnationalism, changing demographics, and political involvement will determine whether Muslims will have the same difficult path as nineteenth-century Catholics in winning acceptance.
Ethnic succession has long been an accepted way of understanding immigration mobility, especially in relation to crime, but a straight-line succession never occurred.16 The new immigration reveals the long-known interethnic aspects of organized crime as well as the continuation of older groups in the “business.” The public’s prevailing wisdom stated that one group followed a previous one up the ladder as, supposedly, the
Irish were replaced by the Italians and later by Russian, Jamaican, and other, newer groups. The lack of attention to minority gangs in historical writing makes it appear that they just arrived due to succession but many were already active; however, the focus was on the white ethnic criminal activities.
Education and the cultural values immigrants brought with them appeared to be the main factor in upward occupational mobility. The concept of model minorities with a focus on Jews, Chinese, and Japanese explained for some analysts why certain groups emerged as high achievers.17 But what is the link between culture and occupational mobility? What roles do premigration skills, discrimination, and class levels play? Ample evidence now exists to answer this question as new and poorer groups of Asians have emigrated to the United States as well as new migrants from Africa.
America’s ethnic past reveals the importance of ethnic political mobility and the accession to power. Chicago and New York represented prime examples of cities with strong ethno-political histories.18 Boss Tweed, Tammany, Fiorello La Guardia’s ethnic appeals to Italians and Jews, Mayor Ed Koch’s and Mayor Richard Daley’s ethnic coalitions in New York and Chicago, and the election of Mayor Harold Washington in Chicago in 1983 and the ethnic and racial conflict that prevailed shaped the cities’ politics. Ethnic bosses and reformers, ethnically and racially split tickets, and politicians making the rounds of ethnic neighborhoods and eating the appropriate foods are all part of American history. Does this political style still exist? Have the new groups taken part in the usual political power coalitions that have perhaps brought them to the fore of city politics? Various factors are involved: immigration numbers and, more important, naturalization rates, leadership elements willing to challenge the power structure, and the inclination of the established groups to make room for newcomers. Traditionally, entrenched ethnic and racial groups do not share power unless they are forced to do so. Having to share depends on the new group’s voting strength and any threat of a breakaway from the party in charge. History tells us that the group in power will try to stay there as long as possible and will, if needed, bring some individuals from the new ethnic group into the ranks. This scenario played out in New York when the Irishcontrolled Tammany allowed some Jews initially and then some Italians to stand with them on the ticket.19 New ethnic involvement usually occurred but remained a slow process. At times, this struggle involved minority against minority groups. In New York, Dominicans have tried to win a congressional seat in a district including Harlem held by an African American and so far have failed. In other parts of the country, discrimination and efforts to prevent political organizing have stymied inclusion, but the Voting Rights Act of 1965 opened up political mobilization for blacks in the South and Hispanics in the Southwest. Political bosses of some of the newer groups have already emerged. Given the Chicago and New York historical experience, one can say that the prospects for a return to ethnic coalitions and boss politics can easily occur. Miami is a good example of racial and ethnic coalitions that formed between various Latino groups, blacks, and whites during the period after Cuban immigration.
One significant change evident in politics and assimilation is the easier communication immigrants now have with their ancestral homes. Previous generations of scholars relied
on immigrants’ letters back and forth to the Old World as a way to determine acculturation, assimilation, and dual identities.20 Immigrant letters have become the emails, videos, and other forms of instant communication that are available today. Not only does this type of communication make it difficult for historians to secure a lasting impression of immigrant life, but it affects national ties as well. Chat rooms, websites, and Skype have played a role in the ethnic profiling used to identify terrorism suspects. Having the government monitor this messaging is a new aspect of immigrant oversight not readily evident in earlier times. Modern communication removes the distance in time from old world contacts. It thereby helps maintain those ties at a stronger level and keeps immigrants fully involved, if they desire, in the family matters and politics of their ancestral homes.
Instant communication may also affect the linguistic abilities of new immigrants. Closeness to former countries either through travel or the Internet is perhaps allowing a flourishing of foreign languages but alongside a continued effort to learn English. The futility of the “English Only” movement, still present and an indication of hostility to immigrants, is that it was never necessary. Americans benefit from a bilingual nation in which communication with the rest of the world is made easier.
Another contemporary factor is that previous scholars for the most part wrote during periods when immigration into the United States was low. Beginning in the 1970s, historians and sociologists could view the immigrant tide as it arrived in America, as it adjusted to the new country, as it maintained a transnational aspect, and met with resistance from nativists. Not since the Chicago School studied immigration in the 1920s did scholars have this opportunity.
The immigration and ethnic history field is at the point of new inquiries and further analysis of the role of race and ethnicity in American life. The most recent books and articles reveal, as do the essays in this Handbook, that this scholarship has moved further from the initial chroniclers than any historian would have expected in the field’s early days. Recent JAEH articles focus on multiethnic and transnational identities, for example, Chinese Mexicans; the interconnections between race, ethnicity, gender, class, and national identity; new refugees in the United States; African American women; Arab Americans and Islam; and borderland studies. Single histories of specific ethnic groups can still be found, but the analysis is more nuanced.
Notes
1. Books by Theodore Blegen: Norwegian Migration to America: 1825–1860 (1931); Norwegian Migration to America: The American Transition (1940); books by Carl Wittke: Refugees of Revolution: The German Forty-eighters in America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1952); The German-Language Press in America (University of Kentucky, 1957); The Irish in America (Louisiana University Press, 1956); We Who Built America: The Saga of the Immigrant (New York: Prentice Hall, 1940).
2. Oscar Handlin, Boston’s Immigrants, 1790–1880: A Study in Assimilation (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1941); The Uprooted: The Epic Story of the Great Migrations That Made the American People (New York: Little Brown, 1951).
3. Paul Spickard, Almost All Aliens: Immigration, Race, and Colonialism in American History and Identity (New York: Routledge, 2007), 10.
4. Rudolph Vecoli, “Contadini in Chicago: A Critique of The Uprooted,” Journal of American History, 51 (3) (December 1964): 404–417; John Bodnar, The Transplanted: A History of Immigrants in Urban America (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1985); Milton Gordon, Assimilation in American Life (New York: Oxford University Press, 1964); Samuel Baily, Immigrants in the Land of Promise: Italians in Buenos Aires and New York City, 1870–1914 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998); Donna Gabaccia, From Sicily to Elizabeth Street: Housing and Change Among Italian Immigrants, 1880–1930 (Albany, NY: State University of New York); Gary R. Mormino and George E. Pozzetta, The Immigrant World of Ybor City: Italians and Their Latin Neighbors, 1885–1985 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987): Ronald H. Bayor, Neighbors in Conflict: The Irish, Germans, Jews and Italians of New York City, 1929–1941 (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978); Mary Waters, Ethnic Options: Choosing Identities in America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Richard Alba, Ethnic Identity: The Transformation of White America (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990); Joshua Zeitz, White Ethnic New York: Jews, Catholics, and the Shaping of Postwar Politics (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2007); Frederick Luebke, German Americans and World War I (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1974).
5. Stephen Thernstrom, ed., Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980).
6. Charlotte Baum, Paula Hyman, and Sonya Michel, The Jewish Woman in America (New York: Dial Press, 1976); Betty Boyd Caroli, Robert F. Harney, and Lydio F. Tomasi, The Italian Immigrant Woman in North America, Proceedings of the Tenth Annual Conference of the American Italian Historical Association (Toronto: The Multicultural History Society of Ontario, 1978); Hasia Diner, Erin’s Daughters in America: Irish Immigrant Women in the Nineteenth Century (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983).
7. Donna Gabaccia, “Immigrant Women: Nowhere At Home?,” Journal of American Ethnic History 10 (4) (Summer 1991): 61–87.
8. Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., quoted in Ronald H. Bayor, ed., The Columbia Documentary History of Race and Ethnicity in America (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004): 896–899.
9. Michael Novak, Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics (New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1972).
10. Buchanan, quoted in Bayor, Columbia Documentary, 868.
11. David R. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (London: Verso, 1991); Matthew Frye Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race (Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, 1999); Thomas Guglielmo, White on Arrival: Italians, Race. Color, and Power in Chicago, 1890–1945(New York: Oxford University Press, 2004); Russell Kazal, Becoming Old Stock: The Paradox of German-American Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004); Herbert Gans, “Symbolic Ethnicity: The Future of Ethnic Groups and Cultures in America,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 2 (January 1979): 1–20; Ronald H. Bayor, “Another Look at ‘Whiteness’: The Persistence of Ethnicity in American Life,” Journal of American Ethnic History, 29 (1) (Fall, 2009): 13–30; Jordan Stanger-Ross, Staying Italian: Urban Change and Ethnic Life in Postwar Toronto and Philadelphia (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2009).
12. For the best work on the American split personality toward immigrants, see Gary Gerstle, American Crucible: Race and Nation in the Twentieth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002).
13. Roger Daniels, Guarding the Golden Gate: American Immigration Policy and Immigrants Since 1882 (New York: Hill and Wang, 2004).
14. Still the best book on hostility toward immigrants is John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860–1925 (Rutgers, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1955).
15. Will Herberg, Protestant—Catholic—Jew: An Essay in American Religious Sociology (reprint ed. University of Chicago Press, 1983).
16. Humbert Nelli, The Italians in Chicago: A Study in Ethnic Mobility (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970); Humbert Nelli, The Business of Crime: Italians and Syndicate Crime in the United States (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981); Robert Rockaway, But He Was Good to His Mother: The Lives and Crimes of Jewish Gangsters (New York: Gefen Publishing House, 2000); Jenna Weissman Joselit, Our Gang: Jewish Crime and the New York Community, 1900–1940 (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1983).
17. Thomas Kessner, The Golden Door: Italian and Jewish Immigrant Mobility in New York City, 1880–1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977); Sherry Gorelick, City College and the Jewish Poor: Education in New York City, 1880–1924 (Rutgers, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1981); John Bodnar, Roger Simon, and Michael Weber, Lives of Their Own: Blacks, Italians, and Poles in Pittsburgh, 1900–1960 (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1983).
18. Thomas Kessner, Fiorello H. La Guardia and the Making of Modern New York (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1989); Leo Hershkowitz, Tweed’s New York: Another Look (New York: Anchor Press, 1977); Adam Cohen and Elizabeth Taylor, American Pharaoh: Mayor Richard J. Daley (New York: Little, Brown, and Company, 2001).
19. Ronald H. Bayor, Neighbors in Conflict: The Irish, Germans, Jews, and Italians of New York City, 1929–1941 (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978).
20. See, for example, David Gerber, Authors of Their Lives: The Personal Correspondence of British Immigrants to North America in the Nineteenth Century (New York: New York University Press, 2008); Walter Kamphoefner, Wolfgang Helbich, and Ulrike Sommer, News from the Land of Freedom: German Immigrants Write Home (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993).
Chapter 1
The Impact of Immigration Legislation
1875 to the Present
David M. Reimers
Before 1875, Congress was content to leave immigration issues to the states. Beginning in 1819, the federal government provided for the counting of newcomers, but otherwise, state laws regulated the flow. However, in 1849, when the Supreme Court (The Passenger Cases) struck down state laws declaring that immigration regulation was a federal matter, Washington legislators began to construct a uniform system beginning in 1875 with enactment of the Page Act. That law, which was aimed at Chinese, barred the admission of prostitutes and had little impact on immigration. Several years later, responding to a growing hostility toward Chinese immigrants, especially in California, Congress passed the first of many laws affecting immigration and providing for the building of a bureaucracy to control the entrance of immigrants. In doing so, legislators attempted to create a nation based on ethnicity and nationality.1 The attempt was, in Aristide Zolberg’s words, A Nation by Design: Immigration Policy in the Fashioning of America. 2 It is also important to point out that the legislation often led to unintended results.
The first immigrants to be barred were Chinese laborers. Thousands of Chinese men (and a few women) headed to America after hearing of the discovery of gold in 1849 in California, where they at first experienced little hostility. The Chinese called California “the Gold Mountain.” But as the thousands of miners from other parts of the United States, Australia, and Europe found that their dreams of vast wealth were not being fulfilled, they turned their frustrations against Chinese. White Californians passed laws to penalize Chinese miners and drive them from the mines. Nor were Chinese immigrants welcome elsewhere in the West, where they faced riots and forced removal.3
It was not economics alone that led to their exclusion. The rising tide of white racism during the late nineteenth century added to the hostility toward (word is not too strong) all Asians, not simply the Chinese immigrants. Proponents of this racism insisted
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From the early stage to the late there is a long road of intense labor over which Shelley in his mad and impetuous way ran like Pheidippides at top-speed the race of death and immortality.
“No doubt Shelley’s bad health in the autumn of 1817,” writes one of his biographers, “was partly caused by overwork, for in that year he had written as much poetry as would take ten years in the life of a less impetuous writer.”
All his life Shelley spent in piling up knowledge from forbidden mines of lore. With more energy than any other poet Shelley performed the Herculean labors of greatness, and so swiftly was it done that the world has fallen into the error of considering him as a bird who sang inevitable songs.
In these two cases I have shown what seems to me to be powerful evidence of the fact that, although artists are born, geniuses are made. I have shown the methods of greatness as applied to the lives of two great men. Actually, perhaps, I have been talking about the artistry of the artist.
Let us turn for a moment to evidence of this same method of industry as applied to an individual work, more strictly, perhaps, the artistry of art.
“Love in the Valley” is unquestionably one of the great lyrics of English literature. As unquestionably, I think, in its first published form, it was a very mediocre, if not an utterly bad poem. Let me quote you the first verse as it stood in the early edition:
“Under yonder beech-tree standing on the greensward, Crouch’d with her arms behind her little head, Her knees folded up, and her tresses on her bosom, Lies my young love sleeping in the shade. Had I the heart to slide one arm beneath her, Press her dreaming lips as her waist I folded slow. Waking on the instant she could not but embrace me, Ah! would she hold me and never let me go?”
This is indeed a supple young lady Consider that she is standing, and crouching with her knees folded up, while she lies asleep in the shade. I fancy it is a troubled sleep. Consider, too, that in this verse there is an unhappy repetition of the word folded,—the last mention of that word being in the wrong tense. Consider that this is the first version of the first verse of one of the few great lyrics. It is a poor thing, at best. There are flashes of talent, but so are there in a thousand lyrics of young poets, nothing of whose work is counted immortal.
But George Meredith was great. With the industry of the great he came back to this poem. Lo! it has arisen from the grave.
“Under yonder beech-tree, single on the greensward Couch’d with her arms behind her golden head, Knees and tresses folded to slip and ripple idly, Lies my young love sleeping in the shade. Had I the heart to slide an arm beneath her, Press her parting lips, as her waist I gather slow, Waking in amazement she could not but embrace me, Then would she hold me and never let me go?”
The artist is primarily a temperament, but secondarily he is an artist, and his artistry, and the artistry of his art are what determine his greatness. Geniuses are born, and are made? But many are born, while few are made.
I think it is our duty to encourage greatness, even, if we, ourselves, have not the creative ability to imagine what we know.
MAXWELL E FOSTER
Gossip
Whenever, on a trip abroad, I went into one of the famous galleries to discover my reactions to the great works of art therein exhibited, I was struck by the realization that this was quite impossible. I found that I was confused by all that I heard about these things beforehand. The critics I had been advised to read, the inevitable guide-books, and my friends with their free scraps of information seemed all in a conspiracy to bewilder me; I was jealous of having my privilege of praising and condemning taken away and of being permitted only to ratify.
It is useless to say that one may rid oneself of such encumbrances. Coldness toward the official guides and an active disdain for the guide-books will not solve the problem; for Mr. Baedecker is, after all, one of the last to introduce us to the arts,— we do not arrive at his authoritative though concise eulogies totally uninformed by any means. While one may not have been made ready by intensive courses, the report of fame is not published merely for those who take them, and you cannot escape hearsay and the wealth of criticism that passes on the tide of conversation. Even curt phrases such as, “You must go and see this!” or “Oh, you would love that!” are to me insidious, and the type of gossip which they represent makes a premature effect inevitable. In fact, an educated person wandering in a well-known exhibition needs no guidance, other than names and authors, to recall everything to him.
I suppose those schoolgirls one meets abroad, daughters of the wealthy studying “art” in its habitat, are the worst off in this respect. You see them marching in herds through the museums led by their formidable teachers, stopping to gaze and murmur and look at the people passing while they are furnished with the necessary facts. By the time they are finished with text-books, scrap-books, and, lastly, exhaustive studies of the originals, no saint can hide a toe from them. They know everything, particularly dates. Leonardo was great;
the primitives “have such feeling and are so naïve”; the teacher’s favorites are their favorites. I sometimes wonder why they don’t carry it all a step further. Why not organize it? Why not “Three long cheers for Raphael now, girls! One—two—three—?” The middle-aged English maidens who form so large a part of the tourist mob in Italy are another set of victims. Steeped in their tawdry little enthusiasms, they always go at things hard and correctly. If they like a thing, their appreciation is like squirting a hose on it. One sees them make a mistake once in a while and admire an atrocity. Nothing could be more serene than their correction of such mistakes. I saw it happen once before a statue of Hercules. It appears that the god was not doing what he should be; he was looking for a giant to wrestle with instead of sweeping the stables or something of the kind. They had attended to the wrong statue, obviously, but their waste of five important minutes was their only chagrin and the hose was simply switched, perhaps squirting with a little less force now—as though punctured somewhere.
Granted, at any rate, that you do not come empty handed to the feast, some are of the opinion that if you have studied an object, it is only reasonable to suppose that you will be the more interested: that research enhances its appeal. This appears to be logical. A full appreciation is to be achieved only through an understanding of methods—of the points of view required to get at the stirring qualities a thing possesses.
On the other hand, one hears that painting and the rest of the arts hold the mirror up to nature, and it seems strange that we are not furnished handbooks to the current exhibitions of the latter. “You ought to know something about them!” we are told when we go to the galleries. Well, if this predigestion may be furnished us by our betters for our sight-seeing, why may we not have it ready at hand for our days in the country? Why not look up the good and bad points of a sunny day before leaving the house, for instance? Or know from a greater, deeper Ruskin in exactly what the “strength” of winter, as an artist, lies and where to look for his weaknesses? Why, in other words, cannot both types of aesthetic appreciation be dealt with in the same free manner?
Thus the problem is made real by the seeming validity of both points of view. And I do not see a solution.
I believe that the modern idea of education is an enemy of individuality in the average person interested in works of art. Not that any man is insincere, though it goes hard against the grain for him to throw aside the sophistication he has been a long time acquiring and be simple: to kick his education out of the way as it were and make a path for himself. To be caught overtaxing our slim knowledge of the world and thereby to appear ridiculous is no doubt disagreeable enough; but far more do we fight shy of exposing any virgin soil. It seems so silly not to appear well informed, particularly when one has the proof at hand. Besides, it is a temptation in a more complicated sense. Why should not a man bend every effort to see in fine works the things that many minds of a brilliancy sharper than his own have seen? Perhaps it is best just to ratify, or to satisfy ourselves that we are at one with the great concensus of judgments—that all’s well with our souls, at any rate. But if we come to judge for ourselves, we are as judges who before seeing the evidence have listened to the unanimous verdicts of countless others ranked wiser than themselves.
As I see it, to be in sympathy with truth in this form or in any other is a paradox except by natural inclination. To struggle against it until we reconcile ourselves to something that may, or, in the last analysis, may not be so, does not seem entirely satisfactory. And I believe that a person cultivated according to modern standards is unable to arrive at a definite conclusion of the kind in question by following his natural inclination. He may survive the temptation, more subtle in action than in its abstract nakedness, that I have outlined, but if he does so it is a resistance fraught with effort and as such harmful. The very determination of a person to do justice to his individuality spoils the adventure. The joy of a clear reaction is lost: that is the truth of the matter.... If I see this statue by so and so all I have ever heard about it and him flocks in upon me. At once I am all at sea. I am impressed by its reputation; my knowledge of it is large and solid before me. Either I notice things which otherwise would not have been obvious, or, more probably, I fight my prejudice and go
too far in the opposite direction, wildly exclaiming that I will be independent. I am trying to get my balance. I know that this may be done, but if I succeed in it, it is tedious work and to be accomplished only by making a series of involved compensations; and above all, it is hard to keep from doubting the truth of the result. Would I have been so impressed?—I say in my search for a genuine emotion;—if only I were unhampered! The delicate mechanism of my appreciation has been tampered with.
I find that if I go to look at some new work concerning which the criticism of the many is not yet crystallized, it is with relish and a fine sense of relief. I have the same feeling when, after studying under tedious tuition some novel of a great author, I pick up another book of his to read alone. Now then, I wonder, what is he like after all? For I am my own final arbiter whatever happens; and I enjoy to the full my privilege of judging what I see. This new thing at least I face as a free individual, as one would like to face men, shorn of their reputations. I can discover a swift, imperious dislike of it or love it vigorously, and not share any orthodox enthusiasms. Lavish spontaneity is briefly in the throne.
W T BISSELL
Book Reviews
The Cathedral.
By
H W . (The Macmillan Company, 1922.)
There are two classes of men who attain a piercing perception of the fundamental truths beneath the mantle of social usage which is loosely termed culture, a mantle which only serves to detract the senses from the real goal of human activities. One of these types is the stoic mentalist, to whom everything is mind and reason. The other is the emotional, uncontrolled realist, who lives for pleasure and dreams of ideals. Both of these divergent types are able to see clearly the foibles which permeate the life of mankind; the first because he realizes human weaknesses and thereby refrains from falling into indulging in them, while the second delves into the experiences and pleasures of the senses and comes to a realization of the futility of it all.
Mr. Walpole has taken this antithesis as the principal theme in his latest work, and the result is Canon Ronder and Davary. The power of these two characters, however, is suggested rather than described, and Mr. Walpole’s genius of omission is as commendable as his power of description. The perpetual controversy of the Church —between that which was once new and that which is ever rising to become the newer—is treated dramatically by attaching the teachings of both to human characters and having them live lives according to their interpretation of such teachings; the relative superiority of the opposing doctrines is thus put to the test. The splendor of the Church is seen by eyes from under different points of view, and discord arises between the officers of the Church. Worldly ambitions and thwarted passions are well depicted by Mr. Walpole, while an intensely dramatic strain is refreshed by the youthful love affair between the Bishop’s daughter and her sweetheart. “The
Cathedral” is a work of fiction which deserves to be ranked among the best—because it is so unlike fiction.
H. H. S.
The Hill of Dreams. By A M . (Alfred Knopf Company.)
This book is new only to the American public. Since its first appearance in England a number of years ago, its popularity and power has grown phenomenally; Knopf could scarcely have left it out of his collection of best modern books. It is sure to make a lasting impression here upon all those who are able to love and appreciate the remarkable beauties of a real prose style.
But, withal, I believe the book to be weaker than Carl Van Vechten would admit. I believe it to be weak in the same manner, and for the same reasons, I am inclined to decry the theses of many modern writers. In a way, “The Hill of Dream” is a study in the Psychology of Insanity. In a way, books like “Ulysses” and “Babbitt” are studies in Sociology and Psychology and whatnot. And, frankly, I do not like my science with my literature.
All this sort of intellectualism strives honestly for the truth; “The Hill of Dreams” attains a unique and unrivalled beauty, but any plot which selects one human specimen, and insists upon our microscopic interest in him, following the author’s experiments to the bitterest of ends, asks of us a little too much. These things are like too-lengthy poems, which cannot sustain our emotions through all their tomes, howsoever clever and beautiful they may be. Our complex minds require more complexity in our literature, more variation, less study and more story, than they give us. Personally, again, I prefer “Vanity Fair” to the most beautiful “-ology” ever to be written.
But that is far afield from “The Hill of Dreams”, and I should be truly sinful to lose a reader for it by rhapsodizing. It is beautiful prose, it is—after its own fashion—an interesting story, and it is certainly
true to a peculiar little minority of human life. In these days when dramatic value must be subjective to be great, it is a great book.
D. G. C.
A Hind in Richmond Park. By W. H. H . (E. P. Dutton.)
Reading “A Hind in Richmond Park” is like going on a long walk over rolling fields and hillsides in the face of a stiff breeze. There is a tang and freshness in the book which is exhilarating. You feel as if you were with Mr. Hudson in his wanderings. As you open the book he smiles at you and takes your hand and you are his. He takes you walking in England or riding across the Argentine pampas and talks to you about the sights and sounds en route, rambling smoothly from one thought to another.
He calls himself a field naturalist, but he is much more than that word implies even in its best sense. He is a poet of nature; a sort of modern Chaucer in his whole-hearted delight in and appreciation of the minute details in nature. The reader will find scattered through the pages many of his own inarticulate musings set down with charming simplicity and depth of feelings. Mr. Hudson talks to you about smells, winds and sounds and you find that you are listening to an expression of many of your own thoughts.
The material of the book is a strange admixture of anecdotes, science, and common sense which every now and then reaches an almost poetical plain of thought. It is neither a collection of essays, nor a journal, nor a narrative; it is really a set of printed conversations—a member of that delightful species that may be picked up for a half-hour’s reading, and laid aside again without the charm being broken. Nor is this because the subjects fail to arouse interest. Anyone who has caught nature off her guard, who has walked abroad after a thunder shower in dry weather, or who has tramped past newly-ploughed fields, or lain among the cowslips on a crystal-bright May morning with the fresh south wind in his face, will
find a source of quiet pleasure in “A Hind of Richmond Park”. He will forget that there is ice and snow outside and too much tobacco smoke within, and will shut his eyes and dream of pleasant summer days of long ago.
T
The Waste Land. By T. S. E . (Boni & Liveright, 1922.)
Any poem hailed by most of the really important critics of this country and of England as “the most significant of the generation” would naturally compel our attention. “The Waste Land” does not cease to do that even after constant re-reading. Although we are eventually convinced of the opinion just quoted, our peculiar conception of its significance may vary a great deal. It would seem to me it lies in its relation to the future of poetry. Mr. Eliot has led poetry to the crossroads and offered her a choice. She must either follow him along the path which he has demonstrated with eloquent conviction is disfigured beyond hope by the tracks of many centuries or else branch off to a new untravelled road. The poem is enormous and epochal by virtue of its aesthetic implications. It is pathetically foolish to find justification for its vast incongruities and obscurities in its broad design or in isolated passages of beauty. Those who are doing the latter give it an interpretation which its author manifestly did not intend. If his purpose had been to create simple lyricism there would be little sense in drowning it in a maelstrom of references to over thirty books, written in several languages, and ranging from Sanskrit maxims to American “rags”.
There can be no denial, however, that there is a definite and organized pattern in the crazy-quilt. Even such lines as,
“When
lovely woman stoops to folly and Paces about her room again, alone, She smooths her hair with automatic hand And puts a record on the gramophone.”
M
are an integral part of the general plan. Superficially, that plan has to do with the sterility of emotion in modern life and the futility of human aspirations in all ages. But his most subtle proof of the latter is to be found in the very form of the poem itself with its concrete negation of all the most cherished ideals of aesthetics. Eliot has shown us in this, as in his other work, that he is capable of writing perfect verse in any number of conventional modes. In “The Waste Land” he gives us a sample of each with the implication that there is not one of them but is as worn-out and vulgarized as the London desert.
This is my reason for believing the most profound significance of the poem consists in the threat it throws in the face of poetry. Will she continue to adorn herself in motley made up of the battered fabrics of past triumphs? Or, on the other hand, will some one come offering her what she most needs to survive, something beautiful in its very freshness? Perhaps we should be thankful for “The Waste Land”, as we are always thankful for a warning signal. But we have no need to desire another.
W. T.
The Forcing House. By I Z . (The Macmillan Company.)
Reading Mr. Zangwill we are often reminded of a rhyme which Olive Herford appended to a cartoon of that author in his “Confessions of a Caricaturist”:
“This picture, though it is not much Like Zangwill, is not void of worth; It has one true Zangwillian touch— It looks like nothing else on earth.”
In “The Forcing House”, the ever-original “Izzi” has attempted an even more impossible task than the one he set for himself in “The Cockpit”, to which it is the sequel. He has attempted to dramatize the main feature of the Russian Revolution and the confusions of an
attendant Bolshevism. The dramatist has proceeded in the conventional style of an allegory, but an allegory peculiar to Mr. Zangwill. Though the whole is vastly confused, each impression is clear enough and we finally emerge from the long, bewildering maze of plots and counterplots, anarchies and despotisms to find to our astonishment a remarkably precise and clear understanding of the political and social conditions of present day Eastern Europe. The chronicler offers no illusions. The whole is plainfully plain.
At the very beginning the author scents the weakness of the radicals. The Jewish Banker and the fanatic Riffoni are talking:
“Gripstein: ‘But why is printing so dear? See how these trade unions cut one another’s throats! So the proletariat won’t pay for your ideas.’
“Riffoni: ‘They can’t afford to.’
“Gripstein: ‘Not four soldi? But think what they spend on cinemas and cigarettes!’”
But it is not until the third act that the Duke D’Azolls lays bare the full misconception of the Doctrine Lenin: “Not a paradise of blossoming brotherhood, not a natural growth under God’s heaven, but a Socialism ripened prematurely under the heat of compulsion and watered with blood; a Socialism under a sky of glass, unstable, sterile.... And forced—good God!—from what seed? Constricting figs in greenhouse pots will precipitate them artificially, but there is high authority for doubting if they can be gathered from thistles.”
Mr. Zangwill has taken upon himself a monumental task. That he has had any success at all is remarkable.
M. W.
Editor’s Table
“Here we are,” exclaimed Richard Cory tritely; “the usual archaisms.”
“Do you mean us?” asked little Bukis innocently.
“No, you fool!” this from Ahaseurus, who was still wearing goloshes. “He is referring to the manuscripts.”
Bukis flew into a passion at this and started seething through the book reviews. There was a blare of trumpets, a rush of wind, and in burst the red-faced Benson.
Benson started throwing poems all over Bukis, who objected. He then took Richard Cory into a corner, and the two of them decided to go over to the Elizabethan Club to hear Steve Benét. Bukis had a meeting of Christians. They all left. The Egoist had resigned, anyway, and was not to be found. They had all gone.
All but Ahaseurus. He sat there meditatively with his hands in his overcoat pockets. Shivering, he bent over the piles of cold, white paper. And, in the grey silence of the shadows, he made up the L .
A
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