Becoming Confederates
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The seeds of this short book lie in my examination of Stephen Dodson Ramseur as a case study in the development of officers in the Army of Northern Virginia. I undertook that military biography more than thirty years ago, tracing the young North Carolinian’s rise from lieutenant to major general in just more than three years. In the course of reading Ramseur’s voluminous correspondence, I was impressed with the intensity of his commitment to the Confederacy. Following graduation from West Point and less than a year in the U.S. Army, he resigned well before his home state of North Carolina seceded, behavior that contrasted sharply with Robert E. Lee’s well- known struggle to chart a path during the secession crisis. Turning his back on the United States seemed an easy choice for Ramseur, and his willingness to do so despite uncertainty about North Carolina’s political course struck me as notable. His conception of loyalty permitted an easy transition from one national identity to another, which, I thought, must have been true of other southern officers as well. With Ramseur and Lee in mind, I thought it might be worth revisiting the subject of loyalty at some point.1
My work on Ramseur came at a time when scholars were debating fundamental questions relating to the Confederacy. The slaveholding republic lasted just four years but has cast a large shadow over a good part of U.S. history. Its stormy trajectory witnessed massive human and material loss, the end of the institution of slavery, and the development of a stream of historical memory that retained force for many decades after Lee’s soldiers stacked arms at Appomattox in April 1865. Yet many historians have questioned whether the Confederacy was really a nation at all, arguing that its white population never developed true feelings of national loyalty.
That model surely did not fit Ramseur, I knew, and probably not Lee either.2
Reading and research over the next two decades have persuaded me of four things that help frame the chapters of this book. First, I believe the Confederacy was a nation. I consider references to a war between the North and the South to be fundamentally flawed because four southern states—Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, and Delaware—never left the Union, and a big section of the most important slaveholding state broke away to form West Virginia in the midst of war. It is most accurate to think of the conflict as a contest between two mid- nineteenth- century nation- states—the United States versus the Confederacy. One of the two nations, whose entire history unfolded against a background of all- encompassing warfare, simply did not last very long.
My second belief is that a substantial majority of the Confederacy’s white residents developed a strong national identity. Only these people should be called Confederates. I oppose the terms “northerner” and “southerner” to describe the opposing populations. The term “southerner” embraces all white and black residents of the fifteen slaveholding states in 1860, millions of whom, including the overwhelming majority of African Americans, would not have considered themselves Confederates. Among white residents of the eleven Confederate states, however, support for the nation ran deep, although establishing exact percentages of those who supported or opposed the Confederacy—or those who merely sought to remain aloof and unharmed until fighting ceased—is impossible. Despite undeniable evidence of substantial internal opposition to Jefferson Davis’s administration and the war, one fact stands out: only a citizenry determined to achieve independence would have waged a conflict lasting four years, killing one in four of their white military- age males, and inflicting widespread economic and social dislocation.3
My third framing observation is that mainline military forces represented the most important institutional expression of the Confederate nation. Composed of regiments with strong state identifications, the national armies—and, most important, Lee’s Army
of Northern Virginia—provided tangible and highly visible proof of a collective identity that both united and transcended region, state, and locality. Well before the war’s midpoint, Lee and his army functioned much as George Washington and the Continental Army had during the American Revolution. Lee became easily the most important Confederate leader, and hopes for success rested ever more heavily on the campaigns he and his soldiers waged. As a Confederate officer observed in early 1864, “General Robt. E. Lee is regarded by his army as nearest approaching the character of the great & good Washington than any man living. He is the only man living in whom they would unreservedly trust all power for the preservation of their independence.” A Georgia woman put it more succinctly, describing Lee as “that star of light before which even Washington’s glory pales.”4
My final observation, which led directly to my choice of topic for this book, is that military officers formed an important component in the equation of Confederate loyalty. Their statements and conduct not only influenced the men they led but also helped shape attitudes and expectations on the home front. Their reasons for embracing the Confederacy help illuminate the larger topic of Confederate identity and shed light as well on the complex web of loyalties that contended for supremacy during the turbulent sectional squabbling of the late antebellum years.5
I take my analytical cue from David M. Potter, who belongs on any short list of the most perceptive interpreters of mid- nineteenthcentury U.S. history. In an essay titled “The Historian’s Use of Nationalism and Vice Versa,” Potter usefully reminds readers that every human being possesses numerous overlapping and often mutually reinforcing loyalties, with different ones emerging as most important at various times. Potter discusses, among other things, cultural factors, “the invigorating effect which war has had upon national spirit,” and “community of interest, not in the narrow sense of economic advantage only, but in the broad sense of welfare and security through membership in the society.” Within the South during the Civil War era, the last of these applied most obviously to white insistence on maintaining supremacy in a society that in-
I selected three officers in the Army of Northern Virginia to pursue questions regarding Confederate loyalty. Because his letters first piqued my interest in the topic, Dodson Ramseur was an obvious choice. So was Robert E. Lee. By far the most important figure in the army, Lee traditionally has been presented as a Virginian, a reluctant convert to the Confederacy whose most powerful identification always remained with his home state. My reading of his wartime correspondence in connection with other projects contradicts that image. My third subject, Jubal A. Early, combined elements of Lee’s and Ramseur’s reactions to the secession crisis—a Unionist who grudgingly accepted Virginia’s departure from the United States but later came to personify defiant Confederate nationalism. I had studied each of them from various angles in my previous work, so I brought familiarity with pertinent sources to this project. They do not stand in for all Confederates—no three individuals could do that—or even for all officers in Lee’s army. They do represent types of responses to the secession crisis and establishment of the Confederacy that hold interpretive value beyond their specific examples. As a trio, they help us understand the malleability of loyalty and why the war dragged on for four years and achieved such intensity.
At the time of Abraham Lincoln’s election, Lee was a fiftythree- year- old lieutenant colonel in the U.S. Army, Early a fortyfour- year- old lawyer in Rocky Mount, Virginia, and Ramseur a twenty- three- year- old second lieutenant in the U.S. Army. All were members of the slaveholding class from the Upper South (though none owned many slaves) and graduates of West Point. Lee and Ramseur were devout Christians, Episcopalian and Presbyterian, respectively, whose faith showed in correspondence with their wives,
4 Introduction cluded millions of enslaved black people. Potter also alludes to the tendency among some historians to deny nationality to groups of whom they morally disapprove, even when a group may in every sense satisfy the “theoretical criteria of nationality.” Confederates and their slaveholding republic long have invited such moral disapproval.6
I focus on four levels of loyalty for each man—to home state, to the United States, to the slaveholding South, and to the Confederacy. I understand that multiple factors contributed to each of these loyalties, including, but not limited to, importance of family, place, politics, and religion. I sketch in broad strokes and seek to answer one principal question: How did each man define himself at critical points? For example, did Lee’s identity as a Virginian predominate when he resigned his commission in the U.S. Army? Was the wellbeing of the United States most important to him when he supported James Buchanan for president in 1856? Did he continue to think first of Virginia when serving as a Confederate general? Ramseur also supported Buchanan in 1856, but was it because he cared most about the nation or the slaveholding South? And did Early have his home state or the United States most firmly in mind when he opposed secession as a member of the Virginia State Convention in the winter and spring of 1861? The answers to such questions allow us to chart the ebb and flow and interconnections of the various levels of loyalty.
This is not a book about honor or religion, though I accord some attention to both. All three men often spoke of honor and duty, attributing their actions to one or both without feeling the need to define what they meant. The two words possess complex meaning, and the southern concept of honor has inspired a fairly large literature that is beyond the scope of my exploration of loyalty. It is enough to say that for Lee and Ramseur and Early, one definition would not suffice. I will generalize to this extent: when referring to honor or duty—sometimes specifically linked to patriotism—they had in mind how their actions would be perceived by, and reflect on, family and friends and how their public reputations would be affected. As for religion, Lee and Ramseur likely would have placed it first among priorities in their lives, and both believed God’s hand ordered all events and that all Christians must strive to be worthy
Introduction 5 families, and friends. A lifelong bachelor, Early fathered four children with a white mistress in Rocky Mount, cursed often and imaginatively, and gave little serious attention to his personal religion.7
of his approbation. Yet religious considerations did not prompt Lee to leave the U.S. Army or persuade Ramseur to support the Confederacy, and Early, I think it safe to say, never consulted the Bible when facing a moment of decision.8
The word “identity” appears often in the pages that follow, but not in the way anyone interested in identity studies would approve. I avoid those often opaque theoretical thickets altogether. When I allude to Lee’s Virginia identity, I have in mind his loyalty to home state. Ramseur’s Confederate identity, in my formulation, represents his conception of belonging to a national community that promised to safeguard the culture and interests he most prized. Similarly, Early’s identity as a loyal citizen of the United States rested on the belief that, under the Constitution, his political and property rights would be protected.
A few themes emerged from looking at my three subjects. First, generational differences mattered a great deal. Born in 1807, Lee lived for many years when sectional tensions garnered few headlines and slavery was seldom a toxic issue. Nine years younger than Lee, Early also grew to maturity before the strident sectionalism of the 1840s and 1850s. In contrast, Ramseur never knew a time free of concern that the white South and its slave- based social system were under attack from the North. The three men’s reactions to secession reflected their generational backgrounds, with Ramseur much less inclined to think the best of northerners and more firmly wedded to the slaveholding South than to the United States.9 Second, in each man’s case, the war dramatically increased antipathy toward Yankees. Although hardly surprising, this phenomenon had immense importance in two respects—it produced a more committed effort to win independence and rendered genuine postwar reconciliation extremely unlikely.10 Third, the examples of Lee, Ramseur, and Early undercut the notion that the doctrine of state rights held sway in the Confederacy. All three thoroughly embraced a nationalist point of view and demanded that state and local interests give way to the needs of the central state.
The last theme relates to the centrality of slavery and race to the loyalties of all three men. Whether looking to state or region
or either of the two nations, they often stressed the need to preserve the social and economic structure that guaranteed white control over millions of black people and their labor. Early most often mentioned the economic side of the subject, largely because his father lived close to Ohio, where the prospect of slaves escaping to free territory was higher than in areas farther south. The threat of forced emancipation, whether triggered by John Brown’s raid on Harpers Ferry, Abraham Lincoln’s proclamation of emancipation, or the movement of U.S. armies into the Confederate hinterlands, raised the specter of potentially bloody social chaos. Even Lee, though typically cast as more moderate in his views on slavery and race than the majority of white southerners, lashed out at anyone who menaced the slave- based social structure. The words of Lee and Ramseur and Early point inescapably to the conclusion that, as historian U. B. Phillips famously observed, “the central theme of Southern history” for the white South always had been “a common resolve indomitably maintained—that it shall be and remain a white man’s country.”11
The white man’s country most familiar to Robert E. Lee, Stephen Dodson Ramseur, and Jubal A. Early rested on a foundation of slavery. Ramseur never knew any other, and Lee and Early accommodated themselves to a world without slavery and with less certain white dominance only because the U.S. victory in a great war left them no alternative. In the end, their journeys toward Confederate loyalty and unwavering service in pursuit of independence left them angry and disoriented, bereft of stability in an uncertain world.
R. E. Lee and the Question of Loyalty
Robert E. Lee should not be understood as a figure defined primarily by his Virginia identity. As with almost all his fellow American citizens, he manifested a range of loyalties during the late antebellum and wartime years. Without question devoted to his home state, where his family had loomed large in politics and social position since the colonial era, he also possessed deep attachments to the United States, to the white slaveholding South, and to the Confederacy—levels of loyalty that became more prominent, receded, or intertwined at various points. Lee’s commitment to the Confederate nation dominated his actions and thinking during the most famous and important period of his life.
A letter from Lee to former Confederate general P. G. T. Beauregard in October 1865 provides an excellent starting point to examine his conception of loyalty. Just six months after he surrendered the Army of Northern Virginia at Appomattox, Lee explained why he had requested a pardon from President Andrew Johnson. “True patriotism sometimes requires of men to act exactly contrary, at one period, to that which it does at another,” stated Lee, “and the motive which impels them—the desire to do right—is precisely the same. The circumstances which govern their actions change; and their conduct must conform to the new order of things.” As so often was the case, Lee looked to his primary hero, George Washington, as an example: “At one time he fought against the French under
Braddock, in the service of the King of Great Britain; at another, he fought with the French at Yorktown, under the orders of the Continental Congress of America, against him.”1 Although he did not say so explicitly, Lee’s “desire to do right” surely stemmed from his understanding of duty and honor. That understanding placed him in the uniforms of the United States, the state of Virginia, and the Confederacy within a period of a few weeks in 1861.
Lee’s complex loyalties too often get lost in both scholarly and popular assessments. Few historical figures are as closely associated with their native state. His decision to resign from the U.S. Army and cast his lot with Virginia has inspired intensive discussion. The issue typically is framed in binary terms: Was he, above all, a loyal Virginian or an American? Charles Francis Adams Jr. stands among a large group of authors and other commentators who, over the past century and a half, have stressed Lee’s identity as a Virginian. A Union veteran of the Army of the Potomac whose ancestors had labored alongside Lee’s in forging the nation, Adams addressed the subject in a lecture titled “Shall Cromwell have a Statue?” Speaking to the Phi Beta Kappa fraternity at the University of Chicago in 1902, Adams presented Lee as a man firmly moored to the Old Dominion. “Of him it might, and in justice must, be said,” averred Adams, “that he was more than of the essence, he was of the very quintessence of Virginia. In his case, the roots and fibres struck down and spread wide in the soil, making him of it a part.” Five years later, speaking at Washington and Lee University, Adams made his point even more strongly: “[T]he child’s education begins about two hundred and fifty years before it is born; and it is quite impossible to separate any man—least of all, perhaps, a fullblooded Virginian—from his prenatal traditions and living environment. . . . Robert E. Lee was the embodiment of those conditions, the creature of that environment,—a Virginian of Virginians.”2
The most influential writer on the topic of Lee’s Virginia identity has been Douglas Southall Freeman, whose Pulitzer Prize– winning R. E. Lee: A Biography remains by far the fullest reckoning of its subject’s life. A proud Virginian himself, Freeman described Lee’s decision to resign from the U.S. Army in a chapter titled “The Answer
He Was Born to Make.” “The rapid approach of war,” wrote Freeman, “had quickly and inexorably revealed which were the deepest loyalties of his soul.” Anyone seeking to understand Lee, believed the biographer, need know only that Virginia always remained paramount in his thinking. Freeman reproduced the entire text of Lee’s letter to General- in-Chief Winfield Scott, dated April 20, 1861, that announced his resignation and included one of the most frequently quoted sentences Lee ever penned or spoke: “Save in the defense of my native State, I never desire again to draw my sword.”3
This idea that Lee’s Virginia identity, as displayed during the secession crisis, holds the key to understanding his life and career retains great vitality. A few examples will illustrate this phenomenon. Terry L. Jones’s The American Civil War, a massive volume published in 2010, observes that “[a]lthough he loved the Union and opposed secession, Lee’s greatest loyalty was to Virginia.” David Goldfield’s America Aflame: How the Civil War Created a Nation, which appeared a year after Jones’s book, takes the same tack. “His fealty to his native state of Virginia,” writes Goldfield, “superseded his loyalty to the Union.” The most widely read single volume on the war, James M. McPherson’s Battle Cry of Freedom, similarly describes Lee’s decision to leave federal service after Virginia’s secession as “foreordained by birth and blood.” A literature critical of Lee’s generalship that developed between the 1970s and the 1990s likewise stressed the importance of Virginia. Thomas L. Connelly, prominent among those who questioned Lee’s contributions to the Confederate military effort, portrayed a man unable to look past the borders of his home state and thus blind to the conflict’s larger strategic landscape. “His concept of the war effort was almost totally identified with Virginia,” claims Connelly, “and he felt that other theaters were secondary to the eastern front.”4
Lee the parochial Virginian also appears in the realm of popular culture. Two films directed by Ron Maxwell include scenes that highlight the importance of Virginia to Lee’s actions and attitudes. In Gettysburg, an adaptation, released in 1993, of Michael Shaara’s novel The Killer Angels, Lee and his lieutenant James Longstreet discuss their loyalties on the morning of July 2, 1863. Longstreet
remarks that his lie with home state and family, a sentiment with which Lee concurs. Neither manifests a significant attachment to the Confederate nation. In Gods and Generals, which appeared a decade after Gettysburg, Lee makes the same point in a scene just prior to the battle of Fredericksburg. “There is something that these Yankees do not understand, will never understand,” comments Lee while gazing across the Rappahannock River toward Ferry Farm, where George Washington had lived. “You see these rivers and valleys and streams, fields, even towns?” he asks with rising emotion. “They are just markings on a map to those people in the War Office in Washington,” but for Lee and Confederates they are birthplaces, burial grounds, and battlefields where their ancestors fought: “They are the incarnation of all our memories and all that we are, all that we are.” Director Maxwell explained his interpretation of Lee, as well as of Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson, succinctly: “Virginia was their home. They would fight for their home.”5
Although it illuminates only part of the whole story, Lee’s loyalty to Virginia certainly predominated during the momentous spring of 1861. It is useful to chronicle, in abbreviated fashion, his road to resignation from the U.S. Army. Stationed in Texas in early 1861, Lt. Col. Lee watched the Union he had served for more than thirty years drift toward disaster. The election of Abraham Lincoln had triggered South Carolina’s secession on December 20, 1860. In rapid order, six other states of the Deep South followed suit, including Texas, which departed from the Union on February 1. Shortly after Texas seceded, Lee received orders from Brig. Gen. David Twiggs, who had replaced him in December as head of the Department of Texas, to report to Winfield Scott in Washington. After a sad parting with friends in San Antonio, he began the long journey home, reaching Arlington on March 1.6
The national crisis deepened soon after Lee’s return to Virginia. Jefferson Davis headed a new Confederate government in Montgomery, Alabama, and tensions escalated regarding the fate of Fort Sumter in Charleston Harbor. In early March, Lee met privately for several hours with Gen. Scott, an interview during which the senior commander likely urged his former staff officer to remain in
the U.S. Army. Lee’s promotion to colonel of the First U.S. Cavalry Regiment followed on March 16. In the meantime, Confederate secretary of war Leroy Pope Walker offered Lee a brigadier general’s commission in the Confederate army. Walker’s letter, dated March 15, reached Lee after word of the promotion to head the First Cavalry. Lee apparently did not respond to Walker’s letter, but on March 30 he accepted the colonelcy and assignment to command the First Cavalry.7
The final storm broke in mid- April. Confederates fired on Fort Sumter on the twelfth, the federal garrison formally capitulated on the fourteenth, and Lincoln issued a call on the fifteenth for seventyfive thousand volunteers to suppress the rebellion. On April 17, Lee received requests to meet separately with Francis Preston Blair Sr., the patriarch of a famous Democratic family well known to Lee, and Winfield Scott. The meetings took place on the morning of the eighteenth. Empowered by Lincoln to “ascertain Lee’s intentions and feelings” and by Secretary of War Simon Cameron to make an offer to the Virginian, Blair asked Lee to assume command of the army being raised to put down the rebellion. Among several arguments he deployed, Blair said Scott was too old to take the field and observed that the people of the United States looked to Lee as a “representative of the Washington family”—an allusion to Lee’s marriage to Mary Anna Randolph Custis, the daughter of George Washington’s step- grandson. Lee, who thought Blair very “wily and keen,” declined the offer and proceeded immediately to Scott’s office, where he recounted his conversation with Blair and reiterated that he would not accept the proffered command. Tradition has it that Scott, a fellow Virginian, replied, “Lee, you have made the greatest mistake of your life; but I feared it would be so.”8
Powerful emotions must have pulled at Lee as he pondered his future that evening and the next day. Word of Virginia’s secession appeared in local newspapers on April 19, and in the early morning hours of April 20 he composed a one- sentence letter of resignation to Cameron. Later that day Lee wrote a much longer letter to Gen. Scott, the penultimate sentence of which contained the already
The War Department took five days to process Lee’s resignation, which became official on April 25. By then he had received an offer from Governor John Letcher to take command of all Virginia’s military forces. The fifty- four- year- old Lee traveled to Richmond on April 22, checked into the Spotswood Hotel, and then made his way to the capitol. There he talked with Letcher, who explained that discussions within the state convention had resulted in a recommendation that Lee be given charge of Virginia’s troops. Letcher already had dispatched a courier with the offer; that man was en route to Arlington as Lee made his way to Richmond. Lee accepted his native state’s call, and Letcher immediately sent his name forward for confirmation—accompanied by a brief text explaining that Lee had resigned his U.S. commission before learning that a major generalcy would be in the offing from Virginia.10
On the morning of April 23, Lee set up headquarters and wrote his first order, denominated General Orders No. 1. It stated simply: “In obedience to orders from his excellency John Letcher, governor of the State, Maj. Gen. Robert E. Lee assumes command of the military and naval forces of Virginia.” A four- man delegation soon arrived from the convention to accompany Lee to the capitol. Shortly after noon, the five men entered the building, where the delegates were in private session. As he waited for a few minutes outside the closed room, Lee doubtless contemplated French sculptor Jean- Antoine Houdon’s life- size statue of George Washington—his model of military and republican virtue. Walking into a crowded chamber, Lee drew the attention of an audience that included notables such as Confederate vice president Alexander H. Stephens, oceanographer Matthew Fontaine Maury, and Superintendent Frances H. Smith of the Virginia Military Institute. The welcoming remarks came from John Janney of Loudoun County, a former Whig and the convention’s president. Like Lee and a majority of the delegates to the convention, Janney had opposed secession until Lincoln’s call for seventy- five thousand volunteers.11
Conduct Must Conform 13 quoted statement with regard to raising his sword only in defense of Virginia.9
Janney offered effusive praise of the new major general, recounting his service in Mexico and situating him alongside earlier Virginia heroes. The vote for Lee had been unanimous, observed Janney, who then summoned the memory of “Light- Horse Harry” Lee’s famous tribute to Washington: “We pray God most fervently that you may so conduct the operations committed to your charge, that it will soon be said of you, that you are ‘first in peace,’ and when that time comes you will have earned the still prouder distinction of being ‘first in the hearts of your countrymen.’ ” The glowing tribute probably made Lee uncomfortable, especially the suggestion that he might become the Confederacy’s Washington. None in the chamber really could have imagined what we now know to be the truth, that four years of cruel war would raise Lee to a position in the Confederacy very like that of Washington during the American Revolution. After Janney finished, Lee offered a three- sentence acceptance, closing with this: “I devote myself to the service of my native State, in whose behalf alone will I ever again draw my sword.”12 Lee the Virginian indisputably held center stage during the momentous weeks in early 1861. Letters to family members underscored this fact. As he put it to his sister Anne Lee Marshall, “I have not been able to make up my mind to raise my hand against my relatives, my children, my home.” Many members of Lee’s extended family were staunch Unionists, including his sister Anne and many cousins, several of whom fought for the United States during the ensuing conflict. Some relatives never again spoke to Lee after he left U.S. service. Within his own household, Mary Anna Custis Lee and most of their children harbored Unionist sympathies. Only one daughter, Mary, fully embraced her father’s decision to resign from the army. Moreover, approximately one- third of all Virginians who had graduated from West Point remained loyal to the United States. Among the six Virginian colonels in U.S. service in the winter of 1861, only Lee resigned his commission. In short, many Virginians, including some very close to Lee, did not consider the severing of long- held ties to the United States to be their only realistic option during the secession crisis.13
Very strong ties to the United States—the second of Lee’s four
loyalties under consideration—certainly complicated his decision on April 20. Indeed, much in his background pointed toward a different “Answer He Was Born to Make.” As already noted, George Washington, the greatest of all Virginians, was Lee’s idol, and the Revolutionary general and first president had been a consistent advocate of a national point of view. There would be no nation without Washington, no regular army, no sense of the whole transcending state and local concerns. Lee came from a family of Federalists who believed in a strong nation as well as the need to look after Virginia’s interests. In 1798, his father had opposed the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions, with their strong advocacy for state power, because they would have denied the national government “the means of preserving itself.” The Virginia Resolutions, LightHorse Harry Lee argued, “inspired hostility, and squinted at disunion.” If states could encourage citizens to disobey federal laws, “insurrection would be the consequence.”14
Lee’s devotion to the American republic made sense for one who had served it as a gifted engineer, a staff officer who contributed substantively to American victory in the war with Mexico, and a superintendent of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point. He identified the country’s professional soldiers, and most especially graduates of West Point, as impartial national servants whose labors amid dangerous circumstances highlighted the shallowness of petty political bickering. Correspondence with his brother Carter in February and March 1848 sheds light on this point. Lee expressed unhappiness with wrangling between President James K. Polk and his Whig opponents over terms of peace in the wake of Winfield Scott’s remarkable campaign from Veracruz to Mexico City—a feat of arms made possible, said Lee in seconding Scott’s view, only by the actions of officers trained at West Point. “There are many that cry ‘Hurra for Clay’ & ‘hurra for Polk,’ & how few that raise their voice for their country,” he wrote from the Mexican capital city. Quarrels between Polk and Scott, the latter a Whig whose rumored presidential ambitions irritated the commander in chief, created a situation in which “the Service & perhaps the Country” would have much to lose. “The latter is always first in my thoughts & efforts,” affirmed Lee in
language his hero Washington would have approved, “& the feelings & interests of individuals should be sacrificed to its good. But it is difficult to get men to act on this principle.”15
Although Whiggish or even Federalist in his political views, Lee applauded news of Democrat James Buchanan’s election in 1856 as best for the nation. “I am anxiously looking for some arrival to give us the result of the late Presidential election,” he wrote Mrs. Lee from Fort Brown, Texas, in mid- November, adding that he “saw no hope of Mr. Fillmores election, & though I do not fear Mr Fremont’s, I am anxious to see that Mr Buchanans is certain, & that the Union & Constitution is triumphant.” Definitive word still had not reached the far corners of Texas a month later. Yet Lee, limited to scanning “plenty of papers here, but all of old dates,” allowed himself a tentative optimism. “Mr Buchanan it appears,” he wrote, “is to be our next President. I hope he will be able to extinguish fanaticism North & South, & cultivate love for the country & Union, & restore harmony between the different sections.” Earlier that year, Lee had spent a hot and uncomfortable Fourth of July along one of the branches of the Brazos River in Texas. In a political atmosphere of swelling sectional turmoil, he chose to emphasize his devotion to the United States in a letter to Mary Lee relating his frame of mind on the anniversary of the nation’s birth. “[M]y feelings for my country were as ardent, my faith in her future as true, & my hopes for her advancement as unabated,” he assured her on August 4, “as if felt in more propitious circumstances.”16
Lee opposed secession during the winter of 1860– 61, and in the already quoted letter to Anne Marshall described his “devotion to the Union” and “feeling of loyalty and duty of an American citizen.” His letter to Winfield Scott on April 20 further testified to how wrenching it had been, in his words, to “separate myself from a Service to which I have divoted all the best years of my life, & all the ability I possessed.” Earlier that year, Lee echoed his Federalist father in telling Rooney, his middle son, that the framers meant for the Union to be perpetual. They envisioned “establishment of a government, not a compact, which can only be dissolved by revolution or the consent of all the people in convention assembled. It
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Phanaeus lancifer, 557
Phasmidae, gelijkenis der op bladeren, 600
Phasianus Soemmerringii, II 151
Phasianus versicolor, II 86 [463]
Phasianus Wallichii, II 186
Phasgonura viridissima, gesjirp van , 544
Philodromus, 525
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P h o s p h o r e s c e n t i e van insekten, 524
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Phryniscus nigricans, II 22.
P i c k e r i n g , over het aantal menschenrassen, 339.
P i c t o n , J. A., over de ziel van den mensch, II 387.
Picus auratus, II 41.
P i e p e r s , ruien der , II 79.
Pieridae, nabootsing door de wijfjes der , 596.
Pieris, 581.
P i k e , L. O., over de psychische elementen van den godsdienst, 148.
Pimelia striata, geluiden voortgebracht door het wijfje van , 570
P i m p e l m e e s , seksueel kleurverschil bij de , II 166
P i n d u i k e r , zie Merganser serrator
P i n e l , over behaardheid bij idioten, 64
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Pipra deliciosa, II 61, 62
Pirates stridulus, gesjirp van , 539
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P i t c a i r n , snelle toeneming der bevolking van het eiland — , 359.
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P l a a t k i e u w i g e W e e k d i e r e n , zie Lamellibranchiata.
P l a a t s e l i j k e gesteldheid, invloed der op de lichaamsgrootte, 58.
P l a c e n t a l e Zoogdieren, 278.
P l a g i o s t o m e n , II 1.
Planariae, schitterende kleuren van sommige , 512.
P l a n t e n , gekweekte vruchtbaarder dan wilde, 75; Nägeli over natuurlijke teeltkeus bij de , 94;
mannelijke bloemen der vroeger rijp dan vrouwelijke, 440; verschijnselen der bevruchting der , 452
Platalea, II 57; wisseling van gevederte bij , II 170
Platyblemnus, 549
Platycercus, jongen van — , 549
Platyphyllum concavum, 541, 545
Platyrrhinae, 273
Platysma myoides, 19.
P l a t w o r m e n , zie Planariae.
Plecostomus, voelers aan den kop van het mannetje van een soort van , II 9.
Plecostomus barbatus, uit stijve haren bestaande baard van , II 9.
Plectropterus gambensis, vleugelsporen van , II 45.
P l e v i e r , Morinel-, II 192.
P l e v i e r a c h t i g e vogels, vleugelsporen der , II 45; dubbele ruiing der , 79, 80.
Plica semilunaris, 24.
P l i c h t , gevoel van , 180.
Ploceus, II 52.
Pneumora, lichaamsbouw van , 546.
Podica, seksueel verschil in de kleur der regenboogvliezen van een , II 123.
P o e l s n i p , zie Scolopax major.
P o e p p i g , over het in aanraking komen van beschaafde en wilde rassen, 350.
P o l l e n en van Dam, over de kleuren van Lemur macaco, II 280
P o l y a n d r i e , II 359; bij sommige karpervisschen, 487; bij de springkevers, 493
P o l y g a m i e , invloed van de op de seksueele teeltkeus, 445; — door temming bevorderd, 448; meening, dat de aanleiding geeft tot de geboorte van een grooter [464]aantal meisjes, 479; bij den stekelbaars, II 2.
P o l y n e s i ë , gewoonte van kindermoord in , II 357.
P o l y n e s i ë r s , afkeer der van haren op het gelaat, II 340; groote geographische verspreiding der , 56; verschil in grootte der , 58; kruisingen van — , 338; variabiliteit der , 339; ongelijksoortigheid der , 362.
Polyplectron, pronken met het gevederte van den mannelijken , II 86; aantal sporen van , II 43; trapsgewijze overgang der kenmerken, II 131; wijfjes van , II 184
Polyplectron chinquis, II 86, 131, 133
Polyplectron Hardwickii, II 131, 133
Polyplectron malaccense, II 133
Polyplectron Napoleonis, II 131, 134
Polyzoa, 513
Pontoporeia affinis, 518
P o o t e n , de voor— van sommige mannelijke vlinders geatrophiëerd, 534; bijzonderheden aangaande de van mannelijke insekten, 534.
P o o l s c h e hoenders, oorsprong van den kam bij , 462.
P o r i ë n , aantal haren in verhouding der afscheidende bij schapen, 368.
Porpitae, schitterende kleuren van sommige , 512.
Portax picta, haarkam en vlok haar aan de keel van , II 273; seksueel verschil in kleur bij , II 278, 288
Portunus puber, strijdlustigheid van , 522
Potamochoerus penicillatus, tanden en knobbel in het gelaat van , II 250
P o u c h e t , G , over de verhouding van instinkt en verstand, 114; over de instinkten van mieren, 266; over de holen van Abou-Simbel, 332; over het bevrijd zijn van negers van de gele koorts, 363.
P o w e l l , Dr., over het muziekwerktuig der Homoptera, 540.
P o w e r , Dr., over de verschillende kleuren der seksen bij een soort van Squilla, 524.
P o w y s , de heer, over de gewoonten van den vink op Corfu, 485.
P r a c h t z a n g e r s , nestbouw der , II 162.
P r a c h t z a n g e r s , zie Maluridae.
P r a i r i e h o e n , zie Tetrao cupido.
Presbytis entellus, het vechten der mannetjes van , II 319.
P r e y e r , Dr , over overtallige tepels bij vrouwen, 55, 59
P r i ë e l v o g e l s , II 98; levenswijze van de , II 108; lustpriëeltjes van de — , 143; opsiering der priëelen door de , II 65, 108.
P r i c h a r d , over de verschillen in lichaamsgrootte bij Polynesiërs, 59; over het verband tusschen de breedte van den schedel bij de Mongolen en de volmaaktheid hunner zintuigen, 62; over den inhoud van Engelsche schedels van verschillende tijden, 87; over de platgedrukte hoofden van de wilden in Columbia, II 333; over Siameesche begrippen van schoonheid, II 337; over de baardeloosheid der Siameezen, II 340;
over de misvorming van het hoofd bij de Amerikaansche stammen en de inboorlingen van Arakhan, II 343
P r i m a i r e seksueele organen, 436
P r i m a t e n , 268; seksueele kleurverschillen bij de — , II 280
Primula, betrekking tusschen het aantal en de grootte der zaden van — , 483
Prionidae, verschil in kleur der seksen van de — , 555
Proctotretus multimaculatus, II 23
Proctotretus tenuis, seksueel verschil in kleur van — , II 33.
P r o m i s c u ï t e i t , II 355.
Promotis, het mannetje zit op de eieren, II 18.
P r o n k e n der apen met hun achterkwartier, II 307.
P r o n k e r i j , kleur der Lepidoptera ingericht voor , 583; van mannelijke vogels met hun gevederte, II 81, 92.
Protozoa, gemis van secundaire seksueele kenmerken bij , 511. [465]
P r u i s e n , getalsverhouding der mannelijke en vrouwelijke geboorten in , 478.
P r u n e r B e y , over de aanwezigheid van het foramen supra-condyloïdeum in het opperarmbeen van den mensch, 29; over de kleur van negerkinderen, II 314
Psocus, verhouding der seksen bij , 494
Pulmonata, vrijage der , 514
P u m a ’s, strepen van jonge , II 176
P i j l e n , gebruik van , 345
P i j l p u n t e n , steenen , op elkander gelijkende, 345
P i j l s t a a r t e e n d , gevederte van de , II 80; een mannelijke paart met een smient, II 110; het paren van een mannelijke met een wilde eend, II 110
P i j l s t a a r t r u p s , 600
Pycnonotus haemorrhous, strijdlustigheid van het mannetje van — , II 39; pronken van het mannetje van met de onderste staartdekvederen, II 92.
Pyranga aestiva, het mannetje van medebroeiende, II 160.
Pyrodes, verschil in kleur der seksen van , 555.
Q.
Quadrumana, verschil tusschen den mensch en de , 268; seksueel kleurverschil bij de , II 280; tot versiering dienende kenmerken der , II 296; overeenkomst van seksueele verschillen bij met die bij den mensch, II 314; vechten der mannetjes om de wijfjes, II 319; eenwijvige gewoonte der — , II 355; baarden der , II 371; zie A p e n .
Q u a i n , R., over de variabiliteit der slagaderen bij den mensch, 53.
Q u a t r e f a g e s , A. de, over de aanwezigheid van een rudimentairen staart bij den mensch, 30; over het zedelijk gevoel als onderscheid tusschen den mensch en de dieren, 180; over veranderlijkheid (variabiliteit), 57; over de vruchtbaarheid van Australische vrouwen bij blanke mannen, 335; over de Paulista’s van Brazilië, 338; over de toenadering der rassen bij het vee, 342; over de Joden, 362; over de vatbaarheid der negers voor tropische koortsen na een verblijf in kouder klimaat, 364; over het verschil tusschen veld- en huisslaven, 367; over den invloed van het klimaat op de kleur, 367; over de Aino’s, II 316;
over de vrouwen van San Giuliano, II 351; over de kleuren der ringwormen, 516
Q u e c h u a -Indianen, 62; geen grijs haar bij de , II 367; haararmoede der — , II 317; lange haren der , II 340.
Querquedula acuta, II 110.
Quiscalus major, variabiliteit van wijfjes bij , 455; verhouding der seksen van in Florida en in Honduras, 485.
Q u e t e l e t , over de verhouding tusschen het aantal mannelijke en vrouwelijke geboorten aan de Kaap de Goede Hoop, 477.
R.
R a a f , stemorganen van den , II 52; het stelen van schitterende voorwerpen door den , II 108; gevlekte — van de Faröer-eilanden, II 121
R a f f l e s , Sir S , over den Bantengstier, II 280
Raja batis, tanden van — , II 5
Raja clavata, stekels op den rug van het wijfje van — , II 2; seksueel verschil bij , II 5.
Raja maculata, tanden van , II 5.
R a l a c h t i g e vogels, sporen der , II 45.
R a m , wijze van vechten van den , II 235; manen van een Afrikaanschen , II 275; vetstaartige , II 275.
R a m s a y , de heer, over de Australische muskuseend, II 37; over [466]den Regentvogel, II 108; over het broeien van Menura superba, II 158
Rana esculenta, stemorganen van , II 25
R a s s e n , onderscheidene kenmerken van , 330; menschen of soorten, 331; vruchtbaarheid of onvruchtbaarheid van gekruiste , 334; veranderlijkheid der menschen — , 338; overeenkomst der menschen in geestelijke vermogens, 344; vorming der , 347; uitsterven van de menschen , 348; invloed van het kruisen der , 361; ontstaan der menschen , 361; kinderen der verschillende menschen , II 313; afkeer der baardelooze — van haren op het gelaat, II 340
R a t , algemeene verspreiding der gewone — een gevolg van grootere omzichtigheid, 130; verdrijving der inlandsche van Nieuw-Zeeland door de Europeesche, 360; veelwijvigheid der gewone , 447; getalsverhouding der seksen bij de , 482
R a t e l s l a n g e n , verschil der seksen bij de , II 26; gebruik der ratels als seksueele lokstem, II 27
R a t t e n , gelokt door riekende oliën, II 272
R a y ’ s k w i k s t a a r t , zie Budytes Raii
R e a d e , Winwood, over het Guineesche schaap, 467; over het niet ontwikkelen van horens bij gecastreerde mannelijke Guineesche schapen, II 232; over de manen van een Afrikaanschen ram, II 276; over de waardeering door de negers van de schoonheid hunner vrouwen, II 336; over de bewondering der negers voor een zwarte huid, II 338; over het denkbeeld van schoonheid bij de negers, II 341; over de Jollofs, II 351; over de huwelijken der negers, II 367; over zelfmoord bij wilden, 204; over den invloed der ontmanning op de horens van rammen, II 233.
R e c h t van eerstgeboorte, nadeel van het , 247.
R e c h t v l e u g e l i g e insekten, zie Orthoptera.
R e d e , bij dieren, 123; der vogels, II 104
R e d e n e e r e n d vermogen bij lagere dieren, 123
Reduvidae, gesjirp van de , 539
R e e , winterkleed van de , II 287
R e e k s , over het voordeel eener bijzondere kleur, II 287
R e g e n b o o g v l i e s , zie I r i s
R e g e n e r a t i e k r a c h t van afgezette ledematen bij den mensch, 14
R e g e n s c h e r m v o g e l , II 56
R e g e n t v o g e l , II 108
R e i g e r , liefdevertooningen van een — , II 63
R e i g e r s , vlag der vederen van sommige — , II 70; siervederen der in den paartijd, II 78; jongen der , II 197; sommige soorten van dimorphisch, II 202; voortdurende groei van kuif en veêren bij de mannetjes van sommige , II 203; verandering van kleur bij sommige , II 215
R e k e n e n , oorsprong van het , 258; beperktheid van het — bij den vroegeren mensch, 346
R e n d i e r , horens van een — met talrijke punten, II 238; seksueele voorkeur bij het , II 256; horens van het , 465; winterkleed van het , II 287; horens van het vrouwelijke , II 229.
R e n g g e r , over de ziekten van Cebus Azarae, 13; over moederlijke liefde bij een Cebus, 116; wraakneming der apen, 117; over het redeneerend vermogen van Amerikaansche apen, 126; over het gebruik van steenen door apen om harde noten te kraken, 130;
over de geluiden van Cebus Azarae, 134; over de signaalkreten der apen, 138; over de verscheidenheid in de geestvermogens der apen, 54; over de Payagas-Indianen, 60; over de mindere ontwikkeling der zinnen bij Europeanen, 61; over [467]de veelwijvige gewoonten van Mycetes Caraya, 445; over de stem der brulapen, II 269; over den geur van Cervus campestris, II 271; over de baarden van Mycetes Caraya en Pithecia Satanas, II 275; over de kleuren van Felis mitis, II 278; over de kleuren van Cervus paludosus, II 280; over seksueele kleurverschillen bij Mycetes, II 281; over de kleur van de kinderen der Guarani’s, II 314; over de vroege rijpheid van het wijfje van Cebus Azarae, II 314; over de baarden der Guarani’s, II 317; over tonen om gemoedsaandoeningen uit te drukken, II 329; over Amerikaansche veelwijvige apen, II 356
R e p r o d u c t i e , overeenkomst in de verschijnselen van — bij alle zoogdieren, 14; tijdperk van de bij de vogels, II 201.
R e p t i e l e n , II 25; en vogels, verband tusschen , 228.
R e u k , zie G e u r .
R e u k z i n , bij menschen en dieren, 24.
R e u z e n f o r e l , kleur van het mannetje van de gedurende den rijtijd, II 12.
Rhagium, kleurverschil bij de seksen van een soort van , 555.
Ramphastos carinatus, II 212.
R h a m s e s II, 332
R h e s u s - a a p , zie Macacus rhesus
Rhynchaea, seksen en jongen van , II 192
Rhynchaea Australis, II 192
Rhynchaea Bengalensis, II 192.
Rhynchaea Capensis, II 191.
R h y t h m u s , opmerken van den door dieren, II 326
R i c h a r d , M, over rudimentaire spieren bij den mensch, 19
R i c h a r d s o n , over den Schotschen herdershond, II 245
R i c h a r d s o n , Sir J , over het paren van Tetrao umbellus, II 47; over Tetrao urophasianus, II 55; over het trommelen van Boschhoenders, II 59; over het dansen van Tetrao phasianellus, II 65; over de gevechten van mannelijke herten, II 226; over het rendier, II 229; over de horens van den Muskusos, II 232; over de horens van een rendier met talrijke punten, II 238; over den Amerikaanschen eland, II 237
R i c h t e r , Jean Paul, over de verbeeldingskracht, 122
R i e d e l , over de losbandigheid der vrouwelijke duiven, II 114
R i e k e n d e stoffen afscheidende klieren bij slangen, II 27
R i e t g o r s , vederen op den kop van de — , II 91; een aangevallen door een goud vink, II 106.
R i f f e n , visschen die op leven, II 15.
R i l e y , over vlinders, 598.
R i n g m u s c h , zie Passer montanus.
R i n g w o r m e n , zie Annelida.
R i p a , Pater, over de moeilijkheid om de rassen der Chineezen te onderscheiden, 330.
R i v i e r e n , overeenkomst tusschen en eilanden, 280.
R i v i e r p a a r d , zie H i p p o p o t a m u s .
R o b b e n , betrekkelijke grootte der seksen bij de , II 244, zie Z e e h o n d e n .
R o b e r t s o n , de heer, opmerkingen over de ontwikkeling der horens bij den reebok en het edelhert, 466
R o b i n e t , over het verschil in grootte tusschen de mannelijke en vrouwelijke cocons van den zijdeworm, 535
R o e k , stem van den — , II 57
R o e r d o m p e n , dwerg—, kleur der seksen bij de — , II 170
R o e s t v o g e l s , zie Insessores
R o g , gewone — , verschil in de tanden der beide seksen van den — , II 5.
R o g , gladde — , zie Raja maculata.
R o g g e n , grijporganen der , II 1.
R o h l f s , Dr., over de kenmerken van mulatten, 337.
R o l l e , F., over den oorsprong van den mensch, 9; over een verandering van in Georgië gevestigde Duitsche familiën, 366. [468]
R o l l e s t o n , Prof., over de hersenen van den chimpanzee, 391.
R o m e i n e n , vertooningen van zwaardvechters bij de oude , 210.
R o m e i n s c h e cijfers, 258.
R o o d b o r s t j e s , strijdlustigheid der mannelijke, II 39; herfstzang van de , II 51; zingen van het wijfje, II 51; het aanvallen der op andere vogels met rood in de veêren, II 106; jongen der — , II 196.
R o o d b o r s t - t a p u i t , jongen van den — , 206.
R o o d k o p p i g e klauwier, zie Lanius rufus.
R o o d s t a a r t van Amerika, het broeien van den in onvolwassen gevederte, II 201.
R o o d s t a a r t j e s , nieuwe gezellen door gevonden, II 101.
R o o d v l e u g e l i g e s p r e e u w , zie Agelaius phoeniceus.
R o o f w a n t s e n , zie Reduvidae
R ö s s l e r , Dr , over de gelijkenis der ondervlakte van het lichaam der vlinders op de schors der boomen, 580
R o s t r u m , seksueel verschil in de lengte van het bij Snuitkevers, 436
R o t g a n s , paring van een mannelijke met een canadagans, II 110
R o t s h a a n , II 97
R o t s - p e l i k a n e n , alleen wit, als zij volwassen zijn, II 213
R u d i m e n t a i r e organen, 18; oorsprong der , 32.
R u d i m e n t e n , aanwezigheid van in de talen, 141.
R u d o l p h i , over het gemis van verband tusschen het klimaat en de kleur der huid, 362.
R u g g e g r a a t , wijziging van de ten gevolge van den opgerichten gang van den mensch, 84.
R u g g e s t r e n g , zie Chorda dorsalis.
R u i e n der vogels, II 201.
R u i i n g , onvolkomen , II 78; dubbele , II 172; dubbele jaarlijksche der vogels, II 77
R u i m t e , open tusschen de tanden bij den mensch, II 70
R u i t e r s , zie Totanus
R u n d d e r v o o r w e r e l d , zie Bos primigenius
R u n d e r e n , familie der — , zie Bovidae
R u p e l l , over hoektanden bij herten en antilopen, II 243.
Rupicola crocea, vertooning van het gevederte door het mannetje van , II 84.
R u p s e n , levendige kleuren van , 600
R u s c h e n b e r g e r , over de Hawaii-eilanders, 354
R u s l a n d , getalsverhouding der mannelijke en vrouwelijke geboorten in , 477
R u t l a n d s h i r e , getalsverhouding der mannelijke en vrouwelijke geboorten in , 476
Ruticilla, II 171
R ü t i m e y e r , Prof , over den schedelvorm en de gelaatsuitdrukking bij de anthropomorphe apen, 85; over miocene zwijnen, II 250; over de seksueele verschillen der apen, II 318.
R u w s t a a r t i g e s t e k e l b a a r s , zie Gasterosteus trachurus.
R i j k d o m , invloed van , 247.
S.
S a â m g e s t e l d b l o e m i g e p l a n t e n , zie Compositae.
S a b e l s p r i n k h a n e n , zie Locustidae.
S a c h s , Prof., over de mannelijke en vrouwelijke voortplantingscellen, 452.
S a h a r a , vogels van de , II 164; dierlijke bewoners der , II 210
S a k i , seksueel kleurverschil bij den , II 281
Salmo eriox en S umbla, kleur van het mannetje van gedurende den rijtijd, II 12
Salmo lycaodon, II 5
Salmo salar, II 3
Salmo umbla, kleur van het mannetje van in den rijtijd, II 12. [469]
S a l v i n , O., over de kolibri’s, 448; over de getalsverhouding der seksen bij kolibri’s, 485, II 207; over Chamaepetes en Penelope, II 61; over Selasphorus platycercus, II 61; over Pipra deliciosa, II 62; over Chasmorhynchus, II 76; over de Motmots, II 372.
S a m o a -eilanden, baardeloosheid der inboorlingen van de , II 317, 341.
S a n d w i c h -eilanden, verscheidenheid van schedelvorm bij de bewoners der , 53; luizen van de bewoners der , 334; kindermoord op de — , 498; voortreffelijkheid der edelen op de , II 351; afneming van de bevolking der , 277.
S a n G i u l i a n o , vrouwen van , II 351.
S a n t a l i , snelle toeneming der , 75; de heer Hunter, over de , 361.
Saphirina, kenmerken der mannetjes van , 524.
S a r s , O., over Pontoporeia affinis, 518.
Sarkidiornis melanonotus, kenmerken van den jongen , II 177.
S a t a n s a a p , zie Pithecia Satanas.
Saturnia carpini, lokken der mannetjes door een wijfje, 490
Saturnia Io, kleurverschil bij de seksen van , 585
S , kleur der , 583, 585
S a v a g e , Dr , over het vechten van mannelijke gorilla’s, II 319; over de gewoonten van den gorilla, II 356
S a v a g e en Wijman, over de veelwijvige gewoonten van den gorilla, 445
S a v i o t t i , Dr., over het jukbeen, 68.
Saxicola rupicola, jongen van , II 206.
S c h a a f f h a u s e n , Prof , over de ontwikkeling der achterste kiezen bij de verschillende menschenrassen, 27; over de kaak van La Naulette, 70; over de betrekking tusschen een gespierden lichaamsbouw en sterk ontwikkelde wenkbrauwbogen, 74; over de tepelvormige uitsteeksels bij den mensch, 84; over wijziging der schedelbeenderen, 88; over menschenoffers, 258; over het waarschijnlijk spoedig uitsterven der anthropomorphe apen, 277; over de oude bewoners van Europa, 348; over den invloed van het gebruiken en niet gebruiken der deelen, 368; over den wenkbrauwboog bij den mensch, II 312; over het ontbreken van rasverschillen aan den kinderschedel, II 313; over leelijkheid, II 344.
S c h a a l d i e r e n , zie Crustacea.
S c h a a m t e , aard en kracht van , 199
S c h a p e n , signalen der bij gevaar, 184; seksueele verschillen in de horens der , 461; horens der — , 466, II 231; late ontwikkeling der seksueele verschillen bij tamme , 467; getalsverhouding der seksen bij , 481; wijze van vechten der , II 235; gewelfd voorhoofd van sommige , II 275.
S c h a p e n , de horens van oorspronkelijk een seksueel kenmerk, II 232.
S c h a u m , H., over de dekschilden van Dytiscus en Hydroporus, 533.
S c h e d e l , verscheidenheid van vorm van den bij den mensch, 52; de kubieke inhoud van den geen vaste maatstaf voor het verstand, 86; inhoud van den Neanderdal , 87; oorzaken van de wijziging van den — , 87; verschil van vorm en grootte van den bij verschillende menschenrassen, 331; verscheidenheid van den vorm van den , 339;
verschillen in den bij de seksen van den mensch, II 312; kunstmatige wijzigingen in den vorm van den , II 333
S c h e d e l h u i d , beweging van de , 20
S c h e e n , van insekten, zie T i b i a
S c h e e n b e e n der Aymara-Indianen, 63 [470]
S c h e l p e n , verschil in den vorm der van mannelijke en vrouwelijke Gasteropoda, 514; fraaie kleuren en schoone vormen der , 525.
S c h e l v e r , over waternimfen, 550.
S c h i l d e e n d , paren van een mannelijke met een gewone eend, II 110; seksen en jongen van de Nieuw-Zeelandsche , II 195.
S c h i l d e r e n , 344.
S c h i l d l u i s , zie Coccus.
S c h i l d p a d , stem van het mannetje van de , II 325; slijk , II 25.
S c h i l d v l e u g e l i g e insekten, zie Coleoptera.
S c h i l d w a c h t e n , 184, 191.
S c h i ö d t e , over het gesjirp van Heterocerus, 565.
S c h l e i c h e r , Prof., over den oorsprong der spraak, 137.
S c h l e i d e n , Prof , over de ratelslang, II 27
S c h l e g e l , Prof , over Tanysiptera, II 181
S c h l e g e l , F von, over de ingewikkeldheid der talen van onbeschaafde volken, 142
S c h m i d t , over de hersenen der apen, 396
S c h o l , kleur van de , II 16
S c h o m b u r g k , Sir R , over de strijdlustigheid van het mannetje van de muskuseend van Guiana, II 41; over de vrijage van Rupicola crocea, II 84.
S c h o o l c r a f t , de heer, over de moeilijkheid om werktuigen te fatsoeneeren, 80.
S c h o o n e , smaak voor het bij vogels, II 104; bij vierhandige zoogdieren, II 285.
S c h o o n h e i d , gevoel voor bij dieren, 143; waardeering der bij vogels II 106; invloed der , II 331; veranderlijkheid van den standaard der , II 362
S c h o p e n h a u e r , over de belangrijkheid van de geslachtsliefde bij den mensch, II 350.
S c h r i k , werking van op lagere dieren en menschen, 116.
S c h r i j f k u n s t , 258.
S c h r i j v e n , erfelijkheid van den aanleg om goed te leeren , 139.
S c h u b v l e u g e l i g e i n s e k t e n , zie Lepidoptera.
S c h u l t e , Dr , over de schoone kleuren van vlinders, 612
S c h w e i n f u r t h , over de Monbuttoe’s, II 312
S c h i j f k w a l l e n , schitterende kleuren van sommige , 512
Sciaena aquila, geluid van , II 21
S c l a t e r , P L , over gewijzigde secundaire vleugelslagpennen bij de mannetjes van Pipra, II 62; over verlengde vederen bij Nachtzwaluwen, II 70; over de soorten van Chasmorhynchus, II 76; over het gevederte van Pelecanus onocrotalus, II 81; over de Pisangvreters, II 169; over het broeien der Struthiones, II 194; over de seksen en jongen van Tadorna variegata, II 195; over de kleuren van Lemur macaco, II 280; over de strepen van ezels, II 294.
Scolecida, gemis van secundaire seksueele kenmerken bij de , 511.
Scolopax frenata, staartvederen van , II 60.
Scolopax gallinago, trommelend geluid van , II 59.
Scolopax javensis, staartvederen van , II 60.
Scolopax major, bijeenkomsten van , II 97.
Scolopax Wilsonii, geluid door voortgebracht, II 60.
Scolytus, gesjirp van , 565.
S c o t t , (Dr.), over idioten, 64.
S c o t t , J., over de kleur van den baard bij den mensch, II 315.
S c r o p e , over de strijdlustigheid van den mannelijken zalm, II 3; over de gevechten van herten, II 226.
