Get Mary wroth and shakespeare routledge studies in shakespeare 1st edition paul salzman marion wayn

Page 1


Mary Wroth and Shakespeare

Routledge Studies in Shakespeare 1st Edition Paul Salzman Marion Wayne Davies

Visit to download the full and correct content document: https://textbookfull.com/product/mary-wroth-and-shakespeare-routledge-studies-in-sh akespeare-1st-edition-paul-salzman-marion-wayne-davies/

More products digital (pdf, epub, mobi) instant download maybe you interests ...

Shakespeare and Consciousness 1st Edition Paul Budra

https://textbookfull.com/product/shakespeare-andconsciousness-1st-edition-paul-budra/

The Routledge Companion to Shakespeare and Philosophy Craig Bourne

https://textbookfull.com/product/the-routledge-companion-toshakespeare-and-philosophy-craig-bourne/

Rehearsing Shakespeare Ways of Approaching Shakespeare in Practice for Actors Directors and Trainers 1st Edition Leon Rubin

https://textbookfull.com/product/rehearsing-shakespeare-ways-ofapproaching-shakespeare-in-practice-for-actors-directors-andtrainers-1st-edition-leon-rubin/

Shakespeare and Protestant Poetics Jason Gleckman

https://textbookfull.com/product/shakespeare-and-protestantpoetics-jason-gleckman/

Shakespeare Through Islamic Worlds 1st Edition Ambereen Dadabhoy

https://textbookfull.com/product/shakespeare-through-islamicworlds-1st-edition-ambereen-dadabhoy/

Othello Oxford Bookworms 3 William Shakespeare

https://textbookfull.com/product/othello-oxfordbookworms-3-william-shakespeare/

The Oxford Handbook of Shakespeare and Race 1st Edition Akhimie

https://textbookfull.com/product/the-oxford-handbook-ofshakespeare-and-race-1st-edition-akhimie/

Shakespeare on page & stage : selected essays 1st Edition Wells

https://textbookfull.com/product/shakespeare-on-page-stageselected-essays-1st-edition-wells/

Shakespeare beyond doubt evidence argument controversy Edmondson

https://textbookfull.com/product/shakespeare-beyond-doubtevidence-argument-controversy-edmondson/

Mary Wroth and Shakespeare

The groundbreaking comparative analysis in the essays of this collection will change the way in which we read both Wroth and Shakespeare.

—Rosalind Smith, English at University of Newcastle, Australia

Over the last twenty-five years, scholarship on early modern women writers has produced editions and criticisms, both on various groups and individual authors. The work on Mary Wroth has been particularly impressive at integrating her poetry, prose, and drama into the canon. This, in turn, has led to comparative studies that link Wroth to a number of male and female writers, including of course, William Shakespeare. At the same time no single volume has attempted a comprehensive comparative analysis. This book sets out to explore the ways in which Wroth negotiated the discourses that are embedded in the Shakespearean canon in order to develop an understanding of her oeuvre, based not on influence and imitation, but on difference, originality, and innovation.

Paul Salzman is professor of English literature at La Trobe University, Australia. He has published extensively on early modern women’s writing, including the monograph Reading Early Modern Women’s Writing (2006). He has recently completed an online edition of Mary Wroth’s poetry (http:// wroth.latrobe.edu.au/) and is now working on an online edition of Love’s Victory and a book on literature and politics in the 1620s.

Marion Wynne-Davies holds the chair of English literature in the Department of English at the University of Surrey, UK. Her main areas of interest are early modern literature and women’s writing. She has published two editions of primary material, Renaissance Drama by Women: Texts and Documents (1995) and Women Poets of the Renaissance (1998), as well as several collections of essays in the same field. She has published four monographs, Women and Arthurian Literature (1996), Sidney to Milton (2002), Women Writers of the English Renaissance: Familial Discourse (2007), and Margaret Atwood (2010); the next book, Memorialising Early Modern Women Writers, will be published in 2014.

Routledge Studies in Shakespeare

1 Shakespeare and Philosophy

Stanley Stewart

2 Re-playing Shakespeare in Asia

Edited by Poonam Trivedi and Minami Ryuta

3 Crossing Gender in Shakespeare Feminist Psychoanalysis and the Difference Within

James W. Stone

4 Shakespeare, Trauma and Contemporary Performance

Catherine Silverstone

5 Shakespeare, the Bible, and the Form of the Book Contested Scriptures

Travis DeCook and Alan Galey

6 Radical Shakespeare Politics and Stagecraft in the Early Career

Christopher Fitter

7 Retheorizing Shakespeare through Presentist Readings

James O’Rourke

8 Memory in Shakespeare’s Histories: Stages of Forgetting in Early Modern England

Jonathan Baldo

9 Reading Shakespeare through Philosophy

Peter Kishore Saval

10 Embodied Cognition and Shakespeare’s Theatre The Early Modern Body-Mind

Edited by Laurie Johnson, John Sutton, and Evelyn Tribble

11 Mary Wroth and Shakespeare

Edited by Paul Salzman and Marion Wynne-Davies

Mary Wroth and Shakespeare

First published 2015 by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017

and by Routledge

2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2015 Taylor & Francis

The right of the editors to be identified as the author of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Trademark Notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Mary Wroth and Shakespeare / edited by Paul Salzman, Marion WynneDavies. — First edition. pages cm. — (Routledge studies in Shakespeare ; 11) Includes bibliographical references and index.

1. Wroth, Mary, Lady, approximately 1586–approximately 1640— Criticism and interpretation. 2. Wroth, Mary, Lady, approximately 1586–approximately 1640—Knowledge—Literature. 3. Shakespeare, William, 1564–1616—Influence. 4. Originality in literature. 5. Difference (Philosophy) in literature. 6. Gender identity in literature. 7. Women and literature—England—History—17th century. I. Salzman, Paul, editor II. Wynne-Davies, Marion, editor.

PR2399.W7Z75 2014 828'.309—dc23 2014021135

ISBN: 978-1-138-78303-4 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-315-76490-0 (ebk)

Typeset in Sabon by Apex CoVantage, LLC

PART ONE Poetry, Circulation, Influence

1 Sugared Sonnets Among Their Private Friends: Mary Wroth and William Shakespeare 9

ILONA BELL

2 Escaping the Void: Isolation, Mutuality, and Community in the Sonnets of Wroth and Shakespeare 25

CLARE R. KINNEY

3 Autumn 1604: Documentation and Literary Coincidence 37

4 Mary Wroth and William Shakespeare: A Conversation in Sonnets

5 Absent Fathers: Mary Wroth’s Love’s Victory and William Shakespeare’s King Lear 61

6 Wroth’s Love’s Victory as a Response to Shakespeare’s Representation of Gender Distinctions: With Special Reference to Romeo and Juliet

PART THREE

Introduction

Paul Salzman and Marion Wynne-Davies

Not long ago, the title of this volume would have seemed something of a joke. ‘Who is Mary Wroth?’, many readers may have asked, and many of those who knew would still have asked what Wroth had to do with Shakespeare. As Wroth has risen to something approaching canonical status, scholarly and critical work on her has increased in intensity and scope. We now have authoritative editions of Wroth’s poetry, and of her prose romance, The Countess of Montgomery’s Urania. There are teaching editions available of Wroth’s play, Love’s Victory, with an online, scholarly edition in process. We now have a much stronger sense of how to read Wroth’s complex texts, all of which are rich in personal, political, and literary references. Of all the many contexts that scholars have begun to explore, Wroth’s literary milieu remains much less well understood. In her edition of Wroth’s poetry, Josephine Roberts traced the few but telling references to Wroth as poet by her contemporaries, most notably by Ben Jonson, who saw Wroth as not simply a patron (or spouse of a patron) but as a poet (Roberts 1983). In his sonnet paying homage to Wroth’s prowess (admittedly in a poetic form which Jonson himself eschewed), Jonson memorably says:

I that have been a lover, and could show it, Though not in these, in rithmes not wholly dumb, Since I exscribe your sonnets, am become A better lover, and much better poet. (Jonson 2012, 142)

Critics once characterized Wroth’s sonnet sequence, Pamphilia to Amphilanthus, as a belated example of the final stages of a form that had flourished in the preceding century. But as this volume of essays underlines, the publication of Shakespeare’s sonnets in 1609, whenever they might have been written, signals an ongoing engagement with the form. Wroth’s sonnets were written around the same time that Shakespeare’s were being published, which is not to claim that there was any direct influence, but rather that we can shed considerable light on both writers through an analysis that looks at them together. So we see in Clare Kinney’s essay an exploration of ‘some telling divergences among the strategies deployed by Shakespeare and

Wroth to explore a particularly painful disconnection between poet-lover and beloved within the poetic imagination,’ (25, this volume) while Gayle Gaskill compares their treatment of the ‘imaginary dialogue between two articulate, imaginative victims of the frustrations of desire’ (55, this volume). Ilona Bell, in ground-breaking work on the presentation of Wroth’s poetry in the Folger manuscript, explores the circulation of both writers sonnets in manuscript and their transformation into print.

Shakespeare’s poetry can also be used as something of a foil to explore some ideas about biographical and also political contexts for Wroth’s poetry. This occurs in a highly speculative way in Penny McCarthy’s essay and in a more sober account of the emotional valencies of Wroth’s and Shakespeare’s work in Paul Hecht’s essay. While Wroth’s poetry has been studied in some detail in general terms, with most attention focused on the corona sequence within Pamphilia to Amphilanthus, there are still relatively few detailed analyses of individual poems. The alignment of Wroth’s and Shakespeare’s poetry in this volume will help consolidate the growing understanding of how Wroth as a poet can be read, not simply in relation to the transparent connection between members of the extended Sidney family as writers, but also to the general poetic culture of Jacobean England.

Similar illumination occurs when Wroth and Shakespeare are placed in the context of the theater. Here, readers might at first glance consider the comparison to be strained since, according to older ideas about early modern drama, it was a male realm. We now understand much more clearly the engagement of women with theater and theatricality, and at the same time, as a number of the essays here show, thematic and functional comparisons between Wroth and Shakespeare shed new light on both authors. Wroth herself was actively engaged in performance and the theater, beginning with her involvement in court masques early in her life. In 1605, at the age of eighteen, Wroth danced in Ben Jonson’s Masque of Blackness, playing the part of Baryte. This entertainment had an immediate impact on the court, owing to the daring presentation of the court ladies in the masque as Africans, complete with blacked-up faces and arms. At the same time, as a patron, Wroth was engaged with the public theater, albeit not in the prominent fashion of her cousin and lover William Herbert. Ben Jonson dedicated The Alchemist to Wroth in 1612, noting that the play would be ‘safe in your iudgement (which is a SIDNEYS)’ (Jonson 1995a, 212). Wroth’s own play, Love’s Victory, was a pastoral drama that was clearly written for performance, as testified to by the Dering manuscript, which formed part of the collection of Sir Edward Dering in the 1620s, and Dering staged numerous plays privately at this estate of Surrenden in Kent. As Margaret Hannay has noted, Dering had a series of family connections with Wroth, and Surrenden itself was only twenty-five miles from the Sidney family seat of Penshurst (Hannay 2010, 220). There may well also have been a Wroth family performance of Love’s Victory, especially given its allusions to characters and events from Wroth’s extended family history across generations. (So, for

example, Philisses and Musella evoke Philip Sidney and Penelope Devereux, as well as Wroth herself and William Herbert). Love’s Victory also demonstrates Wroth’s dramatic skills: it is a carefully constructed play that reads as if written by someone with considerable interest in dramatic form. It is more immediately stageable, at least for a modern audience, than Wroth’s aunt Mary Sidney’s translated closet drama Antonius. The structure of Love’s Victory is particularly impressive, as is the often witty dialogue.

Of course no one would claim Wroth, on the strength of her one play, to be a dramatist equal to Shakespeare, but as the essays in this volume devoted to Love’s Victory indicate, much can be gained in our understanding of Wroth and Shakespeare through an analysis of their approaches to some key aspects of the early modern theater. The essays that deal with Much Ado about Nothing, As You Like It, King Lear, Romeo and Juliet, Timon of Athens, and A Midsummer Night’s Dream advance new readings of some of Shakespeare’s best-known plays, as well as offering original approaches to Love’s Victory, which remains Wroth’s least studied and perhaps even least understood work. Although it has been argued that plays written by early modern women writers are unperformable, by comparing Love’s Victory with Shakespeare’s plays, possibilities for imaginative stagings become clear, as is argued in their essays in this volume by Alison Findlay, Akiko Kusunoki, Marion Wynne-Davies, and Paul Salzman.

The scholarly insight gained through comparing works by Wroth and Shakespeare is exemplified by the thematic arrangement we have made of the essays, since they touch on a number of interdependent ideas about both writers, and about early modern literature in general. In Part One: Poetry, Circulation, Influence, Bell, for example, subjects the two sonnet sequences to a searching interrogation of the relationship between speaker and object of desire, within a similarly claustrophobic space. Kinney continues work on Wroth that has stressed her writing as frequently concerned with the difficult but necessary quest for the right kind of reader. Kinney argues that Wroth offers a more partial evocation of an elite and understanding readership than Shakespeare, but in both cases the possibility of the late Petrarchan sequence is stretched to its limits. In contrast to Bell and Kinney, McCarthy weaves a series of speculative, teasing autobiographical possibilities that, in her terms, triangulate the relationships between Mary Wroth, William Herbert, Robert Wroth, and Shakespeare. McCarthy’s suggestions, rather than just biographical reconfigurations, offer suggestive rereadings of both Wroth and Shakespeare’s writing. A similar approach is taken in Gaskill’s ‘conversation’ involving two Dark Ladies of the sequences.

While the essays in the second and third sections of this volume focus on Love’s Victory and Urania in relation to a number of Shakespeare’s plays, they are once again concerned with new forms of interpretation that illuminate new approaches in general to early modern literature. In Part Two: Genre and Gender, for example, Wynne-Davies calls upon Coppelia Kahn’s path-breaking essay ‘The Absent Mother in King Lear’ in order to explore

Paul Salzman and Marion Wynne-Davies the construction of maternal identity in Love’s Victory and the significance of the absent father. Moving beyond this analysis, she uses the more recent theory of distorted reiteration employed by Judith Butler in order to demonstrate that Wroth, like Shakespeare, was adept at uncovering the social construction of gender roles. For Kusunoki, this involves examining Wroth’s depiction of passion, the way that women are contained in arranged marriages, and the function of male jealousy. Kusunoki argues that by exploring pastoral conventions, the woman writer is able to politicize female identity and suggest ways in which early modern gender roles may be complicated. Findlay follows a number of writers in this volume in combining a historical and biographical context for Wroth’s writing, specifically Love’s Victory, with a comparison with Much Ado about Nothing as a parallel example of the combination of desire and autonomy. In particular, Findlay explores the thematic connections between the treatment of Beatrice and the contrasting figure of Silvesta. Finally, Amelia Zurcher provides an extended reading of what is perhaps Wroth’s major work, her immense prose romance Urania, through a parallel between Wroth’s treatment of the notion of civility and Shakespeare’s in Timon of Athens. Zurcher argues that in both instances the Renaissance notion of civility is seen as subject to ethical limitations. This philosophical and ethically inflected interpretation of Urania is especially useful because Zurcher is able to analyze the second unpublished part as well as the first published part of the romance.

In the final section, Part Three: Querying Identity, Hecht, Salzman, and Naomi Miller complement recent approaches to early modern literature through the lens of queer theory, unpacking Wroth and Shakespeare’s depiction of gender. For Hecht, Rosalind stands as a kind of avatar for female speech and writing, however inflected through the disembodiment of the woman, and this leads to fascinating reading of some of Wroth’s poetry as dealing with ‘the eroticism that flows from dominating, tyrannical sexual relations’ (122, this volume). This idea is carried through in Salzman’s celebration of Love’s Victory as a concrete realization of female embodiment, as opposed to Shakespeare’s prosthetic approach to gender. Finally, Miller follows this theme through to a notion of the interdependence of ‘female homosocial bonds’ and ‘heterosexual ties’ (140, this volume). Miller illustrates this through a range of Shakespeare’s plays, from As You Like It to The Winter’s Tale. These essays open up new, imaginative accounts of Shakespeare and Wroth. In the case of both writers, an alignment that might seem at first glance unusual proves to be revelatory. This collection involves shifting power relations between a canonical author and one whose works were largely unknown before this century. While it may be assumed that Shakespeare throws light upon Wroth, the essays here have uncovered new ways of interpreting a range of Shakespeare’s plays and poetry from the perspective of an early modern woman writer. There has been a tendency to read women’s writing as biographical; this has had a particular impact on Wroth

Introduction 5 studies in which she is persistently seen to access a second self through the characters of Pamphilia and Musella, parts that are set alongside the figuring of William Herbert as Amphilanthus and Philisses. However, re-viewing Wroth’s characters through the lens of Shakespeare’s lovers, in the sonnets as well as the plays, uncovers different ways in which to configure desire. The question of biographical readings is initially explored by McCarthy but is expanded through an analysis of manuscript composition by Bell, the multiple roles role of the lover in Gaskill and Hecht. This shift away from autobiography recurs in Kusunoki’s focus on the politics of genre, Kinney’s exploration of poetic imagination, and Zurcher’s contextualizing of Wroth within a philosophical and ethical tradition. As such, it becomes possible to integrate Wroth’s works within a wider range of early modern discourses, ones that have always been assumed as pertaining to male authors, Shakespeare in particular. A number of essays employ contemporary theory to uncover interesting and unexpected consanguinities between Wroth and Shakespeare, for example with Wynne-Davies’s reference to the unheimlich and the queer theory employed by Hecht, Salzman, and Miller. These approaches show the ways in which gender roles are destabilized in both plays and thereby challenge what has been considered to be the dominant patriarchal hierarchy. As Mary Ellen Lamb indicates in her Afterword to this volume, these essays collectively are a kind of thought experiment, enabling readers to see both the canonical and the becoming-canonical author afresh, offering possibilities for imaginative reinterpretations of both William Shakespeare and Mary Wroth.

REFERENCES

Hannay, Margaret P. 2010. Mary Sidney Lady Wroth. Farnham: Ashgate.

Jonson, Ben. 1995a. The Alchemist and Other Plays. Ed. Gordon Campbell. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Jonson, Ben. 2012. Cambridge Edition of the Works of Ben Jonson. Ed. David Bevington et al. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Roberts, Josephine A. Ed. 1983. The Poems of Lady Mary Wroth. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press.

This page intentionally left blank

Part One

Poetry, Circulation, Influence

This page intentionally left blank

1 Sugared Sonnets Among Their Private Friends

Mary Wroth and William Shakespeare

Like Shakespeare’s Sonnets, Mary Wroth’s sonnet sequence, Pamphilia to Amphilanthus, began as manuscript poetry, written for a private lyric audience. Wroth shared some of her poems with intimate family and friends, but as the puns on the names Wroth/worth and Will suggest, the poems were originally addressed to and written primarily for her cousin and clandestine lover, William Herbert.1 Pamphilia to Amphlanthus survives both in print and in a significantly different, earlier manuscript version, Folger Ms V.a.104; therefore, it provides an extraordinarily rich source of information about the poetry-writing practices of the period. Most Wroth scholars see Amphilanthus as a shadowy, distant figure because his presence is difficult to detect in the printed text. Yet in Wroth’s private manuscript poems, he is an active interlocutor—right there in Pamphilia’s arms or room, or reading and responding to epistolary verses when they are apart. The printed text contains only the barest traces of this earlier, private lovers’ dialogue, just enough to tease and frustrate, to hint and conceal, and to mystify what we yearn to uncover.

The Folger manuscript is written in Wroth’s own hand with meticulous, multistage revisions.2 The printed sequence, published at the end of Urania (1621), incorporates the manuscript’s revisions—and many more. Wroth changed key words and phrases, removed the most erotic or compromising poems, and moved poems to new contexts. In so doing, Wroth transformed the impassioned, unfolding dialogue between lovers into a conventional tale of unfulfilled, idealized Petrarchan love (see Kinney 2009; Dubrow 1995, 134–61) How, I want to ask, can Wroth’s private poetry, as compared to the printed text, help explain the ways in which Shakespeare’s early sonnets to the young man would have been exchanged in manuscript before appearing in print? (See Bell 2011, 2013.)

Shakespeare Sonnets was first published in the 1609 quarto, but it also began as private manuscript poetry.3 Since there is considerable disagreement about whether the quarto was authorized and arranged by Shakespeare or pirated by the printer, scholars have been wary of giving too much credence to the 1609 order.4 Accordingly, Colin Burrow makes the helpful suggestion ‘that one should read the Sonnets experimentally, inventing for

them possible circumstances, embedding the poems in those circumstances, and listening to how they sound. They will evade succumbing to those circumstances because their power lies in their ability to suggest that they could live in almost infinitely multiple circumstances. This form of experimental embedding, though, enables the range and depth of the poems’ language to emerge at its richest’ (1998, 45) While recognizing that the early poems to the young man were probably not written in the exact form or order in which they appear in the 1609 quarto, I want to ask how the ‘possible circumstances’ of an unfolding private lyric dialogue between Shakespeare and the young man can stretch and enrich the range and depth of Shakespeare’s language.

There has been considerable disagreement about the young man’s relation to the ‘Mr. W. H.’ cited in the quarto. Scholars continue to debate both Mr. W. H.’s identity and his role as ‘THE.ONLIE.BEGETTER.OF.THESE. INSVING.SONNETS.’ Shakespeare may have written the sonnets to a real young man who may be Mr. W. H., or Shakespeare may have created or constructed the young man as his interlocutor in order to dramatize the ways in which a private lyric dialogue between a poet-lover and a beloved young man would unfold, just as he imagined the ways in which love affairs would develop between the characters in his plays.5 Regardless of whether the sonnets are quasi-autobiographical or fictional, they are deeply imagined to feel real.6 To sustain the illusion of verisimilitude while leaving open the possibility that the sonnets could have been written by the poet William Shakespeare to a real young man, this essay refers to the speaker variously as Shakespeare or the poet-lover. If we construe the sonnets as manuscript poems written to and for a private lyric audience who read and responded to them—if Shakespeare conceived the sonnets as private manuscript poems addressed to a particular lyric audience whether fictional or real—how does that alter or expand our understanding of the poems?

Because the dramatic situation of the opening procreation sonnets is so unconventional and apparently unprecedented, and because there are numerous hints of financial remuneration, many critics think that Sonnets 1–19 were commissioned by a family member who was eager for the young man to produce an heir.7 Mom is the favorite suspect since she receives such a charming compliment: ‘Thou art thy mother’s glass, and she in thee / Calls back the lovely April of her prime’ (3.9–10). Although ‘she’ is only mentioned indirectly, in the third person, indirect compliments are often the most effective. But whether commissioned or not, the poems are addressed directly to the young man, and he is clearly identified as the primary lyric audience—the objective of Shakespeare’s poetic persuasion.

When we are attuned to the rhythms of an ongoing private lyric dialogue, Shakespeare’s sonnets to the young man, like Pamphilia’s private poems to Amphilanthus, contain numerous allusions to manuscripts that were, at first, sent to the young man and then, as the two become acquainted, read directly to him.8 The initial procreation sonnets read like epistolary verses

Sugared Sonnets Among Their Friends 11

because Shakespeare does not seem to know the young man, who is repeatedly described from a distance, as seen by the world at large: ‘Thou that art now the world’s fresh ornament . . . Pity the world’ (1.9, 13); ‘Thy youth’s proud livery, so gazed on now’ (2.3); ‘The lovely gaze where every eye doth dwell’ (5.2). The gorgeous descriptions of the natural world also represent him from afar: ‘Lo, in the orient when the gracious light / Lifts up his burning head . . .’ (7.1–2) While the primary purpose of these poems is to convince the young man to marry, the pervasive references to ‘the world’— the words appear ten times in the first nineteen poems—suggest that when Shakespeare began writing the sonnets, he was thinking both about how the young man would react and about how the poems would be received by the world at large.9

At the outset, there is no indication that Shakespeare has spoken with the young man. The language becomes both more personal and more conversational as the sonnets unfold. Sonnet 3 imagines a degree of intimacy that the poet/lover cannot claim, at least not yet. By representing the young man in private, gazing at himself in a mirror, Shakespeare tries to shape the way in the young man sees himself: ‘Look in thy glass and tell the face thou viewest, / Now is the time that face should form another’ (4.1–2). The ensuing questions press him to respond.

Before long, the sonnets create an opportunity for direct personal contact with the young man. Sonnet 8 posits a face-to-face encounter. Indeed, the opening line implies that Shakespeare is close enough to observe the young man’s expression as he listens to music:

Music to hear, why hear’st thou music sadly?

Sweets with sweets war not, joy delights in joy. Why lov’st thou that which thou receiv’st not gladly? (8.1–3)

The language sounds expectant, eager to find out how the young man will answer the questions the poem poses. The colloquial diction, the caesurae in lines 1–2 that capture the rhythms of speech, the thoughts unfolding as the poem progresses—these lines sound as if they were written to be spoken to the young man. Instead of describing him from afar or imagining him alone with his thoughts, Shakespeare is now talking directly, intimately to the young man, studying his facial expressions to discern his reactions. The increasingly personal interactions suggest that rather than being collected and given to the young man as a complete group, the procreation sonnets were shared with him as they were written. By posing one question after another, Shakespeare pressures the young man to share his thoughts. The problem is that what the young man is thinking is not what Shakespeare has been charged to convince him to think. Frustrated, Shakespeare intensifies the pressure: ‘No love toward others in that bosom sits / That on himself such murd’rous shame commits’ (9.13–14). The carefully hedged generalization challenges the young man to prove that he is not as self-absorbed

as he seems. This rhetorical strategy does not convince the young man to father a child, but it does have another desired effect: it transforms him from a distant object of admiration and praise to an active interlocutor, fully engaged in debate.

The following poems strike a new, more familiar note. The gentle rebuke, ‘For shame deny that thou bear’st love to any’ (10.1), introduces a lively exchange of views: ‘Grant if thou wilt, thou art belov’d of many, / But that thou none lov’st is most evident’ (10.3–4). The friendly give and take implies a new level of understanding:

O change thy thought, that I may change my mind. Shall hate be fairer lodged than gentle love? Be as thy presence is, gracious and kind, Or to thyself at least kind-hearted prove. Make thee another self for love of me. (10.8–13)

Literally, this means, if you won’t father a child to show the world that your ‘gracious and kind’ public demeanor is more than just a pose, do it to show yourself that you can be ‘kind-hearted,’ do it to validate the claims I have made about you, do it so that my poems can truthfully celebrate you. ‘Make thee another self for love of me’ could be taken as a casual aside: for love of me, reproduce yourself. It could also be read (though it needn’t be) as an astonishingly intimate plea for the young man to return Shakespeare’s love: prove that you are capable of becoming ‘another’ sort of person, a ‘self’ ‘kind-hearted’ enough to love me as I have come to love you.

In urging the young man to stop obsessing about himself and to begin thinking instead about how his responses are affecting Shakespeare, Shakespeare takes the first step toward transforming himself from a public poet echoing and seeking the world’s acclaim to a poet-lover addressing a private lyric audience. In the following poems Shakespeare speaks to the young man with growing tenderness—‘but love,’ ‘dear my love you know’ (13.1, 13)— putting their interaction on an entirely new footing. Although we can only imagine the circumstances in which the young man has read and responded to these poems, the language clearly indicates that he does respond. Moreover, his responses alter the kind of poetry Shakespeare writes. The colloquial diction, the rhythms of spoken English, the unfolding conversation all imply that Shakespeare is reading or reciting the poems to the young man and carefully observing his responses: ‘But from thine eyes my knowledge I derive’ (14.9).

This growing intimacy threatens to make the poems completely inappropriate to the task at hand, and that alters Shakespeare’s rhetorical purpose: instead of urging the young man to preserve his own beauty by producing an heir, Sonnets 17–19 promise to preserve the young man’s beauty in poetry for the whole world to admire: ‘My love shall in my verse ever live young’

(19.14). As Booth and others note, ‘my love’ refers to the young man himself, but also to Shakespeare’s love for the young man.10 The double meaning signals the shift from the descriptions of the young man’s beauty with which the sequence began to a subjective account of the poet-lover’s feelings for and interactions with his admired, beloved private lyric audience.

Why does Shakespeare abandon his original persuasive purpose? No doubt, because the sonnets have utterly failed to convince the young man to marry and produce an heir (most likely, the proposed marriage negotiations had also failed), but also because Shakespeare is becoming increasingly fixated on his desire for the young man’s love. The indications of growing intimacy are undeniable. Yet there is nothing in the first nineteen sonnets that could not be shared with a wider public audience. Then something unprecedented occurs. Shakespeare pushes the world aside, and addresses the young man not only directly and familiarly but ardently, erotically, possessively, calling him ‘the master mistress of my passion’ (20.2). There is no thought of pleasing anyone other than the young man himself—least of all the young man’s mother, as the scornful reference to ‘false women’s fashion’ indicates (20:4).

Sonnet 20 expresses Shakespeare’s sexual attraction to the young man with an openness that is difficult to overlook and unlikely to have been intended for public display:

Till nature, as she wrought thee fell a-doting, And by addition me of thee defeated, By adding one thing to my purpose nothing. But since she pricked thee out for women’s pleasure, Mine be thy love, and thy love’s use their treasure. (20.10–14)

Critics disagree about whether or not Sonnet 20 is the beginning of a full-fledged homosexual love affair, but what matters for our purposes is that the bold expression of homoerotic ‘passion,’ coupled with the witty disclaimer that the young man was ‘pricked . . . out’ by ‘nature’ for heterosexual lovemaking, gives the young man the option of responding as he desires.11 Depending on his inclinations and proclivities, he can either take the sexual innuendo seriously or he can pass it off as witty badinage. Either way, the poem provides plausible deniability. Regardless of whether Shakespeare’s passionate love for the young man is reciprocated, rejected, or deflected, Sonnet 20 initiates an erotic subtext that pervades the ensuing sonnets. The next sonnet describes the impact of this newly intimate private dialogue, contrasting it with poems written before Shakespeare knew the young man, when his ‘muse / Stirred by a painted beauty’ had to rely on external appearances (presumably he also relied on the painted portrait of the young man alluded to in Sonnets 24, 46, and 47) or tropes from the world of nature: ‘Making a couplement of proud

compare / With sun and moon, with earth and sea’s rich gems’ (21.5–6). Now, instead of representing the young man as one of nature’s ‘rich gems,’ Shakespeare devises a fresh, more unambiguously intimate colloquial style, designed to convince the young man of his love: ‘O let me true in love but truly write, / And then believe me’ (21.9–10).12 As the final couplet announces, from here on Shakespeare will not write poems for profit: ‘Let them say more that like of hearsay well; / I will not praise that purpose not to sell’ (21.13–14). The future tense and the verb ‘purpose not,’ meaning, resolve not, imply that Shakespeare has been richly paid to write the preceding procreation poems. Now, he no longer needs to generate ‘rich’ ‘couplements,’ or comparisons, because he has resolved ‘not to sell’ the poems he writes hereafter. Even if he sees the young man as a potential patron, Shakespeare wants to make it very clear, that is ‘not’ his goal.13 Instead he has a more private persuasive ‘purpose,’ as he implies by alluding to the erotic desire expressed in the previous sonnet: ‘By adding one thing to my purpose nothing’ (20:12, my emphasis). And that allusion to his now carefully concealed private passion explains why Shakespeare feels compelled to provide reassurances that he is not one of ‘them’ ‘that like of hearsay well’ (21.13). The young man can rest easy: their intimate lovers’ dialogue will not make him the object of gossip or rumor.

In the following poem Shakespeare indicates, for the first time, that the young man has returned Shakespeare’s love:

For all that beauty that doth cover thee Is but the seemly raiment of my heart, Which in thy breast doth live, as thine in me. (22.5–7)

Under what circumstances did this exchange of heartfelt love take place? We can only imagine. The poem is scrupulously circumspect, providing no indication that the ‘seemly raiment’ covering Shakespeare’s heart is a beautiful, young male body rather than a conventional sonnet lady.

True to his word, Sonnet 22 contains nothing to provoke ‘hearsay’ or gossip. Unlike the graphic phallic language of Sonnet 20, the exchange of hearts is a completely conventional poetic trope. Indeed, reading the poem now in print, this ‘seemly’ celebration of love allies Shakespeare’s beloved ‘beauty’ with every other conventionally beautiful sonnet lady. Although the absence of third person pronouns conceals the beloved’s sex,14 when we are sensitized to the emerging private lyric dialogue between Shakespeare and the ‘master mistress of [his] passion,’ the words ‘seemly raiment’ signal what the poem strives to achieve: the conduct, speech, and appearance seem entirely decorous, conforming to propriety, good taste, and literary convention. Lines 9–10, ‘O therefore love, be of thyself so wary / As I not for myself, but for thee will,’ enact what they urge and promise, introducing and simultaneously concealing a pun on the young man’s name, ‘Will’—a pun that only becomes clear later, in the sonnets to the Dark Lady.

But how might this poem have struck the young man? When we reread it as part of an ongoing private lyric dialogue, there is something disturbing, almost threateningly coercive about the conclusion:

Presume not on thy heart when mine is slain, Thou gav’st me thine not to give back again. (22.13–14)

It is one thing for Shakespeare to declare his love, quite another to preempt and dictate the young man’s response. By denying the young man the right to object, to reclaim his heart either now or at some future time, this directive speech act codifies, simplifies, and freezes a relationship that can only thrive if it remains vital and interactive.

Much as Sonnet 21 scrupulously veils Shakespeare’s erotic desire for the young man, Sonnet 23 apologizes for trying to control the young man’s response. Shakespeare’s desperate craving for reassurances that his love is reciprocated lead him to neglect the kind of praise the young man deserves and, apparently still desires:

As an unperfect actor on the stage, Who with his fear is put besides his part, Or some fierce thing replete with too much rage, Whose strength’s abundance weakens his own heart; So I for fear of trust forget to say The perfect ceremony of love’s rite. (23.1–6)

It is easy to understand why Shakespeare compares himself to an inexperienced actor who is so frightened that he forgets his lines, and if we remember that love scenes in the Shakespearean theater were enacted between two male actors, we will get a far different picture of what Shakespeare might be envisioning by ‘The perfect ceremony of love’s rite.’ But what is the logic behind lines 3–4? Is the young man’s failure to affirm his love so upsetting that Shakespeare has begun to lose heart? Or is the young man so angry at the presumption of Sonnets 20 and 22 that he has denied or retracted the heartfelt love Shakespeare thought he had received? The vexed, convoluted language makes the situation maddeningly ambiguous, as it needs to be, since it would be foolish and risky to say anything that might incite the young man’s fury. By allowing the young man to decide how he wants to read the lines, and how he wants to respond to the poem, the murky metaphoric logic provides a necessary antidote to the overly controlling language of the preceding couplet.

Feeling hurt but knowing that he must avoid overt criticism lest he alienate the young man further, Shakespeare pleads for forgiveness:

O let my books be then the eloquence And dumb presagers of my speaking breast,

Who plead for love and look for recompense

More than that tongue that more hath more expressed. (23.9–12)

Since ‘recompense’ can mean compensation for services rendered or repayment for something given or received, Sonnet 23 can look like an exemplary poem of patronage. Yet, ‘recompense’ also has more personal, emotionally fraught meanings : atonement or satisfaction for a misdeed or offence, or retribution for an injury or offence. By asking to be forgiven for an injury he did to the young man, while at the same time hinting that he thinks he deserves some sort of reparation for a wrong done him by the young man, Shakespeare ‘plead[s] for love,’ hoping for ‘More than that tongue that more hath more expressed.’ But which ‘tongue’ is ‘that’? The pointedly evasive pronoun, combined with the heavy-handed but puzzling piling up of ‘more’ and still ‘more,’ hints that the young man’s ‘tongue’ has already ‘expressed’ ‘more’ ‘love’ than he is now willing to acknowledge.

Intriguingly, Shakespeare’s strategies of evasion and concealment resemble Wroth’s. By veiling her feelings in syntactical and verbal ambiguities, Wroth woos her lover, even as she conceals their erotic intimacy from anyone not privy to their affair. When disappointed or hurt by Amphilanthus’s wayward behavior, Pamphilia is careful not to offend him by criticizing him directly, as Wroth was no doubt loath to offend or alienate her clandestine lover, William Herbert. Wroth deflects the internal and external threats to their intimacy through metaphor, allegorical tales of Venus and Cupid, and apostrophes to abstract figures such as Night or Time. These habitual strategies of concealment enabled her to revise her private manuscript poetry to conceal Amphilanthus’s presence in the printed sequence.

Like Wroth, Shakespeare is negotiating his way through unfamiliar territory. Yet he still believes that the young man has ‘expressed’ ‘more’ ‘love’ than can be easily (or safely) put into words. Having failed to get it right in Sonnet 23, Shakespeare tries again to capture the feeling of mutual love: ‘Then happy I, that love and am beloved / Where I may not remove nor be removed.’ (25.13–14). In print these lines have a power that cannot be denied: Shakespeare can no more ‘remove’ love from a sonnet written four hundred years ago than love preserved in such a poem can ‘be removed’ by us. Yet, when we imagine these lines as private manuscript poetry—as part of an unfolding lyric dialogue between a poet lover and an interlocutor— they sound very different.

The ‘happy’ mood reminds me of the climax of Wroth’s private lyric dialogue, the aubade that she removed from the printed sequence:

The birds doe sing, day doth apeere arise, arise my only deere, greete this faire morne wth thy faire eyes

wher farr more loue, and brightnes lies . . . Arise then now, and lett those lights take Pheabus place as theyr due rights. (f.40v)

The birds, the new day, the rising sun—this ecstatic celebration of ‘joy’ is infectious, as heavenly as it is intimately erotic. Pamphilia is speaking directly to Amphilanthus, eagerly awakening him so that they can enjoy ‘farr more loue’ before daylight forces them to separate. Although her words are laced with imperatives, the thrice-repeated ‘arise’ sounds anticipatory and sexy rather than commanding or controlling.

The end of Sonnet 25 is as close as Shakespeare’s sonnets get to such pure, unadulterated joy: ‘Then happy I, that love and am beloved.’ So that’s what it means to be perfectly ‘happy.’ Unfortunately, the pleasure of this confident, reciprocal love doesn’t last. Whereas Pamphilia gazes into Amphilanthus’s eyes, waiting for his awakening gaze to affirm their shared happiness, Shakespeare is so carried away by his ‘happy’ thoughts that he does not stop to think about how his words will make the young man feel. It’s all very well for Shakespeare to claim that he ‘may not remove’ his heart from the young man’s breast. It’s quite another matter to declare that his heart ‘may not be removed’ by the young man—not ever. From the young man’s point of view, that might not be such a ‘happy’ thought.

Shakespeare is constrained to write another, even more self-abasing apology:

Lord of my love, to whom in vassalage

Thy merit hath my duty strongly knit,

To thee I send this written embassage, To witness duty, not to show my wit. Duty so great, which wit so poor as mine May make seem bare. (26.1–6)

This profession of subservience and ‘duty’ is often cited as evidence that Shakespeare was writing poetry of patronage. What strikes me, however, is how exaggeratedly unShakespearean, how unlike the rest of the sonnets this language of ‘vassalage’ and ‘embassage’ sounds—more like a parody than an endorsement of a conventional client/patron relationship. Shakespeare seems to be asking young man, Is this the kind of poetry you want me to write to you? Really?

In the exuberant optimism of Sonnet 21, ‘the seemly raiment’ of the young man’s body seemed to provide the perfect covering for Shakespeare’s heart. Now, as the plangent image of ‘my t[a]ttered loving’ indicates, that hope has been shredded by the young man’s reaction, leaving Shakespeare terribly vulnerable and exposed (26:11). But rather than trying to cover over the rift, Shakespeare, being Shakespeare, pushes for even more interiority and intimacy: ‘I hope some good conceit of thine / In thy soul’s thought, all

Ilona Bell naked, will bestow it’ (26.7–8).(See Ferry 1983, 170–214.) ‘All naked’—oh, deary me, how unpatronly!

When the presumption of reciprocal love failed to elicit the desired response in Sonnet 22, Shakespeare wrote to the young man, asking to meet. Now, the rift is far deeper, and Shakespeare’s petition far more guarded:

Till whatsoever star that guides my moving Points on me graciously with fair aspect. (26.9–10)

These lines imply, ever so discreetly (note the calculated indefiniteness of ‘whatsoever star’) that the ‘star that guides my moving’ is the young man. Indeed, the image (with its allusions to Astrophil and Stella) perfectly captures the dynamics of an ongoing private lyric dialogue: not only is the poem’s rhetoric designed to move the young man, but its persuasive strategies are guided by the young man’s response to the previous poem(s).

Sonnet 26 is a written confirmation that Shakespeare will abide by the young man’s wishes. The terms of the agreement are quite precise. Indeed, as the final couplet explains, the poem is a written acceptance of the terms laid down by the young man:

Then may I dare to boast how I do love thee; Till then, not show my head where thou mayst prove me. (26.13–14)

What Shakespeare must not flaunt openly is ‘how I do love thee’ (my emphasis), and it is important to remember that during this period ‘love’ was regularly used as an active verb, meaning, make love to. Shakespeare agrees to ‘send this written embassage’ because that is what the young man requires (26:3). Shakespeare has been expressly forbidden to show his face where his love might be seen by the young man or anyone else; he cannot read the poem to the young man, nor can he circulate the poems or publicize his love to a wider manuscript audience.15 Indeed, Shakespeare is required to reaffirm the terms of this nondisclosure agreement in Sonnet 36: ‘I may not evermore acknowledge thee, / Lest my bewailèd guilt should do thee shame; / Nor thou with public kindness honour me’ (36.9–11). If Shakespeare is still hoping that the young man will kindly provide some financial ‘recompense’ for the poems, that will only happen as long as Shakespeare does not publicly ‘show’ his love or his love poems to the world.

Reading Shakespeare’s sonnets not only ‘experimentally’ as Burrow suggests, but also experientially, as a private lyric dialogue between a poet lover and a beloved interlocutor, highlights and explains dynamic tensions in the poems’ language that would otherwise escape our notice. Shakespeare might have invented a homoerotic relationship with a beautiful young man to exercise his creative faculties or to indulge his sexual fantasies. Yet, our experiment of reimagining or reconstructing the possible circumstances of a private lyric dialogue has produced a number of reasons to think that

Sugared Sonnets Among Their Friends 19 the young man may have actually been the recipient of manuscript poems written to him. First, the procreation sonnets are such an oddity in English literary tradition that Shakespeare was very likely commissioned and paid to write them. Second, the blunders Shakespeare makes in Sonnets 20 and 22 along with the amends he tries to make in Sonnets 21 and 23 suggest that the young man’s objections influence the persuasions that follow. Third, and perhaps the best argument for an actual lyric dialogue, the young man’s concerns for his reputation that emerge in the wake of Sonnet 20 force Shakespeare to produce a ‘written’ agreement that the poems will not be show his ‘love’ to the ‘public’ or the world at large. Finally, the ever so delicate pun on the name ‘Will’ is a precursor to the overwrought name puns in Sonnets 135 and 136. By revealing that the sonnet speaker is also named Will—‘Make but my name thy love, and love that still, / And then thou lovest me, for my name is Will’ (136:13–14)—Shakespeare blurs the boundaries between the dramatic situation of the sonnets and a real-life exchange between the poet and his private lyric audience.

There is, of course, a well-recognized lyric tradition of name puns. Sidney reveals Stella’s identity by playing on Penelope Rich’s last name. Donne references his love for Anne More by punning on ‘done’ and ‘more.’ And, as we’ve already noted, Wroth’s puns on Wroth/worth and ‘will’ hint that her private manuscript poems were originally written to her clandestine lover, William Herbert. Because the first edition of Shakespeare’s Sonnets is dedicated ‘TO.THE.ONLIE.BEGETTER.OF.THESE.INSVING SONNETS. Mr.W.H.,’ many scholars believe the sonnets to the young man were written to William Herbert while he was still a Mr.—that is, before he inherited the title, Earl of Pembroke. That raises an intriguing question: did William Shakespeare and Mary Wroth write their sonnets to the same charismatic, dashing Will?16

The clandestine love affair between Pamphilia and Amphilanthus (and between Mary Wroth and William Herbert) kept Wroth’s manuscript poems from wider manuscript circulation, much as the growing intimacy between Shakespeare and the young man precipitate a written agreement that Shakespeare will not show his ‘wit’ in ‘public.’ Wroth’s revised, expurgated printed sequence conceals the sexual intimacy between Pamphilia and Amphilanthus that the aubade celebrates. Like Wroth, Shakespeare deploys a poetics of concealment to maintain a posture of deniability. His private lyric dialogue with ‘the master mistress of my passion’ is evaded or blurred by the printed sequence, which never specifies ‘how I do love thee.’ Although homoerotic wordplay comprises an ongoing subtext from Sonnet 20 on as my readings, Booth’s annotations, and Pequiney’s readings all demonstrate, the following poems conceal their ‘wit,’ scrupulously avoiding the overt, graphic sexual language of Sonnet 20.17

Modern scholars who believe that Shakespeare’s sonnets circulated in manuscript among a literary coterie cite, as evidence, Francis Meres’s reference to Shakespeare’s ‘sugred Sonnets among his private friends.’18 Although

some scholars have questioned whether these ‘sugred Sonnets’ were included in the Quarto, the procreation sonnets are infused with sugary sweetness: ‘thy sweet self,’ ‘their substance still lives sweet,’ ‘sweets with sweets war not,’ ‘your sweet semblance,’ ‘your sweet issue your sweet form,’ ‘drawn by your own sweet skill.’ Indeed, the words ‘sweet’ and ‘sweets’ appear twelve times in the first nineteen sonnets, which makes me think that Meres had heard, or at least heard about, the procreation sonnets, which as we’ve seen, were initially written with a wider public audience in mind. Nonetheless, the word ‘private’ also suggests (to cite a cluster of contemporary meanings from The Oxford English Dictionary) that the sonnets were restricted to or written for the use or enjoyment of one particular person; that they belonged to or formed the exclusive property of that individual; that they were kept or removed from public view or knowledge; that they comprised a confidential conversation or communication intended only for or confined to the person or persons directly concerned; and that they were a confidential communication intended for a person or two people alone.19 (The specificity of ‘a person or two’ seems wonderfully apt, since some of the sonnets are shown to the young man and the Dark Lady, though their trialogue with the other ‘Will’ is far too complex to consider here (see Bell 2007).20

Two of the Dark Lady sonnets were published in The Passionate Pilgrime by W. Shakespeare in 1599. Although the title page attributes the entire collection to Shakespeare, most of the poems were actually written by his contemporaries.21 Since Shakespeare would not have signed his name to poems he didn’t write, the printer must have used pirated manuscripts of the sonnets, or so the argument goes, that were already circulating in 1599.22 Between the publication of The Passionate Pilgrime and the publication of Shakespeare’s Sonnets, however, the sonnets completely disappear from the historical record. During this decade, when Shakespeare’s major tragedies were staged, and his fame was skyrocketing, there are no known manuscript copies and no contemporary references to the sonnets. Thus, it seems, between 1599 and 1609 Shakespeare did everything in his power to keep his manuscripts under wraps, thereby abiding by his written agreement ‘to witness duty, not to show my wit’, above all, not ‘to boast how I do love thee’ in ‘public.’

Before her poems appeared in print, Wroth removed or concealed any overt evidence of a consummated love affair. Before Shakespeare’s Sonnets appeared in print, he may well have suppressed words, lines, perhaps even whole sonnets that contained explicit references to his ‘passion’ for the young man. But why, one wonders, didn’t he remove Sonnet 20? Because, as this essay has shown, the following poems depend upon, and would be severely depleted without that pivotal profession of homoerotic desire. Stylometric analyses of early and late rare words from the plays show that Sonnets 1–59, along with the sonnets to the Dark Lady, were Shakespeare’s earliest sonnets. Even more interestingly for our purposes, Sonnets 1–59 show signs of later revision.23 Burrow calls Shakespeare’s Sonnets his life’s work

Sugared Sonnets Among Their Friends 21 because he continued to work on the poems for such an extended period of time. Unless new manuscript evidence emerges, we will never know what Shakespeare altered or ‘removed.’ The important thing to realize is that, just as Wroth’s printed sequence veils and blurs any remaining traces of an extramarital love affair, Shakespeare’s printed poems contain witty hints but no overt accounts of what transpired between the poet-lover and the young man. Indeed, stylometric analysis also suggests that Shakespeare continued to write and revise the sonnets throughout this period. The ‘situational ambiguity’ posited by Burrow could not be more apt. The printed texts of Shakespeare’s Sonnets ‘evade succumbing to those circumstances because their power lies in their ability to suggest that they could live in almost infinitely multiple circumstances’ (Burrow 1998, 45).

What can we take away from reading Shakespeare’s and Wroth’s poems as private lyric dialogue? Once we begin construing the poems as an exchange of views between the poet-lover and an engaged, assertive interlocutor, the poems become less discrete and more discreet, less heterogeneous and more dramatic.24 Even though Shakespeare and Wroth both yearn to shape their interlocutor’s response, they learn to adopt a posture of anticipatory conditionality. Because directive speech acts that define or preempt the lover’s response generally fail to elicit the desired response, Wroth and Shakespeare become adept at recognizing the beloved’s freedom to read and respond as he desires. Shakespeare’s open-ended syntax comprises a dialectic between thinking and reading, a synesthesia between hearing and seeing: ‘O learn to read what silent love hath writ. / To hear with eyes belongs to love’s fine wit’ (23.13–14).

As the poems unfold, Wroth and Shakespeare stop projecting their feelings onto the beloved and start writing persuasion poems that entertain, cajole, nudge, flatter, and plead but do not presume to tell the lover what to think or feel. Their constantly evolving celebration of ‘love’s rite’ seeks reciprocity even as it encounters divisiveness, and that dynamic interaction can be seen in the kind of language Shakespeare and Wroth adopt: conditionals that soften imperatives; metaphors that negotiate even as they elide extenuating circumstances; syntactical and verbal ambiguities that acknowledge unpredictability and embrace multiplicity; and concluding couplets that anticipate and attenuate rather than delimit and define. In sum, rather than shutting down opposing views to enforce a definitive conclusion or preconceived response, Shakespeare’s private lyric dialogue is, like Wroth’s, open-ended and anticipatory, attendant upon the interlocutor’s autonomous interpretations and attuned to his competing desires.

NOTES

1. Josephine A. Roberts, ‘The Biographical Problem of Pamphilia to Amphilanthus,’ Tulsa Studies in Women’s Literature 1 (1982): 43–53; The Poems of

Lady Mary Wroth ed. Roberts (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1992), 3; Gary Waller, The Sidney Family Romance: Mary Wroth, William Herbert, and the Early Modern Construction of Gender (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1993); Paul Salzman, Literary Culture in Jacobean England: Reading 1621 (Houndsmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 114; Margaret P. Hannay, Mary Sidney, Lady Wroth (Farnham: Ashgate, 2010), 183 ff.

2. The Folger manuscript has never appeared in print, but an invaluable electronic text, edited by Paul Salzman, is available at http://wroth.latrobe.edu. au/. Steven May and I are preparing a printed edition of both Pamphilia to Amphilanthus sequences to be published by the Other Voice Series.

3. In ‘Shakespeare’s Sonnets as Literary Property,’ Arthur F. Marotti definitively declares that ‘[t]he context in which these sonnets should first be read is that of manuscript circulated patronage poetry’ (Soliciting Interpretation: Literary Theory and Seventeenth-Century English Poetry, ed. Elizabeth D. Harvey and Katherine Eisaman Maus [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990], 145).

4. For invaluable summaries of competing views of the Quarto, see Stephen Booth, ed., Shakespeare’s Sonnets (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977), Appendix I, ‘Facts and Theories about Shakespeare’s Sonnets,’ 543–9; and James Schiffer, ‘Reading New Life into Shakespeare’s Sonnets,’ in Shakespeare’s Sonnets: Critical Essays, ed. Schiffer (New York and London: Garland, 2000), 5–12. In Such Is My Love: A Study of Shakespeare’s Sonnets (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1985), Joseph Pequiney argues that the sonnets ‘are well and meaningfully organized in the originating Quarto’(2).

5. On the deeply contested autobiographical or fictive nature of the sonnets, see Booth, 546–8, and Schiffer, ‘Reading New Life,’ 14–31.

6. John Kerrigan, ed., The Sonnets and A Lover’s Complaint (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1986), 11, wisely observes that ‘Shakespeare stands behind the first person of his sequence as Sidney had stood behind Astrophil—sometimes near the poetic “I,” sometimes farther off, but never without some degree of rhetorical projection.’

7. In Will in the World: How Shakespeare Became Shakespeare (New York, London: W. W. Norton, 2004), 230, Stephen Greenblatt asserts, ‘The opening group of Shakespeare’s sonnets clearly has a specific person in mind: an exceptionally beautiful, “self-willed” (6:13) young man, who has refused to marry.’

8. Sasha Roberts, Reading Shakespeare’s Poems in Early Modern England (Houndsmills: Palgrave, Macmillan, 2003), notes, 172, ‘Shakespeare’s sonnet sequence situates itself in manuscript culture. Peppered throughout the sonnets are the speaker’s repeated allusions to the material acts, forms and artefacts of writing and transmitting verse: leaves of paper, notebooks, pens, quills and ink.’

9. As Gary Taylor writes, Some Manuscripts of Shakespeare’s Sonnets,’ Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 68 (1985): 210, ‘Alone among Shakespeare’s works, the sonnets were not intended for immediate publication or public performance, but for private circulation.’

10. Booth (1977, 162). As Booth’s annotations demonstrate, the two become increasingly intertwined as the sonnets unfold.

11. For a range of opinions ranging from homosocial to homoerotic and homosexual, see Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, Between Men: English Literature and Male Homosocial Desire (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985); Pequiney, Such Is My Love; and Bruce R. Smith, Homosexual Desire in Shakespeare’s England: A Cultural Poetics (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1991).

12. Anne Ferry, The ‘Inward’ Language: Sonnets of Wyatt, Sidney, Shakespeare, Donne (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1983), 171, writes: ‘The deliberate echo of the opening of Astrophil and Stella is verified by the poem as a whole, which assimilates many characteristic means invented by Sidney.’

Another random document with no related content on Scribd:

under the line of thousands, and collect the figures in the line of tens of thousands, remembering the ten thousand which arose out of the thousands’ line; that is, find 1 + 1, or 2 ten thousands. Write 2 under the ten thousands’ line, and the operation is completed.

34. As an exercise in addition, you may satisfy yourself that what I now say of the following square is correct. The numbers in every row, whether reckoned upright, or from right to left, or from corner to corner, when added together give the number 24156.

35. If two numbers must be added together, it will not alter the sum if you take away a part of one, provided you put on as much to the other It is plain that you will not alter the whole number of a collection of pebbles in two baskets by taking any number out of one, and putting them into the other. Thus, 15 + 7 is the same as 12 + 10, since 12 is 3 less than 15, and 10 is three more than 7. This was the principle upon which the whole of the process in (29) was conducted.

36. Let a and b stand for two numbers, as in (24). It is impossible to tell what their sum will be until the numbers themselves are known. In the mean while a + b stands for this sum. To say, in algebraical language, that the sum of a and b is not altered by adding c to a, provided we take away c from b, we have the following equation: (a + c) + (b - c) = a + b; which may be written without brackets, thus, a + c + b - c = a + b.

For the meaning of these two equations will appear to be the same, on consideration.

37. If a be taken twice, three times, &c., the results are represented in algebra by 2a, 3a, 4a, &c. The sum of any two of this series may be expressed in a shorter form than by writing the sign + between them; for though we do not know what number a stands for, we

know that, be it what it may, 2a + 2a = 4a, 3a + 2a = 5a, 4a + 9a = 13a; and generally, if a taken m times be added to a taken n times, the result is a taken m + n times, or ma + na = (m + n)a.

38. The use of the brackets must here be noticed. They mean, that the expression contained inside them must be used exactly as a single letter would be used in the same place. Thus, pa signifies that a is taken p times, and (m + n)a, that a is taken m + n times. It is, therefore, a different thing from m + na, which means that a, after being taken n times, is added to m. Thus (3 + 4) × 2 is 7 × 2 or 14; while 3 + 4 × 2 is 3 + 8, or 11.

39. When one number is taken away from another, the number which is left is called the difference or remainder The process of finding the difference is called The number which is to be taken away must be of course the lesser of the two.

40. The process of subtraction depends upon these two principles.

I. The difference of two numbers is not altered by adding a number to the first, if you add the same number to the second; or by subtracting a number from the first, if you subtract the same number from the second. Conceive two baskets with pebbles in them, in the first of which are 100 pebbles more than in the second. If I put 50 more pebbles into each of them, there are still only 100 more in the first than in the second, and the same if I take 50 from each. Therefore, in finding the difference of two numbers, if it should be convenient, I may add any number I please to both of them, because, though I alter the numbers themselves by so doing, I do not alter their difference.

II. Since 6 exceeds 4 by 2, and 3 exceeds 2 by 1, and 12 exceeds 5 by 7,

6, 3, and 12 together, or 21, exceed 4, 2, and 5 together, or 11, by 2, 1, and 7 together, or 10: the same thing may be said of any other numbers.

41. If a, b, and c be three numbers, of which a is greater than b (40), I. leads to the following, (a + c) - (

Again, if c be less than a and b

The brackets cannot be here removed as in (36). That is, p- (q-r) is not the same thing as p-q- r For, in the first, the difference of q and r is subtracted from p; but in the second, first q and then r are subtracted from p, which is the same as subtracting as much as q and r together, or q + r. Therefore p-q-r is p-(q + r). In order to shew how to remove the brackets from p -(q-r) without altering the value of the result, let us take the simple instance 12-(8-5). If we subtract 8 from 12, or form 12-8, we subtract too much; because it is not 8 which is to be taken away, but as much of 8 as is left after diminishing it by 5. In forming 12-8 we have therefore subtracted 5 too much. This must be set right by adding 5 to the result, which gives 12-8 + 5 for the value of 12-(8-5). The same reasoning applies to every case, and we have therefore,

By the same kind of reasoning,

. 4x + y - (17x - 9y) = 4x + y - 17x + 9y = 10y - 13x.

42. I want to find the difference of the numbers 57762 and 34631. Take these to pieces as in (29) and

57762 is 5 ten-th. 7 th. 7 hund. 6 tens and 2 units.

34631 is 3 ten-th. 4 th. 6 hund. 3 tens and 1 unit.

Now 2 units exceed 1 unit by 1 unit.

6 tens 3 tens 3 tens.

7 hundreds 6 hundreds 1 hundred.

7 thousands 4 thousands 3 thousands.

5 ten-thousands 3 ten-thous 2 ten-thous

Therefore, by (40, Principle II.) all the first column together exceeds all the second column by all the third column, that is, by

2 ten-th. 3 th. 1 hund. 3 tens and 1 unit,

which is 23131. Therefore the difference of 57762 and 34631 is 23131, or 57762-34631 = 23131.

43. Suppose I want to find the difference between 61274 and 39628. Write them at length, and

61274 is 6 ten-th. 1 th. 2 hund. 7 tens and 4 units.

39628 is 3 ten-th. 9 th. 6 hund. 2 tens and 8 units.

If we attempt to do the same as in the last article, there is a difficulty immediately, since 8, being greater than 4, cannot be taken from it. But from (40) it appears that we shall not alter the difference of two numbers if we add the same number to both of them Add ten to the first number, that is, let there be 14 units instead of four, and add ten also to the second number, but instead of adding ten to the number of units, add one to the number of tens, which is the same thing. The numbers will then stand thus,

6 ten-thous. 1 thous. 2 hund. 7 tens and 14 units. [7] 3 ten-thous. 9 thous. 6 hund. 3 tens and 8 units.

You now see that the units and tens in the lower can be subtracted from those in the upper line, but that the hundreds cannot. To remedy this, add one thousand or 10 hundred to both numbers, which will not alter their difference, and remember to increase the

hundreds in the upper line by 10, and the thousands in the lower line by 1, which are the same things. And since the thousands in the lower cannot be subtracted from the thousands in the upper line, add 1 ten thousand or 10 thousand to both numbers, and increase the thousands in the upper line by 10, and the ten thousands in the lower line by 1, which are the same things; and at the close the numbers which we get will be,

6 ten-thous. 11 thous. 12 hund. 7 tens and 14 units.

4 ten-thous. 10 thous. 6 hund. 3 tens and 8 units.

These numbers are not, it is true, the same as those given at the beginning of this article, but their difference is the same, by (40). With the last-mentioned numbers proceed in the same way as in (42), which will give, as their difference,

2 ten-thous 1 thous 6 hund 4 tens, and 6 units, which is 21646

44. From this we deduce the following rules for subtraction:

I. Write the number which is to be subtracted (which is, of course, the lesser of the two, and is called the subtrahend) under the other, so that its units shall fall under the units of the other, and so on.

II. Subtract each figure of the lower line from the one above it, if that can be done. Where that cannot be done, add ten to the upper figure, and then subtract the lower figure; but recollect in this case always to increase the next figure in the lower line by 1, before you begin to subtract it from the upper one.

45. If there should not be as many figures in the lower line as in the upper one, proceed as if there were as many ciphers at the beginning of the lower line as will make the number of figures equal. You do not alter a number by placing ciphers at the beginning of it. For example, 00818 is the same number as 818, for it means

0 ten-thous. 0 thous. 8 hunds. 1 ten and 8 units; the first two signs are nothing, and the rest is

8 hundreds, 1 ten, and 8 units, or 818.

The second does not differ from the first, except in its being said that there are no thousands and no tens of thousands in the number, which may be known without their being mentioned at all. You may ask, perhaps, why this does not apply to a cipher placed in the middle of a number, or at the right of it, as, for example, in 28007 and 39700? But you must recollect, that if it were not for the two ciphers in the first, the 8 would be taken for 8 tens, instead of 8 thousands; and if it were not for the ciphers in the second, the 7 would be taken for 7 units, instead of 7 hundreds.

46. EXAMPLE.

EXERCISES.

I. What is 18337 + 149263200 - 6472902?—Answer 142808635. What is 1000 - 464 + 3279 - 646?—Ans. 3169.

II. Subtract 64 + 76 + 144 - 18 from 33 - 2 + 100037 Ans 99802

III. What shorter rule might be made for subtraction when all the figures in the upper line are ciphers except the first? for example, in finding 10000000 - 2731634.

IV. Find 18362 + 2469 and 18362-2469, add the second result to the first, and then subtract 18362; subtract the second from the first, and then subtract 2469.—Answer 18362 and 2469.

V There are four places on the same line in the order , , , and From to it is 1463 miles; from to it is 728 miles; and from to it is 1317 miles. How far is it from to , from to , and from to ?—Answer. From to 146, from to 582, and from to 735 miles.

VI. In the following table subtract from , and from the remainder, and so on until can be no longer subtracted. Find how many times can be subtracted from , and what is the last remainder

SECTION III. MULTIPLICATION.

47. I have said that all questions in arithmetic require nothing but addition and subtraction. I do not mean by this that no rule should ever be used except those given in the last section, but that all other rules only shew shorter ways of finding what might be found, if we pleased, by the methods there deduced. Even the last two rules themselves are only short and convenient ways of doing what may be done with a number of pebbles or counters.

48. I want to know the sum of five seventeens, or I ask the following question: There are five heaps of pebbles, and seventeen pebbles in each heap; how many are there in all? Write five seventeens in a column, and make the addition, which gives 85. In this case 85 is called the product of 5 and 17, and the process of finding the product is called , which gives nothing more than the addition of a number of the same quantities. Here 17 is called the multiplicand, and 5 is called the multiplier

49. If no question harder than this were ever proposed, there would be no occasion for a shorter way than the one here followed. But if there were 1367 heaps of pebbles, and 429 in each heap, the whole number is then 1367 times 429, or 429 multiplied by 1367. I should have to write 429 1367 times, and then to make an addition of enormous length. To avoid this, a shorter rule is necessary, which I now proceed to explain.

50. The student must first make himself acquainted with the products of all numbers as far as 10 times 10 by means of the following table,[8] which must be committed to memory

If from this table you wish to know what is 7 times 6, look in the first upright column on the left for either of them; 6 for example. Proceed to the right until you come into the column marked 7 at the top. You there find 42, which is the product of 6 and 7.

51. You may find, in this way, either 6 times 7, or 7 times 6, and for both you find 42. That is, six sevens is the same number as seven sixes. This may be shewn as follows: Place seven counters in a line, and repeat that line in all six times. The number of counters in the whole is 6 times 7, or six sevens, if I reckon the rows from the top to the bottom; but if I count the rows that stand side by side, I find seven of them, and six in each row, the whole number of which is 7 times 6, or seven sixes. And the whole number is 42, whichever way I count. The same method may be applied to any other two numbers. If the signs of (23) were used, it would be said that 7 × 6 = 6 × 7.

52. To take any quantity a number of times, it will be enough to take every one of its parts the same number of times. Thus, a sack of corn will be increased fifty-fold, if each bushel which it contains be replaced by 50 bushels. A country will be doubled by doubling every acre of land, or every county, which it contains. Simple as this may appear, it is necessary to state it, because it is one of the principles on which the rule of multiplication depends.

53. In order to multiply by any number, you may multiply separately by any parts into which you choose to divide that number, and add the results. For example, 4 and 2 make 6. To multiply 7 by 6 first multiply 7 by 4, and then by 2, and add the products. This will give 42, which is the product of 7 and 6. Again, since 57 is made up of 32 and 25, 57 times 50 is made up of 32 times 50 and 25 times 50, and so on. If the signs were used, these would be written thus:

7 × 6 = 7 × 4 + 7 × 2.

50 × 57 = 50 × 32 + 50 × 25.

54. The principles in the last two articles may be expressed thus: If a be made up of the parts x, y, and x, ma is made up of mx, my, and mz; or,

if a = x + y + z.

ma = mx + my + mz, or, m(x + y + z) = mx + my + mz.

A similar result may be obtained if a, instead of being made up of x, y, and z, is made by combined additions and subtractions, such as x + y-z, x- y + z, x-y-z, &c. To take the first as an instance:

a = x + y - z, then ma = mx + my - mz

For, if a had been x + y, ma would have been mx + my. But since a is less than x + y by z, too much by z has been repeated every time that x + y has been repeated;—that is, mz too much has been taken; consequently, ma is not mx + my, but mx + my-mz. Similar reasoning may be applied to other cases, and the following results may be obtained:

m(a + b + c - d) = ma + mb + mc - md. a(a - b) = aa - ab b(a - b) = ba - bb. 3(2a - 4b) = 6a - 12b. 7a(7 + 2b) = 49a + 14ab. (aa + a + 1)a = aaa + aa + a. (3ab - 2c)4abc = 12aabbc - 8abcc.

55. There is another way in which two numbers may be multiplied together Since 8 is 4 times 2, 7 times 8 may be made by multiplying 7 and 4, and then multiplying that product by 2. To shew this, place 7 counters in a line, and repeat that line in all 8 times, as in figures I. and II.

The number of counters in all is 8 times 7, or 56. But (as in fig. I.) enclose each four rows in oblong figures, such as and The number in each oblong is 4 times 7, or 28, and there are two of those oblongs; so that in the whole the number of counters is twice 28, or 28 x 2, or 7 first multiplied by 4, and that product multiplied by 2. In figure II. it is shewn that 7 multiplied by 8 is also 7 first multiplied by 2, and that product multiplied by 4. The same method may be applied to other numbers. Thus, since 80 is 8 times 10, 256 times 80 is 256 multiplied by 8, and that product multiplied by 10. If we use the signs, the foregoing assertions are made thus:

7 × 8 = 7 × 4 × 2 = 7 × 2 × 4.

256 × 80 = 256 × 8 × 10 = 256 × 10 × 8.

EXERCISES.

Shew that 2 × 3 × 4 × 5 = 2 × 4 × 3 × 5 = 5 × 4 × 2 × 3, &c.

Shew that 18 × 100 = 18 × 57 + 18 × 43.

56. Articles (51) and (55) may be expressed in the following way, where by ab we mean a taken b times; by abc, a taken b times, and the result taken c times.

ab = ba.

abc = acb = bca = bac, &c.

abc = a × (bc) = b × (ca) = c × (ab).

If we would say that the same results are produced by multiplying by b, c, and d, one after the other, and by the product bcd at once, we write the following:

a × b × c × d = a × bcd.

The fact is, that if any numbers are to be multiplied together, the product of any two or more may be formed, and substituted instead of those two or more; thus, the product abcdef may be formed by multiplying

ab cde f abf de c abc def &c.

57. In order to multiply by 10, annex a cipher to the right hand of the multiplicand. Thus, 10 times 2356 is 23560. To shew this, write 2356 at length which is

2 thousands, 3 hundreds, 5 tens, and 6 units

Take each of these parts ten times, which, by (52), is the same as multiplying the whole number by 10, and it will then become

2 tens of thou. 3 tens of hun. 5 tens of tens, and 6 tens, which is

2 ten-thou. 3 thous. 5 hun. and 6 tens.

This must be written 23560, because 6 is not to be 6 units, but 6 tens. Therefore 2356 × 10 = 23560.

In the same way you may shew, that in order to multiply by 100 you must affix two ciphers to the right; to multiply by 1000 you must affix three ciphers, and so on. The rule will be best caught from the following table:

13 × 10 = 130

13 × 100 = 1300

13 × 1000 = 13000

13 × 10000 = 130000

142 × 1000 = 142000

23700 × 10 = 237000

3040 × 1000 = 3040000

10000 ×100000 = 1000000000

58. I now shew how to multiply by one of the numbers, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, or 9. I do not include 1, because multiplying by 1, or taking the number once, is what is meant by simply writing down the number. I want to multiply 1368 by 8. Write the first number at full length, which is

1 thousand, 3 hundreds, 6 tens, and 8 units.

To multiply this by 8, multiply each of these parts by 8 (50) and (52), which will give 8 thousands, 24 hundreds, 48 tens, and 64 units.

Add these together, which gives 10944 as the product of 1368 and 8, or 1368 × 8 = 10944. By working a few examples in this way you will see for following rule.

59. I. Multiply the first figure of the multiplicand by the multiplier, write down the units’ figure, and reserve the tens.

II. Do the same with the second figure of the multiplicand, and add to the product the number of tens from the first; put down the units’ figure of this, and reserve the tens.

III. Proceed in this way till you come to the last figure, and then write down the whole number obtained from that figure.

IV If there be a cipher in the multiplicand, treat it as if it were a number, observing that 0 × 1 = 0, 0 × 2 = 0, &c.

60. In a similar way a number can be multiplied by a figure which is accompanied by ciphers, as, for example, 8000. For 8000 is 8 × 1000, and therefore (55) you must first multiply by 8 and then by 1000, which last operation (57) is done by placing 3 ciphers on the right. Hence the rule in this case is, multiply by the simple number, and place the number of ciphers which follow it at the right of the product.

What is 1007360 × 7? Answer, 7051520.

123456789 × 9 + 10 and 123 × 9 + 4?—Ans. 1111111111 and 1111.

What is 136 × 3 + 129 × 4 + 147 × 8 + 27 × 3000?—Ans. 83100.

An army is made up of 33 regiments of infantry, each containing 800 men; 14 of cavalry, each containing 600 men; and 2 of artillery, each containing 300 men. The enemy has 6 more regiments of infantry, each containing 100 more men; 3 more regiments of cavalry, each containing 100 men less; and 4 corps of artillery of the same magnitude as those of the first: two regiments of cavalry and one of infantry desert from the former to the latter. How many men has the second army more than the first?—Answer, 13400.

62. Suppose it is required to multiply 23707 by 4567. Since 4567 is made up of 4000, 500, 60, and 7, by (53) we must multiply 23707 by each of these, and add the products. Now (58) 23707 × 7 is

(60) 23707 × 60 is 1422420

23707 × 500 is 11853500

23707 × 4000 is 94828000

The sum of these is 108269869

which is the product required.

It will do as well if, instead of writing the ciphers at the end of each line, we keep the other figures in their places without them. If we take away the ciphers, the second line is one place to the left of the first, the third one place to the left of the second, and so on. Write the multiplier and the multiplicand over these lines, and the process will stand thus:

63. There is one more case to be noticed; that is, where there is a cipher in the middle of the multiplier. The following example will shew that in this case nothing more is necessary than to keep the first figure of each line in the column under the figure of the multiplier from which that line arises. Suppose it required to multiply 365 by 101001. The multiplier is made up of 100000, 1000 and 1. Proceed as before, and 365 × 1 is 365 (57) 365 × 1000 is 365000 365 × 100000 is 36500000

The sum of which is 36865365 and the whole process with the ciphers struck off is:

64. The following is the rule in all cases:

I. Place the multiplier under the multiplicand, so that the units of one may be under those of the other

II. Multiply the whole multiplicand by each figure of the multiplier (59), and place the unit of each line in the column under the figure of the multiplier from which it came.

III. Add together the lines obtained by II. column by column.

65. When the multiplier or multiplicand, or both, have ciphers on the right hand, multiply the two together without the ciphers, and then place on the right of the product all the ciphers that are on the right both of the multiplier and multiplicand. For example, what is 3200 × 3000? First, 3200 is 32 × 100, or one hundred times as great as 32. Again, 32 × 13000 is 32 × 13, with three ciphers affixed, that is 416, with three ciphers affixed, or 416000. But the product required must be 100 times as great as this, or must have two ciphers affixed. It is therefore 41600000, having as many ciphers as are in both multiplier and multiplicand.

66. When any number is multiplied by itself any number of times, the result is called a power of that number. Thus:

6 is called the first power of 6 6 × 6 second powerof 6

6 × 6 × 6 third power of 6

6 × 6 × 6 × 6 fourth power of 6 &c. &c.

The second and third powers are usually called the square and cube, which are incorrect names, derived from certain connexions of the second and third power with the square and cube in geometry. As exercises in multiplication, the following powers are to be found.

5555 30858025 171416328875 6789 46090521 312908547069 The fifthpower of 36 is 60466176 fourth 50 6250000 fourth 108 136048896 fourth 277 5887339441

67. It is required to multiply a + b by c + d, that is, to take a + b as many times as there are units in c + d By (53) a + b must be taken c times, and d times, or the product required is (a + b)c + (a + b)d But (52) (a + b)c is ac + bc, and (a + b)d is ad + bd; whence the product required is ac + bc + ad + bd; or, (a + b)(c + d) = ac + bc + ad + bd

By similar reasoning

(a - b)(c + d) is (a - b)c + (a - b)d; or, (a - b)(c + d) = ac - bc + ad - bd.

To multiply a-b by c-d, first take a-b c times, which gives ac-bc This is not correct; for in taking it c times instead of c-d times, we have taken it d times too many; or have made a result which is (a-b)d too great. The real result is therefore ac-bc-(a -b)d But (a-b)d is ad- bd, and therefore

(a - b)(c - d) = ac - bc - ad - bd = ac - bc - ad + bd (41)

From these three examples may be collected the following rule for the multiplication of algebraic quantities: Multiply each term of the multiplicand by each term of the multiplier; when the two terms have both + or both-before them, put + before their product; when one has + and the other-, put-before their product. In using the first terms, which have no sign, apply the rule as if they had the sign +.

68. For example, (a + b)(a + b) gives aa + ab + ab + bb But ab + ab is 2ab; hence the square of a + b is aa + 2ab + bb Again (a- b)(a-b) gives aa-ab-ab + bb But two subtractions of ab are equivalent to subtracting 2ab; hence the square of a- b is aa-2ab + bb Again, (a + b) (a-b) gives aa + ab-ab -bb. But the addition and subtraction of ab makes no change; hence the product of a + b and a- b is aa-bb

Again, the square of a + b + c + d or (a + b + c + d)(a + b + c + d) will be found to be aa + 2ab + 2ac + 2ad + bb + 2bc + 2bd + cc + 2cd + dd; or the rule for squaring such a quantity is: Square the first term, and multiply all that come after by twice that term; do the same with the second, and so on to the end.

SECTION IV. DIVISION.

69. Suppose I ask whether 156 can be divided into a number of parts each of which is 13, or how many thirteens 156 contains; I propose a question, the solution of which is called In this case, 156 is called the dividend, 13 the divisor, and the number of parts required is the quotient; and when I find the quotient, I am said to divide 156 by 13.

70. The simplest method of doing this is to subtract 13 from 156, and then to subtract 13 from the remainder, and so on; or, in common language, to tell off 156 by thirteens. A similar process has already occurred in the exercises on subtraction, Art. (46). Do this, and mark one for every subtraction that is made, to remind you that each subtraction takes 13 once from 156, which operations will stand as follows:

Begin by subtracting 13 from 156, which leaves 143. Subtract 13 from 143, which leaves 130; and so on. At last 13 only remains, from which when 13 is subtracted, there remains nothing. Upon counting the number of times which you have subtracted 13, you find that this number is 12; or 156 contains twelve thirteens, or contains 13 twelve times.

This method is the most simple possible, and might be done with pebbles. Of these you would first count 156. You would then take 13 from the heap, and put them into one heap by themselves. You would then take another 13 from the heap, and place them in another heap by themselves; and so on until there were none left. You would then count the number of heaps, which you would find to be 12.

71. Division is the opposite of multiplication. In multiplication you have a number of heaps, with the same number of pebbles in each, and you want to know how many pebbles there are in all. In division you know how many there are in all, and how many there are to be in each heap, and you want to know how many heaps there are.

72. In the last example a number was taken which contains an exact number of thirteens. But this does not happen with every number Take, for example, 159. Follow the process of (70), and it will appear that after having subtracted 13 twelve times, there remains 3, from which 13 cannot be subtracted. We may say then that 159 contains twelve thirteens and 3 over; or that 159, when divided by 13, gives a quotient 12, and a remainder 3. If we use signs, 159 = 13 × 12 + 3.

EXERCISES.

146 = 24 × 6 + 2, or 146 contains six twenty-fours and 2 over.

146 = 6 × 24 + 2, or 146 contains twenty-four sixes and 2 over

300 = 42 × 7 + 6, or 300 contains seven forty-twos and 6 over.

39624 = 7277 × 5 + 3239.

73. If a contain b q times with a remainder r, a must be greater than bq by r; that is, a = bq + r.

If there be no remainder, a = bq. Here a is the dividend, b the divisor, q the quotient, and r the remainder. In order to say that a contains b q times, we write,

a/b = q, or a : b = q, which in old books is often found written thus: a ÷ b = q

74. If I divide 156 into several parts, and find how often 13 is contained in each of them, it is plain that 156 contains 13 as often as all its parts together For example, 156 is made up of 91, 39, and 26. Of these

91contains 137 times, 39contains 133 times, 26contains 132 times;

therefore 91 + 39 + 26 contains 13 7 + 3 + 2 times, or 12 times.

Again, 156 is made up of 100, 50, and 6.

Now100 contains13 7 times and 9 over, 50 contains13 3 times and 11 over, 6 contains13 0 times[9] and 6 over

Therefore 100 + 50 + 6 contains 13 7 + 3 + 0 times and 9 + 11 + 6 over; or 156 contains 13 10 times and 26 over But 26 is itself 2 thirteens; therefore 156 contains 10 thirteens and 2 thirteens, or 12 thirteens.

75. The result of the last article is expressed by saying, that if a = b + c + d, then

a = b + c + d m m m m

76. In the first example I did not take away 13 more than once at a time, in order that the method might be as simple as possible. But if I know what is twice 13, 3 times 13, &c., I can take away as many thirteens at a time as I please, if I take care to mark at each step how

many I take away For example, take away 13 ten times at once from 156, that is, take away 130, and afterwards take away 13 twice, or take away 26, and the process is as follows:

156

130 10 times 13. 26

26 2 times 13. 0

Therefore 156 contains 13 10 + 2, or 12 times.

Again, to divide 3096 by 18.

3096

1800 100 times 18. 1296

900 50 times 18. 396 360 36 36 0

Therefore 3096 contains 18 100 + 50 + 20 + 2, or 172 times.

77. You will now understand the following sentences, and be able to make similar assertions of other numbers.

450 is 75 × 6; it therefore contains any number, as 5, 6 times as often as 75 contains it. 135 contains 3 more than 26times; therefore, Twice 135 ” 3 ” 52or twice 26 10 times 135 ” 3 ” 260or 10 times 26

50 times 135 ” 3 ” 1300or 50 times 26

472contains 18 more than 21times; therefore, 4720contains 18 more than 210times, 47200contains 18 more than 2100times, 472000contains 18 more than21000times, 32contains 12 more than 2times, and less than 3 times 320 ” 12 ” 20times, ” ” 30 times.

3200 ” 12 ” 200times, ” ” 300 times. 32000 ” 12 ” 2000times, ” ” 3000 times &c. &c. &c.

78. The foregoing articles contain the principles of division. The question now is, to apply them in the shortest and most convenient way Suppose it required to divide 4068 by 18, or to find 4068/18 (23).

If we divide 4068 into any number of parts, we may, by the process followed in (74), find how many times 18 is contained in each of these parts, and from thence how many times it is contained in the whole. Now, what separation of 4068 into parts will be most convenient? Observe that 4, the first figure of 4068, does not contain 18; but that 40, the first and second figures together, does contain 18 more than twice, but less than three times. [10] But 4068 (20) is made up of 40 hundreds, and 68; of which, 40 hundreds (77) contains 18 more than 200 times, and less than 300 times. Therefore, 4068 also contains more than 200 times 18, since it must contain 18 more times than 4000 does. It also contains 18 less than 300 times, because 300 times 18 is 5400, a greater number than 4068. Subtract 18 200 times from 4068; that is, subtract 3600, and there remains 468. Therefore, 4068 contains 18 200 times, and as many more times as 468 contains 18.

It remains, then, to find how many times 468 contains 18. Proceed exactly as before. Observe that 46 contains 18 more than twice, and less than 3 times; therefore, 460 contains it more than 20, and less than 30 times (77); as does also 468. Subtract 18 20 times from 468, that is, subtract 360; the remainder is 108. Therefore, 468 contains 18 20 times, and as many more as 108 contains it. Now, 108 is found to contain 18 6 times exactly; therefore, 468 contains it 20 + 6 times, and 4068 contains it 200 + 20 + 6 times, or 226 times. If we write down the process that has been followed, without any explanation, putting the divisor, dividend, and quotient, in a line separated by parentheses it will stand, as in example(A).

Let it be required to divide 36326599 by 1342 (B).

A. B.

18)4068 (200 + 20 + 6 1342)36326599 (20000 + 7000 + 60 + 9

As in the previous example, 36326599 is separated into 36320000 and 6599; the first four figures 3632 being separated from the rest, because it takes four figures from the left of the dividend to make a number which is greater than the divisor Again, 36320000 is found to contain 1342 more than 20000, and less than 30000 times; and 1342 × 20000 is subtracted from the dividend, after which the remainder is 9486599. The same operation is repeated again and again, and the result is found to be, that there is a quotient 20000 + 7000 + 60 + 9, or 27069, and a remainder 1.

Before you proceed, you should now repeat the foregoing article at length in the solution of the following questions. What are 10093874 , 66779922 , 2718218 ? 3207 114433 13352

the quotients of which are 3147, 583, 203; and the remainders 1445, 65483, 7762.

79. In the examples of the last article, observe, 1st, that it is useless to write down the ciphers which are on the right of each subtrahend, provided that without them you keep each of the other figures in its proper place: 2d, that it is useless to put down the right hand figures of the dividend so long as they fall over ciphers, because they do not begin to have any share in the making of the quotient until, by continuing the process, they cease to have ciphers under them: 3d, that the quotient is only a number written at length, instead of the usual way. For example, the first quotient is 200 + 20 + 6, or 226; the second is 20000 + 7000 + 60 + 9, or 27069. Strike out, therefore, all the ciphers and the numbers which come above them, except those in the first line, and put the quotient in one line; and the two examples of the last article will stand thus:

80. Hence the following rule is deduced:

I. Write the divisor and dividend in one line, and place parentheses on each side of the dividend.

II. Take off from the left-hand of the dividend the least number of figures which make a number greater than the divisor; find what number of times the divisor is contained in these, and write this number as the first figure of the quotient.

III. Multiply the divisor by the last-mentioned figure, and subtract the product from the number which was taken off at the left of the dividend.

IV On the right of the remainder place the figure of the dividend which comes next after those already separated in II.: if the remainder thus increased be greater than the divisor, find how many times the divisor is contained in it; put this number at the right of the first figure of the quotient, and repeat the process: if not, on the right place the next figure of the dividend, and the next, and so on until it is greater; but remember to place a cipher in the quotient for every figure of the dividend which you are obliged to take, except the first.

V. Proceed in this way until all the figures of the dividend are exhausted.

In judging how often one large number is contained in another, a first and rough guess may be made by striking off the same number of figures from both, and using the results instead of the numbers themselves. Thus, 4,732 is contained in 14,379 about the same number of times that 4 is contained in 14, or about 3 times. The reason is, that 4 being contained in 14 as often as 4000 is in 14000, and these last only differing from the proposed numbers by lower denominations, viz. hundreds, &c. we may expect that there will not be much difference between the number of times which 14000 contains 4000, and that which 14379 contains

4732: and it generally happens so. But if the second figure of the divisor be 5, or greater than 5, it will be more accurate to increase the first figure of the divisor by 1, before trying the method just explained. Nothing but practice can give facility in this sort of guess-work.

81. This process may be made more simple when the divisor is not greater than 12, if you have sufficient knowledge of the multiplication table (50). For example, I want to divide 132976 by 4. At full length the process stands thus:

But you will recollect, without the necessity of writing it down, that 13 contains 4 three times with a remainder 1; this 1 you will place before 2, the next figure of the dividend, and you know that 12 contains 4 3 times exactly, and so on. It will be more convenient to write down the quotient thus:

)132976 33244

While on this part of the subject, we may mention, that the shortest way to multiply by 5 is to annex a cipher and divide by 2, which is equivalent to taking the half of 10 times, or 5 times. To divide by 5, multiply by 2 and strike off the last figure, which leaves the quotient; half the last figure is the remainder To multiply by 25, annex two ciphers and divide by 4. To divide by 25, multiply by 4 and strike off the last two figures, which leaves the quotient; one fourth of the last two figures, taken as one number, is the remainder To multiply a number by 9, annex a cipher, and subtract the number, which is equivalent to taking the number ten times, and then subtracting it once. To multiply by 99, annex two ciphers and subtract the number, &c.

In order that a number may be divisible by 2 without remainder, its units’ figure must be an even number.[11] That it may be divisible by 4, its last two figures must be divisible by 4. Take the example 1236: this is composed of 12 hundreds and 36, the first part of which, being hundreds, is divisible by 4, and gives 12 twenty-fives; it depends then upon 36, the last two figures, whether 1236 is divisible by 4 or not. A number is divisible by 8 if the last three figures are divisible by 8; for every digit, except the last three, is a number of thousands, and 1000 is divisible by 8; whether therefore the whole shall be divisible by 8 or not depends on the last three figures: thus, 127946 is not divisible by 8, since 946 is not so. A number is divisible by 3 or 9 only when the sum of its digits is divisible by 3 or 9. Take for example 1234; this is

1 thousand, or 999 and 1

2 hundred, or twice 99 and 2

Turn static files into dynamic content formats.

Create a flipbook
Issuu converts static files into: digital portfolios, online yearbooks, online catalogs, digital photo albums and more. Sign up and create your flipbook.