1 Introduction
In October 2016, we made our second trip to Chenjiagou Village in central China’ s Henan Province. Chenjiagou Village is the home of the Chen Family, making up 70–80% of the 500-odd households with a population of over 2,000 in the village (Wu, 2006). More importantly, it is widely accepted to be the birthplace of Tai Chi Quan (often shortened to Tai Chi; for further discussion over the terms Tai Chi or Tai Chi Quan, see Chapter 4), from which all other varieties of Tai Chi Quan are believed to have evolved. “If you were to compare Tai Chi to Christianity, then this would be the Jerusalem and more importantly it still contains Olympic Gold level Tai Chi, or higher” (Fidler, 2011).
Our first trip was made in October 2015, when we had just started to learn and practice Tai Chi Quan with Master Zhu, a local Tai Chi Quan Master from Ningbo in Zhejiang Province, where the University of Nottingham Ningbo China (UNNC), a Sino-UK joint education venture, was located. As academics, we were happy to take breaks from our daily teaching and research routine and to go outside the campus to know better the local communities. We went to the village on Master Zhu’ s invitation to witness the traditional baishi (拜师) ceremony, at which he would become a disciple of Grandmaster Chen Xiaoxing, the 18th-generation lineage holder and headmaster of the Chenjiagou Village Tai Chi Quan School.
The trip exceeded our expectations in many ways. First, we were fascinated by the number of visitors crowding the short village street lined with stalls selling colourful Tai Chi Quan outfits. Some came as visitors to this newly developed tourist attraction as a global Tai Chi Quan centre, while many others stayed at different schools and training centres in the village to further their Tai Chi Quan skills. Their stay ranged from a few days to a few months, something many of them repeat on a yearly basis. Secondly, we were impressed by the number of Tai Chi Quan schools and training centres in the village. We learned that the village has four big Tai Chi Quan schools and around 40 smaller Tai Chi Quan training centres or houses. Big or small, they were all family-run businesses. Thirdly, although we understood before we made our way to the village that, with all its variants, Tai Chi Quan has kept the traditional system of familial branches, so those wanting to become
DOI: 10.4324/9780429340314-1
lineage holders need to go through a very formal and rigid procedure, we were still amazed at the way it was conducted, imparting to us a deep sense of tradition and history. The ceremony that Master Zhu underwent was a revelation for us, reminding us of the distinctive Chinese notion of family, ancestral worship, and Confucian values – filial piety, humaneness, ritual, and the network of personal relationships. Not surprisingly, the ceremony was very ritualistic and solemn, but at the same time, it was also a showcase that worked as a promotional event for the online and offline spectators around the world.
The ceremony took place in an open space in front of the village’ s ancestral temple in a gated leafy park, in which a Tai Chi Quan Museum is located. The would-be disciples, all excited and dressed in Tai Chi Quan costumes, were first led in orderly lines to pay respect to the ancestors by burning incense, and then instructed to wait, in orderly lines again, for their turn to pay respect to Grandmaster Chen Xiaoxing and to formalise their relationship. After a few speeches from the village representative and family representative, the well-rehearsed candidates were each called to step forward to stand in front of the formally dressed Grandmaster Chen Xiaoxing, who was sitting on a big wooden armchair under the statue of Chen Wangting (1600–1680), founder of the Chen family Tai Chi Quan. Each of them solemnly knelt down in front of Grandmaster Chen Xiaoxing, kowtowed three times, and gave a red envelope with cash with both hands to the Grandmaster. The Grandmaster, in his turn, handed the disciples a red certificate each, thereby acknowledging the father and son relationship and completing the ceremony of accepting the applicants as disciples to the expanding family as the 19th-generation lineage holders. Fourthly, the scale of the ceremony showed us the big number of enthusiasts wanting to become part of the lineage system. A few overseas disciples stood out among the crowd of disciples with their height and their different skin colours. The whole ceremony took place on a big red carpet, with hundreds of spectators watching and taking photos and short video clips from outside the square ringed with ropes. Indeed, in this social media age, photos and video clips of the ceremony were sent out instantly, allowing many more to witness and participate in this ceremony. After all the new disciples had received their certificates, they were read family rules and obligations, among which they were expected to be loyal and to bring honour to the family, and to be devoted to the promotion and development of Tai Chi Quan. Finally, we learned that many of the disciples went back to their hometowns, within and without China, to open a familial branch of the Tai Chi Quan School they had become affiliated with. Master Zhu, for one, returned to his hometown to start his own Tai Chi Quan Training Centre after having received the certificate of affiliation and, thus, authenticity.
During our short stay, many similar ceremonies were held in front of the solemn ancestral temple between other masters and their disciples in the village. Some had travelled great distances to turn to disciples. We witnessed
how Chen Ziqiang, Chen Xiaoxing’ s elder son, also held a ceremony formalising his relationship with his own disciples as 20th-generation lineage holders.
The most important thing, however, is that this trip made us realise that our focus on China’ s state initiatives had blinded us to other important aspects of Chinese soft power and development of public diplomacy practices. To be more specific, we were, as academics, working on China’ s soft power at the time, but mostly paying attention to state-driven initiatives such as Confucius Institutes and overseas Chinese Cultural Centres, as well as the expanding global media communication channels, including the China Global Television Network (CGTN). It is no exaggeration to say that this visit opened a door for us to what we believed to be an untrodden path. We encountered overseas Tai Chi Quan enthusiasts on every village corner; we witnessed them going through the formal master-disciple ceremonies and practicing Tai Chi Quan in different schools. The opportunity to live, observe, and hold discussions with them in the same family hotel of the Chenjiagou Village Tai Chi Quan School gave us new insight that led us to go beyond state-led efforts to the little studied area outside the realm of the state in the study of China’ s public diplomacy and soft power. In other words, the visit opened a new channel for our investigation. The traditional ceremonies we witnessed also heightened our awareness of what had been going on for a while in China – the revival of traditional Chinese culture since the 2010s – a movement that some argue to be state-led while others believe was society-driven (see discussions on it in Chapter 2). Our heightened awareness led us to locate our investigation on China’ s soft power agents and public diplomacy practices in the context of the resurgence of traditional Chinese culture.
We decided then that we should go back to the village for further investigation. We wanted to find out how China is using its rich cultural tradition to reach out to global publics. By China, we mean not only the Party-led state but also the society. We wanted to know, for instance, how foreign learners found their way to the village, and how they decided to become Tai Chi Quan students or even turn themselves into disciples. We also wanted to find out their perceptions of China before and after they started to practice Tai Chi Quan with Chinese masters. In addition, we wanted to find out how the village masters managed to develop a near universal network through which they engaged with people of all walks of life all over the world. Most importantly, we wanted to know if all of this contributed to the overall aims of China’ s external communication and relationship building with foreign publics. In sum, our goal was to explore the role of non-state actors who had been a missing actor in our examination of China’ s public diplomacy practices.
Our second visit was thus a much more purposeful one. We interviewed Tai Chi Quan masters in the village and in the region, especially those frequently travelling overseas; we organised in-depth interviews and focus group
interviews with foreign Tai Chi Quan students in different Tai Chi Quan schools. We also stayed and learned Tai Chi Quan together with several overseas groups in Chen Xiaoxing’ s Tai Chi Quan school, thereby conducting participant observation for further insights.
Our exploration did not stop at the village in 2016. After our research questions were generated and refined from the first two visits to the village, we identified the focus of our observation and investigation – Grandmaster Chen Xiaoxing, headmaster of the largest as well as the earliest Tai Chi Quan School in Chenjiagou Village, and his son Chen Ziqiang, head coach of the school. In the next few years, we participated in their Tai Chi Quan training workshops in the UK and Europe, organised by their overseas familial branches. We went back to the village in 2019 for follow-up interviews. Furthermore, we followed their travel around the world on WeChat, the most popular social media platform in China. We observed how they developed their approaches to foster their reputation and global connections. We also spent time with their familial branches in China, and observed how they expanded their own businesses by establishing links with overseas Tai Chi Quan organisations. Although we kept our focus of attention on the Chenjiagou Village Tai Chi Quan School, we have also kept an eye on the overseas development of other family Tai Chi Quan businesses in the village through observation and interviews while in the village, and via following their WeChat shared moments and official accounts when we moved online as the Covid pandemic hit the world.
This leads to the objectives and scope, central argument and contributions of this research to the field.
Objectives and Scope of the Project
Scholars often dismiss Nye’ s notion of soft power as a “fuzzy concept.” However, this study takes it seriously by showing how soft power is understood and employed in different ways and contexts in China. As the concept of soft power has travelled from the West to China, it has gathered features unique to the country, making its study and application essential because it allows for the exploration of different types of public diplomacy models which generate soft power.
This study examines the development and conduct of public diplomacy as a means to generate soft power in China in general, Martial Arts (Tai Chi Quan in this study) diplomacy in particular. More importantly, it serves as evidence of a transformation in diplomacy in a country that differs considerably in its political system and culture from mostly Western countries upon which the conceptualizations of public diplomacy and soft power are based. In Hartig’ s words, we explain “how public diplomacy is actually practiced” (Hartig, 2016b, p. 656) in China rather than “how it should be practised in a changing environment” (Pamment, 2013, p. 8). We investigate if practising Tai Chi Quan – widely accepted to embody Chinese philosophy
5 and the Chinese way of life – affects foreigners’ views of China. Specifically, this investigation elicits if they believe that harmony of body, mind, and the environment is an essential part of Chinese tradition, and whether a country that aims to build a “harmonious society” (和谐社会) poses no threat to the rest of the world. Ultimately, insights into these areas allow the study to address the following questions:
� What is China’ s approach to public diplomacy since its economic reform?
a What are the drivers for the development?
b Who has claim to soft power?
� How does it differ from the mainstream network model in Western countries?
� What are the implications for the shifting public diplomacy practice in general?
In answering these questions, this study engages in – and enriches – the “deWesternising” efforts in public diplomacy and soft power scholarship in two ways. First, it integrates globally observed phenomena and logic with China’ s local observations: its distinctive political and social imprints and its recent development trajectories in the sphere of public diplomacy. Up to today, much of the journalistic and academic evaluation of China’ s soft power has been carried out along the three criteria of political values, culture, and foreign policies, which originated from Nye’ s addressing of American policymakers. These attempts have often led to the conclusion that “China is weak in its soft power ” (see, for example, Nye, 2012). We argue that an evaluation of this kind is of little sense when no consideration is given to the evolving practices in China. The central preoccupation of this study is, then, an engagement with the concept and practice of public diplomacy for soft power outside of the West.
Second, and related to the above point, our study discards the “normative approach,” which views the Western model asthe ideal trajectory and a modeltobefollowedbytherestoftheworld.It understands China on its ownterms. However, wewant to make clear here that a de-Westernised approachinChina’spublicdiplomacy research by no means suggests that the findings, debates, and wisdom generated so far are neglected, devalued, or denied. A de-Western approach is inclusive rather than exclusive. Therefore, it calls for a critical, cogitative engagement and reflection with the broader, internationally-observed theoretical and empirical developments and trajectories in public diplomacy research, while also paying attention to specific social, political, and cultural contexts. This inclusive approach will allow us to explore the “global-local nexus ” of public diplomacy scholarship by connecting global paradigms with China’ s local observations. It also employs global notions to better understand China’ s local phenomena, and expands
global evidence by adding China’ s local experiences to the field. We hope that our project will allow scholars to draw lessons from China that can “enrich” existing theories of soft power and practices of public diplomacy.
The study of Tai Chi diplomacy as a form of public diplomacy transcends disciplines. Therefore, this study draws from international relations and China studies. The evolving concepts of public diplomacy and soft power are used to examine and analyse the public diplomacy activities of Tai Chi Quan individuals and societies and apply them to in-depth case studies of Tai Chi Quan as soft power agents. The study is therefore not only placed in the context of the shifting landscape of public diplomacy and China’ s increasing role in globalisation, but also examines the development of China’ s public diplomacy against the backdrop of the changing relationship between state and non-state actors in China (for further discussions on the changing relationship, see Hameiri & Jones, 2015; Zheng, 2009a). In doing so, the project hopes to not only fill gaps in the existing literature, but also enrich the concepts of public diplomacy and soft power.
Our Central Argument
Our central argument is that actors, both state and non-state in China, have collaborated in the development of Tai Chi Quan from a popular wellness and self-defence exercise to an increasingly important public diplomacy tool since 1978. Globalisation and commercialisation, accompanied by the revival of traditional culture, are strong forces driving the convergence of interests between state and non-state actors: state actors are concerned with realising foreign policy goals, while cross-border Tai Chi Quan communities and associations are motivated by economic opportunities, family honour, and their belief in promoting Tai Chi Quan as an important part of traditional Chinese culture. The extent of the convergence is not fixed but varies depending on actors’ priorities in different time periods, leading to different degrees of input from them.
Our central argument is based on our literature review findings that, in order to advance the concept of soft power, there is an urgent need to address the significant lack of conversation between different disciplines as well as academic literature in English and other languages. The lack of conversation is leading to different disciplines and academics of different languages talking past each other, resulting in firstly a prioritisation or neglect of certain aspects over others in the examination of public diplomacy practices and soft power, and then secondly semantic confusion in interpreting and applying the concepts.
Our Contribution
The network of objectives and potential impact and the collaboration model between state and non-state actors in Tai Chi diplomacy are the key
theoretical contributions of our work. In our literature review, we find that Leonard’ s hierarchy model of objectives and potential impact of public diplomacy was very inspiring when it was built (Leonard, 2009). However, with the development of public diplomacy – involving a multitude of actors, each with their own desires – Leonard’ s network was no longer as powerful as it used to be in explaining the new public diplomacy practices. For instance, from the perspective of non-state actors in Tai Chi diplomacy, their main aim is frequently commercial in nature. This is a motivating factor that extends beyond the four aims (familiarity, appreciation, engagement, or influence, such as commercial and prestige building) that Leonard originally put forward. Thus, our network of aims and objectives advances those of Leonard, which not only incorporates aims beyond Leonard’ s four aims but also treats them as being of equal importance, rather than as hierarchical. This network lays the foundation for collaboration between state and nonstate actors in the development and practice of Tai Chi diplomacy. Detailed discussions on the network of objectives/impacts are conducted in Chapter 6. The collaboration model between state and non-state actors in Tai Chi diplomacy makes a contribution in the following ways: firstly, it adds knowledge to existing studies of China’ s practice of public diplomacy, thus providing a more comprehensive portrayal of China’ s public diplomacy approaches. Secondly, attention to the collaboration between state and nonstate actors opens up an important space for the study of public diplomacy and soft power in China, strongly influenced by enduring social contexts. The study thus adds to current scholarship on the network model (see further discussion in Chapter 6) to encompass diverse political contexts. In other words, the model will chart a new direction in the examination of China’ s soft power and public diplomacy. Thirdly, it has important implications for the debate on public diplomacy, as it also offers great opportunities to examine and understand different types of public diplomacy models in general. Fourthly, the study will contribute to a more accurate understanding of China’ s evolution in all dimensions since 1978. Finally, the study will also help us understand the resilience of China. The world is still trying to understand how China has risen to its current global status. For decades, China’ s economic and political models seemed to be pushing against the limits of its ability to cope with the pressures of globalisation and expanding humankind – China, since the late 1970s, has explicitly rejected “Westernstyle” democracy as a suitable political system for its people. Voluminous literature has therefore been written from a variety of academic disciplines to try to understand how the one party-state has managed new social relations in a changing socio-economic system. They are divided in their interpretations of China’ s approach to development since the economic reform and open-door policy, which has led to a multitude of predictions about the future of China. These predictions range from its imminent collapse to its emergence as a threat to the world. (e.g., Dickson, 2003; Gilley, 2004; Pei, 2006; Shambaugh, 2008; Shirk, 2007; D. L. Yang 2004). In spite of all the
different interpretations, however, two things are certain. First, the Chinese party-state has successfully resisted the transformation from authoritarianism to multi-party democracy. In other words, contrary to many scholars’ predictions, China has not followed – and is not following – the path of political transition that other communist states have taken. Instead, it has gone back to its roots to regain its glory. As revealed in Chapter 3, traditional Chinese culture, with Confucianism at its core, has developed into an ideological pillar of the state. Secondly, most interpretations have focused their attention on the authoritarian character of the party-state’ s governance and ignored the differences between the Maoist regime and the post-Mao one. It is true that, despite its rapid socio-economic transformation since the late 1970s, China remains a one-party system, with the Communist Party of China (CPC) being the only ruling party that exists in the country. Yet when we delve below the label of authoritarianism, we instantly discover “evidence of an agile, responsive, and creative party effort” (Holbig & Gilley, 2010, p. 27), which adapts to new socio-economic situations by introducing changes into the existing political system. X. Zhang (2009) has forcefully argued that to view China’ s transformation in terms of an ongoing adversarial struggle between centralised state control and the various forces has several pitfalls. She holds that this view is first based on the assumption that these forces and the state are inherently in conflict, thus neglecting the fact that these forces have actually been unleashed by the party-state and have contributed to its legitimacy. Secondly, it suggests a rather monolithic view of the state, which has been proactively adapting its political and economic system in accordance with the changing social and economic conditions to stay in power. Zheng (2009b) posits that the most powerful driving force behind China’ s transformation is its openness, which has resulted in many political and social changes. According to the 2022 Edelman Trust Barometer, even though there is a continuous decrease in people’ s trust in governments globally, citizens in China’ s mainland have held the most trusting attitude toward their government in the world, with 91% of respondents stating that they trusted the Chinese government (Edelman, 2022, p. 24).
We do not, however, claim that our study of Tai Chi diplomacy is a comprehensive effort to better understand China’ s transformation in its public diplomacy conduct. As already shown and further demonstrated in the following chapters, Tai Chi Quan instructors and communities are unique in many ways, and the application of the collaboration model to other developments in China’ s public diplomacy practices needs further research. It is also important for us to make it clear at the beginning that although Tai Chi Quan is considered the best embodiment of Tai Chi as a philosophy, this study does not engage with discussions on the development of Tai Chi Quan as a philosophy. Neither does this book try to join the debate on the history of Tai Chi Quan as to when, where, and how it started.
To summarise, this monograph aims to deepen insight into the evolving concept of public diplomacy and the current global balance of soft power by
bringing in the case of China. It goes beyond the conventional examination of state-centric public diplomacy efforts in China and advances the thesis that the rise of China and other parts of the world are enriching the concepts of soft power and public diplomacy as conceptualised in western countries.
Frames, Methods, and Approaches
Before outlining our research on the non-state actors and their collaboration with state actors that led us to our central argument, a brief review of the notions of soft power and public diplomacy is required. Specifically, the conceptual and theoretical frameworks that underlie the notion of public diplomacy as a means to generate soft power require examination. In this section, we will also discuss the methods and approaches we adopt for this study, along with a definition of the key terms used throughout the book.
Soft Power: An Embraced but Contested Concept
First introduced by Joseph Nye in 1990, soft power as a theoretical concept refers to the diplomatic ability of a nation to attract others via the promotion of its domestic values and policies (Callahan 2015). Defining soft power as “getting what you want through attraction rather than coercion,” Nye noted that this concept is not new, referencing Sun Tzu, from 2,500 years ago: “The expert in using the military subdues the enemy ’ s forces without going to battle.” Nye’ s soft power rests on a country’ s culture, political values, and foreign policies (Nye, 2004). The introduction of the concept that led to a “cultural turn” in International Relations (see Lapid & Kratochwil, 1996) was ground-breaking because of the attention to issues of culture, values, and norms instead of “bombs and bullets” and institutional liberalism’ s networks of economic cooperation. It is taken as a third dimension of power, complementing military and economic power.
Amid global power shifts and growing competition between nations, soft power has become an increasingly embraced concept by many journalists, politicians, and academics, as demonstrated by such rankings as the “Soft Power 30” since 2015 (Portland, 2019) and the ample literature on them. Many countries are increasingly recognising the importance of soft power for the realisation of their global ambitions, leading to heavy investment in telling their stories to increase their global reach and impact to shape the international agenda. One of the clearest indicators is the expanding presence and impact of states’ official bodies for cultural and educational exchanges. The often-cited examples are China and Russia, which “have been massively expanding their investment in the traditional stalwarts of soft power projection – international broadcasting and international cultural institutes and programmes ” (British Council, 2018, p. 3). China’ s Confucius Institute and Russia’ s Russkiy Mir Foundation are believed to reflect “the priority China and Russia respectively have been giving to increasing their global influence
and the very significant investments that they are making to achieve this” (British Council, 2018, p. 6). The message is clear: to build a favourable image, soft means are preferred over crude force. It also implies that major changes may take place in the global soft power landscape.
Although the notion of soft power has been widely used around the world, it is not without contestation. Flew (2016) holds that as the use of the term “soft power ” has increased, there has been a blurring of specifics surrounding its definition. Rawnsley (2016, p. 19) argues, with good reason, that “‘soft power ’ is fast becoming a redundant and empty catch-all term that means everything and therefore nothing” . Indeed, the inadequacy of the concept and the challenges associated with its applications are increasingly problematic. For instance, it fails to fully explain why there are such divided views on China’ s soft power (see further discussions in the next chapter), and it lacks the analytical breadth to identify the main contributing factors (e.g., actors, strategies, instruments) that make up soft power outside of US-led Western conceptions.
The first debate surrounding Nye’sdefinition of soft power revolves around its attachment to the US context. Like the concept of public diplomacy, Albro argues that soft power remains an “American-centric conception of international affairs” with a heavy emphasis on liberal, free-market principles (Albro, 2015, p. 386). Wilson also reminds us that Nye’ s primary motivation for introducing the concept of soft power is “to maintain US hegemony in the global arena ” through the dissemination of Western norms and values (Nye, 2015, p. 287).
The second debate is about whether Nye’sdefinition of soft power highlights the agency of public and civil society more than that of the state (Albro, 2015, p. 386). As soft power stresses the influence of perceptions and images over military assets, it is derived from both “Track One Diplomacy” as well as “Track Two Diplomacy” (Mapendere, 2005), which involves the private sector and other non-state actors (Roberts, 2014, p. 17). Therefore, a country gains soft power not only by attracting and co-opting other nations, but also by persuading “ordinary people in other states” (Kivimäki, 2014, p. 428). Scholars such as Wilson (2015, p. 293) claim that Nye’ s application of soft power further amplifies the role of civil society, which is considered a Western trend by nations such as Russia and China.
Revisiting Public Diplomacy
Public diplomacy is considered one of soft power ’ s key instruments – an instrument of what Nye calls “ power conversion,” which is a process of communication and collaboration that may transform soft power resources into attraction and behavioural outcomes (Hayden, 2012; Y. W. Lee, 2011). Although a relatively young concept and field of study (Melissen et al., 2013), public diplomacy has become an essential subject for both practitioners of foreign policy and scholars of international relations/world politics.
Other disciplines, such as global communication and cultural studies, have also been producing literature on public diplomacy programmes and their effects (e.g., Thussu et al., 2018; Voci & Hui, 2018). Multidisciplinary in nature, public diplomacy has no uniform definition despite its increasing popularity. Consequently, the debate on “what it is, and it is not” continues. The concept of public diplomacy was first introduced by Edmund Gullion in 1965 (see Melissen, 2005b, p. 6), and has been evolving ever since. Old public diplomacy, as conducted during the Cold War, was a hierarchicallyorganised, state-centred model. State actors dominated both the development and conduct of public diplomacy, while non-state actors only acted upon instructions from the state. Therefore decision-making concerning public diplomacy policies and strategies was a dialogue that took place only among state actors. This pattern of public diplomacy is often considered to be “traditional” or propaganda-esque practices. It is understood as a state/government-centric endeavour, characterised by a one-way flow of information in which actors control the messages by making instrumentalist use of channels and allow only limited interactions between the sending and receiving sides (Pamment, 2013, p. 3). Hence Hans Tuch (1990, p. 3) defines public diplomacy as a government communication process with foreign publics “in an attempt to bring about understanding for its nation’ s ideas and ideals, its institutions and cultures, as well as its national goals and current policies.”
This conceptualisation of public diplomacy thus boils down to two outcomes: nation branding and political advocacy. Nation branding refers to an improvement of a country’ s image in a general sense without any kind of specific policy objective being sought. The value of cultivating a better national image is that it should generate international goodwill and set the groundwork and support for more specific economic and political objectives to be realised through more commercial and diplomatic means (Britannica, 2022). The other kind of public diplomacy is political advocacy. Its value comes from being able to deal with immediate concerns that affect a country’ s international communications agenda. In times of crisis, it is a diplomatic posture that formulates strategies that seek to meet more pressing and immediate objectives (Britannica, 2022).
What is important to remember is that although public diplomacy is global today in both practice and scholarship, the term and field are strongly associated with the historical context of the US in the 20th century. According to Zaharna et al. (2013, p. 3), public diplomacy evolved during the ebb and flow of war, following a set pattern. Consequently, formulated against the backdrop of war, American public diplomacy “assumed an adversarial orientation.” It thus developed strategies to isolate the enemy and control the communication terrain. Information, rather than relationship building, provided the core focus for US public diplomacy during the Cold War (Zaharna et al., 2013).
However, after the Cold War, faced with new challenges and crises such as climate change, terrorism, and various global crises, cross-border issues and stakeholders that are non-governmental in nature have changed the way public
diplomacy has been conceived. To manage these cross-border global issues and crises, a concerted response emerged from the state, their diplomatic institutions, and non-state actors. With new concerns in international relations, a theoretical paradigm shift also took place among public diplomacy scholars –a “ new ” or network public diplomacy arose, altering the traditional conceptualisation of public diplomacy. This shift in the discourse on public diplomacy to enhance soft power occurred after 9/11. Scholars started to emphasise reciprocal understanding and two-way communication, described as a relational turn or “connective mind shift” (Zaharna et al., 2013, p. 1). This new public diplomacy, according to Leonard (2002, p. 8), is – or should be –more about “building relationships: understanding the needs of other countries […]; looking for areas where we can find common causes. ”
Jan Melissen describes “ new ” public diplomacy as a two-way street (Melissen, 2005b, p. 18) characterised by engagement with publics both domestic and foreign. On the foreign front, as suggested by Leonard (2002, pp. 8–11), new public diplomacy encompasses “understanding the needs of other countries, communicating our points of view, correcting misperceptions, [and] looking for areas where we can find common causes, ” which build and maintain positive relationships with foreign publics. It is also characterised by the diffusion of power from the government to civil society actors at home. Therefore, new actors such as non-governmental organisations, advocacy groups, or individual non-state actors are fully engaged. State and non-state actors thus act as equal partners that jointly develop and conduct public diplomacy. Melissen (2005b, p. 23) argues that the ordinary individual is also “increasingly visible in the practice of diplomacy, particularly in the areas of public diplomacy and consular relations.” Furthermore, he emphasises:
People have always mattered to diplomats, but this point has taken on a new meaning. The democratization of access to information has turned citizens into independent observers as well as assertive participants in international politics, and the new agenda of diplomacy has only added to the leverage of loosely organized groups of individuals.
(Melissen, 2005b, p. 24)
As a wide variety of actors with varying perspectives are involved in creating public diplomacy messages, they enjoy much more legitimacy and credibility. In this model, the process of dialogue and collaboration among network members is as important as the messages conveyed, since building trust and credibility is considered a foundation of establishing long-term relationships. For Gareth Evans and many others, the scope and means of public diplomacy are limitless, and the cast of players diverse. Evans and Grant (1995, p6)defined public diplomacy as “ an exercise in persuasion and influence that extends beyond traditional diplomacy by leveraging a much larger cast of players both inside and outside government.” The USC Center on Public Diplomacy (n.d.) defines it as the public, interactive dimension of diplomacy,
which is not only global in nature, but also involves a multitude of actors and networks.
Zaharna makes a distinction between two frameworks of public diplomacy: the informational framework and the relational framework. The former focuses on the dissemination of information in order to advance political objectives, while the latter emphasises relationship building. Relationship-building strategies place great emphasis on the establishment of networks as they facilitate collaboration. Zaharna (2013, p. 173) finds that collaboration occurs “when individuals are not only sharing information, but through the process of their interactions are generating knowledge, innovation and synergistic results.” Networks vary in the purposes they serve and may serve more than one. Thus, Zaharna (2013) conceives a typology of six different “networks of purposes ” :
1 Networks of awareness to disseminate information;
2 Networks of influence to change attitudes or behaviours;
3 Networks of exchange to facilitate the exchange of information and resources;
4 Networks of empowerment to create personal or institutional capacity;
5 Networks of cooperation to facilitate dynamics that foster trust;
6 Networks of collaboration to generate value-added information.
Leonard (2002) categorises public diplomacy into three integral realms – news management, strategic communication, and relationship building – each of which impacts differently on three different time scales. News management, conducted on a routine basis, is expected to generate immediate influence and shape perceptions and opinions on day-to-day issues about the nation for foreign media and the public. Strategic communication, which involves communicating a set of strategic messages to promote the nation through a series of planned activities, is seen to operate on an intermediate timeframe. Finally, public diplomacy also aims at relationship building by conducting cross-cultural exchanges of individuals, such as exchange students, business people, and tourists. Although in the long term, this may often give rise to a more close-up, “warts and all” understanding of the initiating nation, it is believed that such contacts will ultimately foster relations and goodwill.
The diffusion of both power and responsibility from government to nonstate actors, the involvement of non-state actors, the network structure of their relationships, and the different modes of collaborative and two-way communications have given rise to a multitude of public diplomacy practices. As a result, the study of public diplomacy (or diplomacies) entails a kaleidoscope of issues that are studied from diverse conceptual and disciplinary backgrounds, making a universal theory of public diplomacy impossible: “Because public diplomacy literature relates to a myriad of issues and is studied within various conceptual, disciplinary, and geographical points of view, works that provide an all-inclusive overview simply do not exist”
(Melissen et al., 2013, para. 2). For scholars like Eric Brahm (2006), because of the core feature of countless instruments and actors that can target foreign publics, public diplomacy has become an umbrella term, covering an everexpanding list of other related practices: public diplomacy (also called cultural diplomacy, media diplomacy, public information, internal broadcasting, education and cultural programs, and political action) which provide a means of influencing foreign publics without the use of force. As research is conducted in each of these areas, scholars draw on their own disciplines to make sense of them.
Gilboa (2019, para. 1) has pointed out:
P.D. [public diplomacy] is pursued via several instruments including advocacy, media relations, cultural and sports diplomacy, foreign aid, international exchanges, international broadcasting, nation branding, diaspora relations, international public relations (P.R.), and corporate/ business diplomacy.
With such a broad array of tools, and the increasing involvement of nonstate actors, radical changes have taken place in how public diplomacy is conceptualised. It is hard to pinpoint a universally held view of what public diplomacy is (Goff, 2017). Countless studies have been conducted to define each of these concepts by examining key areas of function such as actors, publics, means, goals, and the nature of their relationships (Melissen et al., 2013). Due to these numerous areas of study and the multidisciplinary nature of public diplomacy, Melissen et al. (2013, para. 1) rightly argue that
there is little in the way of a theoretical body and uniform definition, and it is characterized by conceptual confusion. With hundreds of diverging descriptions, there is no one-size-fits-all definition of public diplomacy, and the debate on what it is and is not remains robust.
Given that public diplomacy is such a diverse field, narrowing the focus of our study is a prudent approach. Accordingly, our study only concentrates on concepts that are most relevant to our study of China’ s Tai Chi diplomacy and the model of collaboration that has emerged as a consequence. But before proceeding with our study, it is necessary to clarify the relationship between public diplomacy and soft power, as there is a tendency to confuse the two. It is also as essential to illustrate the analytical framework we employ in this study: the state and society framework.
Public Diplomacy, Soft Power, and Their Relationship
Ever since Nye’ s coinage of soft power, it has been intimately linked with public diplomacy as both a concept and practice. However, when discussing the literature, soft power should not be conflated to mean public diplomacy
and vice versa (Shambaugh, 2013). While they share similarities, there are important differences that affect this study:
� There is a significant difference in their relationship to resource and platform;
� The concepts are differentiated by their targets;
� They differ in the degree of state involvement.
Firstly, soft power can be resources such as culture, values, and norms, while public diplomacy is a platform that organises and projects soft power. Secondly, new public diplomacy practices mostly target foreign publics, whereas soft power targets both the public and elites (Kurlantzick, 2007). Finally, soft power is exerted by both society and the state, while public diplomacy is often a process that has some form of state involvement (Buzan, 2016; Shambaugh, 2013). For nations that seek soft power, public diplomacy is a platform that marshals it for strategic use.
The landscape in which public diplomacy usually operates is shifting. In this sense, public diplomacy acts as an instrument of communication and collaboration that may transform soft power resources into attraction and a desired behavioural outcome – in other words, soft power conversion (Hayden, 2012; Y. W. Lee, 2011). Soft power is enhanced by means of public diplomacy, and since winning hearts and minds to support foreign policy has become a significant goal for many great powers, including China, public diplomacy is the tool used to secure these outcomes.
“State AND Society,” Rather Than “State Versus Society”
“State versus society” has long been the dominant conception in western political science (Klein & Lee, 2019), and this has filtered into scholarship on public diplomacy because of new public diplomacy’ s involvement of nonstate actors. This book turns away from the iconic “dissident versus state” framework. It draws from the theoretical framework of state-society interactions to understand and interpret the changes that have been a major challenge confronting China scholars. Placing this study of the development of Tai Chi diplomacy in the developing context of commercialisation, diversification, globalisation, the revival of traditional culture, and China’ s desire for global influence, we argue that they not only set new contexts for but also redefine the nature of the interaction between the state and society over the development of Tai Chi diplomacy. Due to the nature of China’ s political system, it is more appropriate to envisage relations between state and society as “state and society” rather “state versus society,” which will be further elaborated on in the next chapter.
In our study, careful attention is paid to what we call “non-state actors” in Chinese public diplomacy practices – something usually not even conceived of in the western academic field because of the assumption that China’ s public
diplomacy is state centred with no involvement from non-state actors. In China’ s context, and at times throughout this book, we have purposely used the term non-state actors as an alternative expression for non-government organisation (NGO) actors or civil society actors in other political systems. We agree with Callahan (2012, p. 252) that “‘civil society’ is a problematic term in China because it suggests that people can act in organisations that are separate from and independent of the state.” American sinologist Mary Backus Rankin (1993, p. 158) argues that in contrast to civil society in the West, “from the late Ming onwards there was a continuous, slowly developing, public sphere in China involving both state and social power. ” Reflecting this argument, we have found in our study that in co-developing state and non-state public diplomacy messages, non-state actors frequently work in tandem with the government in many initiatives, sometimes responsively and sometimes actively.
Methods: Data, Sources, Time Scales, and Purposes
Problems in measuring the soft power capacity of a nation persist due to its conceptual ambiguity and flexibility. Just as Callahan points out, it is difficult to identify a global standard for soft power and test the different cultural capacity of individual states (Callahan, 2015, p. 216).
China has been chosen as our case study because its rise to economic, political, and cultural power has become an index of global influences. In several respects, China is already a leading pillar of the globalised world: it is, to list just a few, the largest trading power in the world (Xinhua, 2021a); has tens of millions of Chinese citizens travel abroad annually before the pandemic; is one of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council, and deploys the largest number of UN peacekeeping troops in the world. Throughout the 2000s, China also became one of the world’ s top recipients of FDI (Z. Liu & Heng, 2021), welcomed foreign universities to assist in the country’ s development, and sent as many as half a million students to study abroad every year (Textor, 2022). China’ s military is also expanding its domain: it has established its first logistics base in Africa, enabling its military, for the first time, to boast a global presence, and Beijing is developing ports in strategic regions that serve not only commercial but also security interests. More importantly for this study, in contrast with many other nations cutting their costs on public diplomacy, China has devoted significant resources to generating soft power. Flew (2016) argues that an important factor behind the subsequent growth of soft power has been the take-up of the concept in the People’ s Republic of China. Thussu (2012) also sees the global growth of soft power to be greatly related to China’ s rise. He suggests that China has been the regional pioneer, forging a coherent and well-funded public diplomacy strategy over the past decade. He believes that China’ s example has also prompted other Asian states to bolster their own public diplomacy efforts. For instance, since China began to try to improve its image, Japan (in 2004), Malaysia (in 2006), and India (in 2006) have
established public diplomacy divisions within their foreign ministries. To Thussu (2012), India’ s new public diplomacy is partly a response to recent efforts by other Asian states – especially China – to build and leverage soft power.
And yet, as the next chapter will show, because of its political system, China’ s public diplomacy is considered to be completely top-down and all state-engineered, with no or little involvement from non-state actors. Zaharna ’ s collaboration or network diplomacy is considered to be non-existent in China. Our proposed model of collaboration or “network model with Chinese characteristics” will thus not only throw fresh light on the changing conduct of public diplomacy in China but also enrich the existing literature on public diplomacy and soft power in a country that differs in culture and political system from those of the West.
For this project, we adopt inter-disciplinary approaches to reveal what Chinese non-state actors do in their public diplomacy contribution on the one hand, and how interested overseas publics perceive their behaviour and values perceived to be affiliated with the non-state actors on the other. It is impossible to list all the people whom we interviewed, observed, or those who took part in focus groups and discussions, but our major source of empirical data comes from the following interrelated approaches from 2016 to 2022. While onsite fieldwork was the main approach from 2016 to 2019, online data collection became dominant from the end of 2019.
� Questionnaire surveys conducted among overseas participants of Tai Chi Quan training programmes via email;
� In-depth semi-structured interviews, also known as focused interviews, to collect further data and evidence in the case studies. The interviewees belonged to four groups:
a Tai Chi Quan masters from the Chenjiagou village;
b Head of the Chenjiagou village;
c Directors of Tai Chi Quan training schools affiliated with the village in and outside China;
d Overseas Tai Chi Quan disciples and students.
� In conjunction with interviews and surveys, the final systematic data collection approach for this study is participant observation, both onsite and online:
a Tai Chi Quan training workshops in and outside China from 2016 to 2019;
b WeChat groups set up by various Tai Chi Quan schools and training programmes from 2016 to 2022.
The method of participant observation is known to enable researchers to use all of their senses to examine people in natural settings or naturally
occurring situations (Kawulich, 2005). Our onsite participant observation involves more than five years of engagement with Tai Chi Quan masters and teaching centres in and outside China, and becoming WeChat group members for various Tai Chi Quan schools and training programmes. It enabled us to gain insight into communications among the Chinese and overseas Tai Chi Quan practitioners, as well as with other members of the society beyond the Tai Chi Quan organisations. Our participation also afforded us a valuable insider perspective – this immersion and prolonged involvement led to the development of mutual rapport and trust, which enabled us to carry out open conversations with those we were observing. More importantly, the first-hand information thus gathered allowed us to develop, refine and answer our research questions. For instance, it fosters an in-depth and rich understanding of why overseas Tai Chi Quan learners kept returning to China when travelling was easy, and still keep in close touch with the masters and peer Chinese practitioners and the Tai Chi Quan schools all over the country during the pandemic, and how they support their masters in their training sessions, when the masters do not speak much of the participants’ language(s).
These ethnographic methods help to shed light on the neglected empirical studies of public diplomacy – they yield a rich account of the practice of Tai Chi diplomacy – which demonstrates how state and non-state actors work together when their interests converge. They also reveal how and why Chinese non-state actors align with the Chinese state’ s national interests. Additionally, ethnographic methods help to show that Tai Chi diplomacy has developed from a spontaneous, responsive, and reactive form of public diplomacy conducted very much on an organic basis, to a more strategic initiative.
Determining which goals and aims of public diplomacy are realised also requires the study to assess which areas of public diplomacy are working. Thus, our book is also a reception study, making full use of our in-depth relationship with foreign participants that was built through ethnographic observation, participation, and interviews. Our model of collaboration between state and non-state actors makes a significant contribution here because it is from this premise that we can develop a clearer understanding of whether and how Tai Chi diplomacy is overall helping to “win hearts and minds” (Nye, 2008), and contributing to the building of support for China’ s public diplomacy objectives.
In our research, while we enjoy the advantages of being insiders, we are very careful not to become biased. As we grow closer to the Tai Chi Quan masters, students, and various organisations, we are also aware of the associated challenges. For instance, participant observation as a research approach has the potential to impact the research process, the findings, and the argument about the implications of these findings. Therefore, we blend our outsider perspective with the insider perspective of the Tai Chi Quan society studied, and constantly evaluate our perspectives to ensure they are
balanced. To be specific, in the process of research, we find that the dynamic between the two poles of the dichotomy shifts as we both integrate ourselves within and distance ourselves from the groups we are studying. Therefore, on the one hand, we are insiders because we have become members of the society we study. On the other, we constantly remind ourselves to maintain some critical distance. We keep asking ourselves the following questions to ensure objectivity in this qualitative research: are we understanding this moment in the same way as other participants are? What are the barriers preventing us from doing so, or is there a barrier that would prevent us from even knowing the answer to this question? What other ways would an outsider perceive this moment? Addressing the questions through largely ethnographic approaches means that the study is also inductive.
Overview of the Book
Adopting the inter-disciplinary approaches outlined above, some chapters of this book contribute to theoretical frameworks while others are empirically oriented, providing evidence on engagement and relationship building with foreign publics through the non-state actors. Importantly, in the process of our research, the collaboration model emerges.
This introductory chapter has situated China’ s endeavour for influence in the context of the global embrace of soft power. In introducing the project rationale and research questions, the main arguments in this book are contextualised. It also has introduced the book’ s theoretical underpinning, its methodological frameworks, and its contributions. Key concepts and terms are introduced and briefly explained, especially in regard to the interrelated but differential terms such as public diplomacy and soft power. This chapter also brings in our network of objectives/potential impacts and, above all, the model of collaboration or “network model with Chinese characteristics” that presents itself in Tai Chi diplomacy.
Chapter 2 brings in the case of China to contextualise the origin and development trajectories of Tai Chi diplomacy as part of China’ s public diplomacy and soft power efforts. It first looks at China’ s embrace of soft power at the official level: how the concept is adopted and modified in the Chinese context. It is then followed by a review of the contesting literature on China’ s soft power sources and resources, and the reasons underlying their different conclusions. While acknowledging their contributions, the chapter pinpoints the limitations of these different views and shows that such divided views are the result of a lack of attention to the changed and changing relationship between state and non-state actors in China. A lack of conversation between different disciplines, differences in the literature between English and other languages (in this case, Chinese) on soft power and public diplomacy, and an insistence on the use of a “state versus society” framework, to which academics – influenced by Western scholarship – are accustomed, have all contributed to limitations in their work. Inspired by
research from studies on China (e.g., X. Zhang, 2009; Zheng, 2009a), the chapter finishes by proposing a collaboration model between the non-state societies and the state agencies in China.
Chapter 3, together with the next two chapters, sets out to substantiate the proposed model of collaboration. Chapter 3 offers insights to the rejuvenation of traditional culture at home, and China’ s desire for global influence through the “China going global” project. It focuses on how traditional culture has been situated within modern Chinese culture since the 1980s. It is followed by an examination of the development of Martial Arts and its culture among the revival of traditional culture. The discussions reveal the motivations and stimuli for the development of Tai Chi Quan in the 21st century. It shows that the revival of traditional Chinese culture and China’ s desire for global influence have worked together to propel Martial Arts, including Tai Chi Quan, into an effective cultural diplomacy tool to win hearts and minds as well as economic opportunities.
Focusing on Tai Chi Quan’ s dynamic and symbolic role, Chapter 4 shows in detail how public diplomacy actors in China have gone through reactive, active, and proactive stages in the development of Tai Chi Quan from a popular wellness and self-defence exercise to an increasingly important public diplomacy tool since 1978. Through the story of the Chen Family Village (Chenjiagou), this chapter shows that instead of state actors and diplomats co-opting this legacy and employing this Martial Art within specific propaganda and public diplomacy programmes, it is sustained collaboration between state-actors and Tai Chi Quan practitioners and societies that leads to the formation and development of Tai Chi diplomacy. Globalisation and commercialisation are the two strong forces driving the interactions and the convergence of interests: the state actors are concerned with realising foreign policy goals, while cross-border Tai Chi Quan communities and associations are driven by economic opportunities and their belief in promoting Tai Chi Quan overseas to bring honour to their families.
Chapter 5 is ethnographically based. Through interviews and participant observations at different Tai Chi Quan training sites, this chapter reveals how a soft power resource is converted into a soft power goal – what attracts foreign Tai Chi Quan learners, how they appreciate it as part of Chinese culture, and how the practice influences their views on China. It shows that network building, “de-othering,” and building trust and mutuality constitute long term relationship building. More specifically, what makes Tai Chi Quan work is its popularity, inclusiveness (attracting a wide spectrum of society), sustainability (life-long learning exercise), and prosumption – the huge number of learners who, in turn, develop and establish their own clusters of followers. Thus Tai Chi Quan sensitises peoples around the world to the diversity of Chinese culture while dispelling many of the myths that are currently in circulation. The chapter shows that Tai Chi Quan acts as an entry point for many Tai Chi Quan participants, exposing them to Chinese culture, while providing Chinese Tai Chi Quan individuals and communities with an
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D. A A .
(Joseph Maea lo dibuxó. Francisco Muntaner lo gravó 1791)
125. Año 1544. D A A (1517-1586), zaragozano, hijo del vicecanciller de Aragón Antonio Agustín y de Isabel, duquesa de Cardona, estudió en Alcalá y Salamanca, y desde 1535 en Bolonia y Padua. Á los veintiséis años publicó Emendationum et opinionum liber y Ad Modestinum, libros que aclararon la confusa jurisprudencia romana en la forma en que ha pasado á los Códigos modernos.
Auditor de la Rota, Legado pontificio para las diferencias entre Felipe de España y Enrique de Francia, Nuncio en Inglaterra y Embajador cerca del emperador Fernando I, Obispo de Alífano y Lérida, Arzobispo de Tarragona, asistiendo como tal á Trento, donde con Covarrubias redactó los acuerdos del Concilio. Gran jurisconsulto, en derecho romano de los más sobresalientes del mundo, gran canonista, arqueólogo, filólogo y humanista, de las mayores glorias de la cultura española.
126. Emendationum et Opinionum Iuris civilis libri IV, con Ad Modestinum, Lyon, 1544, 1560, 1574; Venecia, 1543; Basilea, 1544. In M. Ter. Varronem de lingua latina, Roma, 1557. Familiae Romanorum XXX, Roma, 1557; Lyon, 1594. Constitutionum Codicis Iustinianei collectio, Lérida, 1567. Novellarum Juliani Antecessoris Epitome, Lérida, 1567. In Sext. Pomp. Festum, París, 1575. Antiquae Collectiones Decretalium, Lérida, 1576; Roma, 1583; París, 1609, 1621. Antiquitatum romanarum hispanarumque in nummis veterum dialogi II, Antuerpiae, 1618. De propriis nominibus τοῦ πανδεkτοῦ Florentini, seu Pandectarum notis, Tarragona, 1579.
Constitutionum Provincialium Tarraconensium libri V, Tarragona, 1580. Canones Poenitentiales, ibid., 1581. De Legibus et Senatus consultis, Roma, 1583; París, 1585; Lyon, 1592. Epitome Iuris Pontificii veteris, Tarragona, 1586; Roma, 1614. Dialogi XL De Emendatione Gratiani, Tarragona, 1586. Los Diálogos de las Medallas, inscripciones y otras antigüedades, Tarragona, 1587; en ital., Roma, 1592; Madrid, 1744. Fragmenta veterum Historicorum, Amberes, 1595, etc., etc. Diálogos de las armas y linajes de la nobleza de España, Madrid, 1734, póstuma.
127. Año 1544. F C S , cronista de Méjico, tradujo de L. Vives la Yntroducción para ser sabio, Sevilla, 1544; Alcalá, 1546. Obras, Alcalá, 1546; Madrid, 1772. Comprenden el Apólogo de la ociosidad y del trabajo..., del Protonotario Luis Mexía, glosado y moralizado..., un diálogo de la dignidad del hombre... començado por el maestro Oliua y acabado por Francisco Ceruantes de salazar... y la introducción y camino para la sabiduría... compuesto en latín por... Luys viues buelta en castellano con muchas adiciones. Crónica de Nueva España, editada en Madrid, 1914. Fué discípulo del maestro Alejo Venegas, y uno de los fundadores en 1553 de la Universidad de Méjico, donde en 1554 imprimió comentados los coloquios ó manual de conversación de Vives, añadiéndoles siete más de su propia cosecha: Tres Diálogos latinos que Francisco Cervantes de Salazar escribió é imprimió en México,
1554;... Los reimprime con traducción castellana y notas Joaquín García Icazbalceta, México, 1875.
Francisco Cervantes de Salazar, Obras que F. C. de S. ha hecho glosado i traducido, Madrid, 1772. Crónica de Nueva España, Madrid, 1914 (dos ediciones, de Huntington y de Francisco del Paso y Troncoso). Consúltese: J. García Icazbalceta, Obras, México, 1897, t. IV, págs. 17-52.
128. Año 1544. J J , médico, que vivió algunos años en Lovaina, donde conoció á su paisano Sebastián Fox Morcillo. Problemas, ó preguntas problemáticas, ansí de Amor, como naturales, y açerca del Vino: bueltas nueuamente del Latín en lengua Castellana: y copiladas de muchos y graves authores... Y un Diálogo de Luciano, que se dize Icaro Menippo, ó Menippo el Bolador. Más un Diálogo del Viejo y del Mancebo que disputan del Amor. Y un Colloquio de la Moxca y de la Hormiga, Lovaina, 1544; Alcalá, 1546. Libros de Marco Tulio Cicerón, en que tracta De los Officios, De la Amicitia, y De la Senectud. Con la Económica de Xenophon. Todo nueuamente traduzido de Latín en Romance Castellano Los Paradoxos que son cosas admirables Sueño de Scipión, Sevilla, 1545. Solamente los Paradoxos y el Sueño son de Jarava; las otras traducciones son de Tamara. Otras ediciones: Alcalá, 1549; Amberes, 1549, 1550; Salamanca, 1582; Valencia, 1774. Nótense estas ediciones: Traducción de los Oficios, Amicicia, Senectud de M. T. Cicerón; Amberes, 1549. Los Paradoxos y el Sueño de Scipión de Cicerón; ibidem. La Philosophía natural brevemente tratada y con mucha diligencia copilada de Aristotiles, Plinio, Platón..., Amberes, 1546; en ital., Venecia, 1565. Libro de vidas y dichos graciosos, agudos y sentenciosos de muchos notables varones griegos y romanos, Amberes, 1549. Es la traducción del libro de Erasmo: Apothegmata lepideque dicta Principum, Philosophorum ac diversi generis hominum, ex Graecis pariter ac Latinis Auctoribus selecta, cum interpretatione commoda, dicti argutiam aperiente, 1531. Véase Tamara. "Añadióse la tabla de
Cebetes philosopho" Libro de Iesus Hijo de Sirach, qu' es llamado, el Ecclesiástico, traducido de Griego en lengua Castellana, León, 1550. Exemplo de la Paciencia de Iob, León, 1550. Historia de las yeruas y plantas sacadas de Dioscoride Anazarbeo y otros insignes autores Griegos, Latinos y Españoles, traducida nuevamente en español, por Juan Jarava, Médico y Philósopho..., Amberes, 1557.
A A , peruano, publicó In Ciceronis Orationes, Basilea, 1544 Artium disserendi ac dicendi indissolubili vinculo iunctarum, libri II, ibid., 1600. En 1544 se tradujo del francés, de Paris de Puteo, el Libro llamado batalla de dos (duelo), Sevilla, 1544. J C , aragonés, publicó Super Praedicamenta Aristotelis, Alcalá, 1544. P G , riojano, secretario del tercer Duque de Nájera, y otros escribieron, en 1544, las Relaciones, que abrazan de 1520 á 1544, del reinado de Carlos V, y que publicó la Sociedad de Bibliófilos Españoles, Madrid, 1873. P G S C escribió la Historia de las guerras civiles del Perú (1544-1548) (1603), Madrid, 1904-10, Vic. Suárez, 4 vols.—El A M publicó Tractado de Arithmética y Geometría... Con un diálogo disputatorio, Alcalá, 1544. J M (1490?-1546), burgalés, maestro de Teología en Alcalá, publicó De Poenitentia, Alcalá, 1544; Salamanca, 1550; Ingolstadt, 1581? De Restitutione et contractibus, Alcalá, 1546; Salamanca, 1550 Ambas obras juntas en Salamanca, 1553 F M , madrileño († 1575), publicó Espejo del Príncipe Christiano, Lisboa, 1544, 1571. Norte de Confesores, ibid., 1546. D J R S publicó Oración consolatoria, Lovaina, 1544. Commentarium in Astrolabium, quod Planisferium vocant, París, 1551.—D S publicó Recopilación en metro de diferentes obras morales, Sevilla, 1544. En el Abeced. de Colón: Jacobi Sánchez: Representación de la Pasión, en coplas castellanas. Hay otro Diego Sánchez, médico (año 1576), que acaso sea este mismo autor, pues también imprimió en Sevilla; y otro fray Diego Sánchez, que publicó Pasión de N. S. en versos, Madrid, 1589 El S C publicó la Instrucción de mercaderes, Medina, 1544, 1547. M
T , maestro de capilla de Alcalá, publicó el Arte ingeniosa de música, Alcalá, 1544, 1559. J V , de Antequera, publicó Bernardina de illustris donii ac Strenuissimi Ducis Domini Bernardini e Mendoza navali certamine adversus Turcas apud insulam Arbolanum victoria..., Sevilla, 1544. V publicó Arte de confesar, Medina, 1544.
129. Año 1545. F L E , franciscano, publicó Las quatrocientas Respuestas á otras tantas preguntas, que el Illustryssimo señor don Fadrique
Enrriquez, Almirante de Castilla y otras personas en diversas vezes embiaron á preguntar al autor, Valladolid, 1545; Zaragoza, 1545; Córdoba, 1545; Valladolid, 1550; obra de más de 20.000 versos. La segunda parte de las Quatrocientas respuestas, etc., Valladolid, 1552, en prosa y verso. También publicó el Officium transfixionis beate Marie, Zaragoza, 1522. Fué fraile menor de la orden franciscana de los Escobares de Sahagún, gran amigo y protegido del almirante de Castilla don Fadrique Enríquez.
Tiene 500 proverbios y 50 glosas. Esto de preguntas y respuestas viene desde Juan de Mena y se reduce al género didáctico en el siglo , habiendo sido antes acertijos ó quisicosas. El asunto es vario: religión, moral, historia, medicina, magia, cuanto puede ocurrir á un ocioso cortesano. Así, el libro muestra la vida de los de la Corte de Carlos V.
F D S (1494-1560), segoviano, catedrático de Filosofía en Alcalá (1520), se entró dominico en Burgos (1525) y enseñó Teología (1532) en Salamanca, siguiendo á Santo Tomás. Con Carranza asistió al Concilio Tridentino (1545) por orden de Carlos V, de donde pasó á Alemania en busca del Emperador, de quien fué confesor, y del cual se dice no admitió el obispado de Segovia.
Volvió á Salamanca, donde falleció admirado de todos por su saber, diciéndose como proverbio Qui scit Sotum, scit totum. Es uno de nuestros mayores teólogos, si no el primero de todos.
Publicó Domingo de Soto: Deliberatio in causa pauperum, en latín y castellano, Salamanca, 1545. De extremo Indicio, concio ad Tridentinos PP., 1546; Lovaina, 1567. De Natura et Gratia, Amberes, 1550; Salamanca, 1570, 1577; Medina, 1579. In Ep. Pauli ad Romanos, Amberes, 1550; Salamanca, 1551. De ratione tegendi et detegendi secretum, Salamanca, 1552, 1574. De cavendo iuramentorum abusu, ibid., 1552; en castellano, Toledo, 1551.
Annotationes in commentarios Ioannis Feri super Evangelium Ioannis, Salamanca, 1554. Apología contra R. Patr. Ambr. Catharinum, qua ipsi de certitudine gratiae respondet, Amberes, 1556; Salamanca, 1574. De Iustitia et Jure, Salamanca, 1556, 1569; Medina, 1580, 1589. In Quartum librum Sententiarum, Salamanca, 1557, 1560; Medina, 1579, 1581. Catecismo, Salamanca, 1563.
Super VIII libros Physicorum, Salamanca, 1545, 1572, 1582, 1613. In Libros Posteriorum, Venecia, 1574. Summulae, Salamanca, 1575. In Dialecticam Aristotelis, 1580. In Categorias Aristotelis, Venecia, 1583. Consúltese Colmenares, Hist. Segov.
130. Año 1545 F G , capitán (1556), publicó Glosa sobre la obra que hizo D. George manrrique á la muerte del Maestre de Santiago, León, 1545; Amberes, 1594; Lisboa, 1633; Madrid, 1779. Flor de Sentencias de Sabios, glosadas en verso castellano, Amberes, 1557. Triunfos morales, Amberes, 1557; Alcalá, 1565; Sevilla, 1575, 1581; Medina, 1587. Decreto de sabios, Alcalá, 1564; Valladolid, 1581. Sentencias generales, Lérida, 1576; Lisboa, 1598; Salamanca, 1599. Véase Gallardo, Bibl., III, col. 155. Alábale Cervantes como guerrero y poeta en el Canto de Calíope (1585): "De aquel que la christiana poesía | tan en su punto ha puesto en tanta gloria, | haga la fama y la memoria mía | famosa para siempre su memoria "
131. Año 1545. Tratado que se dice el Alborayque: en el qual trata de las condiciones y malas propriedades que tienen los conversos judayzantes, Sevilla, 1545. Arpa de David, Medina, 1545. B B , de Valladolid, publicó La hystoria de los inuitos y magnánimos caualleros Don Cristalian de España príncipe de Trapisonda y del Infante Luzescanio..., Valladolid, 1545; Alcalá, 1586. G C , barcelonés, publicó Decisiones aureae, quotidianae materies praesertim beneficiales et praxis ac stilus Curiae Romanae concernentes, París, 1545. De Restitutione in integrum, Lyon, 1586. J C , sevillano publicó Tractado de la Sphera Que compuso el doctor Ioannes de sacrobusto con muchas additiones..., Sevilla, 1545. Cronographía ó repertorio de los tiempos, ibid., 1554, 1561, 1566, 1572, 1576, 1580, 1581, 1584. Tablas Geográphicas hizo varias. P E C V , de la Orden de los Caballeros Templarios, publicó el Luzero de la Tierra-sancta y grandezas de Egipto y Monte Sinaí, Valladolid, 1545, 1587, 1594.—D. Florando de Inglaterra, Lisboa, 1545. M G C , soldado cordobés, escribió, en 1545, el Tratado de las Campañas y otros acontecimientos de los ejércitos del Emperador Carlos V, en Italia, Francia, Austria, Berbería y Grecia desde 1521 hasta 1545, publicado en Madrid, 1873, 1874, 1876, 3 vols (Biblióf Españ ) El D L († 1565), de Almazán, compañero de San Ignacio y general de la
Compañía, fué teólogo más aplaudido en Trento (1545) que lo que por sus escritos, poco ha publicados, parece: De Providentia, De Trinitate, De Regno Dei, De Usu Calicis, etc.—F M L , nacido hacia 1476, el hijo único legítimo y el mayor de los cinco que dejó Antonio de Lebrija, gentilhombre en la casa de Alba, retirado, desde 1517, al volver de Flandes en la armada de Carlos V, á la Encomienda de la Puebla, que ya poseía, en la Orden de Alcántara, desempeñó algunos encargos del Emperador, así en la judicatura de la Orden, cuyo visitador general era al propio tiempo, como en lo tocante á las obras del convento de la misma y de reedificación del puente de Alcántara, que fué acabado en 1543. Impidiéronle estas comisiones dar la última mano á sus peregrinas poesías, que tenía acabadas en 1543 y publicó hacia 1545: Triaca del alma, Triaca de amores, Triaca de tristes, en un volumen, sin fecha ni lugar de impresión. La primera, en 8.000 versos cortos, tiene forma dramática representable, como un auto de la Encarnación.—M J L , valentino, médico y profesor de Griego en Valencia, publicó Institutiones breves linguae Graecae, 1545, con dos opúsculos griegos. De Pleuritide, 1546. Prima primi Canonis Avicenae sectio ad Arabicam veritatem, 1547.
—F L M , mínimo burgalés, publicó Leche de la fe en favor del Príncipe cristiano, Burgos, 1545.—J M A publicó Epitome de Diis Gentium, Valencia, 1545. F J M , franciscano, impugnador de Soto, publicó De la orden que en algunos pueblos de España se ha puesto en la limosna para el remedio de los verdaderos pobres, 1545.
B M , médico aragonés, publicó Speculum sanitatis, Salamanca, 1545. C M publicó Misas músicas, Lyon, 1545, 1546; Venecia, 1563. Magnificat omnitonum cum IV vocibus, Venecia, 1562 ó 1564. Lamentationes Hieremiae, Venecia, 1564. B P C , canónigo burgalés, publicó El Teatro del Mundo, Sevilla, 1545; Alcalá, 1564, 1569; Sevilla, 1574; Valladolid, 1585. Discurso de la excelencia y dignidad del Hombre, Alcalá, 1566; ibid., 1574; Valladolid, 1585, del francés, del mismo Pedro Bovistán que el anterior. Estado en que Dios llama á cada uno, Salamanca, 1578. Los discursos de la religión,
castrametación, assiento del Campo, Baños y exercicios de los antiguos Romanos y Griegos del Il. Guillermo de Choul, Lyon, 1579. —C P F , conquense, predicador de Carlos V, magistral de Sevilla, antes de caer en la herejía publicó Summa de doctrina christiana, Sevilla, 1545; ibid., 1551. Exposición del primer Salmo de David, en seis sermones, 1546, 1556; Bonn, 1881 (Reform. Esp.). En 1556 publicó otro Cathecismo más breve, Amberes. Fué quemado en Sevilla, año 1559. Luis Cabrera, Hist. Felipe II, l. V, cap. III. M. Pelayo, Heterod., t. II, pág. 422. A V M publicó la Muerte de la Princesa, 1545.— B V publicó Los quatro libros del Valeroso Cavallero Don Cirongilio de Tracia, Sevilla, 1545, 1547 (?), 1555 En 1545 fué nombrado arzobispo de Valencia S T V († 1555), nacido en Fuenllana, que escribió Conciones, 2 vols., Alcalá, 1572, 1581. P J V , valenciano, escribió Repertorio de todos los caminos de España, 1545.
A M .
(Josef del Castillo le dibuxó. Francisco Muntaner le grabó año 1789)
132. Año 1546. A M (1513-1591) nació en Córdoba. Fué su padre Antonio, médico, y el primero que enseñó Filosofía aristotélica en Alcalá; su tío, Hernán Pérez de Oliva. Su hermana Cecilia casó con Luis de Molina y tuvo por hijo á Luis de Molina, del Consejo Real; su hermano Antonio fué obispo de Tlascala. Estudió en Alcalá y en Salamanca las Humanidades con su tío; la Teología, con Juan de Medina en Alcalá y con Melchor Cano en Salamanca. Se ordenó de sacerdote y enseñó Letras humanas en Alcalá, entre otros, á don Juan de Austria, al futuro arzobispo toledano Bernardo de Sandoval y Rojas, á Francisco Escrivá, á Diego de Guevara. Continuó la Coronica general de España, donde la dejó Ocampo, hasta 1037, en tres tomos. Felipe II le nombró cronista de Castilla, facilitándole además los medios para revisar cuantos documentos necesitase. Acabó su obra á los setenta de su edad el año 1583 y vivió hasta el 1591. Compuso además otras varias obras. Fué un sabio conocedor de nuestras antigüedades, uno de los más eruditos historiadores, escritor corriente y castizo, aunque sin brío ni color, como sin pretensiones artísticas.
133. Obras de A. Morales: Discurso sobre la Lengua Castellana, 1546, entre las obras de Fernando Pérez de Oliva, que editó, y
después entre las de Francisco Cervantes de Salazar La Vida, el Martyrio, la Invención, las grandezas y translaciones de los gloriosos niños mártyres S. Justo y Pastor, Alcalá, 1568. Coronica general de España. Que continuaba Ambrosio de Morales... Prossiguiendo adelante de los cinco libros, que el M. Florián de Ocampo... dexó escritos. Todo lo de las antigüedades de España y la manera de entenderlas y averiguarlas, va puesto al cabo en otra obra por sí, 2 vols., Alcalá, 1574. Divi Eulogii... opera, ibid., 1574. Las Antigüedades de las Ciudades de España. Que van nombradas en Coronica, con la averiguación de sus sitios y nombres antiguos... Con un Discurso general, donde se enseña todo lo que á estas averiguaciones pertenece Con otras cosas, Alcalá, 1575 Los otros dos libros undécimo y duodécimo de la Coronica general de España, que continuava Ambrosio de Morales... Van juntas con esta parte de la coronica las Antigüedades de España que hasta agora se han podido escrevir, Alcalá, 1577. Quince Discursos, con las obras de Oliva, Córdoba, 1585. Los cinco libros postreros de la Coronica General de España. Que continuava Ambrosio de Morales... Prossiguiendo adelante la restauración de España, desde que se començó á ganar de los Moros..., Córdoba, 1586. Hay en este tomo un Discurso de la verdadera descendencia de... S. Domingo y cómo tuvo su origen de la ilustríssima casa de Guzmán. Declaración con certidumbre por averiguación de Historia para la S. Iglesia de Santiago de Galicia que la puede presentar en juicio y valerse de ella como le conviniere, Córdoba, 1589, 1607. De festo translationis S. Iacobi Apostoli per universam Hispaniam celebrando, Córdoba, 1590 Epistola brevis ad Andream Resendium, 1600 Apología por los Anuales de Gerónimo de Zurita, Zaragoza, 1610. Relación del viaje que hizo en 1572 ó Viaje Santo, 1765. La Tabla de Cebes. Anotaciones al Conde D. Pedro. Tratado de la Casa de Córdova y Aguilar. Corduba, sive huius Urbis descriptio, t. II de la Hispania illustrata. Opúsculos castellanos cuyos originales se conservan inéditos en la R. Bibl. del Mon. del Escorial, Madrid, 1793, 2 vols.
Ambrosio de Morales, Coronica general de España que continuaba A. de M., Madrid, 1791-1792, 6 vols; Cartas de Francisco de
Figueroa al maestro A de M sobre el hablar y pronunciar la lengua española y Apuntamiento de A. de M. para la contestación á la carta de F. de Figueroa, en Memorias de la Real Academia Española (1912), t. VIII, págs. 285-292; E. Redel, Ambrosio de Morales, estudio biográfico, Córdoba, 1909; C. Pérez Pastor, Bibliografía madrileña, pte. III, página 432; Ramón Cobo Sampedro, A. de Morales. Apuntes biográficos, Córdoba, 1879; P. Flórez, Vida de A. de Morales, en su edic. del Viaje Santo, 1765.
134. Año 1546. J A revisó, añadió y corrigió el Repertorio de los tiempos ó Lunario, de Sancho de Salaya y otros, Toledo, 1546. Reprobación de la Astrología judiciaria ó divinatoria, sacada de Toscano en lengua castellana, anónimo, Salamanca, 1546.—B A , sacerdote del partido de Aranda, capellán del deán don Pedro Juárez de Figueroa y beneficiado en Gamonal, publicó Coplas, 1546. El J B , de Ciudad Real, maestro de los pajes de la Emperatriz ntra. señora, publicó El vellocino dorado y la historia de la orden del Tusón, que primero compuso en verso Latino Álvar Gómez, señor de Pioz, etc. Traduzido agora nuevamente en muy elegante prosa Castellana, Toledo, 1546. B C (1503-1576), nacido en Miranda de Ebro, dominico, fué á Trento, en 1543, por mandado del Emperador; en 1547, á su vuelta, fué Provincial de su Orden y confesor del príncipe don Felipe, á quien acompañó á Inglaterra, donde estuvo hasta 1557, en que fué nombrado Arzobispo de Toledo. Envidiosos le acusaron á la Inquisición por algunas cosas de sus Comentarios sobre el catecismo cristiano, Bruselas, 1558, y este mismo año fué llevado preso á Valladolid, donde lo estuvo ocho años, dando informe favorable la Congregación del Índice; después nueve años en Roma, en Santangelo, y en 1576 fué dado por sin culpa de actual herejía; pero condenado á abjurar como luterano 16 proposiciones de sus libros, y le suspendieron de sus funciones de Arzobispo por cinco años, pasándolos en un convento de Roma, en el cual murió dos meses después, declarando antes que en toda su vida tuvo el sentir de la Iglesia ni profesó en sentido herético las condenadas proposiciones
y se sometió al fallo dado Concio habita ad Synodum Tridentinam, año de 1546. Summa conciliorum et pontificum, Venecia, 1546. Controversia de necessaria personali praesentia episcoporum, ibid., 1547; Medina, 1550. Instrucción para oir missa, Amberes, 1555.
Catecismo, Bruselas, 1558, libro que le causó su desgracia. F V C (1500-1586), dominico sevillano, que fué á Méjico con las primeras Misiones, continuó la Historia de Santo Domingo, de la provincia de Méjico, comenzada por Andrés de Moguer, y que se publicó en Madrid, 1596. Se le atribuyen un Cancionero Spiritual, con una farsa..., El misterio del juicio final, Méjico, 1546. Gayangos, en Ticknor, Adic., t. III, pág. 519.
A C publicó, como anónimo, Coronica del Maestre de Santiago D. Alvaro de Luna, Milán, 1546. J D , luterano, publicó Christianae religionis Summa, Neuburgo, 1546.
Consúltese M. Pelayo, Heterod., t. II, pág. 216. F A E publicó Purificador de la conciencia, Alcalá, 1546, 1552. —A G , doctor complutense y médico sevillano, publicó De Humorum praeparatione adversus Arabes, Sevilla, 1546.—Á G C , de Santa Eulalia, en Toledo, publicó Publica Laetitia, qua D. Joannes M. Silicaeus, ...ab Schola Complutensi susceptus est, Alcalá, 1546. Las fiestas con que la Universidad de Alcalá... alçó los pendones por el Rey D. Phelipe N. S., ibid., 1556. Edillia ó Poematia, Lyon, 1558. Recebimiento que la Universidad de Alcalá hizo á los Reyes, Alcalá, 1560. Recebimiento que la Imperial Ciudad de Toledo hizo á la Reyna Doña Isabel, Toledo, 1561. De Rebus gestis Francisci Ximenii S. R. E. Cardinalis, Alcalá, 1569; Francfort, 1581 In S Isidori Origines, fué suyo el principal trabajo de la edición de 1599. Emendationum capita CVI in quibus varia loca S. Librorum atque Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum illustrantur. Véase Nic. Antonio. El F X , vecino y natural de Sevilla, publicó Los Comentarios del Veneciano de las cosas del Turco, del ital., Sevilla, 1546. Coloquio de las damas del famoso y gran demostrador de vicios y virtudes Pedro Aretino, 1.ª edic., acaso en Salamanca ó Lyon; 2.ª, 1548; Medina, 1549; 1607, sin lugar. Las dos primeras jornadas de la primera parte las ha publicado Joaquín López Barbadillo, 2 vols., Madrid, 1914. Prohibido en el Índice, de
Valdés de 1559 Es la 3 ª jornada ó coloquio de la 1 ª parte de I ragionamenti di M. Pietro Aretino (París, 1534), coloquio en edición suelta de Nápoles, 1534. La obra tiene tres partes: la 1.ª de tres jornadas: 1.ª, coloquio de las monjas; 2.ª, coloquio de las casadas; 3.ª, coloquio de las damas ó cortesanas. De esta traducción procedió la francesa del siglo . Con la reimpresión del Coloquio publicóse, en 1900, La Cortesana, del Aretino, escrita en Venecia el año 1534, traducida por J. M. Llanas Aguilaniedo. A L S , presbítero, publicó, en verso, Antidotum contra Venerem, Estella, 1546.—D D L A , vicario y canónigo de Toledo, publicó, "á hurtadas", esto es, sin su nombre, el Laberinto de amor: que hizo en toscano el famoso Juan bocacio, Sevilla, 1546 La Arcadia de Jacobo Sannazaro... en prosa y metro, Toledo, 1547, 1549; Salamanca, 1578; los versos son de Diego de Salazar, toledano, autor del Dialogo de Re militari, etc. (véase año 1536).
Treze questiones muy graciosas sacadas del Philoculo del famoso Juan Bocacio traducidas..., Toledo, 1549; ayudóle el capitán Diego de Salazar, traductor de Apiano (véase año 1536). Consúltese en Romanía, t. XXXI, un estudio de Rajna, L'episodio delle questioni d'amore nel Filocolo del Boccaccio. P L , sevillano de origen, criado del virrey de Aragón, don Juan Claros de Guzmán, publicó Comiença la dozena parte del inuencible cauallero Amadís de Gaula que trata de los grandes hechos en armas del esforçado cauallero D. Silves de la Selua..., Sevilla, 1546, 1549. (Hállase su nombre en la segunda parte del Lepolemo y en cierta epístola dedicatoria de su Leandro el Bel, 1563). Coloquios matrimoniales, Sevilla, 1550; Toledo, 1552; Sevilla, 1552; Valladolid, 1553; Sevilla, 1555; Zaragoza, 1555, 1563, 1571; Alcalá, 1577, 1579; Zaragoza, 1589. Libro del inuencible cauallero Lepolemo hijo del emperador de Alemaña, y de los hechos que hizo llamándose el Cauallero De la Cruz, Toledo, 1562, 1563. Leando (sic) el Bel. Libro segundo del esforçado cauallero de la Cruz Lepolemo Príncipe de Alemania. Que trata de los grandes hechos de armas del alto príncipe y temido cauallero Leando el Bel su hijo..., Toledo, 1563 (dos edic.).
A M publicó Tres libros de Música de Cifra para Viguela, Sevilla, 1546.—B O , de Villarrobledo, canónigo
toledano, publicó Itinerarium Adriani VI P M ab Hispania, Toledo, 1546, 1548. Summi Templi Toletani graphica descriptio, Toledo, 1549.—F R , nacido hacia 1520, albéitar de Zamora, publicó el Libro de Albeytería, 1546 (sin lugar); Mondoñedo, 1552; Burgos, 1564; Salamanca, 1580; Alcalá, 1582, 1583; Zaragoza, 1583; Burgos, 1590?, 1602 (con notas de Calvo); Alcalá, 1603, 1623, 1647.—Diálogo en verso intitulado "Centiloquio de problemas, en el qual se introducen dos philósophos, el uno Pamphilo llamado, que cient philosóphicas preguntas propone, y el otro Protidemo, que respondiendo suscintamente las disuelve, Alcalá, 1546, 1548. Juntando las iniciales de los versos de ciertas octavas del principio, sacó Gayangos: El Licenciado A R , médico segoviense, hizo este centiloquio. A S A , zaragozano, publicó Ad Tit. Instit. De Actionibus, Bolonia, 1546. De Obligationibus, ibid., 1548. De Succesionibus ab Intestato secundum Leges Aragoniae, ibid., 1558. —G T publicó Suma de aritmética práctica, Valladolid, 1546. Estilo de escribir cartas, Zaragoza, 1547; Valladolid, 1549, 1552 y 1553. Memorial de criança y Banquete virtuoso para criar hijos de grandes y otras cosas, Zaragoza, 1548; edic. Revue Hispanique, t. XXIII, pág. 477.—F V , presbítero de Úbeda, publicó, en verso, Emblema ó escritura de la Justicia, Salamanca, 1546. Traducción de las Imágenes de la Muerte, Alcalá, 1557. En 1546 solicitó Carlos V de los teólogos de Lovaina una lista de libros heréticos, y la Inquisición hizo con ellos el primer Índice expurgatorio de libros prohibidos publicado en España, añadiendo otros, imprimiéndolo en Valladolid, 1551; Toledo, 1551. La Universidad de Lovaina hizo segunda edición, aumentada en 1556; la de París publicó otro en 1551. El primer Índice romano fué de Paulo IV; Pío V mandó á los teólogos de Trento hiciesen otro, y lo autorizó en 1564. Los Reyes Católicos hicieron pragmática sobre examen y prohibición de libros en 1502 (Recopil., l. 23, l. 1, t. VII). En 1554 hizo un Índice de Biblias don Fernando de Valdés, Valladolid, y el nuevo Índice de libros en Valladolid, 1559, piedra angular de los restantes.
