The origins of the modern world a global and environmental narrative from the fifteenth to the twent

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The Origins of the Modern World

AGlobalandEnvironmentalNarrative from the Fifteenthto the Twenty-FirstCentury

FIFTH EDITION

ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD

Lanham • Boulder • New York • London

Executive Editor: Ashley Dodge

Assistant Editor: Laney Ackley

Credits and acknowledgments for material borrowed from other sources, and reproduced with permission, appear on the appropriate page within the text.

Published by Rowman & Littlefield

An imprint of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 www.rowman.com

86-90 Paul Street, London EC2A 4NE

Copyright © 2024 by The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc.

First Edition 2002. Second Edition 2006. Third Edition 2015. Fourth edition 2020.

Allrights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Available

ISBN 9781538182765 (cloth) | ISBN 9781538182772 (paperback) | ISBN 9781538182789 (epub)

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992.

Chapter 1

Chapter 2

Chapter 3

Chapter 4

Chapter 5

Chapter 6

Brief Contents

List of Figures and Maps

Preface and Acknowledgments

Introduction: The Rise of the West?

The Material and Trading Worlds, circa 1400

Starting with China

Empires, States, and the New World, 1500–1775

The Industrial Revolution and Its Consequences, 1750–1850

The Gap

The Great Departure

Conclusion: Changes, Continuities, and the Shape of the Future

Notes

About the Author

Contents

Cover

Title

Copyright

Contents

List of Figures and Maps

Preface and Acknowledgments

Introduction: The Rise of the West?

The Rise of the West

“The Gap” and Its Explanations

Eurocentrism

Stories and Historical Narratives

The Elements of an Environmentally Grounded Non-Eurocentric Narrative

Chapter One: The Material and Trading Worlds, circa 1400

The Biological Old Regime

The Weight of Numbers

Climate Change

Population Density and Civilization

The Agricultural Revolution

Towns and Cities in 1400

Nomadic Pastoralists

Wildlife

Population Growth and Land

Famine

The Nitrogen Cycle and World History

Epidemic Disease

The World and Its Trading System circa 1400

The Black Death: A Mid-Fourteenth-Century Conjuncture

Conclusion: The Biological Old Regime

Chapter Two: Starting with China

China

The Voyages of Admiral Zheng He, 1405–33

India and the Indian Ocean

Dar al-Islam, “The Abode of Islam”

Africa

Slavery

Europe and the Gunpowder Epic

Armed Trading on the Mediterranean

Portuguese Explorations of the Atlantic

Armed Trading in the Indian Ocean

Conclusion

Chapter Three: Empires, States, and the New World, 1500–1775

Empire Builders and Conquerors

Russia and China

Mughal, Safavid, and Ottoman Expansion

The Dynamics of Empire

The Americas

The Conquest of the Americas and the Spanish Empire

The Columbian Exchange

The Great Dying

Labor Supply Problems

Silver

The Spanish Empire and Its Collapse

China’s Demand for Silver

The New World Economy

Sugar, Slavery, and Ecology

Human Migration and the Early Modern World

The Global Crisis of the Seventeenth Century and the European State System

State Building

Mercantilism

The Seven Years’ War, 1756–63

Chapter Four: The Industrial Revolution and Its Consequences, 1750–1850

Cotton Textiles

India

The New World as a Peculiar Periphery

New Sources of Energy and Power

China

Markets

Exhausting the Earth

England, Redux

Coal, Iron, and Steam

Recap: Without Colonies, Coal, or State Support

Science and Technology

Tea, Silver, Opium, Iron, and Steam

Tea

Silver

Opium

Iron and Steam

Conclusion: Into the Anthropocene

Chapter Five: The Gap

Opium and Global Capitalism

India

Industrialization Elsewhere

France

The United States

Germany

Russia

Japan

New Dynamics in the Industrial World

The Environmental Consequences of Industrialization

The Social Consequences of Industrialization

Nations and Nationalism

The Scrambles for Africa and China

Africa

China

El Niño Famines and the Making of the Third World

Social Darwinism and Self-Congratulatory Eurocentrism

Conclusion

Chapter Six: The Great Departure

Introduction to the Twentieth Century and Beyond

Part I: Nitrogen, Wars, and the First Deglobalization, 1900–1945

World War I and the Beginning of the Thirty-Year Crisis,1914–

45

Revolutions

Colonial Independence Movements

Normalcy?

The Great Depression of the 1930s

World War II

Part II: Reglobalization in the Post–World War II and Cold War Worlds, 1945–91

Decolonization

Asian Revolutions

Development and Underdevelopment

Consumerism versus Productionism

Consumerism

Third World Developmentalism

Migration, Refugees, and States

Global Inequality

Inequality within Rich Countries

Part III: Globalization and Its Opponents, 1991–Present

The End of the Cold War

The End of History, or Peak Globalization?

A Clash of Civilizations?

Global Free Trade and Its Consequences

The China Shock

The Financial Crisis of 2008 and the Ensuing “Great Recession”

Deaths of Despair

Opposition to Globalization

The COVID-19 Pandemic, 2019–23 Ukraine, Russia, War, and the Global Order

Deglobalization and Re-nationalization, 2008–present

A Conjuncture

Part IV: The Great Departure: Into the Anthropocene

The Global Nitrogen and Phosphorous Cycles

Climate Change

Deforestation and Species Extinction

Conclusion

Conclusion: Changes, Continuities, and the Shape of the Future

The Story Summarized Globalization Into the Future

Notes

About the Author

Figures and Maps

Figures

Joint Involvement of European States in Great Power Wars, 1496–1514 and 1656–74

The Nemesis

Share of World GDP, 1700–1890

Share of World Manufacturing Output, 1750–1900

Population of India, China, and Europe, 1400–2000

Factory Smokestacks, Nineteenth-Century England

The Berlin Conference of 1884–85

Income Inequality in the United States, 1910–2010

Maps

The Eight Circuits of the Thirteenth-Century World System

Mercator’s “Ancient World”

The World circa 1400–1500

The Fifteenth-Century Eurasian and African Trading Worlds

The World circa 1760

The World circa 1900

6.1 COVID-19 Deaths per 100,000

Preface and Acknowledgments

Why a Fifth Edition?

The past may not change, but our history of it does. History—the narratives that historians write—is relevant to us because historians are influenced in their selection of what and how to write about the past by their engagement with issues and problems that confront us today.

As I was working on the first edition of this book in the year 2000, environmental historian J. R. McNeill published Something New under the Sun: An Environmental History of the Twentieth Century. In that book, McNeill observed that he thought that a hundred years hence, at the end of the twenty-first century, historians and others looking back at the twentieth century would be struck by the significance, not of the two massive world wars, the rise and fall of fascism and communism, the explosive growth of the human population, or the women’s movement, but of the changed relationship of humans to Earth’s natural environment. As an environmental historian myself, I found that observation compelling

and incorporated an ecological theme in my narrative. The world holds many surprises, but one has to be how much faster McNeill’s prediction has arrived. It hasn’t taken a century, but just a few years, for the importance of the change in our relationship to the environment to thrust itself to the forefront of our understanding of the recent past, and to give the epoch in Earth history we are now in a new name—the Anthropocene.

When I first wrote this book, I did so because a new body of scholarship on Asia to which I contributed had made it possible to reconsider the usual answer to the question of the origins of the modern world: “The Rise of the West.” The new scholarship on Asia —which Jack Goldstone dubbed “The California School” because so many of us lived, worked, or published in California—raised questions about how and why the modern world came to have its essential characteristics: politically organized into nation-states and economically centered around industrial capitalism. Our findings that Asian societies had many of the characteristics others had seen as exclusively European and thus “causes” of the “European miracle” led us to argue that similarities cannot cause differences and to look for alternative explanations for how and why the world came to be the way it is. Andre Gunder Frank and Kenneth Pomeranz pulled this scholarship into two important books that changed the way we now understand how the world works, decentering Eurocentric explanations of history. One of the contributions of the first two editions of this book (2002 and 2006) was to bring to students and teachers a fresh narrative of the origins of the modern world that incorporated this new body of scholarship.

That continued to be the case with the third edition (2015), which, in addition, placed the environmental story line into an ever more prominent position in the book’s narrative. It was only in the 1980s that climatologists had begun to understand El Niño events and, in the 1990s, that rising levels of carbon dioxide coming from industry and tailpipes might cause the global climate to warm. From that initial realization that humans are forcing global climate change, we have now come to understand that humans are changing, overwhelming, or displacing other global processes of nature as well,

on scales never before seen in human history. Readers or instructors familiar with earlier editions will notice sections on environmental issues throughout the book, as well as others highlighting Africa and income inequality. Those additions, combined with the placement of all notes at the end of the book, necessitated new pagination and a new index in the third edition.

In the late 2010s, new developments prompted me to offer a revised, fourth edition of this book (2020). The fallout from the financial crisis of 2008, known as “The Great Recession,” shook the faith of many around the world in the workings of the post–World War II global economy. Especially affected were those whose jobs vanished as factories closed or relocated to countries with lower wages and environmental protections, or residents of rural areas where farm incomes dropped and employment opportunities for young people eroded and many migrated to urban areas, fueling a sense of unfairness and anger toward those who allowed those downward pressures to continue to build. In many places around the world, the globalized economy and its easy flows of capital and labor have destabilized people’s lives, stoking opposition to the globalized world and to the elites assumed to be running it. Often these resentments come together in particular individuals who come to power as authoritarian nationalists (such as President Donald J. Trump in the United States and others in Brazil, Hungary, and Poland), and in movements such as Brexit in the United Kingdom, where a slim majority of citizens voted to leave the European Union.

Since then, earthshaking events, including the COVID-19 epidemic (2019–2023), Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, and the latest assessments of the growing dangers of global warming, led me to conclude that a new edition was necessary to place those developments into the long-term global context of Origins. Doing so also led me to re-envision much of parts III and IV of chapter 6, those addressing the post–World War II era. In addition to new sections on COVID and Ukraine, I have added new sections on the China Shock; the financial crisis of 2008 and the ensuing great recession; deaths of despair; opposition to globalization,

deglobalization and re-nationalization; and “a conjuncture.” The conclusion to chapter 6 is new.

Elsewhere in the book, I have clarified my prose where needed, corrected a few errors, and added and discussed new scholarship on the Black Plague at the end of chapter 1, on the Indian Ocean world in chapters 2 and 3, on Native Americans in chapter 5, and on the 1920s in chapter 6.

My reason for recounting this story of the changing circumstances of this book is not to provide a rationale for another edition. Rather, it is to point out that history is living and relevant to current concerns, not the “dead hand of the past,” as some might see it. Both new scholarship and new issues and problems can prompt us to re-examine the past and to rewrite history to take account of changes in both. That way the stories we tell about the past continue to be relevant and helpful to us in the present. For if they weren’t, what would be the point? We need all the help we can get, and historical perspective is an essential aid to living in and through the present to a better future.

In addition to the intellectual debt I owe to Andre Gunder Frank, Kenneth Pomeranz, and John R. McNeill, I want to thank them for their personal involvement with the first edition of this book. Others who were instrumental in conceptualizing that project include Dennis O. Flynn and Arturo Giraldez, whose work following the silver trail around the world opened new vistas for me and other scholars and who organized the 1998 Pacific Centuries Conference at the University of the Pacific in Stockton, California, where we thrashed out ideas over lunches and dinners, and where the idea for this book originated. Others who read and commented on the first edition include my Whittier College colleagues José Orozco and Dick Archer; Steve Davidson, professor of history at Southwestern University; and the editor of the Rowman & Littlefield series World Social Change, Mark Selden. Erik Ching, Bradley Davis, Kathryn Davis, Peter Lavelle, Ray Patton, and David Pizzo provided helpful comments and offered important suggestions for adding clarity and helping students navigate Origins. For comments on this fifth edition, I thank Brad Davis and Xiaofei Gao. My dissertation advisor, Maurice Meisner, who

was himself an intellectual historian, supported and encouraged me when I first made the turn to social and economic history, and then to environmental history.

For their response to the ideas in the book and the book itself, I want to acknowledge the first- and second-year students who have taken History 101, Introduction to World History, and read and commented on prior editions of Origins, and to thank my colleagues, Professors Elizabeth Sage, José Orozco, and José Ortega, who teamtaught the course with me and from whom I learned much about the history of Latin America, Europe, and the Atlantic world. Like their predecessors, the history majors in History 480, Capstone Seminar, read widely and deeply on topics that found their way into this book, exploring environmental history (Spring 2010), the early modern world (Spring 2012), Eric Hobsbawm (Spring 2013), “the seventeenth-century global crisis” (Spring 2014), the Columbian Exchange (Spring 2015), the twentieth century in global, ecological, and historical perspective (Spring 2016), the environmental history of the early modern world (Spring 2017), and empire and environment in the modern world (Spring 2018). I especially want to thank the members of the Capstone Seminar (Spring 2019). These students read and critiqued the third edition and many of the draft revisions for the fourth edition. I found their comments and critiques invaluable. I say “thank you” to these students: Michael Atwood, Trent Beauchamp-Sanchez, Koren Dalipe, Brianna Drakopulos, Carlos Gonzalez, Madeline Kirkwood, Mikaela Malsy, Alicia Pennypacker, Jonathan Ramirez, Kelsey Sherman, Carly Stevens, Daniela Vega, Astra Yatroussis, and Jourdan Zelaya. Special thanks also go to Professor Kenneth Curtis, who invited me to meet with the members of his graduate seminar at California State University–Long Beach. They engaged me in a wonderful discussion of the ideas that draft revisions of this book sparked.

Since the fourth edition was published, I have retired after fortyone years of teaching at Whittier College. Although I no longer have students with whom to try out ideas and draft revisions, I do remain an active scholar. I am especially grateful to Professor Ling Zhang who organized a March 2023 gathering of scholars at Harvard

University to recognize my role in founding the field of Chinese environmental history. Many of those present also attested to the importance of TheOriginsoftheModernWorldto their teaching and scholarship. I continue to work on environmental history, and my attention has turned to the Mono Basin in the Sierra Nevada Mountains of eastern California where I now live.

A grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities (FB36592) supported the composition of the first edition. Philippe Beaujard kindly (and promptly) gave me permission to use one of his maps (see map 2.2). At Rowman & Littlefield, executive editor Susan McEachern was instrumental in bringing the first four editions to print, kept me apprised of feedback from students and faculty who read and used Origins, and encouraged me to get working on the fourth edition. Her work as my editor has now been taken over by Ashley Dodge and her assistant, Laney Ackley, and I thank them for all they have done to bring this fifth edition to completion. For their attention to detail, I want to thank Professor Robert Entenman and Yuhin Ng for pointing out errors in the second edition that needed correction, and to Scott Kistler for pointing out an error in the fourth edition. Any errors that remain in this edition are mine. Without my family, I would not be the scholar I am. My mother and father, neither of whom graduated high school, nonetheless loved reading and talking, and together they gave me the support and encouragement to follow my dreams out of a small town in northern Wisconsin to the University of Wisconsin. My son Robert received his degree in environmental sciences, is a professional freshwater resource geologist, and reads and critiques my drafts. Joyce Kaufman continues to offer companionship, love, and support, knowing what it means to be a publishing scholar at a college that values teaching effectiveness first and foremost. And as did our faithful and beloved dog companions Budd, Rembrandt, and Stanton, Seger now reminds me to look forward to each new day.

INTRODUCTION

The Rise of the West?

1.5° Celsius. Or a little less than 3° Fahrenheit above preindustrial levels. That is the amount of global warming scientists tell us the world can accommodate without tipping into uncharted and dangerous territory for the stability of human societies.1 Over the past two decades global temperatures have steadily increased (twenty of the hottest years on record are in the past twenty-two years),2 with discernable effects on weather patterns—hotter and drier summers in some places, wetter and wilder ones in others. And sea level increases are already worrying the leaders and citizens of oceanic countries. Stronger hurricanes and typhoons as well as longer and more intensive droughts are increasingly likely, leading to the loss of food security for affected peoples and the social and political disruption that follows. We know that global warming is caused by human activities, mostly the burning of fossil fuels that release carbon dioxide (CO2) into the atmosphere, but also by

methane (CH4) released from rice paddies and the guts of dairy and beef cattle.

Already the amount of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere has surpassed the safety level of 350 parts per million (ppm) and is now (in 2023) over 420 ppm and continuing to rise. The global average temperature is already 1.1° C higher than it was in 1870.3 Because carbon dioxide is a greenhouse gas, projections are that Earth is heading for warmer global temperatures and serious challenges faster than had been expected. In the view of James Hansen, until 2013 head of the NASA Goddard Institute for Space Studies, this is a matter of concern because most of what we have called human civilization has developed in a temperate global climate with atmospheric carbon dioxide around 280 ppm. More than that, though, Hansen and other climatologists have concluded that the cause of the increase in atmospheric carbon dioxide is human action arising from industrialization over the past two centuries, and especially in just the past sixty years since the middle of the twentieth century.4 Young people around the world certainly “get it” (see cover photo) about the challenges posed by global warming and to the safety and security of the world that they and their children will inhabit, and they have been demonstrating and pressing their elders to “take action now!”5

The story of how the world got to the point where human actions could affect global environmental processes is complex but not mysterious. The tools of history can help us understand how and why the world we live in—the modern world—got to be the way it is. That understanding can be helpful as we search for ways to make the world a better, safer, more sustainable, and more equitable place for all people. But we need to take a long-term view to fully understand the past and its relationship to the present, and to envision alternatives for the future.6

Mostly, the story of the modern world revolves around the historical unfolding of five interrelated themes. The first involves the question of when, how, and why some parts of the world first industrialized, and how those processes were then picked up and

used by people in other parts of the world. That story line is still unfolding, and it gets intertwined with another, that of the emergence of nation-states as the principal way people over the past two centuries have organized themselves politically. Industry initially gave some states in western Europe and North America increasing wealth and power—so much so that a large and growing gap emerged between the wealthiest and poorest parts of the world. The story of that “gap” and its consequences is the third of the themes taken up in this book.

The fourth theme explores the interrelationship between the environmental context in which those elements of the modern world emerged and the ways people and their actions in turn changed and continue to change the environment. The imprint of humans on our Earth’s ecosystems has become so great that some scholars argue that we are entering a new geologic era—the Anthropocene—in which “humankind . . . has become so large and active that it now rivals some of the great forces of Nature in its impact on the functioning of the Earth system.”7

And because each of those first four themes needs to be understood in a global context, a fifth significant theme is the longterm process of globalization.

Just 250 years ago, the human population of the world was less than one billion people, and two Asian countries—India and China— accounted for two-thirds of the world’s economic output. In the brief span of history since then, global population has grown to over eight billion people (on our way to nine billion plus by 2050), and the world saw a great reversal of fortune: where once Asians held most of the economic cards, for the past two centuries, it has been primarily Western countries and Japan. In just the past thirty years, China has risen to be the second largest economy in the world, and its assertions of regional and global leadership have been challenging the U.S. and its views of how the global order should be structured. The question centers on how that great reversal happened, and how China has subsequently risen once again. How did industry and European-style countries called nation-states— rather than highly developed agrarian empires like China and India—

come to define our world? Are the last two centuries of European and American economic and political domination a relatively brief aberration? And is China’s (or all of Asia’s) recent rise a return to the previous world order? Or to a newly reorganized global economy? Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 raises a similar question about the stability of the system of sovereign states.

Thus, to understand our world, we have to understand not just how nation-states and industry came to shape the modern world, but how and why those European ways of organizing the world came to dominate the globe. Explanations abound, but for most of the past two centuries, the predominant explanation in the West, the United States included, has been “the rise of the West.” As we will see, recent research has shown that that explanation is no longer persuasive, but because it is probably the one most readers may be familiar with, I will take some time exploring it and providing the basis for constructing an alternative explanation.

The Rise of the West

The concept of the rise of the West provides both a rationale and a story line that purports to explain not just the modern world, but why it is defined by primarily European features. The idea behind it is fairly simple and began to emerge shortly after the Spanish conquest of the Americas, during the Italian Renaissance of the sixteenth century. Europeans were quite astounded to see hundreds of Spanish conquistadors vanquish huge and very wealthy American civilizations, in particular the Aztecs and the Incas. Being ignorant of the germ theory of disease and the cause of the “Great Dying” in Mexico, where nearly 90 percent of the central Mexican population of twenty-five million succumbed to European diseases such as smallpox and influenza, Europeans first attributed their superiority to their Christian religion. Later, during the Enlightenment of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, they attributed their superiority to a Greek heritage of secular, rationalistic, and scientific thought.

In the late 1700s, this story line continues. The French Revolution of 1789 reinforced the awareness in European minds not just that Europeans were different from the rest of the world, but also that Europeans were “progressing” rapidly while the rest of the world appeared to be stagnating, that Europeans were somehow exceptional—better, even—than the rest. Nineteenth-century European historians, impressed with what many considered to be the universal appeal of the ideals of the French Revolution—egalité, liberté, fraternité(equality, liberty, and brotherhood)—looked back to the ancient Greeks, their institutions of democracy and republics, and their rationalistic bent toward understanding the natural world in scientific, not religious, terms. In this early telling of the “rise of the West,” the story is somewhat like a relay race, with the ideas of democracy that arose in Greece passed off to the Romans, who dropped the baton (the fall of the Roman empire followed by the socalled Dark Ages), but Christianity was then on the scene to pick it up and run with it, creating a distinctive European culture during feudal times. The ancient Greek heritage was rediscovered in the Renaissance (“renewal”), elaborated during the Enlightenment, and ultimately fulfilled in the French and American revolutions and “the rise of the West.”

If the West was “rising” during the eighteenth century, during the nineteenth its ascent was completed. As the Industrial Revolution of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries was just beginning, the classical British political economists—Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, David Ricardo, and their followers—developed another strand to be woven into the story of the rise of the West: the ideas of capitalist industrial development as “progress,” the West as “progressive,” and Asia (and by implication, Africa and Latin America, too) as “backward” and “despotic.” To be sure, contrasts between the virtues of the West and the flaws of the East—the Orient—may have dated back to the Greeks, but eighteenth-century Europeans had been impressed with the wealth and governance of Asian countries, especially China. As the pace of economic change accelerated in nineteenth-century Europe, while much of Asia was in internal decline, European social theorists came to view the West as

dynamic, forward looking, progressive, and free, and Asia as stagnating, backward, and despotic.

Even Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, the most powerful critics of the new capitalist world order, believed that nineteenth-century European expansionism was bringing “progress” to the rest of the world. As they wrote in The Communist Manifesto, published in 1848:

The [European] bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the most backward, nations into civilization. The cheap prices of its commodities are the heavy artillery with which it batters down all Chinese walls, with which it forces the underdeveloped nations’ intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to introduce what it calls civilization into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a world in its own image.8

Of more importance for Western conceptualizations of their own history, though, has been Max Weber, a German sociologist who wrote around the turn of the twentieth century. Where Weber shared with Marx a fascination with explaining how and why capitalism developed in Europe—and only Europe—Weber parted with Marx in his explanation. Instead of focusing as Marx had on “materialist” explanations, Weber looked to those aspects of Western values and culture, in particular the rationalism and work ethic that he associated with Protestantism, as being crucial to the rise of capitalism. But rather than basing his ideas about the rise of the West solely on studies of the West, Weber actually investigated Chinese and Indian societies, compared them with Europe, and concluded that those two societies at least, and by implication all other non-European societies, lacked the cultural values necessary for capitalism. Nonetheless, they too could “modernize,” Weber thought, but only by going through a painful process of cultural change, getting rid of their cultural “obstacles” to capitalist development.

“The Gap” and Its Explanations

Since the mid-nineteenth century, then, European social theorists have been aware of a growing gap between the industrialized countries and the rest of the world. Believing both that western Europeans—and they alone—had unlocked the secret of modernization,9 and that others too could learn, twentieth-century followers of Smith, Marx, and Weber have propounded a “diffusionist” theory of how world history has unfolded. That theory goes like this: Europeans found out how to get rich first by industrializing. Japan and a few other places learned from the Europeans and caught up, and eventually every other place on the globe will too (as the story of “China’s rise” since the 1990s appears to show), as long as they identify and eliminate the local institutions and cultural traits that prevent them from becoming modern. By the end of the twentieth century, these ideas appeared to have been vindicated when the Soviet Union collapsed and Communist China began adopting market reforms and sanctioning the ownership of private property. “The end of history,” political theorist Francis Fukuyama declared in 1992 under the assumption that the values and institutions of the West had triumphed globally.10 The spread of the global free trade, the proponents of “globalization” argued, would bring the benefits of economic development to even the poorest people and nations in the world, everyone would benefit, and world peace would prevail. To that extent, history would end.

Viewed now in the third decade of the twenty-first century, these ideas appear to be quite unconvincing in light of the facts that the gap between the wealthiest and poorest parts of the world continues to grow and the environmental consequences of industrialization are coming home to roost. However, the fact that eighteenth-and nineteenth-century European theorists—Smith, Malthus, Ricardo, Marx, and Weber all accepted the idea of European exceptionalism and sought, as one of their primary intellectual goals, to explain it, is important.

These men were the founders of modern social science theory, and in the twentieth century virtually all of the social sciences, in

particular sociology and economics, incorporated the idea of European exceptionalism into their basic assumptions. As historians sought to become more “scientific” in the twentieth century by adopting and adapting the insights of this social science to historical inquiry, they too became captivated by the search for the origins and causes of European exceptionalism. But as we will see, Europeans were not exceptional, and one of the most important points about the history of the world until about 1800 is the broad comparability of Asia with Europe, showing more surprising similarities than meaningful differences. Nevertheless, the search for answers to why Europeans were perceived as exceptional and hence ultimately superior continues among historians today, even though many now think it is the wrong question to be asking.

In the post–World War II era, this new historical search has produced an impressive body of scholarship looking for the key to what one economic historian has called “the European miracle.”11 These scholars begin with what they see as the fact of the rise of the West but propose differing solutions to the questions of when and why the “rise” or the “miracle” began. The question of when will be discussed first, since in many ways it is relevant to considerations of why.

Adam Smith saw 1492 and 1498 (the voyages of Columbus to the Americas and of Vasco da Gama around Africa to India, respectively) as the most significant years in history. As Smith wrote in The WealthofNations(1776): “The discovery of America, and that of the passage to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope, are the two greatest events recorded in the history of mankind.” Marx, too, saw these two dates as crucial, as have several twentieth-century scholars working in a Marxist tradition who have pointed to the subsequent European colonialism, slavery, and exploitation of colonies in the Americas and Asia as the primary explanations for the rise of the West. Many non-Marxists have contested the idea that Europe’s rise was a result of the exploitation of others,12 an inconvenient and awkward fact if true, and instead have turned their attention to those aspects of European culture that predate

European colonialism, beginning with the Spanish conquest of the New World.

To avoid the possible embarrassment of attributing the rise of the West to its colonial ventures, and not its inherent virtues, much post–World War II scholarship on the origins of the rise of the West has looked farther back in European history, in some cases as far back as the Middle Ages in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, or yet earlier to the ancient Greeks, for factors that could be attributed only to Europe’s own exceptional development. Factors that have been identified, in addition to the cultural values discussed by Weber, include environmental ones (temperate climates promote hard work, or poor soils stimulate agricultural innovation), technological ones (plows, stirrups, or reading glasses), political-military ones (feudalism leading to absolute monarchs and then nation-states and the evolving technology of war), demographic ones (small families promote capital accumulation), and in the minds of several historians, combinations of all or some of these.13

The implication of this body of scholarship is that Europe possessed some unique characteristics that allowed it and only it to modernize first, and hence gave it the moral authority and the power to diffuse “modernity” around the globe where cultural, political, or economic “obstacles” prevented modern development from occurring indigenously. Hence, this story line purports to explain, justify, and defend the rise of the West to global dominance. Just how wrongheaded this theory is will become clearer as the industrial superiority of much of Asia to Europe, at least prior to about 1750, is revealed in the course of this book.

In addition to the recent scholarship on Asia that is changing our understanding of how and why the modern world developed, another perspective is changing our views of the consequences of that development—environmental history. Broadly conceived, environmental history looks at the mutual interactions of humans with our environment—the ways environments conditioned human societies, the ways humans in turn changed their environments to meet human needs, and then the ways those environmental impacts created new sets of problems for humans to confront. This new field

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IT almost seemed as if the guitar helped Ronald on to perfect recovery. As the spring days advanced, his strength increased, and Doctor Warstone's visits were discontinued. How much I missed those visits I never owned. I think the influence of that good man's strong nature and wise, cheerful words had sustained me unawares. And when I lost sight of the kind face, and ceased to hear the friendly voice, I became conscious of my own weakness.

We had not money enough to go out of town for change of air. Moreover, with Ronald's returning health came the urgent need of finding work to do; and where was he to find work if it was not to be found in London? When we were first married I had been quite sanguine about his chance of getting employment. He could do so many things, that it seemed impossible for him to fail. But later on, I discovered that the man who can do many things is precisely the man who does fail.

He could paint a tambourine beautifully, and hang it up on a wall with good effect; and he had a perfect genius for arranging old china, and giving artistic touches to a room. And there was the guitar-playing, and the singing, to say nothing of a graceful manner and a way of gliding naturally into the best society. Useful gifts these, were they not? Gifts which ought, of course, to have ensured their possessor a good income, and complete immunity from all the petty anxieties of life!

But, alas! They did not. Days lengthened into weeks; we left off fires, and were glad to open the windows and let the London air enter our little room. All the best people were in town; streets and squares were gay with carriages; women looked charming in their freshly-donned costumes; but I, Louie Hepburne, crept about in my shabby old gown, carrying a heavy heart, and perpetually doing long addition

sums. Oh, those weekly bills which my good nurse never presented! Would they ever be paid?

It was about this time that Ronald began to miss my old cheerfulness. Somehow there were not so many things to laugh at as there used to be. The comic side of life seemed to be hidden from my gaze. Mental arithmetic does not foster one's sense of humour, and the fun was gradually dying out of my nature. I suppose I was a dull companion; and even devotedness cannot quite make up for dulness. One evening, when we were sitting together in our small parlour, he looked at me and sighed.

"I don't think I acted quite fairly in persuading you to marry me, Louie," he said, after a brief pause.

"Are you going in for vain regret, and that sort of thing?" I asked, feeling my checks flush.

"No; but I ought to have waited till I was better off, or —"

"Or what?" I cried, hotly. "I hate an unfinished sentence. Shall I finish it for you? 'You ought to have waited till you were better off, or till you had met a richer woman!'"

It was the most foolish speech that I could possibly have made. But is there ever a loving woman who does not at certain times say the most disastrous things? The more she loves, the more likely she is to speak unwisely. It was just one of those moments when a man sees that he has the advantage, and Ronald was as quick-sighted as most men. Moreover he, too, was by no means in his best mood that night, although he answered with a calmness that nearly maddened me.

"I met a richer woman long before I ever saw you," he said, looking at me steadily to note the effect of his words.

There was a sharp pain at my heart, and the blood rushed into my face and then receded, leaving me deadly pale.

"Why didn't you take her?" I demanded, in a voice that did not sound in the least like mine. "It was a pity that you missed so good a chance."

He smiled faintly, as if my suppressed excitement amused him.

"Well, there were obstacles in the way," he replied, in a provokingly tranquil tone. "She had a perfect dragon of an uncle, who was her guardian. And after some months of futile love-making, we had to say a long good-bye."

"You did not tell me all this before we got engaged," said I, in my new, strange voice. "Wouldn't it have been more honourable if you had told me that you only sought me because you had failed in winning a girl you liked better?"

"It would, Louie, always supposing that I had liked the other girl better."

There was a silence, and my heart beat with quick, heavy throbs. Until now I had never known the tremendous power of jealousy that lay dormant within me. To the last day of my life I shall remember the fierce agony that rent my soul as I sat in my seat by the window, idly watching the passers-by. What did they know of my trouble? Had any of them ever tasted such a bitter cup as mine?

"Is she still unmarried?" I asked at last.

"Yes."

"What is her name?"

"Ida Lorimer."

I had some vague recollection of that name. It must have been mentioned by Lady Waterville. Surely I had heard her say something about having lost sight of an Ida Lorimer who had been rather a favourite of hers. As I sat and mused, a host of memories came trooping back; and then I distinctly recalled a certain photograph in Lady Waterville's album, and remembered the widow's languid complaint that "Ida never came to see her now-a-days."

I was in the state of mind when bitter words are one's sole relief. And the words that burst from my lips were as bitter as if an evil spirit had prompted their utterance.

"It was a pity that you had to say good-bye to her! I wish she had had to bear all that I have borne. I wish that she were in my place at this moment!"

Of course there was but one thing for Ronald to do after that outburst, and he did it. He got up quietly, put on his hat, left the room, and went out of doors. In the next moment I saw him stride past the window, with his chin well up, and eyes looking straight ahead.

Dear heaven, what a dark cloud had suddenly descended on the little parlour, where we had spent so many happy hours together! It was all my fault, I told myself; and then I got up sad wandered aimlessly into the other room.

Before the looking-glass I came to a pause, and gazed wearily at the reflection of my own face. I suppose it was

once a pretty face; but now the grey eyes looked at me with an expression of infinite woe; the complexion, always pale, had taken a sallow tinge, and even the sunny chestnut hair was less abundant than it had been in happier days. Nursing and anxiety had stolen away a good deal of my youth and brightness. But Ida Lorimer had doubtless kept all her attractions. I remembered the photograph of a fair, calm-faced woman in evening dress, with a beautiful neck and shoulders, and a general look of prosperity and selfsatisfaction, and the cruel fangs of jealousy began to gnaw my heart again, and I turned away from the glass with a low moan of pain.

By-and-by the clock struck seven, and, for the first time since my marriage, I sat down to dinner alone. It was then that I began to realise what it was to feed on the "bread of affliction." Ronald's empty place deprived me of all appetite, and the chicken, which nurse had roasted to perfection, went back to the kitchen almost untasted. In my remorse and loneliness, I was even more severe on myself than there was any need to be. The vixenish wife had driven her much-enduring husband out of doors to seek his food elsewhere! It was quite likely that, sickened with grief and heartache, he would go without a dinner altogether.

This last fear was about as silly a notion as ever tormented a weak-minded woman. As a rule, the man of unquiet mind will fly to dinner as a solace, instead of turning from it in disgust. Quarrel with him at home, and he rushes out to the best restaurant in Regent Street, and consoles himself with perfect cookery. But I, being new to men and their ways, had not then discovered all their sources of consolation.

Moreover, I forgot that the wear and tear of Ronald's illness, and the worry of our straitened means, had told

upon my health, and made my temper unnaturally irritable. As I sat, dropping my foolish tears upon the table-cloth, I did not realise the fact that I had been the chief burdenbearer in our married life. For many weeks Ronald had had nothing to do but get well, and accept all the petting that was lavished upon him. I had had to work, slave, struggle to make two ends meet, and sink down crushed under the load of embarrassments that I could not lift alone.

Yet we were both to blame, Ronald and I. When we had stood at the altar in St. George's Church (where so many wealthier couples had stood before us), we had perfectly realised that we were taking each other for better, for worse. When there is "the little rift within the lute" you may generally conclude that it has been made by two, not by one alone. Patch it up before it widens, deal with the damaged instrument as tenderly as you can, if you want to keep its music. Even if the sounds are never again so sweet as they used to be, they are better than the total silence that makes all life a long regret.

The May daylight lingered long, even on the grey walls of Chapel Place. I sat watching the slow fading of the sunbeams, and starting at every footstep that seemed to pause at the house door. Every knock or ring set all my nerves quivering. Meanwhile, I prepared a hundred little speeches of conciliation, and thought of a hundred little ways of atoning for my unkind words; and the weary hours crawled away, and the stars came out above the great restless London world. Would he never return? Must I watch and wait all through the long night?

Ten o'clock—did the clocks ever make such a dreadful din before? I began to pace my two rooms like a wild creature in its cage; and so another hour went by, and I had

to stop, worn-out, and sink into a seat. Eleven. Every stroke fell like a heavy blow upon my brain.

I got up from my chair, hardly knowing what I did, and staggered towards the door with some vague intention of seeking nurse, and asking her what was to be done. But just at that moment, I heard a key turn in the hall door, and then the parlour door was suddenly flung open, and my husband came in. With a cry that I could not repress, I sprang up to him, and put my arms round his neck, hiding my poor worn face on his breast.

"Oh, Ronald," I sobbed, "I have been breaking my heart for you. Forgive my cruel words, and try to love me again!"

He folded me in a close embrace, and answered me with fond murmurs that were more reassuring than a thousand formal sentences. Spent and exhausted as I was, I had seldom, perhaps never, known a happier moment than this. The ecstasy of relief was almost more than I could bear.

"I didn't mean to stay out so late, dear little woman," he said, penitently. "The fact was that I met Greystock, and he asked me to dine with him. It's a long while since I saw him, and we had a good many things to talk about. Altogether, it was a lucky meeting; he is the man to give one a helping hand, you know. But how fearfully white you look, poor child!"

He bent over me with a face full of anxiety. Somehow the mere mention of Greystock's name had an ominous sound in my ears. Even in that moment, I recalled the many plans that had failed;—the seemingly good counsel that had led to no substantial result. In every case William Greystock had been the planner and counsellor, and I could not

persuade myself that this meeting with him had been, as my husband thought, a lucky meeting.

But those we love best are precisely the people who can never be made to see with our eyes. I knew that Ronald would not be induced to distrust Greystock at my bidding; and as I was still smarting from the consciousness of having spoken unadvisedly once that day, I would not commit a second blunder. So I owned meekly that I was over-tired and over-worn, and let Ronald soothe me and wait on me to his heart's content.

I slept soundly that night, the heavy sleep of exhaustion, and when I woke the next morning I had aching limbs and a general sense of languor and weakness. Ronald was full of anxiety, and a self-reproach which he would not put into words. It was a rare thing for me to break down, and it troubled him to see the effort I made to get up to breakfast and seem like my old self.

"I wish I had not promised to go to Greystock's office to-day," he said, regretfully. "I don't like leaving you, Louie, although I think I have a chance of getting employment."

"Have you, really?" I asked. "Don't think of staying indoors for me, dear; I shall be quite bright when you return. It will be delightful to feel you are a City man, with important business to attend to every day. You are looking much better."

"I am gaining my strength, but you are losing yours," he said, kissing me, and keeping back a sigh.

We had finished breakfast, but, instead of going out at once, he took up the guitar and ran his fingers across the strings. Again came the soft sweet tune that had no name, the tune which had so often haunted me in my dreams.

"What does it mean?" I cried, involuntarily.

"I don't know," he said, "I can't help asking myself the same question every time I play it. If I could only remember how I learnt it first, I could solve the mystery."

"I think there is something rather fascinating about the mystery," I remarked. "That air always cheers, while it perplexes me. It comes like a suggestion of sunshine. It seems full of promises—promises of what? I wish I knew."

Ronald smiled at me as he put down the guitar.

"Promises of better fortune,—let us believe that," he said. "But good fortune doesn't always come to those who sit and wait. I am going to seek it in Greystock's office."

Again I felt a sudden heart-sinking. And yet how absurd and unreasonable this dislike to William Greystock would appear to others. As far as I knew, he had never done me the slightest harm, nor had he ever crossed my path since my marriage. Even supposing he had once been somewhat in love with me, was that any reason why I should hate the sound of his name? Any way, he had never pestered me with unwelcome attentions, but had withdrawn himself quietly when he found that my heart was not for him. And being a strong-minded, strong-willed man, he had doubtless conquered his fancy long ago.

Ronald took up his hat and stick, kissed me again, and went off, whistling as gaily as a school-boy. He really had the air of a man who was going to find good things; and I could not help fancying that our mysterious melody had inspired him with a cheerful spirit. And then, after he had gone his way, the miserable experience of last night rushed back into my mind like a flood, and, silly woman that I was, I sat still and brooded over it.

I felt I should like to know a little more about his affair with Ida Lorimer. But not for the world would I ever mention her name to him again—no, not if we lived together as man and wife for a hundred years! Yet if any one who had known my husband in his bachelor days—Lady Waterville, for instance—would give me some scraps of information about him and Ida, I knew that I should fasten greedily upon them.

Later on, I learnt that love should listen to no tales that do not come from the loved one's own lips. But heaven only knows what bitter hours we spend before we have mastered that lesson.

MARIAN.

IT was five in the afternoon when Ronald returned from the city. He came home in capital spirits; but, although I

CHAPTER VIII.

paid the closest attention to all that he said, I really could not discover any definite ground to build a hope upon.

"When you look about you," he remarked, "you soon find out that money-making is very easy work."

"I have already found that money-spending is very easy work," I replied, rather dolefully.

"Don't be gloomy, Louie—for heaven's sake don't be gloomy!" implored my husband, sinking down upon the sofa with a groan. "How is a man to go to work if you depress his spirit? You are a good girl, my dear, but you are always ready with your extinguisher!"

I was a little hurt. There had been a time when He had called me his light-bearer, guiding him out of the darkness and perplexity of a lonely life. The falling off of poetry after marriage has been a sore trial to many a young matron; but few, perhaps, are quite as oversensitive as I was in those days. The first two or three months of our wedded life had been an idyl; then there were no curt speeches, no sarcasms, no disagreements. But now it seemed as if we were always saying the wrong things to each other. What was to be done?

Some gleams of afternoon sunshine were making their way into our little parlour, and lighting up the ancient silver teapot and cream jug which I had brought from my faraway home in the country. Poor relics of peaceful maiden days, I looked at them now With misty eyes, and thought of teadrinkings with my girl friends, of my grandfather's benevolent face, of the rustle of leaves outside the cottage, and the scent of flowers that drifted in through open windows. And suddenly and unreasonably, I was seized with

a longing to return to the old place, and see if I could find any of the old tranquillity lingering there.

But it is not to the past that we should go if we would find peace, for there is never anything gained by running backward. I gave myself a mental shaking, banished the sweet country visions and foolish yearnings, and turned to Ronald with a smile.

"I will be as sanguine as you please," I said, brightly. "Forgive me, dear, if I don't understand these City schemes. I am stupid sometimes, and business matters always puzzle me. But I have often heard Lady Waterville say that Mr. Greystock could help you if he liked, and if you were willing to be helped."

"Ah, that was like Lady Waterville! She used to insinuate that I was not willing to be helped."

"Oh, Ronald, she never insinuated things! And of course I always knew that you were anxious to get on. If Mr. Greystock really means to assist you now, I shall never cease thanking him."

"Of course he means to keep his word. Until to-day he has never made a definite promise."

"Oh, then he has really promised?"

"Yes. It is a pity, Louie, that you call only believe in demonstrative people. William Greystock is one of the most undemonstrative men on earth; he always says less than he means, therefore you never give him credit for any good intentions."

My quick temper rose at these words.

"I will believe in him, Ronald," I said, "when I have seen the fruit of those good intentions."

He started up from the sofa, and began to pace angrily up and down the little room.

Then I was sorry that I had spoken in a bitter tone. Only a few minutes ago I had firmly resolved to make the very best of my life, and avoid the slightest approach to a quarrel. And yet, here we were, on the very verge of warfare again!

There was an uncomfortable pause. I poured out tea, and gently pushed a cup towards him; but he took no notice of the action. Stopping in his walk, he stood leaning against the mantelpiece, his hands in his pockets, and his eyes looking out into space. At that moment I saw his resemblance to the portrait of Inez, as I had never seen it before.

"Ronald,—" I began, timidly.

"Don't pursue the subject, Louie," he said, in a cold tone. "I shall never ask you to believe in my friend's intentions again, nor will I trouble you with any of my plans for the future."

The words fell on my heart like drops of icy rain.

I tried to think of something conciliatory to say, but nothing came to my lips, and I sat gazing helplessly at my husband's gloomy face. After a moment's silence, he took up his hat and moved towards the door.

"Ronald," I cried, rising suddenly, "don't stay out as you did last night."

"No," he answered, with formal politeness, "you need not be concerned. I shall come back at seven to dine."

The door closed behind him, and again I was left alone with my misery. I was young, and there is a tendency in youth to believe that every grief will be eternal.

In my turn I, too, began to pace up and down the room, with throbbing temples and an aching heart. And when at last tears came to my relief, I wept like a child, until I was exhausted and utterly worn-out.

All at once I remembered that it was summer-time, and that other people were revelling in the sunshine, while I was sitting alone in this dim room—alone with my misery and bitter regret. The thought set my tears flowing afresh, and then I rose, scarcely knowing what I was doing, and began to arrange some books and papers which were scattered over a little table in a corner.

When I moved my blotting-book, a paper fell from between its leaves, and fluttered down upon the floor. I picked it up, unfolded it, and read some verses which I had written a year ago.

"The trees are in blossom at Richmond now, And the leaves are fresh and new; The bloom lies thick on the lilac bough, The clouds drift over the blue; And the earth is as fair as it used to be In times that have passed away; When we shared its bliss with the bird and bee, And laughed in the light of May.

"The trees are in blossom at Richmond now,

And the river shines like gold; But the sweets are gone from the lilac bough, And the skies are grey and cold; For I miss your step in the flowery grass, Your voice in the scented glade; And the birds sing on, and the sweet hours pass, Like dreams in the light and shade.

"The trees are in blossom at Richmond now, But the flowers of love are dead; And under the bloom of the lilac bough I stand with a drooping head; If I heard your voice by my side to-day, I never could trust its tone; And here, in the light of the sweet young May, I live in the past alone."

When I wrote these lines, how little I knew that they would be prophetic! But there is, I fancy, an undertone of prophecy in every poet-nature; and even while Ronald and I were rejoicing together under the lilac blossoms, I had vague dreams of faded blooms and clouded skies. Now that I read the little poem again, by the light of my new experience, I remembered that past foreshadowing, and put the paper away with a deep sigh of pain.

Just at that moment there was a double knock at the hall door, which almost tempted me to believe that my husband had returned. But no, a woman's voice was heard asking for me; and then the door of my room was thrown open, and the parlour-maid announced "Miss Bailey."

It was a name that called up a thousand pleasant memories. Marian Bailey had been the playmate of my

childhood, and the companion of my early girlhood, till her home in our village was suddenly broken up, and she had gone to live abroad. But although I had lost sight of her, I had never forgotten her, and the sight of her familiar face was like a gleam of sunshine.

"What brings you here, Marian?" I said, forgetting the traces of tears on my cheeks. "How did you find me?"

She answered that she had traced me through some of nurse's relatives in our old village; and then her kind eyes rested anxiously on my face for a moment. I remembered all at once that I must present a most doleful spectacle, and there was an awkward pause.

"I have been crying dreadfully," I admitted, taking her hands in mine, and clinging to her as I used to cling in the old days when anything troubled me, "Oh, Marian, how good it is to see you again! I have been cut off so long from everything connected with my old home that you seem to bring me back my lost happiness."

"Don't talk so, dear," she answered, kissing me; "you are a wife now, and you would not, I know, exchange the present for the past. My sudden appearance has excited you, I daresay; and, Louie, you don't look quite well. Perhaps you want the country air."

"No," I said, wearily. "I would not exchange this smoky old street for all the green trees and fields in the world. It is not the country air that I want, but the peace of mind—the freedom from care."

"My dear child," she said, sitting down on the sofa and drawing me to her side, "we must have a long talk. As to freedom from care, do you really think that any married

woman can reasonably expect that? I am single, you see, and so I suppose you will be surprised at my remark. But—"

"But, Marian, you always understand people, no matter in what state of life they are. Yes, we must indeed have a long talk."

But Marian was not one of those people who are always in such a hurry to gain one's confidence that they will not give one time to open one's heart. When she had got me beside her on the sofa, she began to talk about herself and her own concerns, explaining the circumstances that had brought her to London, and telling me some good news in her own simple, natural way.

"I am no longer poor Marian Bailey," she said, gaily. "Indeed, Louie, I hardly know myself in my new character of rich Marian. What do you think of six hundred a year, and a home with my old aunt in Curzon Street? It was a great surprise to hear that my old uncle, who had never noticed me in his life, had remembered me at his death. Then his widow wrote to me, begging me to come and live with her; and here I am."

"And I am very glad you are here," I answered, looking up into her frank face, and feeling that I had got a trusty friend.

Marian was a large woman, a little heavily-built, perhaps, but comfortable, and pleasant to look upon. She was not pretty, but hers was one of those good faces which always attract you wherever you meet them. If you had been in a land of strangers, you would have turned instinctively to that face in your hour of need. The very clasp of her hand had comfort in it; it was a firm hand, not small and fragile like mine.

"How the old days come back!" she said, smiling down at me after a little pause. "You still have your wistful eyes, Louise; and your pretty brown hair is as bright as ever. What a confiding child you were, and how you always clung to me if you fancied yourself in any difficulty or danger! It seems strange for us two to be sitting here in a London room, doesn't it? Last time we sat together we were in the parlour in the dear old cottage; it was summer, the doors and windows were open, and every breeze brought in a shower of jessamine petals and scattered them over the floor. Your grandfather was pacing up and down his favourite path in the garden; and you were repeating some poem that had pleased you. When you liked verses, you always wanted me to set them to music, and sing them."

"Oh! Marian, do you ever sing now?" I cried. "And your dear old guitar—have you got it still?"

"Yes, I have never parted with it. Why, Louie, you have a guitar here! Is it yours?"

"No; that is Ronald's. Ah, Marian, how I should like to hear you sing again! Can't you remember any of your old songs? Sing one of Moore's—something sweet and oldfashioned—I am so tired of all our ballads of to-day. There should not be too many deep thoughts in verses that are written for music. A little sentiment—a little pathos—a dash of hope—that is all that we want to sing about. There are poems that are inscribed on our hearts with the point of a diamond, but we do not care to sing them."

While I rambled on, Marian was running her fingers over the strings; and suddenly I paused and started. She was playing that strange, soft melody that Ronald had played so often; and into her eyes there stole that musing look which always came into his, whenever he played this air.

"What is that?" I asked, eagerly. "Ronald plays it sometimes, but he never can think where he first heard it."

"I am trying to remember," she answered in a thoughtful tone. The air was repeated; sweet and tender and gay, it seemed to charm Marian just as it had charmed us. She stopped at last with a baffled expression on her face.

"There are words set to that air," she said, "but I cannot recall them now. Who was it that ever played and sung this melody to me? I wish I knew."

"That is what Ronald is always saying," I remarked. And then I told her the story of poor Monsieur Léon, and the way in which the guitar had come into our hands.

"I will play the air once more," she said, taking up the guitar again. "It is very simple, but wonderfully sweet. Now listen, and perhaps the words will come to me."

But they did not come.

Then she sang one of our old favourite ballads, and when that was ended, I begged her to take off her bonnet and stay to dinner.

"Aunt Baldock will be distracted," she told me. But there was an unspoken pleading in my face that must have gone to her heart. Perhaps she guessed that I had some special reason for wishing her to stay that evening.

And I had indeed a special reason. For the first time in my life, I shrank from sitting down to a tête-à-tête meal with my husband.

Any one who is intimately acquainted with the ways of men must know that they are never more unpleasant than when they are acting from a sense of duty. I could fancy the lofty moral air with which Ronald would seat himself at our humble board. I pictured the virtuous resignation in his manner when he ate his roast mutton, knowing all the while that William Greystock would have given him salmon a la maître d' hotêl and beef olives. I could imagine the magnanimous way in which he would try to get up a little conversation with his wife, thus letting her see that an aggrieved man does not always bear malice, but is capable of making the best of his condition.

But if Marian Bailey were with us, everything would be changed for the better. She had travelled; she was musical; she had the gift of talking pleasantly without being positively brilliant. In short, she possessed the useful gift (more to be desired than the ten talents) of putting people into good humour with themselves and their surroundings. Unselfish, even-tempered, sound in health and in heart, Marian Bailey was born to be a blessing to herself and to her friends; and when she had consented to stay with me, I could await Ronald's coming with cheerfulness.

He came in, prepared to be just the man I had expected him to be, but Marian's frank manner won his heart at once.

I left them together, and went to have a short conference with nurse, who was always good at an emergency. The result of that conference was that we turned our little dinner into a sort of festival, and Ronald gave me an approving glance across the table.

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