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THE LIVING ANNIE DILLARD

DEDICATION for Bob

CONTENTS

DEDICATION

MAP

AUTHOR’S NOTE

BOOK I

FISHBURNS

Chapter I

Chapter II

Chapter III

Chapter IV

Chapter V

Chapter VI

Chapter VII

BOOK II

JOHN IRELAND

Chapter VIII

Chapter IX

Chapter X

Chapter XI

Chapter XII

Chapter XIII

Chapter XIV

Chapter XV

BOOK III

EUSTACE AND MINTA

Chapter XVI

Chapter XVII

Chapter XVIII

Chapter XIX

Chapter XX

Chapter XXI

Chapter XXII

Chapter XXIII

Chapter XXIV

Chapter XXV

Chapter XXVI

Chapter XXVII

Chapter XXVIII

BOOK IV

OBENCHAIN AND CLARE

Chapter XXIX

Chapter XXX

Chapter XXXI

Chapter XXXII

Chapter XXXIII

Chapter XXXIV

Chapter XXXV

Chapter XXXVI

Chapter XXXVII

Chapter XXXVIII

Chapter XXXIX

Chapter XL

Chapter XLI

Chapter XLII

Chapter XLIII

Chapter XLIV

Chapter XLV

Chapter XLVI

BOOK V SPRING

Chapter XLVII

Chapter XLVIII

Chapter XLIX

Chapter L

Chapter LI

Chapter LII

Chapter LIII

Chapter LIV

Chapter LV

Chapter LVI

Chapter LVII

Chapter LVIII

Chapter LIX

Chapter LX

Chapter LXI

BOOK VI PANIC

Chapter LXII

Chapter LXIII

Chapter LXIV

Chapter LXV

Chapter LXVI

Chapter LXVII

Chapter LXVIII

Chapter LXIX

Chapter LXX

Chapter LXXI

Chapter LXXII

Chapter LXXIII

BOOK VII AFTERWARDS

Chapter LXXIV

Chapter LXXV

ABOUT THE AUTHOR PRAISE

BOOKS BY ANNIE DILLARD

COPYRIGHT

ABOUT THE PUBLISHER

AUTHOR’S NOTE

Historically, there were four linked communities on Bellingham Bay Whatcom, Old Bellingham, Sehome, and Fairhaven, which incorporated with each other in various combinations throughout the second half of the nineteenth century. It was not until the events in this story had long passed not until 1904 that they consolidated to form the city of Bellingham. Whatcom was the first settlement, and had the lumber mill; Sehome had the coal mine. Fairhaven expected the Great Northern Terminus, and it saw the most dramatic boom. Jim Hill actually decided where to locate his Great Northern Railway terminus two years before the ’93 panic.

The Living is fiction, and all of its characters are imaginary save Chowitzit, the Lummi chief, and Hump Talem, the Nooksack chief; James J. Hill and Frederick Weyerhaeuser, the railroad and timber magnates; Seattle political leaders; Tommy Cahoon, the scalped Pullman conductor; and George Bacon, the lively little mortgage agent.

CHARACTERS

CLARE FISHBURN, former Whatcom high-school teacher, now housing agent

ADA FISHBURN, Clare’s mother

Rooney Fishburn, pioneer settler, his father (d. 1872)

Norval Tawes, Ada Fishburn’s second husband

JUNE FISHBURN (née Randall), Clare’s wife

Mabel, their daughter

Glee Fishburn, fisherman, Clare Fishburn’s brother

Grace Fishburn, Glee’s wife

Vinnie and Nesta, their daughters

Nettie Fishburn, young sister to Clare and Glee Fishburn

BEAL OBENCHAIN, hermit, formerly of Madrone Island

Martha Obenchain, his mother, and foster mother to John

Ireland Sharp

Axel Obenchain, Beal Obenchain’s father

Nan, Beal Obenchain’s sister

Gilbert Belshaw, New York City, second husband to Martha Obenchain

JOHN IRELAND SHARP, high-school principal

Tom Sharp, his father

Frank, Willy, Viola, and Vesta, John Ireland’s young brothers and sisters

PEARL SHARP (née Rush), John Ireland’s wife

Cyrus, Vincent, Rush, and Horace, their children

JOHNNY LEE, former railroad worker, now Sharp’s employee

Lee Chin, his brother

MINTA HONER (nee Randall), of Goshen, sister to June Fishburn

HUGH HONER, her surviving child; other children Bert and Lulu

Eustace Honer, Minta’s husband (d. 1885)

Senator Green Randall and wife Louisa, of Baltimore, parents to Minta Honer and June Fishburn

Neighbors in early Whatcom, 1855—

Chowitzit, Lummi Indian tyee (big man)

Yekton, Nooksack Indian tyee

Felix and Lura Rush

Chot Harshaw

Conrad Grogan, surveyor

Jay Tamoree

Neighbors in Goshen 1847—1893

Kulshan Jim, Minta Honer’s (Nooksack Indian) foreman in Goshen

Jenny Lind, his wife

Queen of the May, Nooksack wife and mother

Charles Kilcup, miner, her husband

Ardeth, Howard, and Green, their children, later foster children to Minta Drew and Dovie Dorr

Neighbors in Whatcom 1891 1893

Lee McAleer, city treasurer

Street St. Mary, former miner

Arthur Pleasants, land speculator

Mrs. Ordal, dressmaker

Myrtle Ordal, her daughter, schoolteacher

Thor Avidsen, boat builder

BOOK I FISHBURNS

CHAPTER I

Fall, 1855, the settlementcalledWhatcom

The sailor put down the helm and Ada Fishburn felt the boat round up towards the forest. She stood in the bow, a supple young woman wearing a brown shawl and a deep-brimmed sunbonnet that circled her face. She carried her infant son, Glee, in her arms. Without a sound the schooner slipped alongside a sort of dock that met the water from the beach. This dock represented the settlement on Bellingham Bay. Ada Fishburn had been sailing in Puget Sound and along this unbroken forest every day for almost a week. The same forest grew on the islands they passed, too: the trunks rose straight. She had seen enough of this wall of forest to know that even when the sun and all the sky shone full upon it, and the blinding sea glinted up at it, it was always dark.

From behind her on deck Ada heard her older son, Clare, singing a song. Clare was five a right big boy for five, long in the leg bones like his father—and life suited him very well, and he found his enjoyment. She glanced back and saw her husband, Rooney, moving their four barrels, their five crates, their four kegs, and the rolled feather-bed to the rail. Young Clare climbed up on everything barefoot, as fast as Rooney set it down on the deck. Rooney tied the two cows and gave the ropes to Clare to hold, and the boy sang to them, half-dead as they were. Neither man nor boy glanced up to see where he was getting off, which was a mercy, one of few, for she herself scarcely minded where she was since she lost her boy

Charley on the overland road, but she hated to see Rooney downhearted, when he staked his blessed being on this place, and look at it.

Ada and Rooney hauled their possessions off the dock. The baby, Glee, stayed asleep, moving its lips, and missed the whole thing. The schooner sailed on north and left them there.

It was the rough edge of the world, where the trees came smack down to the stones. The shore looked to Ada as if the corner of the continent had got torn off right here, sometime near yesterday, and the dark trees kept on growing like nothing happened. The ocean just filled in the tear and settled down. This was Puget Sound, and some straits that Rooney talked about, and there was not a thing on it or anywhere near it that she could see but some black ducks and humpy green islands. Salt water wet Ada’s shoes if she stood still. Away out south over the water she made out a sharp line of snowcovered mountains. From the boat she had seen a few of such mountains poking up out of nowhere, including a big solitary white mountain that they had sailed towards all morning, that the forest now hid; it looked like its sloping base must start up just back there behind the first couple rows of trees. God might have created such a plunging shore as this before He thought of making people, and then when He thought of making people, He mercifully softened up the land in the palms of his hands wherever He expected them to live, which did not include here.

Rooney inspected the tilting dock. He folded his thin body double and studied the pilings and planks from underneath as if a dock were the wonder of the world. When he stood up again, Ada tried to read his expression, but she never could, for his bushy red beard seemed to grow straight down out of his hat, and only the tip of his nose showed. She watched him tear off some green grass blades at the forest edge and feed them to the spotted cows. Then he disappeared partway up a steep trail near the dock, returned, and set off up the beach.

Ada stayed in the silence with their pile of possessions. Her feather-bed was on top, on the barrels, to keep it dry. She poked one of its corners back in the roll so it would not pick up sand from

the barrels. Deep inside the bonnet, her bow-shaped mouth was grave. Her dark brows almost met above her nose; her eyes were round and black. She made herself look around; her head moved slowly. The beach was a narrow strip of pebbles, stones, and white old logs laid end to end in neat rows like a necklace where the beach met the forest. Young Clare got right to breaking sticks off beach logs and throwing them in the water. Then he ran along the logs, and every time he stopped, Ada saw his bony head looking all around. It was October. The layer of cloud was high and distant, and the beach logs and the quiet water looked silver.

Ada said to herself, “For we are strangers before thee, and sojourners, as were all our fathers: our days on earth are as a shadow, and there is none abiding.” The clouds overhead were still. There were no waves. A fish broke the water’s sheen. It was not quite raining, but everything was wet.

A while later she saw a few frail smokes and some cabins under the trees back of the dock; she missed seeing the cabins at first because they were down among the roots of the trees, and she had been searching too high, thinking the trees were smaller. In all those days of sailing past the trees, she had nothing to size them by. Rooney came back beside her and said nothing. While Ada stared at glassy water and the dark islands near and far, here came an Indian man.

The Indian man, in a plug hat, was paddling a dugout canoe in smooth water alongshore. He had another canoe trailing behind him, and no one in it. He was a smooth-bodied, almost naked man, whose face had a delicate, modest expression. The plug hat sat oddly high on his head. He held a paddle low in one hand, and he pushed its top lightly with the other hand; his round, bulging shoulders moved. The silver water closed smoothly behind his path. Little Clare must have caught sight of him, for he came flying down from the logs to the shore.

The man beached the log canoe. Rooney took the few longlegged steps to the water. Clare marched directly into the water to try to help, and the man looked down at the boy and his wet britches with a trace of smile. He brought the other canoe along-

shore and, wading, lifted the tan grass mats that decked its red interior. What was in this second canoe was feathers. It was white goose feathers, just loose under the mats. Ada looked out at Rooney; his mouth behind his red beard showed nothing, but she could see that he glanced at her from under his hatbrim.

The man came forward and said his name was Chowitzit. They knew he must be a Lummi Indian, for the schooner man said the local people were Lummis, and “right friendly.” He had said, in fact, that the settlement at Whatcom “would have starved to death a dozen times” without the Lummis. Now the Lummi man and Rooney shook hands. He had a wide face and a small nose; he wore an earring made of something pale and hard. He indicated, speaking English in a tender voice and making gestures, that he was selling the feathers. Ada saw that around one of his wrists was a tattooed bracelet of black dots. He said that the price of the whole canoeload of feathers was “two cups of molasses.” If they needed less than the whole canoeload, they could just take what they needed. He barely moved his lips when he spoke. His voice lilted.

They had just debarked from a schooner full of molasses; they had two kegs of molasses right there on the beach; everybody in their wagon train had molasses. They had molasses when they had no water. Molasses was plenty cheap for them, that is, but on the other hand, they needed no feathers. Rooney told the fellow no, and thanked him. He added that they could use fresh fish or meat or vegetables if he could get them. He could. Rooney thanked him again, and his high voice cracked. It was all coming home to Rooney here, Ada thought, where one powerful effort was ending, and another was beginning.

They tied the cows and left their outfit on the beach. Chowitzit led them up the hillside on a short trail through the woods by a creek. From behind Rooney, Ada watched Chowitzit’s sure feet on the steep trail. In the past six months she had engaged in a great many acts of commerce with a great many native men of many tribes, and had accustomed herself to the sight of grown men’s buttocks. Clare ran on ahead, ran back, and said, “Here’s a house,”

which she could plainly see, a log house across the creek from what she knew was Felix Rush’s sawmill.

The log house was low in the forest, and there were stumps and slash smoking all around it in the dirt. The door was open. Chowitzit walked straight inside, and the Fishburns hung back on the bare ground. Ada glimpsed a blue apron, a white woman’s face. She heard the woman greet the bare-legged Chowitzit with glad sounds, and they started talking. Then the woman came out, all smiling and showing her long gums, and caught hold of Ada, hauled her inside, and began to weep. She put her arms around her, and Ada gave in to weeping too. The baby woke up and commenced to bawl. Rooney went out to have a look at the mill.

Chowitzit had taken off his hat in the house, and Ada saw that the top of his head was flattened into a wedge, so his forehead sloped back. He and the woman, who was Mrs. Lura Rush, made a stir over puny Glee equally, as if neither had ever encountered such a thing as a baby.

CHAPTER II

That night, Ada lay on her feather-bed on the Rushes’ floor. Rooney slept in a blanket beside her. She thought Clare was likely sleeping in the corner with the Rushes’ children they had a striking blackhaired little girl named Pearl, and a baby boy. Felix Rush had come in for dinner at dusk. It was Felix Rush who had bought the land and obtained Chowitzit’s permission to build the mill the settlement grew up around; he owned the schooner that brought them. He turned out to be a stocky, animated fellow from Ohio who walked in jerks. He wore an opened vest, and kept saying “shirr” for “sure.” He passed his boyhood on a Great Lakes schooner, he told them, shipping lumber to Sault Sainte Marie. That very night he gave Rooney a job at his sawmill, and they seemed fairly launched. Ada reflected that at daybreak this morning she had never clapped eyes on any Lura Rush nor Felix Rush either, and tonight they were all her world. They acted decent, more than decent, and they looked almighty glad to have company, which was just as well, for they had it.

Ada opened her eyes and saw black darkness over the room. There was a bit of color, a burnt red, that spread from the dying fire, and by its glow she made out a log stool by her head. Nothing stirred. Whenever things calmed down like this, Ada’s mind became aware of the prayer that her heart cried out to God all day and maybe all night, too, that He would lend her strength to bear affliction and go on. She was not aware that underneath she prayed

another prayer, too, as if to a power above God or at least to His better nature: that He was finished with the worst of it.

Her boy Charley was the worst of it, for she had not braced herself for life back then, a few months ago; she did not know how life could be, how it could dish you between one step and another. She had been a merry girl, and although traveling the overland road was hard most of the time, she had a head for adventure. Clare was five years old and Charley was three, and the road was taking their big train along the Sweetwater River. Charley fell out of the wagon and their own wheels ran him over, one big wooden wheel after the other, and he burst inwardly and died. There was no time to stop the oxen up ahead, though she shouted out and Rooney turned around and said, “What?” while the wheels ran straight over Charley’s middle, before he could get away.

He was such a well-favored boy, people used to say he would be breaking hearts someday—when what they meant was, he was breaking their hearts right now, the way his green eyes sized up a person, and his mouth was so wide and dark, and his hair stood up in front. He was a little buck-toothed, and he had big teeth. She knew she should not love a child for being so pleasing to look at; she knew it at the time. There could be a statute about Thou shalt not go looking at a child every minute, and certainly there was Thou shalt have no other god before me: that might have been why he got run over, but it was harsh. Charley had never been a god to her, but just a boy, a beloved son that God of all people should know about, and know that a person’s beloved son was not a god like God’s was, but just an ordinary human child, which is how life goes on, if He will let it.

On the floor beside Ada, Rooney started to snore. The red firelight was gone, and the darkness was complete. Ada reckoned that intervening between her and the heavenly bodies there was her blanket, the house’s log purlins and its shake roof, the stiff boughs of the forest, and the cover of cloud. She wished there were a sight more.

Charley had been riding with her in the front wagon; the back wagon held all their tools, grain, and furniture, and bacon and

molasses and water in barrels. Clare was larking off somewhere up ahead in the train, and Rooney walked ahead with the oxen. When Charley got too lively in the wagon, Rooney carried him, although he was three years old and Rooney’s curly beard tickled his neck. Some of those men in their train carried their little ones in their arms most of two thousand miles; they were good farmers who understood about carrying live things. That morning Charley was riding in the wagon right beside her, and she was looking at the neat curve of his forehead—he had a narrow forehead that curved so, it looked like you could cup it in your hand like a ball—and he stood up, and over the board he went, and into the rut.

Their train had eight hundred head of people and three thousand head of stock; it took a week just to cross it all over the Missouri River. They outspanned, bunched up waiting, crossed, inspanned, and spread out again, and the oxen pulled two yokes to a wagon. Oxen were slow, but they were strong, and they took one step after another. Oxen proceeded at the same steady walk boosting up a mountainside or traveling a plain; they were like locomotives that ran on grass and turned wheels.

“The oxen are bearing the brunt of it,” people said every day. “The oxen are meek, and patient, and strong, and we thank God for their strength and pray they hold out.” The day Rooney first bought the teams, Ada walked around the four beasts and looked into their eyes and found nothing there—just shine and brown, like wet boots. When Rooney was busy she drove the team herself. She sat on the wagon and called out, “Up, Maude” and “Up, Bright,” and tapped them with the whip—“Up now, up. Up!” She tapped all four of them on their white hipbones, which looked like shifting mountains. Whether she tapped or not, when the cow column ahead moved, the teams all down the line started up, and the wagons rolled, and there was no stopping them.

When they buried Charley under an arching cottonwood tree by the Sweetwater River, the spade turned up big bones and worse, for it was a good tree to be buried under, if you had to be buried, and

the emigrants who came before them on the road picked it, too. Rooney held his hat and bowed his thin head and said a few words over the hole, and they rolled on, lest they hold up the train. A few days later Glee was born, and they were still pegging along the Sweetwater River. Rooney thought of naming the baby Wyoming for the territory where he was born on the overland road, but although she, Ada, did not then care about a thing in this world, she rose up on her white feather-bed and said no, so they named him Gleason after her side. He was so small she kept him in an empty bacon barrel, and she took no great personal interest in him; she knew it.

He woke now, on the Rushes’ floor, and Ada burrowed down in the shifting feather-bed to find his face. This feather-bed had turned into a sorry joke.

She and Rooney had carried the white feather-bed over the emigrant road with them in the wagon for six months. When the oxen turned up lame, they abandoned the other wagon and lightened their load by the Snake. Rooney wanted to keep the feather-bed, because a man could sleep on the ground but a lady needed a feather-bed, and Ada agreed. It had been her mother’s, back home in southern Illinois. Her mother had brought it from Pennsylvania, and it was the finest thing in the farmhouse—white muslin stuffed with expensive goose feathers from the Chesapeake. Her mother gave it to her as a wedding present. The feather-bed was a frill that took up half the wagon and was a caution to keep dry on river crossings, but she was a lady, and she could continue to live like a white woman in Washington Territory. She and Rooney hauled the feather-bed in the wagon from Council Bluffs, Missouri, over two thousand miles of desert and mountains. They walked the featherbed over country so poor, Rooney said, “There’s just a thin sheet of sandpaper between this country and hell.” They rushed the featherbed over the Elkhorn River’s quicksand; they dragged the featherbed in the wagon over the Rocky Mountains, which they could see for a month before they got there. They floated it in the caulked wagon across the same river eight times, which took the fun out of it. She lay on it breathless and bashed when Charley was taken. She gave birth to Glee on it. She and Rooney ferried this feather-bed

over the Columbia River, and they winched and pulleyed it up and over the Blue Mountains in Oregon, which were the living worst; they had to yoke up the heifers to help.

Then today on the shore, that man Chowitzit offered them a canoeload of feathers for two cups of molasses. At that price, Ada thought, she could whipstitch up feather-beds for every mother’s child in the world.

Rooney and Ada stayed at the Rushes’ all winter, mending from the trip. They ate dried salmon and dried peas, and got used to the trees. The trees were mostly Douglas firs. A big fir was seventeen feet through the trunk, and they all grew right close together, so you needed to turn sideways and tamp your skirt to pass between them. Among the firs grew some cedars the size of silos. Ada marveled to see robins the size of ducks, ivy leaves the size of plates, maple leaves the size of platters. Glossy shrubs and thick grass sprang up everywhere, and grew all winter, grew through the log walls and in the door and up through the floor; Ada and Rooney never saw the like.

During their first weeks on the Sound, they studied the settlement as sightseers, and said to each other wonderingly, “Look at these people: they just live here on salmon and clams, as their children will too, for whole ages; they live and die on this isolated coast like gulls, as if there were no other place in the world.” Soon they both forgot this view, and joined the life, which now seemed purposeful, and even central. Their own Lummis, as they put it, revealed their separate natures like anyone else, and the Fishburns began to pride themselves on their good fortune, to have taken up with amiable people.

Rooney filed on a beachfront claim of 320 acres a mile north, but he could not work on it as much as he wanted to. The U.S. Army and the Nisqually and Yakima tribes east of the mountains were heating up for a war. The territorial governor reckoned it was cheaper to feed the Lummis than fight them, and so he made the big Lummi winter village on Gooseberry Point a reservation. The

Lummi reservation abutted the bay settlement to the north. At the same time, northern warriors were paddling down from Canadian lands; they were raiding tribal and immigrant houses indiscriminately, and stealing, shooting, and beheading folks. “Sometimes around here,” Felix Rush remarked to Rooney, “it gets almighty western.” Rooney spent his days with the other Whatcom men, building a stockade to shelter the settlers from the northern raiders. He had to.

Work on the stockade ended with darkness at four o’clock. When Rooney came in there were twigs in his bushy beard, and sawdust all over him. He went out again directly after dinner and walked up the beach to their claim, taking Clare—the long, steady, light-limbed man and the bony boy. He tried cutting trees on his claim by lantern light, but it was no go; the Lummi men he worked with had gone home and it took two men to stand on the platform six or eight feet up the trunk and swing axes. A single ax swung from the ground did nothing; it just gummed up in the pitchy, foot-thick bark near the ground. Rooney could, however, adze a scaled log by lantern light, so he did. Rooney adzed logs; young Clare held the light. Clare’s arm hurt, but he loved to keep company with the motionless, live tree trunks, and he loved to watch pale chips curl and fly off the log and into the dark. Clare and Rooney carried armfuls of bark back to the Rushes for fuel. A flake of fir bark was the size of what Rooney used to call, back in Illinois, a log; it burned hot, wet or dry. It was always wet.

When he was a boy in southern Illinois, Rooney worked with plows and cows. He had just spent six months on the overland road working with oxen. Here he saw he was going to spend the rest of his life working with logs. It was not work a man could hurry, though he looked forward to getting out of the Rushes’ laps and establishing himself on his own claim. His nature fitted him for living frugally and biding his time. He had become a man when he learned the chief fact of life, which is to take it slow and steady. Few things amazed him more than the evidence that other men had failed to grasp this.

Ada and Rooney learned the local politics quick, which were that the northern Indian tribes from the Canadian and Alaskan coast were wiping the Lummis out. They had already wiped out the Semiahmoo people from the Sound. There were about six hundred and fifty Lummis living here along Bellingham Bay, which lands they stole from the Nooksacks because it was safer living on the mainland than on the islands where they lived before. These were skilled, peace-loving canoe people who ate salmon, venison, camas bulbs, and clams. They had no chiefs until the whites needed chiefs to sign treaties. Like the other seven or eight thousand Indian people on Puget Sound, they lived in dread of the northern Haidas, the Kwakiutls, and the Stikeens.

The northern tribes carved big totem poles; they were so rich they burned food for show. Russian traders had armed them with rifles and powder. Summer was their raiding season. This past summer, as every summer, the northern warriors had swooped down the Strait of Georgia in fifty-man seagoing canoes and ransacked the Lummis for slaves. Chowitzit told Rooney that five hundred Lummis lived captive with northern tribes, as slaves. The Lummis were exposed on the beaches wherever they lived, for they netted and dried the summer chinook salmon that ran in July, and the sockeye that peaked in August. The beleaguered Lummis built houses underground and concealed their entrances; there they fled when northern raiding canoes appeared on the bay. Chowitzit and the other big men, like Old Pollen, Whilano, and his brother Yellow Kanim, welcomed the Fishburns, as they had welcomed the Rushes, bachelors like Jay Tamoree, and everyone else: they had guns and ammunition.

Indian men from many coastal tribes worked in the lumber mill or the coal mine. Their languages were mutually unintelligible, so everyone used the jargon—Chinook, the trade language people spoke on the coast from California to Alaska. Lively little Clare picked it right up, and chattered to everyone in sight. The language comprised only three hundred words, so it was simple to learn; on the other hand, Ada complained, it was difficult to say anything the least bit interesting. The coastal natives called all the white settlers

the “Bostons,” except for those up in the Canadian colony, whom they called the “King Georges.” Ada and Rooney marveled at the vivid and amusing names that the settlers stuck on the locals: Napoleon Boom was a Skagit; the Duke of York and his wife, Queen Victoria, were Clallam Indians who lived on a big rancheree at Port Townsend. There was Black Moses, King Frisi, the Jack of Clubs, and Billy Clams. Most men were Jim. Very few settlers knew by what names, with what meanings, the Lummis referred to them.

One November night after a supper of dried salmon and potatoes, the Fishburns sat in the Rushes’ dark cabin drinking coffee made from burnt toast. Their son Clare was out roaming the windy beach with little Pearl Rush in the dark. Inside, Lura trimmed the rag in the oil lamp they called the “bitch light.” Felix and Rooney fed the fire and smoked pipes full of tobacco the schooner had brought. They had seen nothing of Chowitzit for a few days. Other Lummis were always in and out, mostly in; Ada had spent the past few weeks protesting in vain when three or four men picked up baby Glee, unwrapped him, and examined him all over. They made fun of Lura, she told Rooney, when she sang to her own baby. Neither she nor Lura could turn around in the house without bumping into a Lummi. The men walked in and without a word watched them cook and clean; they watched little Pearl, three, sweep the floor as if she were a play on a stage. Ada could not fully reconcile herself, she said, to working all day among a crowd of curious, half-naked men, God’s creatures though they may have been, which she sometimes doubted. One—Billy Tom—wore a leather breechclout and a felt top hat. He was a warm and confiding man who loved most everyone he knew, but still, it unnerved her. Some old-timers wore nothing but a woven waistband.

Not only that, Lura put in, but the Lummis were Catholics, and they crossed themselves left and right. Felix and Rooney listened, exchanging a glance, and Felix stirred the fire. The possibility of war was real. The Lummis had been their good friends so far, and the women knew it. What they wore did not pertain.

Ada Fishburn looked at Rooney’s wild red beard in the firelight. He was usually asleep by now. One of his galluses had slipped off his shoulder. She knew that, whatever she said, she was in fact getting used to the Lummis, and altering her views to fit the living people at hand. She was getting used to their flattened skulls; at first she thought all the high-class Lummis looked like woodpeckers. She was getting used to their soft, liquid voices, and their habit of conversing with their eyes closed. It seemed like a person could get used to anything, except having Charley run over before her eyes and being still gone every morning and all day.

“They mean no harm on earth,” Lura went on she smiled her gummy smile—“but sometimes they are right queer outfits.”

Ada listened, tilting her round head. She was wearing the tightwaisted, square-bosomed dress of checked green flannel that she wore all winter, and a sooty white apron.

“Two summers ago,” Lura said, when the Lummis filled the house daily as usual, their spotted dogs “used to spree around” her garden. Lura expressly told the Lummis that she did not want the dogs spreeing around the garden, but nothing changed. One day the Lummi dogs were “ripping up” her flower patch, and she mentioned it rather forcefully to the solid man they knew as Striking Jim, who was sitting by the stove with the other men in a clump, watching Pearl sweep. Striking Jim rose, laughing, and all the Lummis went outside. They called the dogs to them, shouting their names and bending over, “the way anyone would call dogs.”

The four or five spotted dogs came bounding to the Lummis, who commenced to beat them all to death, laughing with “So sorry, ma’am!” expressions. Lura and little Pearl tried to stop it, but the Lummis carried on. They clubbed all the dogs with sticks and logs, and threw their bodies on the woodpile.

“That is not what I meant,” Lura explained again to Ada and the men. Ada nodded. It was going to take some more getting used to. Of course, she expected some differences of custom; the Lummis were Catholics, after all.

CHAPTER III

The children came in from the beach ruddy and chilled. Clare was dragging a dozen bull kelps by their bulbs. He was thin as a switch, five years old, a live beat; his bony face glowed with vitality. He pulled the bull kelps happily right back outside as requested, and left a trail of sandy water on the floor. Pearl, who was a tearing browneyed beauty at a very tender age, warmed her hands at the fireplace, and blocked the heat; Lura sent them all to bed in the corner. The low flame lighting the cabin flared fitfully, and illumined first one face, then another.

Lura was reminiscing about Ohio when a scream came from the woods behind the cabin. They all knew it was a pig; it was screaming blue murder. All the pigs screamed like that, when bears picked them up.

The children popped up in their bedding; the men got their rifles. The Rushes let their pigs loose to scratch out their living in the woods, for they had nothing to feed them. The bears learned which woods had pigs, and came down to cart them off. You could not keep a pig to save your life; this was the Rushes’ last pig in the world.

Rooney and Felix tore out like sixty; they found the bear in moonlight, twisting into the trees, running away on two feet. It carried the screaming, kicking pig under one arm. The men routinely lit out after stolen pigs with rifles, but this was the first night they were quick enough. Felix took aim and shot the bear in the back and head with his Henry repeating rifle. The dark bear ran on for a while,

then hauled over dead by a mossy trunk. Rooney was quick enough to catch the pig the bear dropped. They dressed the bear out by lantern on the fir-needle forest floor where it fell. They cut out the acorn gland in its knees, which made the good meat taste awful. Ada stuffed the meat into sacks to hang out overnight. She knew that tomorrow morning the adults would post the children to invite the Lummis for a bear-meat feast on the beach for the Lummis loved it so dearly, and there was always so much. Some coastal women dried long bear-meat muscles, separated strands into hanks of three, and braided them for snacks; the men carried the braids around in bags like Clare thought scalps. Everyone on the beach invited the Lummis when someone killed a bear.

Before dawn the next morning Chowitzit walked into the Rushes’ house barefoot. Chowitzit’s wide face was serious above the straight column of his wrapped red trade blanket. Ada had recently decided there was an air of greatness to the man. She had never seen any human being so plainly attached to all his family and him a chief, a tyee. Even undercutting a cedar with an ax, even joking in a kind voice with Rooney, or bringing to the door a bag of salmon, he seemed to move and speak deliberately, as if he had clouds of power in there he let out just a speck at a time, as he judged fitting. Now he touched hands with the men in their beds. He brought a message: The territorial governor was calling for volunteers to hold the country east of the mountains against the Indian tribes until army regulars showed up. All the “Bostons” from here to Olympia were signing on. The Lummis naturally hoped the Bostons on the bay would join, too. So saying, Chowitzit gave a kingly nod, unwrapped his blanket, relaxed, smiled, opened a skin bag, and produced two rattling strings of dried clams. Lura heated up the peas porridge.

Rooney joined the volunteers, Company H, Second Regiment. He drew the happy assignment of staying in Whatcom to guard the coal mine; it was the only coal mine on the northern coast, and steamers needed coal. That winter, the settlers moved into the stockade. Later

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explanatory text for the steel engravings then fashionable as “embellishments”; sometimes they are humorous renderings of recent events;13 more commonly they are painstaking studies,— Delia Bacon’s, for instance, or Charlotte Sedgwick’s, in the setting of American Colonial and Revolutionary history; most commonly of all, whether native or foreign, modern or mediæval, they are thoroughgoing romances, running often into swash-buckling and almost always into melodrama.14 The tendency to melodramatic variety, with the typical looseness of romanticism, then everywhere dominant in letters, held the historical sketches back from compactness, or even definiteness, of form.15 So clever a writer as Hall leaves many of his historical pieces with the ends loose, as mere sketches for novels. The theoretical difference between a novelette and a short story16 is thus practically evident throughout this phase of the annuals in lack of focus.

Still the studies of historical environment were more promising in themselves and also confirmed that attempt to realise the locality, as it were, of the present or the immediate past which emerges as genre or local color. The intention of Miss Sedgwick’s Reminiscence of Federalism (1835) is the same as that of Miss Wilkins’s stories of the same environment. Her Mary Dyre comes as near in form as Hawthorne’s Gentle Boy to extracting the essence of Quakerdom. Where her studies fail is in that vital intensity which depends most of all on compression of place and time. Now an easier way toward this was open through the more descriptive sketch of local manners. To realise the genius of a place is a single aim; to keep the tale on the one spot is almost a necessity; to keep it within a brief time by focusing on one significant situation is a further counsel of unity which, though it had not occurred to American writers often, could not be long delayed. Thus, before 1835, Albert Pike had so far focused his picturesque incidents of New Mexico as to burn an impression of that colored frontier life; and James Hall, in spite of the bungling, unnecessary time-lapse, had so turned his French Village (1829) as to give a single picture of French colonial manners.

Hawthorne, indeed, had gone further His affecting Wives of the Dead (1832) is brought within the compass of a single night. If the significance of this experiment was clear to Hawthorne, then he must have abandoned deliberately what Poe seized as vital; for he recurred to the method but now and then. The trend of his work is quite different. But there is room to believe that the significance of the form escaped him; for as to literary method, as to form, Hawthorne seems not to see much farther than the forgotten writers whose tales stand beside his in the annuals. An obvious defect of these short fictions is in measure. The writers do not distinguish between what will make a good thirty-page story and what will make a good three-hundred-page story. They cannot gauge their material. Austin’s Peter Rugg is too long for its best effect; it is definitely a short-story plot. Many of the others are far too short for any clear effect; they are definitely not short-story plots, but novel plots; they demand development of character or revolution of incidents.

Aristotle’s distinction between simple and complex plots17 underlies the difference between the two modern forms. Now even Hawthorne seems not quite aware of this difference. The conception of Roger Malvin’s Burial (1832) demands more development of character than is possible within its twenty-eight pages. The sense of artistic unity appears in the expiation at the scene of guilt; but the deficiency of form also appears in the long time-lapse. Alice Doane’s Appeal (1835) is the hint of a tragedy, a conception not far below that of the Scarlet Letter. For lack of scope the tragic import is obscured by trivial description; it cannot emerge from the awkward mechanism of a tale within a tale; it remains partial, not entire. Like Alice Doane, Ethan Brand is conceived as the culmination of a novel. To say that either might have taken form as a short story is not to belittle Hawthorne’s art, but to indicate his preference of method. Ethan Brand achieves a picturesqueness more vivid than is usual in Hawthorne’s shorter pieces. The action begins, as in Hawthorne it does not often begin, at once. The narrative skill appears in the delicate and thoroughly characteristic device of the little boy; but imagine the increase of purely narrative interest if Hawthorne had focused this tale as he focused The White Old Maid; and then imagine The White Old Maid itself composed without the superfluous

lapse of time, like The Wives of the Dead That Hawthorne seems not to have realised distinctly the proper scope of the short story, and further that he did not follow its typical mode when that mode seems most apt,—both these inferences are supported by the whole trend of his habit.

For Hawthorne’s genius was not bent in the direction of narrative form. Much of his characteristic work is rather descriptive,—Sunday at Home, Sights from a Steeple, Main Street, The Village Uncle,—to turn over the leaves of his collections is to be reminded how many of his short pieces are like these.18 Again, his habitual symbolism is handled quite unevenly, without narrative sureness. At its best it has a fine, permeating suggestiveness, as in The Ambitious Guest; at its worst, as in Fancy’s Show Box, it is moral allegory hardly above the children’s page of the religious weekly journal. Lying between these two extremes, a great bulk of his short fictions shows imperfect command of narrative adjustments. The delicate symbolism of David Swan is introduced, like fifty pieces in the annuals, whose authors were incapable of Hawthorne’s fancy, by formal exposition of the meaning. The poetry of the Snow Image is crudely embodied, and has also to be expounded after the tale is done. The lovely morality of the Great Stone Face has a form almost as for a sermon. The point for consideration is not the ultimate merit of Hawthorne’s tales, but simply the tendency of their habit of form. For this view it is important to remember also his bent toward essay. Description and essay, separately and together, sum up the character of much of his work that was evidently most spontaneous. Perhaps nothing that Hawthorne wrote is finer or more masterly than the introduction to the Scarlet Letter. For this one masterpiece who would not give volumes of formally perfect short stories? Yet if it is characteristic of his genius,—and few would deny that it is,—it suggests strongly why the development of a new form of narrative was not for him. This habit of mind explains why the Marble Faun, for all the beauty of its parts, fails to hold the impulse of its highly imaginative conception in singleness of artistic form. In his other long pieces Hawthorne did not so fail. The form of the novel he felt; and it gave him room for that discursiveness which is equally natural to him and delightful to his

readers. But the form of the short story, though he achieved it now and again—as often in his early work as in his later—he seems not to have felt distinctly. And, whether he felt it or not, his bent and preference were not to carry it forward.

II. POE’S INVENTION OF THE SHORT STORY

For the realisation and development of the short-story form lying there in posse, the man of the hour was Poe. Poe could write trenchant essays; he turned sometimes to longer fictions; but he is above all, in his prose, a writer of short stories. For this work was he born. His artistic bent unconsciously, his artistic skill consciously, moved in this direction. In theory and in practice he displayed for America and for the world19 a substantially new literary form. What is there in the form, then, of Poe’s tales which, marking them off from the past, marks them as models for the future? Primarily Poe, as a literary artist, was preoccupied with problems of construction. More than any American before him he felt narrative as structure;—not as interpretation of life, for he lived within the walls of his own brain; not as presentation of character or of locality, for there is not in all his tales one man, one woman, and the stage is “out of space, out of time”; but as structure. His chief concern was how to reach an emotional effect by placing and building. When he talked of literary art, he talked habitually in terms of construction. When he worked, at least he planned an ingeniously suspended solution of incidents; for he was always pleased with mere solutions, and he was master of the detective story. At best he planned a rising edifice of emotional impressions, a work of creative, structural imagination.

This habit of mind, this artistic point of view, manifests itself most obviously in harmonisation. Every detail of setting and style is selected for its architectural fitness. The Poe scenery is remarkable not more for its original, phantasmal beauty or horror than for the strictness of its keeping. Like the landscape gardening of the Japanese, it is in each case very part of its castle of dreams. Its

contrivance to further the mood may be seen in the use of a single physical detail as a recurring dominant,—most crudely in the dreadful teeth of Berenice, more surely in the horse of Metzengerstein and the sound of Morella’s name, most subtly in the wondrous eyes of Ligeia. These recurrences in his prose are like the refrain of which he was so fond in his verse. And the scheme of harmonisation includes every smallest detail of style. Poe’s vocabulary has not the amplitude of Hawthorne’s; but in color and in cadence, in suggestion alike of meaning and of sound, its smaller compass is made to yield fuller answer in declaring and sustaining and intensifying the required mood. Even in 1835, the first year of his conscious prose form, the harmonising of scene and of diction had reached this degree:—

“But one autumnal evening, when the winds lay still in heaven, Morella called me to her bedside. There was a dim mist over all the earth, and a warm glow upon the waters; and, amid the rich October leaves of the forest, a rainbow from the firmament had surely fallen.

“‘It is a day of days,’ she said, as I approached; ‘a day of all days either to live or die. It is a fair day for the sons of earth and life—ah, more fair for the daughters of heaven and death!’

“I kissed her forehead, and she continued:

“‘I am dying; yet shall I live.’

“‘Morella!’

“‘The days have never been when thou couldst love me—but her whom in life thou didst abhor, in death thou shalt adore.’

“‘Morella!’

“‘I repeat that I am dying. But within me is a pledge of that affection—ah, how little!—which thou didst feel for me, Morella. And when my spirit departs shall the child live—thy child and mine, Morella’s.’”

It is almost the last word of adaptation.

Yet in all this Poe simply did better what his predecessors had done already His harmonising of scene, of style, was no new thing. The narrative form itself needed more artistic adjustment. To begin with what now seems to us the commonest and most obvious defect, the narrative mood and the narrative progress must not be disturbed by introductory exposition. Not only the ruck of writers for the annuals, but even Irving, but even sometimes Hawthorne, seem unable to begin a story forthwith. They seem fatally constrained to lay down first a bit of essay. Whether it be an adjuration to the patient reader to mind the import, or a morsel of philosophy for a text, or a bridge from the general to the particular, or an historical summary, or a humorous intimation, it is like the juggler’s piece of carpet; it must be laid down first. Poe’s intolerance of anything extraneous demanded that this be cut off. And though since his time many worthy tales have managed to rise in spite of this inarticulate member, the best art of the short story, thanks to his surgery, has gained greatly in impulse. One can almost see Poe experimenting from tale to tale. In Berenice he charged the introduction with mysterious suggestion; that is, he used it like an overture; he made it integral. In Morella, the point of departure being similar, the theme is struck more swiftly and surely, and the action begins more promptly. In King Pest, working evidently for more rapid movement, he began with lively description. Metzengerstein recurs to the method of Berenice; but Ligeia and Usher, the summit of his achievement, have no introduction, nor have more than two or three of the typical tales that follow.

“True! nervous—very, very dreadfully nervous, I had been and am; but why will you say that I am mad? The disease had sharpened my senses—not destroyed—not dulled them. Above all was the sense of hearing acute. I heard all things in the heaven and in the earth. I heard many things in hell. How, then, am I mad? Hearken! and observe how healthily—how calmly I can tell you the whole story.”

The Tell-Tale Heart (1843).

Every one feels the force for this tale of this method of beginning; and to many story-readers of to-day it may seem obvious; but it was Poe, more than any one else, who taught us to begin so.

The idea of this innovation was negatively to reject what is from the point of view of narrative form extraneous; positively it was to make the narrative progress more direct. And the evident care to simplify the narrative mechanism for directness of effect is the clue to Poe’s advance in form, and his most instructive contribution to technic. This principle explains more fully his method of setting the scene. The harmonisation is secured mainly by suppression. The tale is stripped of every least incongruity. In real life emotion is disturbed, confused, perhaps thwarted; in art it cannot be interpreted without arbitrary simplification; in Poe’s art the simplification brooks no intrusive fact. We are kept in a dreamland that knows no disturbing sound. The emotion has no more friction to overcome than a body in a vacuum. For Poe’s directness is not the directness of spontaneity; it has nothing conversational or “natural”; it is the directness of calculation. So he had little occasion to improve his skill in dialogue. Dialogue is the artistic imitation of real life. He had little use for it. His best tales are typically conducted by monologue in the first person. What he desired, what he achieved, what his example taught, was reduction to a straight, predetermined course. Everything that might hinder this consistency were best away. So, as he reduced his scene to proper symbols, he reduced it also, in his typical tales, to one place. Change of place, lapse of time, are either excluded as by the law of the classical unities,20 or, if they are admitted, are never evident enough to be remarked. What this meant as a lesson in form can be appreciated only by inspecting the heavy machinery that sank many good tales before him. What it means in ultimate import is the peculiar value and the peculiar limitation of the short story—in a word, its capacity as a literary form. The simplification that he set forth is the way to intensity; but perhaps Hawthorne saw that it might be the way to artificiality

The history, then, of the short story—the feeling after the form, the final achievement, will yield the definition of the form. The practical process of defining by experiment compiles most surely the

theoretical definition. And to complete this definition it is safe to scrutinise the art of Poe in still other aspects. His structure, appearing as harmonisation and as simplification, appears also as gradation. That the incidents of a tale should be arranged as progressive to a climax is an elementary narrative principle not so axiomatic in the practice, at least, of Poe’s time as to bind without the force of his example. Even his detective stories, in their ingenious suspense and their swift and steady mounting to climax, were a lesson in narrative. But this is the least of his skill. The emotional and spiritual effects that he sought as his artistic birthright could be achieved only by adjustments far more subtle. The progressive heightening of the style corresponds to a nice order of small details more and more significant up to the final intensity of revelation. Little suggestion is laid to suggestion until the great hypnotist has us in the mood to hear and feel what he will. It is a minute process, and it is unhurried; but it is not too slow to be accomplished within what before him would have seemed incredible brevity. The grading of everything to scale and perspective, that the little whole may be as complete, as satisfying, as any larger whole— nay, that any larger treatment may seem, for the time of comparison, too broad and coarse,—this is Poe’s finer architecture. But for him we should hardly have guessed what might be done in fifteen pages; but for him we should not know so clearly that the art of fifteen pages is not the art of a hundred and fifty.

Berenice casts a shadow first from the fatal library, chamber of doubtful lore, of death, of birth, of pre-natal recollection “like a shadow—vague, variable, indefinite, unsteady; and like a shadow, too, in the impossibility of my getting rid of it while the sunlight of my reason shall exist.” The last words deepen the shadow. Then the “boyhood in books” turns vision into reality, reality into vision. Berenice flashes across the darkened stage, and pines, and falls into trances, “disturbing even the identity of her person.” While the light from her is thus turning to darkness, the visionary’s morbid attentiveness is warped toward a monomania of brooding over trivial single objects. For the sake of the past and visionary Berenice betrothed with horror to the decaying real Berenice, he is riveted in brooding upon her person—her emaciation—her face—her lips—her

teeth. The teeth are his final curse. The rest is madness, realised too horribly, but with what final swiftness of force! No catalogue of details can convey the effect of this gradation of eight pages. Yet Berenice is Poe’s first and crudest elaboration. The same static art in the same year moves Morella more swiftly through finer and surer degrees to a perfectly modulated close in five pages. His next study, still of the same year, is in the grotesque. The freer and more active movement of King Pest shows his command of the kinetic short story of incident as well as of the static short story of intensifying emotion. By the next year he had contrived to unite in Metzengerstein the two processes, culminating intensity of feeling and culminating swiftness of action for a direct stroke of terror and retribution. By 1836 Poe knew his art; he had only to refine it. Continuing to apply his method of gradation in both modes, he gained his own peculiar triumphs in the static,—in a situation developed by exquisite gradation of such infinitesimal incidents as compose Berenice to an intense climax of emotional suggestion, rather than in a situation developed by gradation of events to a climax of action. But in both he disclosed the fine art of the short story in drawing down everything to a point.

For all this was comprehended in Poe’s conception of unity. All these points of technical skill are derived from what he showed to be the vital principle of the short story, its defining mark,—unity of impression through strict unity of form. “Totality of interest,” an idea caught from Schlegel, he laid down first as the principle of the short poem, 21 and then as the principle of the tale.22 And what this theory of narrative should imply in practice is seen best in Poe. For Hawthorne, though he too achieves totality of interest, is not so surely a master of it precisely because he is not so sure of the technic. His symbolism is often unified, as it were, by logical summary; for Poe’s symbolism summary would be an impertinence. Poe’s harmonisation, not otherwise, perhaps, superior to Hawthorne’s, is more instructive as being more strictly the accord of every word with one constantly dominant impression. His simplification of narrative mechanism went in sheer technical skill beyond the skill of any previous writer in opening a direct course to a single revealing climax. His gradation, too, was a progressive

heightening and a nice drawing to scale. All this means that he divined, realised, formulated the short story as a distinct form of art. Before him was the tale, which, though by chance it might attain selfconsistency, was usually and typically incomplete, either a part or an outline sketch; from his brain was born the short story as a complete, finished, and self-sufficing whole.

III. A GLANCE AT DERIVATION

ANCIENT TALES, MEDIÆVAL TALES, THE MODERN FRENCH SHORT STORY

Milesian Tales.

The nice questions of literary derivation cannot be finally answered for the tale, any more than for other literary forms, without large citation and analysis in particular. But, pending fuller discussion, a general survey of the typical late Greek, late Latin, and mediæval forms is full of suggestion. Stories being primarily for pleasure and the pleasures of decadent Greece being largely carnal, it can give no long amazement to find that the tales popular along the Mediterranean of the Seleucids and the Ptolemies were erotic and often frankly obscene. Known as Milesian23 tales, doubtless from the bad eminence of some collection in the Ionian city of pleasure, they set a fashion for those Roman studies in the naturally and the unnaturally sexual of which the Satyricon24 of Petronius may stand as a type. The famous tale of the Matron of Ephesus, which has more consistency than most of this collection, reveals at once how far such pieces went in narrative form. Clearly a capital plot for a short story, it is just as clearly not a short story, but only a plot. It is as it were a narrative sketch or study, like the scenario for a play. And in this it is like many other tales of its class.

The rest, the majority, are simply anecdote.25 They are such stories as men of free life and free speech have in all ages told after dinner. That is their character of subject; that is their capacity of form. Speaking broadly, then, the short tales of antiquity are never short stories in our modern sense. They are either anecdote or scenario.

Daphnis and Chloe, Aucassin and Nicolette.

Of the longer tale of antiquity a convenient type is the Daphnis and Chloe ascribed to Longus. A plot no less ancient than that of the foundling reared in simple life and ultimately reclaimed by noble parents receives

from the Greek author the form of a pastoral26 romance, with episodes, complications, and a fairy-tale ending. Its form, then, is essentially the same as the form of Aucassin and Nicolette, Florus and Jehane, Amis and Amile, and other typical short romances of the middle age. Between such short romances and the modern short story there is the same difference of form as between Chaucer’s tale of the Man of Law, which is one of the former, and his tale of the Pardoner, which foreshadows how such material may be handled in the way of the latter. For Chaucer, as in his Troilus and Criseyde he anticipates the modern novel, so in his Pardoner anticipates the modern short story. The middle age and the Renaissance, even antiquity,27 show isolated, sporadic instances of short story, whether in prose or in verse; but these are apart from the drift of the time. Aside from such sporadic cases, the longer mediæval tale or short romance, though often in length within the limits of short story, is typically loose as to time and place, and as to incident accumulative of marvels. It is to the long mediæval romance what the modern tale —not the modern short story—is to the modern novel. And it is a constant form from Greece—even from India and Egypt,28 down to the present. In form the Alexandrian Daphnis and Chloe, the mediæval Aucassin and Nicolette, and the whole herd of modern tales, such as Miss Edgeworth’s, are essentially alike. The modern time has differentiated two forms: first, the novel, in which character is progressively developed, incidents progressively complicated and resolved; second, the short story, in which character and action are so compressed as to suggest by a single situation without development. The former is as it were an expansion of the tale; the latter, a compression. In both cases the modern art of fiction seems to have learned from the drama. Meantime the original, naïve tale has endured, and doubtless will endure. To employ the figure of speech by which M. Brunetière is enabled to speak of literature in terms of evolution, the tale is the original jackal. From it have been developed two distinct species; but their parent stock persists. Indeed, for aught we can see from the past, posterity may behold a reversion to type.

The Decameron.

The significance of a division of ancient and early mediæval tales into anecdote and scenario or summary romance becomes at once clearer by reference to the greatest mediæval collection, the Decameron (1353) of Boccaccio. More than half the tales of the Decameron may readily be grouped as anecdote —all of the sixth day, for instance, most of the first and eighth, half of the ninth. Of these some approach consistency of form. Having long introductions, unnecessary lapse of time, or other looseness of structure, they still work out a main situation in one day or one night; they sometimes show dramatic ingenuity of incident; less frequently they reach distinct climax. Where the climax, as in the majority of cases, is merely an ingenious escape or a triumphant retort, of course the tale remains simple anecdote; but in some few the climax is the result of the action, is more nearly a culmination. This is the character of the seventh day. Another class in the Decameron rapidly summarises a large plot, the action ranging widely in time and place. A narrative sketch, usually of a romance, it corresponds essentially to the Aucassin and Nicolette type,29 and includes nearly one half. Here was an open mine for the romantic drama of later centuries. The Decameron, then, is almost all either anecdote or scenario.

But not quite all. Besides those tales which seem to show a working for consistency, there are a few that definitely achieve it. The fourth of the first day (The Monk, the Woman, and the Abbot) is compact within one place and a few hours. All it lacks for short story is definite climax. Very like in compactness is the first of the second day (The Three Florentines and the Body of the New Saint). Firmer still is the eighth of the eighth day (Two Husbands and Two Wives). Here the climax is not only definite, but is a solution, and includes all four characters. If it is not convincing, that is because the Decameron is hardly concerned with characterisation. The action covers two days. It might almost as easily have been kept within one. Finally there are two tales that cannot, without hair-splitting, be distinguished from modern short story. The second tale of the second day (Rinaldo, for his prayer to St. Julian, well lodged in spite of mishap) is compressed within a single afternoon and night and a

few miles of a single road. The climax is definitely a solution. The movement is largely by dialogue. In a word, the tale is a selfconsistent whole. Equally self-consistent, and quite similar in method, is that farce comedy of errors, the sixth tale of the ninth day (Two Travellers in a Room of Three Beds), which Chaucer has among his Canterbury Tales. Both these are short stories. If the other three be counted with them, we have five out of a hundred.30

Les Cent Nouvelles, Bandello, The Heptameron.

The middle age, then, had the short story, but did not recognise, or did not value, that opportunity. Not only does Boccaccio employ the form seldom and, as it were, quite casually, but subsequent writers do not carry it forward. In fact, they practically ignore it. Les cent nouvelles nouvelles (1450–1460), most famous of French collections, shows no discernment of Boccaccio’s nicer art. In form, as in subject, there is no essential change from the habit of antiquity. True, here and there among the everlasting histoires grivoises is a piece of greater consistency and artistic promise. That delicious story (the sixth nouvelle) of the drunken man who insisted on making his confession on the highway to a priest unfortunately passing, who had absolution at the point of the knife, and then resolved to die before he lapsed from the state of grace, is not only a short-story plot; it goes so far toward short-story form as to focus upon a few hours. Yet even this hints the short story to us because we look back from the achieved form. After all it remains anecdote; and it has few peers in all the huge collection. Bandello (1480–1562), in this regard, shows even a retrogression from Boccaccio. His brief romances are looser, often indeed utterly extravagant of time and space. His anecdotes, though they often have a stir of action, show less sense of bringing people together on the stage. So the Heptameron (1558–1559) of the Queen of Navarre fails—so in general subsequent tale-mongers fail —to appreciate the distinctive value of the terser form. Up to the nineteenth century the short story was merely sporadic. It was achieved now and again by writers of too much artistic sense to be quite unaware of its value; but it never took its place as an accepted form.

Nodier

Thus the modern development of the short story in France has both its own artistic interest and the further historical interest of background. When Charles Nodier (1783–1844), in the time of our own Irving, harked back from the novel to the tale, he but followed consciously what others had followed unconsciously, a tradition of his race. 31 Some of Nodier’s legends are as mediæval in form as in subject. But when he wrote La combe à l’homme mort he made of the same material something which, emerging here and there in the middle age, waited for definite acceptance till Nodier’s own time—a short story. The hypothesis that Nodier was a master to Hawthorne is not supported by any close likeness. Yet there are resemblances. Both loved to write tales for children; both lapse toward the overt moral and fall easily into essay; both use the more compact shortstory form as it were by the way and not from preference. Smarra (66 pages, 1821), acknowledging a suggestion from Apuleius, is an essentially original fantasy, creating the effect of a waking dream. The nearest English parallel is, not Hawthorne, but De Quincey, or, in more elaborate and restrained eloquence, Landor. Smarra, as Nodier says in his preface, is an exercise in style to produce a certain phantasmagorical impression. The clue to the effect he sought is given by the frequent quotations from the Tempest. It is “such stuff as dreams are made on.” Jean François-les-bas-bleus (1836) and Lidivine, on the other hand, are almost documentary studies of character. La filleule du Seigneur (1806), legendary anecdote like Irving’s, shows where Nodier’s art began. He carried his art much further; but his pieces of compactness, like La combe à l’homme mort, are so rare that one may doubt their direct influence on the modern development of form.

For the bulk of Nodier’s work is not conte, but nouvelle. These two terms have never been sharply differentiated in French use. Les cent nouvelles nouvelles are not only shorter, in average, than the novelle of Boccaccio; they are substantially like the Contes de la Reine de Navarre Some of the nouvelles of Nodier, Mérimée, and Gautier are indistinguishable in form from the contes of Flaubert, Daudet, and Maupassant. But though even to-day a collection of French tales might bear either name, the short story as it grew in

distinctness and popularity seems to have taken more peculiarly to itself the name conte. 32 Correspondingly nouvelle is a convenient name for those more extended tales, written sometimes in chapters, which in English are occasionally called novelettes, and which have their type in Aucassin and Nicolette. In this sense Nodier’s writing is mainly, and from preference, nouvelle. Taking as his type for modern adaptation the longer mediæval tale, he did not work in the direction of short story

Mérimée.

Nor, oddly enough, did Mérimée. People who assign to him the rôle of pioneer in the short story, on account of his extraordinary narrative conciseness, appear to forget that his typical tales—Carmen, Colomba, 33 Arsène Guillot, are too long for the form; and that many of his shorter pieces—L’enlèvement de la redoute, Tamango, La vision de Charles XI., are deliberately composed as descriptive anecdotes. Mérimée’s compactness consists rather in reducing to a nouvelle what most writers would have made a roman than in focusing on a single situation in a conte Carmen, though compact in its main structure, has a long prelude. Beyond question the method is well adapted; but it shows no tendency to short story. And the habit is equally marked in Le vase étrusque, with its superfluous characters. Evidently his artistic bent, like Hawthorne’s, like Nodier’s, was not in that direction. All the more striking, therefore, is his single experiment. La Vénus d’Ille (1837) is definitely and perfectly a short story. Giving the antecedent action and the key in skilful opening dialogue, it proceeds by a series of increasingly stronger premonitions to a seizing climax. Like Poe, Mérimée intensifies a mood till it can receive whatever he chooses, but not at all in Poe’s way. Instead, the mystery and horror are accentuated by a tone of worldly-wise skepticism. Less compressed, too, than Poe, he can be more “natural.” Withal he keeps the same perfection of grading. Strange that a man who did this once should never have done it again. But the single achievement was marked enough to compel imitation.

Balzac.

That the propagation of the short story in France owes much to Balzac might readily be presumed from the enormous

influence of Balzac’s work in general, but can hardly be held after scrutiny of his short pieces in particular. Of these, two will serve to recall the limitations of the great observer. El Verdugo (1829), though it is reduced to two days and substantially one scene, hardly realises the gain from such compression. Instead of intensifying progressively, Balzac has at last to append his conclusion, and for lack of gradation to leave his tale barely credible. Les Proscrits (1831), more unified in imaginative conception, and again limited in time-lapse, again fails of that progressive intensity which is the very essence of Poe’s force and Mérimée’s. It is not even held steady, but lapses into intrusive erudition and falls into three quite separate scenes. Others of Balzac’s short pieces, La messe de l’athée (1836), for example, and Z. Marcas (1840), are obviously in form, like many of Hawthorne’s, essays woven on anecdote or character. Some of his tales may, indeed, have suggested the opportunity of different handling. Some of them, at any rate, seem from our point of view almost to call for that. But his own handling does not seem, as Poe’s does, directive. And in general, much as Balzac had to teach his successors, had he much to teach them of form?

Gautier.

The tales of Musset, which are but incidental in his development, and are confined, most of them, within the years 1837–1838, show no grasp of form. Gautier, even more evidently than Mérimée, preferred the nouvelle, partly from indolent fluency, partly from a slight sense of narrative conclusion. Few even of his most compact contes, such as Le nid de rossignols, compress the time. He was garrulous; he had read Sterne34 ; above all, he was bent, like Sterne, on description. But Gautier too shows a striking exception. La morte amoureuse, though it has not Poe’s mechanism of compression, is otherwise so startlingly like Poe that one turns involuntarily to the dates. La morte amoureuse appeared in 1836; Berenice, in 1835. The Southern Literary Messenger could not have reached the boulevards in a year. Indeed, the debt of either country to the other can hardly be proved. Remarkable as is the coincident appearance in Paris and in Richmond of a new literary form, it remains a coincidence. And whereas by 1837 Poe was in full career on his hobby, Gautier and Mérimée did not repeat the excursion.

France and America.

The history of the tale in England, however important otherwise, is hardly distinct enough as a development of form to demand separate discussion here. For England, apparently trying the short-story form later than France and the United States, apparently also learned it from them. Perhaps the foremost short-story writers of our time in English—though that must still be a moot point—are Kipling and Stevenson. But Stevenson’s short story looks to France; and Kipling probably owes much to the American magazine. Without venturing on the more complicated question of the relations of Germany, Russia,35 and Scandinavia to France, it is safe to put forward as a working hypothesis that the new form was invented by France and America, and by each independently for itself. Our priority, if it be substantiated, can be but of a year or two. The important fact is that after due incubation the new form, in each country, has germinated and spread with extraordinary vigor. Daudet, Richepin, Maupassant—to make a list of French short-story writers in the time just past, is to include almost all writers of eminence in fiction. What is true of France is even more obviously true of the United States. Our most familiar names in recent fiction were made familiar largely through distinction in the short story. The native American yarn, still thriving in spontaneous oral vigour, has been turned to various art in The Jumping Frog and Marjorie Daw and The Wreck of the Thomas Hyke. The capacity of the short story for focusing interest dramatically on a strictly limited scene and a few hours, no less than its capacity for fixing local color, is exhibited most strikingly in the human significance of Posson Jone. Mr. James, though his preoccupation with scientific analysis demands typically, as it demanded of Mérimée, a somewhat larger scope, vindicates his skill more obviously in such intense pieces of compression as The Great Good Place. To instance further would but lead into catalogue. In a word, the two nations that have in our time shown keenest consciousness of form in fiction have most fostered the short story. For ourselves, we may find in this development of a literary form one warrant for asserting that we have a literary history.

PART I THE TENTATIVE PERIOD

WASHINGTON IRVING

1783–1859

F a discussion of Irving in general, and of Rip Van Winkle in particular, see pages 6–9 of the Introduction. The pseudodocumentary notes before and after the tale show incidentally the strong contemporary influence of Scott. The text is that of the first edition (1819).

(T following tale was found among the papers of the late Diedrich Knickerbocker, an old gentleman of New York, who was very curious in the Dutch history of the province, and the manners of the descendants from its primitive settlers. His historical researches, however, did not lie so much among books as among men; for the former are lamentably scanty on his favourite topics; whereas he found the old burghers, and still more their wives, rich in that legendary lore so invaluable to true history. Whenever, therefore, he happened upon a genuine Dutch family, snugly shut up in its low-roofed farmhouse, under a spreading sycamore, he looked upon it as a little clasped volume of black-letter, and studied it with the zeal of a book-worm.

The result of all these researches was a history of the province during the reign of the Dutch governors, which he published some years since. There have been various opinions as to the literary character of his work, and, to tell the truth, it is not a whit better than it should be. Its chief merit is its scrupulous accuracy, which indeed was a little questioned on its first appearance, but has since been completely established; and it is now admitted into all historical collections as a book of unquestionable authority.

The old gentleman died shortly after the publication of his work, and now, that he is dead and gone, it cannot do much harm to his memory, to say, that his time might have been much better employed in weightier labours He, however, was apt to ride his hobby in his own way; and though it did now and then kick up the dust a little in the eyes of his neighbours, and grieve the spirit of some friends, for whom he felt the truest deference and affection; yet his errors and follies are remembered “more in sorrow than in anger, 36” and it begins to be suspected that he never intended to injure or offend. But however his memory may be appreciated by critics, it is still held dear among many folk, whose good opinion is well worth having; particularly by certain biscuit bakers, who have gone so far as to imprint his likeness on their New Year cakes, and have thus given him a chance for immortality, almost equal to the being stamped on a Waterloo medal, or a Queen Anne’s farthing )

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