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Ethnogeriatrics: Healthcare Needs of Diverse Populations 1st Edition Lenise Cummings-Vaughn
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Foreword
Life can only be understood backwards, but it must be lived forwards.
Soren Kierkegaard
What are the risk and protective forces that buffer each of us, pushing us along on a unique journey through childhood into our adult years? Why is it that some of us thrive, often in the face of adversity, while others are overwhelmed? In my work with Bob Brooks (Brooks & Goldstein, 2001, 2004, 2007; Goldstein & Brooks, 2005, 2007, 2012), we have written that “it would not be an oversimplification to conclude that realization of our parental goals requires that our children possess the inner strength to deal competently and successfully day after day with the challenges and demands they encounter. We call this capacity to cope and feel competent resilience” (p. 1, 2001). An increasing body of scientific evidence suggests that children facing great adversity in their lives can and do endure. Resilience explains why some children overcome seemingly overwhelming obstacles while others become victims of their early experiences and environments.
Though we now appreciate the role of families, communities, and schools in fostering a resilient mindset we must continue to create opportunities in all corners of our society to enhance and strengthen resilience in our children. No child is immune to the pressures of our culture and society. In our fast-paced, stress-filled world, it appears that the number of children facing adversity, the number of adversities they face, and the number of challenges to good coping continue to increase. Even children fortunate to not face significant adversity or trauma or to be burdened by intense stress or anxiety experience the pressures around them and the expectations placed upon them. The need to develop a resilient mindset is even more critical for youth at risk. A number of longitudinal studies over the past decades have sought to develop an understanding of the complex qualities within individuals, families, and the environment that interact and contribute to the processes of risk and protection. One goal has been to develop an applied model of this knowledge in clinical
practice (Donnellan, Coner, McAdams, & Neppl, 2009; Garmezy, Masten, & Tellegren, 1984; Luthar, 1991; Rutter & Quinton, 1994; Werner & Smith, 1982, 1992, 2001). These and other studies identified resources across children’s lives that predict successful adjustment despite exposure to adversity. These longitudinal studies have also begun the process of clarifying models of how such protective factors promote good adaptation (Wyman, Sandler, Wolchik, & Nelson, 2000).
Whether these processes can be applied to all youth regardless of the level of adversity they experience remains to be thoroughly demonstrated (Goldstein & Brooks, 2012; Ungar, 2008). Ann Masten suggested that positive outcome for many children adopted from high risk areas such as Romania confirms that resilient processes can be applied in a clinical setting (Masten, 2001). Many of these children made significant developmental growth catching up cognitively and physically (Rutter and the English and Romania Adoptee Study Team, 1998).
The process of creating an applied and practice-focused psychology of resilience begins with an understanding of the relevant variables necessary to create a working model and appreciation of the biopsychosocial nature of human development. As Sroufe (1997) and Sameroff (1995) state, such a process must take into account a broad range of biological, psychological, and social factors. This process must begin with a foundation of an appreciation of wellness (Cowen, 1991). A wellness framework assumes the development of healthy personal environmental systems leading to the promotion of well-being and the reduction of dysfunction. A wellness framework emphasizes the interaction of the children with their immediate and extended environment. Meta-analytic studies of the effectiveness of preventive intervention have generated increasing evidence that in clinical as well as community-based samples, emotional, behavioral, and psychiatric problems can be diminished and/or prevented. Such programs emphasize a science of prevention (Coie et al., 1993).
The concept of resilience is straightforward if one accepts the possibility of developing an understanding of the means by which children develop well emotionally, behaviorally, academically, and interpersonally in the face of risk and adversity. Such a model offers valuable insight into the qualities that likely insulate and protect children experiencing a broad range of challenges, including medical problems (Brown & Harris, 1989), family risks (Hammen, 1997), psychological problems (Hauser, Allen, & Golden, 2006; Sandler, Tein, & West, 1994), and parental loss (Lutzke, Ayers, Sandler, & Barr, 1999) to just name a few areas of challenge. Competent, appropriate parenting combined with parental availability and support serves as powerful protective factor extending a broad, positive impact in reducing the probability that children will develop mental health problems (Dubow, Edwards, & Ippolito, 1997; Masten, 1999). It appears to be the case that youth functioning well in adulthood, regardless of whether they faced adversity or not in childhood, may share many of the same characteristics of stress hardiness, communication skills, problem solving, self-discipline, and connections to others. Though the earliest studies of resilience suggested the role of exceptional characteristics within the child that led to invulnerability (Garmezy & Nuechterlin, 1972), it appears more likely that resilience reflects ordinary developmental processes capable of
explaining good adaptation (Masten, 2001). It is likely that there is a complex, multidimensional interaction between risk factors, biological functioning, environmental and familial issues, and protective factors that combine in a unique idiosyncratic way in each child in the course of life transition (Kim-Cohen & Gold, 2009).
Masten and Coatsworth (1988) suggested that resilience within a clinical realm requires two major judgments. The first addresses threats. Children are not considered resilient unless they have faced and overcome adversity considered to impair normal development. Second, a consensus needs to be determined as to how to assess good or adequate outcome in the face of adversity. It continues to be the case that most clinical practitioners define resilience on the basis of a child meeting the major requirements of childhood successfully, such as attending school, making friends, and functioning well within his or her families. Yet, one must also consider that a child facing multiple developmental adversities, who does not develop significant psychopathology but who may not demonstrate academic or social achievement, may be resilient as well (Conrad & Hammen, 1993).
An applied and practice-focused psychology of resilience must provide an appreciation of protective factors within the child, family, and community. Children’s temperament appears to play a significant role in their capacity to handle adversity. Interactions with parents that encourage trust, autonomy, initiative, and connections to others serve as powerful protective factors. Living in a safe community and attending supportive school serve an important role as well. Thus, a psychology of resilience must incorporate an understanding of the processes that drive human development. As Lorion (2000) points out, human growth is in part driven by a need to cope, adapt, and develop homeostasis. The complexity of this process is exemplified in the studies of youth capable of overcoming a variety of unfavorable environmental phenomena while others facing similar risks do not.
In a 1988 review of successful prevention programs, Schorr suggested that effective programs for at-risk youth were centered upon the establishment of relationships with caring, respectful, and trust building adults. Ultimately, connections to people, interests, and to life itself may represent the key components in resilience processes (Polakow, 1993). Development, as Michael Rutter contends, is a question of linkages that happen within you as a person and also in the environment in which you live (Pines, 1984). Cowen (1991) argues that mental health as a discipline must expand beyond symptom-driven treatment interventions if the tide of increasing stress and mental health problems in children is to be averted. There must be an increasing focus on ways of developing an understanding of those factors within individuals, in the immediate environment and in the extended environment that insulate and prevent emotional and behavioral disorders. Understanding these phenomena is as important as developing “an understanding of the mechanisms and processes defining the etiological path by which disorders evolve and a theory of the solution, conceptual and empirically supported or supportable intervention that alters those mechanisms and processes in ways which normalize the underlying developmental trajectory” (Cowen, 1994, p. 172). Yet, 20 years later we continue to struggle as a field. Most mental health professionals continue to be trained to collect assessment data focused on symptoms of psychological “difficulty” as described in
the DSM-V (APA, 2013) or other diagnostic classifications. Such symptoms may be equated with poor adaptation, inadequate adjustment, distress and life problems, or even more significant disturbance. Emphasis on the negative equates with the perception that symptom relief will ultimately lead to positive, long-term outcome. Even the recent publication of DSM-V, the accepted nosology of the mental health system, is built on a model that reflects assessment of symptoms and severity packaged into what continues to be a weakly factor-analyzed framework. Still unavailable is a nosology and system to measure adaptation, stress hardiness, and the qualities necessary to deal successfully with and overcome adversity. Yet in the professional practice of psychology including clinical, school, and counseling, we increasingly recognize that it is these phenomena rather than relief of symptoms or the absence of certain risk factors that best predict adaptation, stress hardiness, and positive adjustment into adulthood.
This volume, Resilience Interventions for Youth in Diverse Populations, continues the important work of Sandra Prince-Embury and Don Saklofske in their efforts to help create a psychology of resilience. This volume serves as a companion to their 2013 work, Resiliency in Children, Adolescents, and Adults: Translating Research into Practice (Prince-Embury & Saklofske, 2013), which focuses on the definition and assessment of resilience. Prince-Embury is also the author of the Resiliency Scales for Children and Adolescents (RSCA) (Prince-Embury, 2006, 2007, 2013; PrinceEmbury & Courville, 2008a, 2008b) which presents a three-factor working model for the assessment and application of resilience theory. In their current volume PrinceEmbury and Saklofske advocate further for the systematic translation of resilience theory and research for practice by identifying programs that are already attempting to systematically apply principles based on solid theory and related findings.
As the Coeditor of one of the first clinical volumes addressing resilience in children, now in its second edition (Goldstein & Brooks, 2012), it is exciting to witness the ground swell of interest in applying 60 years of psychological research to develop, create, evaluate, and implement prevention and treatment programs focused on enhancing children’s abilities to cope with and overcome adversity. The breadth and scope of the programs discussed in this volume authored by dedicated professionals, from multiple continents throughout the world, speak to the now universal acceptance of what up until recently was considered only an academic subject. Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The future depends on what you do today.” Today we are doing extraordinary and important work for the welfare and future of our children.
Salt Lake City, UT Sam Goldstein
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Werner, E. E., & Smith, R. S. (2001). Journeys from childhood to mid-life: Risk, resilience and recovery. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Wyman, P. A., Sandler, I., Wolchik, S., & Nelson, K. (2000). Resilience as cumulative competence promotion and stress protection: Theory and intervention. In D. Cicchetti, J. Rappaport, I. Sandler, & R. Weissberg (Eds.), The promotion of wellness in children and adolescents. Washington, DC: CWLA Press.
Cesalie T. Stepney, Gwyne W. White, Kristin Far, and Maurice J. Elias
Erin C. Casey, Megan Finsaas, Stephanie M. Carlson, Philip David Zelazo, Barbara Murphy, Frances Durkin, Marie Lister, and Ann S. Masten
Gabriel Tobin Smith, Paul A. LeBuffe, Deborah Alleyne, Mary Mackrain, and Linda Likins
Geraldine
and Michael Lewis
Samuel Y.
Jonathon Sikorski, Beth
and Meredith Sikorski
About the Editors
Sandra Prince-Embury, Ph.D. She is a licensed clinical psychologist and family therapist serving children, adolescents, and families for 30 years. In addition to clinical work, Dr. Prince-Embury taught at Pennsylvania State University and engaged in research on community response to technical disaster. Her work with residents of the Three Mile Island community is housed at the Dickenson College Archives in PA. Dr. Prince-Embury also served as Senior Research Director for The Psychological Corporation/Pearson Assessments. Currently Director of the Resiliency Institute of Allenhurst, LLC, she is engaged in research, writing, and consultation associated with her Resiliency Scales for Children and Adolescents (RSCA).
Dr. Prince-Embury recently co-edited “Resilience in Children, Adolescents, and Adults: Translating Research into Practice” (2013) with Donald H. Saklofske.
Donald. H. Saklofske, Ph.D. He is a Professor in the Department of Psychology, The University of Western Ontario, Canada. His main research interests include intelligence, personality, and individual differences. He has published more than 30 books, 80 book chapters, and 150 journal articles and is editor of the Journal of Psychoeducational Assessment, Coeditor of the Canadian Journal of School Psychology, and Associate Editor for Personality and Individual Differences. He is a Fellow of the Canadian Psychological Association and the Association for Psychological Science.
Contributors
Eirini Adamopoulou University of Athens, Athens, Greece
Robert Allan Resilience Research Centre, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS, Canada
Jedediah W.P. Allen Department of Psychology, Bilkent Univeristy, Ankara, Turkey
Deborah Alleyne Devereux Center for Resilient Children, Villanova, PA, USA
Mary K. Alvord Alvord, Baker & Associates, LLC, Rockville, MD, USA
Paula M. Barrett Friends for Life Program, School of Education, University of Queensland, Brisbane, QLD, Australia
Australian National University, Acton, ACT, Australia
Pathways Health and Research Centre, QLD, Australia
Lisa H. Berghorst Alvord, Baker & Associates, LLC, Rockville, MD, USA
Robert Brooks Department of Psychiatry, Harvard Medical School, Needham, MA, USA
Harvard Medical School and McLean Hospital, Needham, MA, USA
Suzanne Brooks Weston Public Schools, Weston, MA, USA
Linda S. Butler Department of Outcome Measurement and Research, Spurwink Services, Portland, ME, USA
Marilyn Campbell Queensland University of Technology, Brisbane, Australia
Stephanie M. Carlson University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN, USA
Erin C. Casey University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN, USA
Emma A. Climie School & Applied Child Psychology, Faculty of Education, University of Calgary, Calgary, AB, Canada
Contributors
David Cohen Sesame Street Workshop, New York, NY, USA
Marita Cooper Friends for Life Program, School of Education, University of Queensland, Brisbane, QLD, Australia
Pathways Health and Research Centre, QLD, Australia
Michelle Deen Rocky View School District, Airdrie, AB, Canada
Beth Doll College of Education and Human Sciences, University of Nebraska Lincoln, Lincoln, NE, USA
Frances Durkin University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN, USA
Maurice J. Elias Department of Psychology, Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, Piscataway, NJ, USA
Kristin Far Department of Psychology, Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, Piscataway, NJ, USA
Megan Finsaas University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN, USA
Ellen Francis Department of Outcome Measurement and Research, Spurwink Services, Portland, ME, USA
Sara S. Frye School Psychology Program, Department of Disability and Psychoeducational Studies, University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ, USA
Julia Gallegos Guajardo Friends for Life Program, School of Education, University of Queensland, Brisbane, QLD, Australia
Center for Research and Treatment of Anxiety (CETIA), Universidad de Monterrey, Mexico/ Mexican Center for Social and Emotional Intelligence, San Nicolás de Los Garza, Mexico
Robyn Garland Queensland University of Technology, Brisbane, Australia
Nancy Ghali Cleveland State University, Cleveland, OH, USA
Linda Gilmore Queensland University of Technology, Brisbane, Australia
Sam Goldstein Neurology, Learning and Behavior Center, Salt Lake City, UT, USA
Chryse Hatzichristou Department of Psychology, School of Philosophy, University of Athens, Panepistimiopolis, Ilissia, Athens, Greece
University of Athens, Athens, Greece
Evelyn Jaramillo School Psychology Program, Department of Disability and Psychoeducational Studies, University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ, USA
Aikaterini Lampropoulou University of Athens, Athens, Greece
Paul A. LeBuffe Devereux Center for Resilient Children, Villanova, PA, USA
Michael Lewis Department of Psychology, Bilkent University, Ankara, Turkey
Linda Likins Devereux Center for Resilient Children, Villanova, PA, USA
Marie Lister University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN, USA
Mary Mackrain Devereux Center for Resilient Children, Villanova, PA, USA
Ann S. Masten University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN, USA
Adam W. McCrimmon Faculty of Education, University of Calgary, Calgary, AB, Canada
Janine M. Montgomery Department of Psychology, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, MB, Canada
Barbara Murphy University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN, USA
Geraldine V. Oades-Sese Department of Psychology, Bilkent University, Ankara, Turkey
Michelle M. Perfect School Psychology Program, Department of Disability and Psychoeducational Studies, University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ, USA
Sandra Prince-Embury The Resiliency Institute of Allenhurst, LLC., West Allenhurst, NJ, USA
Brendan A. Rich Department of Psychology, Catholic University of America, Washington, DC, USA
Clare Roberts Curtin University, Perth, Australia
Donald H. Saklofske Department of Psychology, University of Western Ontario, London, ON, Canada
Ian Shochet Queensland University of Technology, Brisbane, Australia
Jonathon Sikorski College of Education and Human Sciences, University of Nebraska Lincoln, Lincoln, NE, USA
Meredith Sikorski St. Mary’s University, San Antonio, TX, USA
Gabriel Tobin Smith Devereux Center for Resilient Children, Villanova, PA, USA
Tanya Smyth Queensland University of Technology, Brisbane, Australia
Samuel Y. Song Counseling & School Psychology Department, Seattle University, Seattle, WA, USA
Cesalie T. Stepney Department of Psychology, Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, Piscataway, NJ, USA
Michael Ungar Resilience Research Centre, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS, Canada
Damian West Curtin University, Perth, Australia
Gwyne W. White Department of Psychology, Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, Piscataway, NJ, USA
Lyn Worsley The Resilience Centre, Sydney, Australia
Philip David Zelazo University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN, USA
Part I
Introduction and General Issues
Chapter 1 Building a Science of Resilience Intervention for Youth
Sandra Prince-Embury and Donald H. Saklofske
This volume entitled Resilience Interventions for Youth in Diverse Populations will present empirically supported programs and interventions designed to enhance resilience and describe how these methods have been approached and applied across children, context, and unique circumstances. This volume follows up on our previously published volume—Resiliency in Children, Adolescents, and Adults: Translating Research into Practice (Prince-Embury and Saklofske, 2013). That volume addressed the need in the study of resilience for clarification and translation of these constructs for practical application. Although discussions of resilience and resiliency are not new (Prince-Embury, 2013), the systematic study of interventions to enhance resiliency is still in its formative stage. The aim of this volume is to begin such a systematic study as well as identify, clarify, and present current programs for children to a wider audience. We have focused in this volume on resilience interventions for youth based on developmental literature suggesting that early development presents the best opportunity for preventive intervention in that the effects of both protective and risk factors are developmentally cumulative.
As editors, we have invited the authors of chapters in this volume to define the population of youth they are addressing and what challenges this population may face. They were also asked to describe those components of resiliency that form the core of their described models and programs and how the interventions used relate to these components. Finally authors were asked to describe the changes targeted and observed and how these changes were or might be demonstrated.
S. Prince-Embury (*)
The Resiliency Institute of Allenhurst, LLC., West Allenhurst, NJ, USA
e-mail: Sandraprince-embury@earthlink.net
D.H. Saklofske
Department of Psychology, University of Western Ontario, London, ON, Canada
Resilience and resiliency are of particular interest at this time in our human history for several major reasons. The world more than ever is in crisis on various but interrelated fronts: politically, socially, economically, and environmentally. The lack of stability and civil war in much of the Middle East and Africa threatens the wider world today because of both the exporting of terrorism and the capacity to “engage” in war from any corner of the globe. The movement of people from country to country has brought with it both the richness of the earth’s cultures, but also old and new hatreds. Literally millions of peoples’ lives are threatened daily by conflict, whether driven by religion or politics and the capacity, even the willingness, to inflict such physical and psychological human suffering is almost incomprehensible. Added to this is the economic malaise that continues to plague third world countries due to poverty, political corruption, and nature itself. Of course the economic issues facing all countries including both European and the USA have undermined the security of jobs and income and created financial uncertainty that reminds one of the tragedies of the great depression. Natural disasters are recorded on a frequent basis ranging from floods, drought, earthquakes, hurricanes, and massive fires all of which in turn threaten lives directly. Of course the pollution of oceans and land and the changing climatic conditions, no matter their cause, assault the very biological survival of human kind through the production of food and clean water. While not all children are directly aware of these global events, the potential threats trickle down through communities and families in the form of everyday stressors and tension in family relationships.
While these tragic events may be occurring “elsewhere,” they are readily accessible to us because of greater access to information through all forms of media including internet. These circumstances as well as hardships of everyday life present challenges to many children and families regardless of their individual circumstances. It is within these occurrences and events and our awareness that the concept of resilience has gained prominence. It is reasonable that interest in resilience or the ability to thrive in the face of adversity would increase as awareness of challenges increases and as we recall the capacity of humans to survive and sometimes thrive in the face of adversity. As editors we have chosen to include authors and programs developed internationally as this more accurately represents the international interest in this topic and need for substantial and effective practical applications of the construct.
The need for the current volume is consistent with the need for social scientists to move beyond defining and providing examples of resilience toward understanding, and applying the principles of resilience enhancement. While history is replete with examples of the human capacity to confront, survive and even thrive in the face of life’s many adversities, we need to consolidate these observations along with all else that we know about human behavior in order to promote resilience for children and their families.
The focus on definition in our previous volume (Prince-Embury and Saklofske, 2013) made obvious sense in a field that had been struggling for clarity of definition and empirically based assessment. However, practical application of the construct of resilience to prepare children and youth for life challenges requires more
scientific demonstration of these principles in practice. In a mental health field with still a strong focus on the medical model, reduction of symptoms has been the benchmark for assessing the efficacy of treatment. Application of resilience requires a preventive model, presumably in the absence of psychological symptoms or before they might occur and in the same vein, a growth-based model. For this reason, constructs of resilience as strength based are needed as well as tools for gauging changes in these strengths.
The past few years have been witness to a plethora of self-help books and interventions that have not always been systematically linked to sound core developmental constructs. As well, these interventions are often not empirically tested for either efficacy or effectiveness. Some interventions that are found to be effective in reducing symptoms claim to increase resiliency while this implied mediating process is not documented or substantiated. Thus there is a disconnect between the complex theory and body of research on resiliency and the abundant self-help products employing this term. The current volume is a beginning to addressing this need by requesting that authors of the following chapters describe their programs in as much detail and specificity as possible while providing evidence for their effectiveness.
This volume is divided into three parts, the first addresses general principles and the next two describe different settings that, in turn, may require different considerations in the design, administration and assessment of the intervention. Part I includes four chapters each presenting a broad-based theoretical framework for understanding resiliency upon which interventions might be based. Part II presents interventions for youth in community and school contexts who have not been diagnosed with clinical disorders, but may be described as at-risk. The interventions presented in these chapters are based on a preventive model that resilience interventions may be presented to nonclinical populations of youth to enhance their resilience to future adversity. Part III presents interventions designed for youth diagnosed with specific disorders. These interventions take into account the needs of youth specific to their diagnostic circumstances.
Introduction and General Issues
Following this introductory chapter (Chap. 1) are three more chapters that address foundational issues related to what we know about resiliency in order to move this knowledge to practice and applications. In Chap. 2 titled “Review of Resilience Conceptual and Assessment Issues,” Prince-Embury briefly reviews definitions of resilience and the evolution of theory and research relating to this construct. In Chap. 3, “A Three Factor Model of Personal Resiliency and Related Assessment” she describes a three-factor model of personal resiliency (Prince-Embury, 2007, Prince-Embury and Courville, 2008a, 2008b, Prince-Embury and Steer, 2010) that is based on three-core developmental systems commonly associated with adaptive functioning. In addition, this chapter will summarize and integrate the developmental theory underlying the three-factor model, present theory, and research evidence supporting the model. Interventions associated with each global aspect of personal
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resiliency are presented. This model was developed by Prince-Embury (2007) as a way of simplifying resilience theory for practical application, in conjunction with the development of the Resiliency Scales for Children and Adolescents (RSCA) as a user friendly tool for tapping the three-factor model. The RSCA was created and normed in the USA but has been applied internationally.
Chapter 4 “Creating Resilient Mindsets in Children and Adults: A StrengthBased Approach for Clinical and Non-Clinical Populations” by Brooks and Brooks takes as a central focus the concept of a “resilient mindset,” applying this concept to both clinical and nonclinical populations in the US schools and clinical settings. In terms of both groups of children, they describe techniques that parents, teachers, and therapists can use in a variety of settings to reinforce a resilient mindset with its accompanying behaviors in children of all ages. They also describe techniques that therapists can use with adult patients or what adults in nonclinical populations can do to strengthen a resilient mindset and lifestyle. The chapter includes case examples capturing a prevention and intervention approach.
Interventions for Schools and Other Nonclinical Populations
Part II presents interventions to enhance resiliency in nonclinical populations. These interventions describe programs that may be applied universally or to at-risk groups of children in settings such as schools, after school activity programs or camps. The different parameters described in each chapter include the selection of children to receive the intervention, cooperation of parents and associated agencies, implementation and assessment of the intervention.
Chapter 5, “Using the Friends Program to promote resilience in cross-cultural populations” written by Paula Barret, Marita Cooper, Julia Gallegos and based in Australia discusses protective and risk factors related to emotional well-being in youths that are needed to provide a framework for the development of resiliencebuilding programs. A brief review of resilience enhancement in youths is provided as well as introduction of the “FRIENDS” protocol, a social-emotional skills program. The FRIENDS program is a robustly supported program and is the only program endorsed by the World Health Organization for the prevention and treatment of anxiety and depression in children and youth. Description of the FRIENDS programs, research evaluating program outcomes, and adaptations of the programs for use with diverse youth populations are also included. Lastly, recent innovations in conceptualization, research, assessment, and treatment of resilience as well as future directions for research are discussed. Although designed for the prevention of anxiety and depression, this chapter was included in the first part of our volume because of its more general applicability.
Chapter 6, “Girls Leading Outward (GLO); a school-based leadership program to Promote Resilience for at-risk middle school girls,” by Stepney, White, Far, and Elias describe GLO as a positive youth development program for at-risk middle school girls that not only seeks to prevent future problems, but also aims to foster
resilience. GLO focuses predominately on urban, African-American and Latina students from low-income communities in the USA, with a goal of reaching them prior to their transition to high school. It provides a safe space for girls to express their opinions, voice their concerns, and develop positive relationships with their peers. Through the program, girls are equipped with the skills necessary to effectively problem-solve, overcome obstacles, and manage conflicts with others. Key skills learned include emotion regulation, effective communication and assertiveness, active listening, goal setting, and problem solving.
Chapter 7 “Promoting Resilience through Executive Function Training for Homeless and Highly Mobile Preschoolers” is presented by Casey, Finsaas, Carlson, Zelazo, Murphy, Durkin, Lister, and Masten This chapter provides an overview of their research program designed to understand and promote resilience in an extremely disadvantaged group of children experiencing homelessness with their families in the USA. The authors provide an overview on the risks and resilience of homeless children and the evolution of a translational research program focused on executive function skills as the change target. A developing intervention designed to boost executive function in homeless and other highly mobile children is described, including the theory of change, components of the intervention and the lessons learned from the iterative strategy that is shaping the final form of a preschool intervention for a future efficacy trial. Challenges and ethical issues are described as well as preliminary findings. The importance of collaboration among resilience scientists, preschool teachers from a university laboratory school and community-based programs, shelter staff, and parents in the design and refinement of this intervention will be emphasized.
Chapter 8 “Your Journey Together: Promoting Resilience in the Foster Care System” by Smith, LeBuffe, Alleyne, Mackrain, Sperry, and Likins begins by reminding that there are over 400,000 children in the foster care system in the USA. According to the authors, those children who enter foster care present with three to seven times as many physical, mental and developmental problems as other children. In addition, the separation from their family of origin and disruptions in foster care placements create additional risk factors. Not only the children but the biological and foster parents often have lives characterized by multiple risk factors. This chapter describes a program designed to offset the negative effects of these risk factors, to promote the resilience of both the children and the parents, and to encourage and work toward reunification and permanency. The “Your Journey Together” program is designed for implementation to groups or individuals in office or home settings and uses evidence-based assessments and research-informed, relianceenhancing strategies. This chapter describes the model, presents a case illustration and preliminary outcome data, and discusses implementation challenges.
Chapter 9, “Building Resilience in Children the Sesame Street Way,” written by Oades-Sese, Cohen, Allen, and Lewis, presents a description of an 8-week intervention using a multimedia toolkit to foster resilience in children (ages 3–8). The multimedia toolkit is aimed at increasing children’s emotional literacy, attachment, emotional regulation, and problem-solving skills through Sesame Street videos, hands-on activities, web games, and books.
Chapter 10 “Enhancing Classroom Resilience with ClassMaps Consultation” by Song, Sikorski, Doll, and Sikorski turns attention to school-based initiatives in promoting resiliency in children. ClassMaps is based on over 20 years of research, in which classroom environmental factors are identified and enhanced in a collaborative manner with the teachers and students. This chapter discusses the ClassMaps model, research supporting its use, and presents a case study of a third-grade Spanish Immersion classroom in a US public suburban elementary school.
Chapter 11“The Resilience Doughnut Model an Intervention Program aimed at Building Resilience in Adolescence” was written by Lynn Worsley and showcases a program that has been successfully applied with at-risk children in Australia. Worsley defines resilience as a process of continual development of personal competence while negotiating available resources in the face of adversity. The Resilience Doughnut intervention is premised on the author’s model that resilience is developed in seven contexts of existing relationships around the child. The aim of Resilience Doughnut intervention is to determine and link the most positive contexts together in a meaningful way for each child. The research findings presented in this chapter support the view that there are multiple pathways to resilience which are dependent on the interaction of positive intentional interactions around the developing youth.
Chapter 12, “Community and Residential Programs: Spurwink Mental Health System in Maine” authored by Butler and Francis, examines resiliency profiles of school-age youth who attend one of the three after-school/summer communitybased programs within a large multi-site mental health system in Maine and compares the resilience of these youths with those in residential treatment. The programs offer a variety of activities to promote skill development, healthy social interactions, budding hobbies and talents, community involvement, and a place to belong. One of the programs focuses on nonelectronic gaming activities with elaborate historic events reenacted in a game-like fashion. Measures assessing resiliency, self-esteem, risky behaviors, hope, and assets administered at the beginning and end of the program are presented in support of this program.
In Chap. 13, “Resilience in Youth who have been Exposure to Violence,” Nancy Ghali discusses youth who have been victims of crime or are exposed to community violence and their risk for developing conduct problems as related to personal resiliency and parental relatedness. Specifically this chapter explores the relationship between resiliency factors such as sense of mastery, relatedness, emotional reactivity, relatedness to parents, friends, and teachers, and conduct problems in youth who have been exposed to violence in a general population of high school students in the USA. Ghali presents findings suggesting that those who have high exposure to violence and a high level of emotional reactivity and a low connection to parents and teachers report more aggressive behavior and rule breaking behavior. Intervention implications are discussed.
Chapter 14, “Fostering Resilience in Greek Schools in Times of Economic Crisis,” was written by Hatzigristou, Adamopoulou, and Lampropoulou from the University of Athens, Greece. The authors discuss how stressful events and
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unsettling times, including economic crisis, have the potential to negatively impact the lives of children and the overall school community. Responding to a recent Greek economic crisis situation, the Center for Research and Practice in School Psychology of the University of Athens in cooperation with the Society for School and Family Consultation and Research developed a multi-level school-based crisis prevention and intervention program that promotes resilience and well-being of teachers and students. This chapter discusses the program and its implementation.
Interventions for Clinical Populations
In some instances, interventions to enhance resiliency may be targeted to a specific clinical population with specific clinical issues. Interventions to enhance resiliency in clinical samples may be designed to either address issues presented by the specific disorder or related impairments in functioning. This section describes resiliency programs for youth presenting with a variety of disabilities including intellectual disability, attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), autism spectrum disorder (ASD), chronic illness, and transgender adjustment disorder. The programs described in this section of the book have been implemented in the USA, Canada, and Australia.
Chapter 15, “Developing Social Competence through a Resilience Mode” written by Alvord, Rich, and Berghorst, not only discusses interventions with a population of primarily ADHD and anxiety-disordered children but also includes children with comorbid conditions and learning disabilities in the USA. The authors discuss the need for a comprehensive intervention model with includes resilience-building and social-competence skills as well as the importance of treating these issues in the clinical setting concurrent with other intervention strategies A detailed discussion of RBP, including generalizing the skills to home and school, is presented in this chapter.
Chapter 16, “Promoting Resilience in Children with Intellectual Disability” by Gilmore, Campbell, Shochet, and Roberts, describes the characteristics associated with intellectual disability that make these children more vulnerable to a range of adverse developmental outcomes. Research is reviewed about resilience with a specific focus on children who are developing atypically, including those with intellectual disability. The authors then describe the adaptation and implementation of an established resilience-building intervention, “Aussie Optimism” in a randomized control trial. The aim of the intervention is to promote resilience in the children at the time of transitioning to high school in Australia.
Chapter 17, “Resilience Perspectives for Autism Spectrum Disorder” is authored by McCrimmon and Montgomery, two Canadian researchers and School Psychologists. These authors offer the definition of resilience as a dynamic process encompassing good or positive outcome in an individual despite experiences of serious or significant adversity or trauma as suggested by Luthar, Cicchetti, and Becker (2000). Resilience theory has implications for children with disabilities,
such as ASD who present with uneven profiles of strengths and weakness. In this chapter the authors discuss key concepts and research relevant to resilience (protective and risk factors) in ASD. Research- and theory-supported suggestions for individual assessment and intervention aimed at reducing risk and increasing protective factors (buffers) are presented. Examples of resilience-focused intervention programs for children (Self-Regulation Program for Awareness and Resilience in Kids) are provided. In addition, preliminary results of pilot studies of innovative programming incorporating resilience theory will be described.
Chapter 18, “Resilience in ADHD: School-based Intervention to Promote SocialEmotional Well-being,” by Climie and Deen focuses on students with exceptional learning needs. Children with ADHD may be particularly vulnerable and require additional supports to be successful. In school, children with ADHD/LD often demonstrate behavioral or social-emotional difficulties, such as low self-confidence, anxiety, or social isolation. The implementation of a low-cost, school-wide intervention program that promotes social-emotional development can be effective in enhancing the resilience of students with ADHD. Previous research has found that morning exercise that allows the heart rate to be at an elevated level for an extended period of time primes the brain for learning throughout the course of the day (Ratey, 2008). This exercise may be particularly beneficial for children with ADHD/LD because it allows them to move their bodies and engage their brain for learning. The SPARK for Learning program, a 20-min daily physical exercise program that allows students to engage in physical activity during the first period of each school day, is described.
Chapter 19 “Resiliency in Pediatric Chronic Illness: Assisting Youth at School and Home” is contributed by Perfect and Frye and is intended to demonstrate how resiliency plays a role in youth’s adjustment and management of chronic medical conditions in the USA. The authors provide support for employing a resiliency perspective in aiding youth with chronic illness for more positive outcomes, such as better disease control, healthier interpersonal relationships, and greater selfconfidence in their own abilities. Further, the authors address school difficulties faced by youth with chronic illness, highlighting strategies that may work to promote better school functioning. Case examples and data from a study focused on integrating medical, mental health, and school psychological services for adolescents with diabetes illustrate the connections between resiliency and health issues among youth.
Chapter 20 “Resilience Building: A Social Ecological Approach to Intervention with a Trans-sexual Youth” authored by Allan and Ungar presents a strengths-based Social Ecological Approach (S.E.A.) to counseling a transgendered youth by viewing formal and informal supports as potential sources of resilience and positive development. Specifically, S.E.A. focuses on enhancing children’s sense of personal self-control, agency and power, experience of social justice and fairness, belonging and purpose, spirituality, and cultural rootedness. Interventions reflect a therapeutic contract to achieve culturally meaningful goals and ensure clients successfully transition their success in treatment back into their “real-life” social ecologies.
S. Prince-Embury and D.H. Saklofske
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Russian colonists in 1892 and containing forty-one families. This village and the neighbouring one of Poltavski, founded in 1896 and where there are thirty-five families, are the most southern settlements within the Russian Empire. The inhabitants exist almost entirely by the exportation of inconsiderable quantities of wheat, hay and straw to Kushkinski Post for the purposes of the garrison.
Kushkinski Post station, 306.4 sagenes above sea-level, is 293 versts from Merv. It possesses a fine buffet. The military post, situated near the frontier in the broad valley of the Kushk river, is bounded by the undulating slopes of the Bend Chengurek chain, an off-shoot of the Paropamisus. With the completion of the Murghab railway, Kushkinski Post immediately attained special importance and, in 1900, it was declared a fortress of the fourth rank. The hoisting of the Imperial standard over the walls was carried out in the presence of the late Minister of War, General Kuropatkin. In the early days, before the lines of the fortress had been planned, Kushkinski Post comprised a number of detached works within which the various arms were quartered. At that time, too, the officers’ accommodation, consisting of one-storey buildings roughly constructed out of mud, was in the railway settlement where, pending the completion of the main works, long narrow sheds for the use of the troops had been erected. Now improvement has followed upon preliminary chaos and the men are comfortably housed in cool barracks upon the upper slopes of the adjacent heights. The officers are disposed with equal care and convenience elsewhere. Public buildings likewise have improved upon their original sites. The military hospital, the post and telegraph bureau and the Custom House have taken up locations upon high ground, their positions
crowned, if not protected by forts upon the crest of these very useful eminences. Kushkinski Post, therefore, may be said to be a thriving settlement where, if the hours are wearisome and the days charged with ennui, there is always the prospect of a “dust up.”
Attempts have been made from time to time, by officers stationed at Kushkinski Post, to become familiar with the officers in command of the Afghan posts across the frontier. More often these attempts at friendliness have been rebuffed, the Afghan soldiery neither accepting advances from the Russians nor making any overtures themselves. Strained relations exist, as a rule, between military posts on either side of any frontier, although, in regard to the RussoAfghan frontier, there was an occasion when friendly conditions prevailed between the Russians and the Afghans.[10] At that time the staff of the frontier regiment on guard along the Afghan side of the border had accepted an invitation to the mess at the Russian post. They arrived in due course—appearing in all the full-dress grandeur of second-hand railway uniforms! The officer commanding the detachment exhibited on the collar of his tunic the mystic words “Ticket Collector”; his subordinate, a subaltern, was content with the less exalted label of “Guard.” Out of courtesy to their guests the Russians suppressed their merriment, receiving nevertheless the impression that a portion of the subsidy, granted by the Government of India to the Amir of Afghanistan, was taken out in the castoff uniforms of British public companies. The facts were that the Amir, through his Agent in India, had acquired a large parcel of discarded clothing at one of the annual sales of condemned stores in Northern India.
This exchange of courtesies on the frontier illustrates only the pleasant side of service in this region. More serious incidents occur. Occasionally in the heat of the chase, when parties of Russian officers have crossed the frontier in pursuit of their quarry they have been fired upon by the Afghan patrols or ridden down by Afghan sowars. Sporting trips around Kushkinski Post or in the valleys of the Murghab are infrequent among the Russians, although wild boar abound in the thick patches of reeds which hem in the banks of the rivers; the tufts of grass, the hardy scrub and the patches of bush
also afford excellent cover for partridges and pheasants. The scarcity of good water at any distance from the railway is the great drawback to such excursions, since the transport of water is both costly and cumbersome. In cantonments goat-skins of the precious fluid are brought for sale by water-sellers who come round, earning a precarious livelihood by their industry.
This custom, which prevails throughout the East, was once turned to account by an Afghan who was afterwards discovered to be an Hazara sapper from the Kabul garrison. Disguised as a water-seller he spent three weeks at Kushkinski Post, conducting an exhaustive inspection of the works and coming every night and morning to the fort with his supplies of water. Chance, which in Asia plays no less a part in the affairs of man than in Europe, threw across his path a native who had visited Kabul some weeks before with letters from the Governor-General of Turkestan. The Afghan had been deputed by the Amir to attend to the Turkestani. He had met and escorted him to the capital and back again to the western boundary. As the Russian had entered Afghanistan from the Kushkinski Post, along the Hari Rud valley, he was conducted from the capital to the frontier by the route he had first followed. At the frontier he had dismissed his Afghan attendant, who promptly proceeded to disguise himself as a water-carrier and to obtain admission to the station. Here he busied himself daily until, meeting of a sudden his late charge, recognition upon the part of the Russian subject was immediate and the spy was arrested in the act of escaping from the precincts of the fort. Suspicion as to the man’s identity became assured when a packet of notes was found, wrapped in a rubber sheath, at the bottom of the goat-skin water-bag.
Until the advent of the railway the colony at Kushkinski Post apart from the garrison, comprised a few Armenian and Persian traders. With the prolongation of the line from Merv the civilian population began to increase rapidly. There is, of course, no hotel in the station; although the officers of the garrison have established a small military club wherein they mess together and where, when the bi-weekly trains bring the supply of ice, there is usually an animated gathering of desolated humanity. At the present time there are in Kushkinski
Post 123 buildings, of which some thirty odd belong to private persons. Apart from the garrison the civil population numbers fifty people.
Kushkinski Post station consists of a handsome, spacious structure in the white stone which is brought from quarries in the basin of the Kushk. The railway buildings include a depôt with workshops, eight bungalows for the heads of the staff and special quarters for the employés. There are also large barracks for the 6th Company of the 1st Trans-Caspian Railway Battalion, who are not included in the field state of the post. All buildings are lighted by electricity and the workshops are furnished with electric motors, while the water is drawn from springs on Gumesli mountain.
Kushk region is malarial in consequence of the marshy nature of the surrounding country. For some years past measures have been undertaken with a view to draining the swamps and regulating the running of the streams. By these means it has been hoped to render
more healthy the general environment of the station, including the fortress works, Kushkinski village and the district lying between the Afghan frontier post of Kara Teppe and the Russian Alexeieffski and Poltavski villages.
The specific disease which makes duty in the Murghab and Kushk valleys peculiarly obnoxious is a low fever of an endemic nature. Its pathological history is still undetermined and, although investigations have been made into its character and numerous experiments essayed, the malady is usually fatal. In general, the patient is stricken suddenly when the liver would appear immediately to be affected, the skin becoming yellow and the sufferer lapsing into unconsciousness within a few hours of the attack. Systematic study of the disease has enabled the medical authorities to trace it indirectly to the soil from which, just as in Africa and any of the countries lying within the fever belt, germs are released whenever it is disturbed. In this way the most infectious points in the Kushk and Murghab valleys are those lying within the cultivated areas, more especially around those places where digging operations are of frequent occurrence. As the order of life becomes more settled and the necessity for any interference with the soil disappears, it is anticipated that the extreme virulence of the disease may diminish. At one time the soldiers of the Railway Battalions were so susceptible to its ravages that its course assumed the appearance of an epidemic.
No commercial importance belongs to Kushkinski Post and it is solely the strategic considerations which attach to it that give it so much value. In the hands of Russia and commanding the trade routes into Afghanistan, as well as the road to Herat, Kushkinski Post well might play a leading part in the settlement of questions still outstanding between Russia and Great Britain in respect of Afghanistan. Whether the existence of the post will promote the development of trade relations, which are now restricted by the Amir’s Government and directed by the Afghan frontier authorities through Khorassan, remains to be seen. Nothing can underestimate its significance. The post, together with the whole of this branch line, is a deliberate military measure against Afghanistan, the boundaries
of which kingdom can almost be seen from the ramparts of the forts which crown the crest of the hills.
Eighteen versts to the south of the fortress, at Chahil Dukteran, there is the post of the Russian Frontier Guard and the present terminus of the Murghab Valley railway. Beyond may be noted the solitary figures of the Russian sentinels keeping their beat along the extensive line of their position; while southward and serving at the moment for a caravan route lies the road to Herat. As an interesting link in the chain of evidence which points to the future use of this road in another way, there is the existence of a large store of light railway plant prepared for the purposes of extending it into Afghanistan itself, whenever the troops of Russia may require to be
carried forward to the walls of Herat through the passes of the Paropamisus, a little less than 80 miles.
To Englishmen another, perhaps less direct and more ficticious, interest attaches to this railway. A glance at the map of the Eastern hemisphere will show that the shortest practicable line of communication between London and India lies through Russia and across Central Asia. The direction would be viâ Calais, Berlin, Warsaw, Rostov-on-Don, Petrovski, Baku, Krasnovodsk, Merv, Kushkinski, Girishk and Kandahar. The whole of this distance has now been covered by railway, with the exception of the span of 195 miles across the Caspian Sea, between Baku and Krasnovodsk and the gap of 500 miles which still separates Kushkinski Post from New Chaman. If these sections were bridged the journey from London to India might be very considerably shortened, assuming that the present rate of speed—32 miles an hour on the European and 25 on the Asiatic lines—were maintained. The net saving in time, if the railway were completed, would be seven days; while the horrors of the Red Sea and the monsoon would be but bad dreams to the Anglo-Indian traveller. The country between Kushkinski Post and New Chaman presents no obstacle to the engineer; the Paropamisus range could be crossed by the Ardewan or the Chashma Sabz pass, neither of which is more than 3400 feet above sea-level or 1000 feet higher than that of the tableland on either side. From this point Herat, the garden city of Afghanistan and the key of India, is distant only 30 miles; thence the line would be carried by way of Sabzawar, Farah, Girishk and Kandahar to New Chaman.
However if further railway construction in this region is to take place, it will be in connection with the development of plans which concern the requirements of potential strategy rather than the humours of experimental fantasies. For some time past there have been abundant signs that Russia is proposing to find compensation in the Middle East for the downfall of her prestige in Further Asia. Certainly there is a field for her energies lying fallow in Central Asia. The precise quarter where the furrows are waiting to be ploughed is between the Central Asian railway and the frontiers of Northern Persia and Northern Afghanistan. It is to-day evident that sooner or
later Russia will improve her communications in this direction by adding to the Orenburg-Tashkent system its natural complement—an extension to Termes on the Oxus, where there is a Russian fortress—or by imparting to her position on the Perso-Afghan border that little requisite attention which it merits—a railway to Meshed in Khorassan. Long since is it that these schemes entered the domain of practical politics, the Russian military position on the Middle Oxus requiring an alternative line of communications to that offered by the Amu Daria, which, when frozen in winter with the post-roads across the mountains blocked by snow, wraps in dangerous isolation the Russian garrisons at Termes, Kelif and elsewhere along this section of the frontier. Preliminary surveys for a railway were conducted in 1902, when the routes selected followed from Samarkand the Shar-iSabz, Huzar, Shirabad caravan highway to Termes; and, from Farab to Termes, the trade route along the Oxus through Burdalik and Kelif. Further extensions in this direction would provide railway communication between Huzar and Karki by a bridge across the river, by which Huzar would become as important a railway junction as it is a caravan and trading centre. Still more in the future is the strong probability that Karki will be joined with the Afghan frontier at Imam Nasar, by following the caravan route from the river, or with Pendjeh across the fringe of the Kara Kum.
Equally determined has been the intention to open up railway communication with the north, north-eastern frontier of Persia, the original surveys taking place simultaneously with the parties working towards the Oxus. For purposes of the Persian railway two routes were also inspected in this quarter, the Askhabad-Meshed line receiving the earliest attention and warmest support. This scheme, after passing through the defiles between Firuza, the summer resort of Askhabad society, and Badjira, entered Persian territory at Kettechinar; running up the Deregez valley and leaving the Atrek waters near their source at Kuchan, it then broke into the Keshef Rud valley, striking the caravan road to Meshed between Durbadam and Imam Kuli. Great initial outlay was made in connection with this railway. Its course had been pegged out under the supervision of M.
Stroieff, dragoman of the Russian Consulate at Meshed, with the help of the Ikram-ul-Mul late Karguzar of Kuchan, to whom 12,000 roubles were presented. Further, it was arranged to open a branch of the Imperial Russian Bank at Meshed to assist the financing of the work, the staff comprising an official from St. Petersburg as manager-in-chief, an assistant manager from Teheran, with Ali Askar Khan, the interpreter of the State Bank at Askhabad. The outbreak of hostilities in Manchuria imposed a temporary check upon the labours of the construction parties, the reflection thus obtained giving rise to the advantage of dropping a branch line from Tejend station on the Central Asian railway viâ Sarakhs, Daulatabad, Pul-i-Khatun to between Zulfikar and Kala Kafir, wherever some future extension of the Askhabad-Meshed line, following the Keshef Rud to its meeting with the Hari Rud on the actual Perso-Afghan frontier, may terminate. The Tejend Rud is the name given to the lower waters of the Hari Rud which, flowing by Herat, receives midway in its course the Keshef Rud and thence runs close to Sarakhs, presenting to any line running along the Had Rud valley an alternative approach to the Afghan city.
That Herat and Meshed are the objectives of Russian railway policy is obvious from a pamphlet issued in 1902 by the Topographical Bureau in St. Petersburg and entitled Railways Across Persia. In its pages a railway was projected from Kara Kliss, a station midway between Tiflis and Erivan, viâ Tabriz, Teheran, Shahrud to Meshed. The mileage, cost, the number of sidings and names of stations were all laid down. The principal stations in the first section—Kara Kliss to Tabriz—were Erivan and Julfa. At this moment the span from Kara Kliss to Julfa a distance of 135 miles is completed, the first hundred miles—Kara Kliss to Erivan—being open to traffic and the remaining thirty-five miles—Erivan to Julfa—in working order. From Julfa a carriageway, constructed under Russian auspices and in all essentials a Russian military road, runs to Tabriz, so that Russian schemes for broad gauge railways to Herat and Meshed are at least removed from their incipient obscurity.
[10] “All the Russias.” H. V. Norman.
CHAPTER VI
THE MURGHAB VALLEY
T river Murghab, which, with the Kashan and the Kushk streams, waters the Merv oasis and then disappears in the sands of the Kara Kum desert, rises in the mass of mountains connecting the eastern extremities of the Safed Koh and Tir Band-i Turkestan ranges. It flows in a westerly direction through the great valley separating these mountain chains and, after receiving the waters of numerous tributaries, turns towards the north-west to pass the Afghan fortress of Bala Murghab and the post of Karawal Khana. At this latter point it receives the waters of the Kaisar affluent. Continuing in a north-westerly direction it flows past Maruchak, lying on the right bank, where a short distance below it is joined by the Kashan stream. Pendjeh and Ak Tepe are both situated upon the left bank. At Ak Tepe the Kushk river, which rises in the Paropamisus range, unites with it and from this point the Murghab runs in a due northerly direction past Yulatan to Merv, thence running dry in the desert.
Within Russian territory the Murghab river irrigates exclusively the Merv district, and its length within the Trans-Caspian province is about 400 versts. If its numerous bends were taken into account the length of the stream would be 850 versts. The Kushk river waters Russian territory for a distance of 100 versts, from the Russo-Afghan frontier to its confluence with the Murghab; the Kashan for 60 versts.
The width of the Murghab at the Kaushut-Khan-Band, 28 versts above the town of Merv, is about 23 sagenes; but at Merv itself it narrows to 12 sagenes. Its mean depth is 7 feet. The rise of the water begins in the middle of March and the fall finishes three months later. Between June and the middle of October the level of the river is determined by the rain-fall and snow in the neighbouring mountains. About June, when the river has fallen, the population experiences the want of the water which is necessary for the autumn crop of cotton. In years of drought, when the dearth of water is felt much earlier—during the period of the ripening of the crops, in fact— the population are obliged to abandon the greater portion of their harvest.
The country through which these rivers flow is, in the main, a mixture of desert waste and cultivated strip, with rising uplands carpeted in spring by bright flowers and hidden in winter by heavy snows. Roads meander along the valleys, sometimes by means of rocks and boulders crossing and recrossing the stream many times in short stretches or, at others, wandering far away from the waterside to traverse the broken spurs of hills. Where signs of cultivation exist, there are indications that the population has regained confidence in the Russian domination of the district. Fields and irrigation canals have been cleaned and restored; the sparkle of the little rills is reflected in the brilliant sunshine.
From the broad uplands of the watershed, from where to the river bed below there is in general a tedious scramble across a confusion of stones and brushwood, the tumbled masses of the rounded slopes are seen to sink into long undulating sweeps. Where the Kushk and Murghab valleys become entangled, a line of sand cliffs disappears in one direction into the haze of the Kara Kum and merges in another with the Karabyl plateau. In the distance the river, spreading itself over a labyrinth of canals, passes through a rapid succession of changing scenes, until, in the broad arid wastes of the Kara Kum, its waters are finally and completely lost. South-west of Bala Murghab the valley narrows to the dimensions and rugged outlines of a defile. Through this the river rolls, tumbling with thunderous clamour, towards Pendjeh oasis, where it acquires a breadth of 1 to 3 miles. At Pul-i-Khisti, identical with Tash Kepri and a little above the Russian settlement of Takhta Bazaar, the stream is joined by the waters of the Kushk rivulet, when it is not consumed in irrigation. From this point the united rivers flow onward to the oases of Yulatan and Merv, passing through a broad flat valley, 2 miles in width, bounded on either side by sandstone heights. In this stage the river is slow running, deep and difficult to cross, and possessing but few fords. Its average breadth varies between 40 and 70 yards and the most prominent feature is its extreme sinuosity. Beyond Bala
Murghab the river valley is contained on the left bank by an undulating chain of low hills, high rocky gorges enclosing the right. At this point the sides are steep, with a possible height of 24 feet and a surface growth of shrubs and willows. A narrow, level strip, tufted with scattered grasses, lies between the water’s edge and the hills on the left bank. The river itself flows in a single channel, clinging rather closely to the left of the valley. It possesses a mean breadth of 70 yards and a maximum current of 5 miles. The depth of the ford is between 3 to 4 feet.
The valleys which debouch upon the river are quite spacious and contain small plots of cultivated ground, with here and there a village. Unfortunately, while the banks of the river are fertile the valleys themselves are exceedingly unhealthy—a low fever, pathologically identical in the two districts of Murghab and Kushk, permeating them. Although the great majority of the inhabitants avow themselves immune from the disease, they are averse to settling in the valleys. A feature of the river is the abruptness with which the broad open spaces are changed to narrow gorges of no remarkable height. This trait in the character of an otherwise respectable inland river compresses so great a volume of water into so small a channel that its passage is attended with risk. It is not until the spreading expanses of the Pendjeh, Yulatan and Merv oases have exhausted it that the stream is crossed with convenience. At Bala Murghab, where the current is very strong and the depth uncertain, deep holes in the bottom and masses of protruding rocks, added to the hidden dangers from quicksands, make the task of fording an intricate proceeding. There are two fords at this point, and a similar number are in use at Maruchak, Karawal Khana and Pendjeh, while the Russians have restored many stone bridges which formerly existed in the Kushk valley near the junction of the Murghab and Kushk rivers, at Maruchak and Bala Murghab. The liability of the two rivers to sudden floods renders all fords uncertain and insecure, particularly in the lower stretches between Pendjeh and Merv. More often than not necessity dictates the prudence of stripping to the skin, when the native, a prayer to Allah on his lips and his possessions strapped in a bundle on his head, flounders through the water to arrive damp, disconsolate and very scared on the opposite
side. Nevertheless, the best fords are found usually where the stream flows swiftly through a narrow bed. At such a crossing there is a firm bottom and foothold is readily secured.
Many contrivances are used to cross the rivers of High Asia. Where the current is sluggish an inflated goatskin is employed. This system is in vogue on the Oxus and, in lesser degree, on the Helmund, where rafts of bushes are preferred. Along the Murghab the indifferent nature of the fords and the swiftness of the current in the narrow channels of the river make the use of a boat, drawn along a hawser, more suited to the needs of the occasion. Fords on the Murghab are not so frequent as on the Oxus.
The Kushk Valley extends in Russian and Afghan territory some 14 miles. It possesses an average breadth of three-quarters of a mile. Its hills, low and rounded, are a conglomerate of clay and red sand, but bare of trees and with their faces dotted with mud-cabins. An extensive system of irrigation is fed by the river and there is much cultivation on the tops and sides of the hills. The produce of the fields is only sufficient for the immediate wants of the native settlers, although the Russians hope, now a garrison has been established at Kushkinski Post, that the demands of the troops will spur the villagers to greater agricultural activity. In Afghan territory the valley is the habitat of the Jamshidis, who, quiet and tractable, reveal few wants and even fewer interests. Excessive irrigation has done so much to spread the fever that the population throughout the valley has been dwindling gradually. There are now less than 4000 families in the entire valley, years of peace and prosperity seeming to accentuate the restlessness which underlies the nature of all nomadic people. A weekly bazaar is held at Kushkinski Post; similar gatherings taking place at Afghan Kushk, Bala Murghab, Maruchak and in the Pendjeh oasis at Takhta Bazaar. Salt, rice, soap, carpets and horses are all brought to the markets, while the Russians encourage the native merchants under their protection to display stocks of Russian sugar, matches and cotton prints. Silks from Meshed and Bokhara are also in evidence, but nothing of any English or Indian origin. French, American and German products are barred no less rigorously, although German matches and French
sugar occasionally escape the specific ostracism which applies to British manufactures.
In the Kushk valley the fertility of the land is dependent upon the flooding of the river by the spring rains. As a consequence an everpresent feeling of irritation exists in the lower parts of the Kushk valley against the Afghan villagers, who control the head waters of the river and divert it to their own fields. This difficulty prevails along the entire line of the frontier in this region, the demarcation of the boundary between the two races leaving the heads of the canals in Afghan territory. There are many exceptions to the misfortune, and, so far as possible, the division is arranged in a spirit of mutual ownership, although the natives, on the Russian side of the frontier, have no claim to compensation if there should be an insufficient quantity. With a river like the Kushk, which possesses an irregular volume, the difficulty is much greater than in the case of the Murghab or even the Hari Rud. Water means to these primitive peoples life and existence; and, as cultivation is only rendered possible by most assiduous irrigation, the task of conserving the supply involves incessant labour. Although agricultural activity prevails principally in the Murghab and Kushk district there are a few cultivated places in the Kashan valley. It would be useless to make any comparison between the former valleys and the Kashan. The Kashan valley contains a small strip, level, well watered and about half a mile in width, through which percolates a narrow stream. In spite of its culturable soil the Kashan district is not frequently inhabited, as in the extreme hot weather the Kashan river is exhausted by the claims made upon it for purposes of irrigation; below Robat-i-Kashan, except during the spring floods, there is no trace of water. A similar condition of affairs characterises its companion stream the Kushk; at the point of union with the Murghab it is frequently reduced to a mere trickle. None the less during the spring rains each of these rivers is liable to sudden floods. Prior to the advent of the railway at Tanur Sangi there were but few settlements in the valley. There was one at Karawal Khana on the right bank of the Murghab and 12 miles south of Maruchak, while the next of any consequence was at Bala Murghab, upon the same bank and more than 20 miles away from Maruchak. At the time when the
Anglo-Russian Commission was adjusting the line of the RussoAfghan frontier in this region, the absence of habitation and human settlement of any kind was most marked. Time has brought a change.
Tanur Sangi is now one of the termini of the Murghab valley railway. Barracks for the troops who are occupying the post have been built on the heights of the valley, the dense vegetation has been burnt off and a system of drainage applied to the neighbouring swamps. For the moment the Maruchak district, extending equally within Russian and Afghan territory, is pregnant with prospects and the advent of the Russians there has been followed by an influx of native settlers. Upon the Afghan side of the river there are similar indications, by reason of the arrival of the levies who garrison the Afghan forts at Bala Murghab, Maruchak, Kala Nao and elsewhere.
The river is the dividing-point between Russian and Afghan possessions at Maruchak for 15 miles. Still it is interesting to note that the natural frontier between Maruchak and Pendjeh is at the northern end of the Maruchak valley, where the hills, closing in upon the river on both sides, separate the Maruchak acres from those of the Pendjeh oasis. Formerly, too, the Murghab flowed down the northern end of the Maruchak valley, washing the western face. It has now changed its course and, sweeping from west to east, washes the eastern aspect. This deviation had an important bearing upon the findings of the Anglo-Russian Commission. Under their correct and literal interpretation of the protocol the Russians were debarred from exercising any claim over the waters of canals employed for irrigation, provided their heads were in Afghan territory.
By the change in the direction of the Murghab the head of the waters supplying the Pendjeh oasis, which proceed from the Band-i-Nadir canal on the left bank of the Murghab, was placed within Afghan territory. A modification of the situation was urged; finally the boundary was made to pass from Zulfikar on the Hari Rud to the Kushk and from the head of the canal in the Kashan valley to the head of the Band-i-Nadir on the Murghab, due west of Maruchak instead of to a point north of it. This re-adjustment permitted control of the head waters of the Band-i-Nadir to revert to Russia.
The Afghan fortress of Maruchak has experienced a varying fortune, the vicissitudes of which once brought it to ruin and caused its defences to be abandoned. Since then the advance of the Russians has thrown it into prominence again. Its walls have been restored, although it can never serve any other purpose than that of a frontier post of observation. The fortress is in the shape of a square of which the outer walls, measuring some 600 yards, rise 20 feet from the side of a moat. The main entrance faces the river on the west. Other entrances of less importance are placed at the northeast and south-east angles. In the centre, rising from a circular
