Introduction – Conventional PoliticsandProtest
Thischapterwillconsiderarangeoffactorsthatrelatetotheroleplayed byprotestinthecontemporarypoliticsoftheUK.Itwillarguethatthere hasbeenadeclineinpopularinvolvementinconventionalpolitical activitysincethelatterdecadesofthetwentiethcenturywhichhad createdpoliticalspaceforciti zeninvolvementinarangeofother mechanisms(collectivelytermedprotestor ‘extra-parliamentarypolitical activities’ )inordertobringaboutpolicych anges.Thechapterwillargue thatforsomepeople,thisconstitutesanalternativetoconventional politicsasthemechanismthroughwhichtoinauguratechangebutfor othersitactsasasupplementtoconventionalpoliticalactivity.
THE DECLINEOF ENGAGEMENTWITH CONVENTIONAL POLITICAL ACTIVITY
Conventionalpoliticsentailsactivitiesthatareconductedthroughformal institutionalchannelsofwhichParliament,politicalpartiesandvotingare integralfeatures.Theroleperformedbymembersofthegeneralpublicis confinedtojoiningpoliticalpartiesandvotinginelectioncontestsafter whichthoseelectedtopublicofficetakedecisionsonbehalfofthegeneral publicfromwhomtheycanclaimamandatetoact.
Thereis,however,evidencethatpublicinvolvementwiththeseaspects ofconventionalpoliticalactivityhasbeenindeclineinthelatteryearsof thetwentiethcenturyandtheearlydecadesofthetwenty-firstcentury.
©TheAuthor(s)2016
P.Joyce, ThePolicingofProtest,DisorderandInternationalTerrorism intheUKsince1945,DOI10.1057/978-1-137-29059-5_1
Thisisevidencedbydecliningmembershipofpoliticalpartiesandreduced voterparticipationinnationalelectioncontests.Thereasonsforthisare consideredbelow.
PoliticalPartyMembershipandPartyAffiliation
Themembershipofthemainpoliticalpartiesin2001waslessthan25%ofits 1964level(Kennedy, 2006:46),leadingtotheconclusionthat ‘Britainnow hasoneofthelowestpoliticalpartymembershipratesinEurope the publicisdeeplydisenchantedwithpoliticalparties’ (HansardSociety, 2009:50).
Currentestimatesofthemembershipofthemajorpoliticalparties indicatethat
• TheConservativePartyhadaround149,800members,asof December2013.
• TheLabourPartyhadaround270,000members,asofAugust2015.
• TheScottishNationalPartyhadaround110,000members,asof June2015.
• TheLiberalDemocratPartyhad61,000members,asofMay2015.
• UKIPhadaround42,000members,asofJanuary2015.
• TheGreenParty(EnglandandWales)had61,000members,asof June2015(Keen, 2015).
MembershipoftheConservatives,LabourandtheLiberalDemocratswas statedtobeatahistoriclow –‘in20151.0%oftheelectoratewasa memberofthesethreepartiesand,in2011,0.8%.Thiscomparesto3.8% in1983’ (Keen, 2015:3).Additionally,ithasbeenarguedthatmanyof thosewhodidbelongtopoliticalpartiesdonotplayanactiveroleinparty affairs(Kennedy, 2006:47–48).
Thissituationreflectsawiderissue,thatofidentificationwithand allegiancetopoliticalparties.Thesehavealsosignificantlydeclined: ‘the proportionthatsaidtheyidentified “very” or “fairly” stronglywithaparty fellfrom46%in1987to36%by2010,while,conversely,theproportion thatsaidtheydidnotsupportapartyatallmoreorlessdoubledfrom8% to17%.Fouryearslaterthose figuresaremuchthesame;37%claimthey “very” or “fairly” stronglyidentifywithaparty,whilenearlyonein five (19%)saytheydonothaveanaffinitywithanyparty’ (Simpsonand Phillips, 2015:136–137).Additionally,affinitywithapoliticalpartywas
exertingareducedinfluenceonthelikelihoodofvoting:only76%ofthose whoindicatedthattheyareastrongsupporterofapoliticalpartystated thattheywere ‘certain’ tovoteinthe2015generalelection(Hansard Society, 2015:6).
VoterParticipationinElections
Amongthewidergeneralpublic(i.e.thosewhoarenotmembersof politicalparties),affinitytoapoliticalpartyisanimportantdeterminant ofpoliticalengagement,includingvoting(HansardSociety, 2014:26). Thus,thedeclineofthe firstwillinevitablyresultinthereductionofthe second.Thissectionexaminestheextenttowhichthegeneralpublic engagewithelectioncontests.
GeneralElections
Generalelectionsareanespeciallyimportantindicatorofactivecitizenship andtraditionallyahighproportionofcitizensfeltthattheyhadadutyto vote.Althoughthemajorityofthegeneralpublicsubscribetothisview (in2013,57%acceptingthattheyhadadutytovote),this figurewas considerablylowerthanthe76%whoexpressedthisopinionin1987or the68%whoagreedwiththispropositionin1994)(SimpsonandPhillips, 2015:137).
Popularperceptionsofthissenseofcivicdutyarereflectedbyparticipationingeneralelectioncontests(asmeasuredbyvoterturnout).
In1950,theturnoutwas83.9%andin1951was82.6%.Insubsequent generalelectioncontestsheldin1955,1959,1964and1966,voter turnoutexceeded75%andalthoughitwasreducedtoa figureofaround 72%inthe1970generalelection,itroseto78.8%intheFebruary1974 contest.Turnoutwasreducedto72.8%intheOctober1974general electionbutremainedinexcessof75%in1979,1987and1992(although itfellto72.7%in1983Joyce, 2004, passim).
However,towardstheendofthetwentiethcentury,voterparticipation declined.Turnoutinthe1997generalelectionwas71.4%,thelowest figure sincethatof1945.Subsequently,the2001UKgeneralelectionwitnessed thelowestturnoutinnationalcontestssince1918:below60%(59.4%)of thoseeligibletovoteexercisedtheirrighttodosoandtheLabourParty’s allegedlandslidevictorywasbasedonbelowoneeligiblevoterinfour supportingthematthepolls(Joyce, 2002:44).Theextentofdisengagementfromconventionalpoliticsinthiscampaigninwhichalmost5million
fewerelectorsvotedthaninthepreviouscontestheldin1997(31,286,284 comparedwith26,368,530)(Joyce, 2004:396and407)gaveriseto perceptionsofaprofound ‘crisisindemocraticpoliticsinBritain’ (Whiteleyetal. 2001:786)orwhathasbeentermed ‘disengagementfrom formaldemocracy’ (Kennedy, 2006:16).Inlatertwenty- fi rst-century contests,voterparticipat ionmarginallyimproved – in2005(turnout was61.4%),in2010(65%)and2015(66%) – butfailedtoreachthe highlevelsofcitizenengagementofthe1950sand1960s.Studiesconductedin2012and2013indicatedthattheproportionofthosewho wouldcertainlyvotefellto41%andthatonly42%claimedtheywere ‘ fairlyinterested’ inpolitics(HansardSociety, 2014:33).However,the imminenceofageneralelectioncausedanincreaseinthepublic ’sinterest inpolitics(whereby50%claimedtheywere ‘ very ’ or ‘ fairly’ interestedin politics)(HansardSociety, 2014:33).
Althoughreducedlevelsofvoterparticipationingeneralelectioncontestsmightcreatespaceforprotesttoassumeamoreprominentrolein politicalactivity,ithasbeenobservedthatmembershipoftheSNP,UKIP andtheGreenPartyhasincreased ‘markedly’ inrecentyearsandthiswas mirroredbytheelectoralsupportobtainedbythesepartiesinthe2015 generalelection:UKIP’s3.8millionvotessubstantiallyoutpolledthe2.4 millionobtainedbytheLiberalDemocrats(whichwasthejuniorpartner inthe2010coalitiongovernment),theSNPs1.5millionelected56of Scotland’s59MPsandtheGreen’s1.2millionvoteswasarecordforthat party(figuresadoptedfromBBCNews, 2015).
Thissituationindicatedthatformanypeople,politicalactivitywas conductedthroughwhatwereonceregardedas ‘minorparties’ enabling the2015electiontobestylisedasanti-establishmentratherthanantipolitical(Flinders, 2015:242).Electoralsupportforpoliticalpartiesother thanthetraditional ‘main’ onescouldbeinterpretedasanindicationof thecontinuedvitalityofconventionalpoliticalactivityasopposedtoa rejectionoftheconceptofrepresentativedemocracythathadbeenput forwardofafeatureofthe1997andsubsequentelectoralcontests.
DISILLUSIONMENTWITH CONVENTIONAL POLITICAL ACTIVITY
AlthoughlargenumberofcitizensintheUKcontinuetoengagewith conventionalpoliticalactivity,theprevioussectionhasarguedthatmany peopleregardthisasanineffectivemechanismthroughwhichtogettheir
viewsacteduponbythosewhowieldpoliticaloreconomicpower.This sectionseekstoexploresomeofthereasonswhythisisthecase.
PeopleLackPower
Themostsignificantfactoraccountingfordisdaintowardsconventional politicalactivityisthatitfailstoprovidecitizenswithanyrealpowerto influencedecisionsthatshapetheconductoftheireverydaylives –‘people arelesslikelytovotenowcomparedtotwodecadesagobecausetheyfeel thatvotingdoesnotmakeanydifferencetotheissuesthatmattertothem’ (SimpsonandPhillips, 2015:130).Ithasbeensuggestedthatonly31%of citizensfeltthatifpeoplelikethemselvesgotinvolvedwithpolitics, ‘they reallycanchangethewaythattheUKisrun’ (HansardSociety, 2014:23). Thisviewwasunderpinnedbyaperceptionthat ‘only26%feeltheyhaveat least “some” influencelocallyandonly14%nationally’ (HansardSociety, 2014:28).
Thereareseveralreasonsthatmightexplainthisdisenchantmentwith conventionalpoliticalactivity.Duringthe1960s,theLiberalParty,then ledbyJoGrimond,soughttocourtsupportfrom ‘theenterprising ... the boysandgirlswhoarenowcomingoutofschool,technicalcollegesand theUniversities,knowingthattheyhavetheopportunitytodoso,longing fortheopportunitytodoso’ (Grimond, 1964)butwhosebestprogressive intentionswerethwartedbythe ‘establishment’ whichheblamedforthe status-conscioussocietyandtheBritishobsessionwithamateurism(Joyce, 1999:135).ThisreservedthetopjobsinBritainforthose ‘whohadthe rightfatherorwenttotherightschool’ (Grimond, 1963).
Theperceptionthatpowerwaswieldedbypowerfulgroupswhich dominatedBritishsocietyandwhosekeyconcernwastoretaintheir positionsofdominancehasremainedacurrentconcern(Jones, 2015) andcontributestoanunderstandingofthesenseofpowerlessnessthat underpinspopulardisengagementwithconventionalpoliticalactivity, especiallyifthisisviewedasamechanismto ‘manage’ populardemands andensuretheydonotthreatentheestablishment’sbedrockinterests (Jones, 2015:4).
Theviewthatengagementwithconventionalpoliticalactivityis adverselyaffectedbytheperceptionthatpoweriswieldedbyan unaccountableeliteisreinforcedbyargumentsthatsuggestthereare fundamental fl awswiththeoperationsofBritain ’ssystemofrepresentativedemocracy.Ithasbeenargued thattheshiftfromanindustrial
toapost-industrialeconomyhasrenderedredundanttheBritishparliamentarysystemofelectedrepresentativeswhichwasconstructedin anera ‘ ofverylimitededucationalprovisionandinwhichdeference andrigidhierarchyandstaticsoci alrelationsweretakenforgranted’ (Kennedy, 2006 :19and104).Thepost-industrialeconomyhasledto thecreationofalargesectionofsocietywhichis ‘ bettereducated, moreaf fl uent,expectsgreatercontrolandchoiceovermanyaspectsof life,feelsnodeferencetowardsthoseinpositionsofauthority,andis notboundbythetraditionalbondsofplace,classandinstitutionthat developedintheindustrialera’ (Kennedy, 2006 :18and103).
Afurtherinadequacywiththeoperationsofconventionalpoliticsisthat itmarginalisestheinvolvementofcitizenstothatofvotinginelection contestsbutleavesthetaskofdecision-makingtothoseelectedtopublic officewhomay(ormaynotaswasthecaseoftheLiberalDemocrats followingthe2010generalelectioninconnectionwiththeirstanceon raisingfeesforstudentsinhighereducation)basetheiractionsonthe generalisedstatementsthatwereputforwardinelectionmanifestos.
Referencewasmadeinonestudytothe ‘verywidespreadsensethat citizensfeeltheirviewsandinterestsarenottakensufficientlyintoaccount bytheprocessesofpoliticaldecision-making’ (Kennedy, 2006:73)in particularpossessinglittleornopowerintheperiodbetweenelections (Kennedy, 2006:77).Alaterstudysuggestedthatanoverwhelming majorityofthecountryfeltthathad ‘notverymuchinfluence’ or ‘no influenceatall’ overdecision-makingintheirlocalarea(73%)andthe countryasawhole(85%)(HansardSociety, 2009:4).Forpeoplesuchas this,populardisengagementwithconventionalpoliticsis ‘reallyabout havingnosay.Itisaboutfeelingdisconnectedbecausevotingonce everyfouror fiveyearsdoesnotfeellikerealengagement’ (Kennedy, 2006:9).
Accordingly,ithasbeenarguedthat ‘asystembasedlargelyorentirely inparliamentaryrepresentationnolongerengagespeopleinthewayit oncedid’ (Kennedy, 2006:117).Expressedsimply,representativedemocracyhas,tolargenumbersofpeople, ‘haditsday’ andforsomeisbeing replacedorsupplementedbyarangeofalternativewaysthroughwhich citizenscanseektoexercisepowerregardingdecision-makingbygovernments,supranationalbodiesandcommercialconcernsandtodosoona day-by-daybasis,notconstrainedbytherelativelyinfrequentholdingof electioncontests.Empowermentisthusacentralconcernofthosewho engageinprotest(Hertz, 2001d:202).
RemotenessofConventionalPoliticalActivity
Conventionalpoliticsisremotefromthelivesofordinarypeople. DebatesthatareconductedintheHouseofCommonsorinCouncil chambersusingritualsandlanguag enotreadilyunderstoodbyaverage citizensmakeconventionalpoliticsa ndpoliticiansseemdistantfromthe generalpublic(HansardSociety, 2001:5–6).Thepreoccupationsof politicianswithattendanceatWest minsterorlocalauthoritiesmeans thattheirrelationshipwithvotersisdistant.Itwasreportedthatonly 23%ofthepopulationagreedthatParliament ‘ encouragespublicinvolvementinpolitics ’– comparedwitha fi gureof30%intheprevioustwo annualaudits(HansardSociety, 2014 :5).
Therelationshipbetweenpoliticiansandthegeneralpublicfailedto improveasthe2015generalelectionapproached,itbeingreportedthat ‘two-thirds(67%)ofthepublicbelievethatpoliticiansdon’tunderstand thedailylivesofpeoplelikethemselves’ (HansardSociety, 2014:1and6). Thefollowingsectionseekstoanalysewhythisisthecase.
CentralisationofPowerintheExecutiveBranchofGovernment
ThecentralisationofpowerinthehandsofthePrimeMinister(which impactsonthepoweroftheCabinetandParliament)isatoddswithadesire bycitizenstoexerciseinfluenceoverissuesthataffectthem.Ithasbeen arguedthatthe ‘contemptuousattitude’ oftheexecutivetowardsParliament wasmarkedinMrsThatcher’sdayandwhileitrecededunderJohnMajor,it subsequentlyresumedunderTonyBlair(Williams, 2006,citedinKennedy, 2006:128–129).Conservativeparliamentariansacceptedthiscriticism,it beingarguedthatingovernmenttheConservatives ‘truncatedparliamentary scrutiny,weguillotinedbills,webriefedthemediabeforeParliamentwas toldaboutimportantpolicydevelopments,andweusedthelobbysystem whichisanenormoussourceofpowerandcontrolforthePrimeMinisterof theday’ (Bercow,citedinKennedy, 2006:129).
LackofIdeologicalandPolicyChoice
Populardisengagementwithconventionalpoliticsmightalsobeexplained byissuesaffectingtheunderpinningsofthepartysystem.
FoundedonObsoleteIdeals
Afundamentalissuearisingfromtheshiftfromanindustrialtoapostindustrialeconomyhasbeenthediversificationofthecompositionof societywhosecomplexvaluesandinterestscannotbecateredforbythe
Britishpartysystemwhich ‘isbasedonthedominanceoftwoparties constructedaroundthepursuitoftheinterestsandideologicalleanings ofthetwodominantclassesthatexistedduringtheindustrialrevolution’ (Kennedy, 2006:19).
Ithasbeenarguedthat ‘theshrinkageofthemanualworkingclassandthe expansionoftheprofessionalclasseshasgreatlyincreasedthenumberof individualswhonolongerholdastrongclassallegianceor,atleast,identify withtheculturalandpoliticalformsassociatedwiththeeconomicclassesonce engagedinsocialconflictsinthetwentiethcentury’ (Kennedy, 2006:102). Additionally, ‘thegrandideologiesofthelastcentury,whichwerebased uponbroad-brushapproachestotraditionalclassinterestsandmaterialconcerns,haveaninevitablyreducedappealformanycitizenstoday,giventhe declineofhistoricalclassdivisionsandidentities’ (Kennedy, 2006:102).
ConsensusPolitics
Oneissueinfluencinglowlevelsofvoterparticipationisaperceptionthat contemporarymainstreampartiesareguidedbysimilarobjectives,leading themtopromotepolicieswhicharemuchthesame.IntheUK, ‘themain politicalpartiesarewidelyperceivedtobetoosimilarandlackingin principle’ (Kennedy, 2006:17):theyare ‘nolongerdistinctenoughand nolongerbasetheirpoliciesoncoreprinciples’ (Kennedy, 2006:110). Theviewthat ‘allpartiesarethesame’ willnotsecurewidespreadpublic engagementwithapoliticalprocessinwhichvotersareseeminglyoffereda choicebetweenTweedledumandTweedledee.
Theperceptionthatideologywasnolongertheguidingforceofpolitical conductwasespeciallydirectedattheLabourParty,wherebyitsquestto securesupportfrom ‘middleEngland’ ledtothereplacementofitstraditionalsocialistideology(enshrinedinClauseIVofitsConstitution)with thatassociatedwith ‘NewLabour’ inwhichtheseidealsweresubstantially watereddowntodeclarethattheLabourPartywas ‘ademocraticsocialist party’ whosevisionwasoneinwhich ‘power,wealthandopportunityarein thehandsofthemany,notthefew,wheretherightsweenjoyreflectthe dutiesweowe,andwherewelivetogether,freely,inaspiritofsolidarity, toleranceandrespect’ (ClauseIVoftheConstitutionoftheLabourParty citedinAdams, 1998:144–145)
Ithasbeenarguedthat ‘withouttherestraintsofconviction,they (politicalleaders)arefreetorespondtotherequestsofthepowerful whileshiftingtheirmediaimagesasthepublicmooddemands’ (Palast, 2003:299)andthat ‘agovernmentwithoutconvictionsisagovernment
forsale’ (Palast, 2003:299).Thissituationnotonlyopensthedoorto policy-makingbeingdeterminedbypowerfulcorporateinterestsbutalso givesrisetotheaccusationthat ‘whenpoliticsisamatterofconvenience, notconviction,onlytheself-interestedprosper’ (Monbiot, 2001).
ManagementasOpposedtoChange
Aconsequencearisingfromthedevaluationofideologyastheguiding forceinpoliticsistheemphasisplacedbygovernmentsofmanagement,in particularmanagementoftheeconomy.Thisgaverisetothetargets regimepursuedby ‘newLabour’ governmentswherebythemicromanagementoftheeconomyandpublicsectorservicessuchaspolicingreplaced thepursuitofidealsandthedesiretoinauguratechangeswithinsociety. Thereplacementofprinciplesandideaswithmanagerialism(Kennedy, 2006:9)thatelevatesefficiencyinmanagingtheexistingeconomicsystem asopposedtochallengingitsexistenceandpromotingalternativeideals failsto firethepopularimaginationandeffectivelymadetheconductof politicsboring(Beckett, 2001)sothatlargenumbersofpeoplefailedto engagewiththeprocess.
CentralisedControlandStageManagement
Nationalelectioncampaignshavebeenhistoricallytheeventsthatmotivatecitizenstoengagewithconventionalpolitics.However,recentelectioncampaignshavefailedtoachievethis,onereasonforthisbeingthat when ‘intermsofpolicy,verylittledividesourparties’ (Bazalgette, 2006: 3–4),theattentionofvotersisdevotedtothepersonalitiesofthecandidates,andinparticular(derivedfromthepresidentialisationoftheUK politics)ofthepartyleaders.
Consequently,politics,especial lygeneralelectioncontests,have becomeincreasinglycentrallymanage daffairs.Partyelectioncampaign managersdecidewhatissuesareallowedtobediscussed,whocanand whocannotbeinterviewedandwhataccessthegeneralpublicare grantedtopoliticalleaders.Poli ticalspeechesaredeliveredinsound bitesandcarefullycraftedspeech eswrittenbyprofessionalspeechwriters,fromwhosetextspoliticalleadersareloathetostray.Thus, electioncontestshaveeffectivelybeenturnedintopolishedadvertising campaignsthataredesignedtosellacarefullypackagedproducttothe generalpublic,leadingtotheperceptionthat ‘ itisasthoughProctor andGambleorAbbeyNationalarerunningthecountry ’ (Kennedy, 2006 :9).
Thedegreeofcontrolexertedoverelectioncampaignsbypoliticalelitesis adisincentiveforordinarymembersofthepublictoengagewiththeprocess. Tomanypeople,theextentofcentralcontrolhasaggravatedboredomin conventionalpoliticalactivitywhichis onlyalleviatedwhenthescriptaccordingtowhichpoliticalleadersaremeanttooperateisabandoned.Themost (andperhaps only)memorablefeaturesofthe2001generalelection occurredwhenLabour’sdeputyleader,JohnPrescott,respondedtobeing hitontheheadbyaneggthatwasthrownathimbywadingintothecrowd to ‘sortout’ theperpetratorandwhen,tohisobviousdiscomfort,Labour leaderTonyBlairwaspubliclyaccostedbyanurseasheenteredabuilding tomadeaspeechwhochallengedhimabouthisparty’spreviousrecord regardingtheNationalHealthService(NHS).
Thissituationwassummarisedbyaneditorialinthe Guardian newspaper on4June2001whichcommentedthat4yearspreviously, ‘Britainexperiencedthemosttightlycontrolledand “professional” electioncampaigninits history.Thisyear(2001)thecontrolhasbeeneventighterandthe “professionalism” moreintensethanever.Itisnocoincidencethatthesecampaignshavegivenlesssatisfactionandhavegrantedlessinvolvementtothe votersthananyinourhistory’ . Withoutthispopularinvolvement,conventionalpoliticsbecomestransformedintoasituationinwhich ‘thepoliticaleliteistalkingtoitself’ (Coleman, 2006:6).However,italsomakesforelectioncampaignswhich fromtheperspectiveofthegeneralpubliclackexcitement,the2005general electioncampaignbeingdubbed ‘oneofthedullestcampaignsonrecord’ (Coleman, 2006:6).
PartyDiscipline
Althoughthepartysystemhaskeyadvantages(especiallyintheprovisionof organisedsupportforgovernmentswithinlegislativebodies),italsohasits weaknesses,inparticularconcerningthecontrolthatpartiesexerciseover thoseoftheirmemberswhoareelectedtopublicoffices.
Theperceptionthatconventionalpoliticsistheconcernofelitesrather thanofallcitizensisthusfurthercompoundedbythecontrolexertedover politiciansbytheirleaderswhichisafeatureofbothcentralandlocal governmentswherebydevicessuchasthepartywhipsystemintheHouse ofCommonsensurethattheviewsofpartyleaders(especiallywhenthe partyisingovernment)prevail(Young, 2001).Ithasbeenarguedthat ‘politicsandgovernmentareincreasinglyslippingbackintothehandsof privilegedelitesasifdemocracyhasrunoutofsteam’ (Kennedy, 2006:10).
Theroleofordinarymembersofparliament(MPs)isrelegatedtothatof lobbyfodderwho(inthewordsofW.S.Gilbertintheopera Iolanthe)are forced(onpainofexpulsionfromtheirparliamentaryparty)intoasituation whereby ‘they’vegottoleavethatbrainoutsideandvotejustastheirleaders tell ‘emto.’ Accordingly,oneresponsetotheproblemofdisengagement withconventionalpoliticshasbeentoproposeplacinglimitsonthepowers ofpartywhips(Kennedy, 2006:21).
SleazeandAbuseofPowerinaPublicOffice
Publicsupportforpoliticalparties,politiciansandtheconventionalpoliticalsystemhasbeenadverselyaffectedbyallegationsthatthoseelectedto publicofficearesometimesmotivatedbyself-interestasopposedtopublic service.Ithasbeenobservedthat ‘just18%ofthepublicthinkthat standardsofconductforpublicofficeholdersarehigh;twiceasmany (36%)believe,onthecontrary,thatstandardsarelow’ (HansardSociety, 2015:44).
IntheUK,theterm ‘sleaze’ hasbeenusedtodescribetheexploitation ofpublicofficebypoliticiansforfactorssuchaspersonalgain,sexual gratificationorpartyadvantageor,moreloosely,inconnectionwithany formofscandalrelatedtotheunethicalconductofpoliticians.Theterm alsoembracesattemptstocoverupsuchbehavioureitherbythoseguilty ofmisconductorbytheirpoliticalcolleagues.
AccusationsofsleazehaveaffectedtheconductoftheUKpoliticssince the1990sthatincludethe ‘cashforquestions’ scandalin1994(alleging thatasmallnumberofConservativeMPshadacceptedmoneytotable parliamentaryquestions)andthe2010 ‘influenceforcash’ episodewhen threeformercabinetministerswereallegedtobewillingtousetheirpast contactsingovernmenttosecurechangesinlegislationatthebehestof lobbying firms.
However,themostsignificantrecentepisodeinrelationtoperceived inappropriatebehaviourbypoliticiansaroseinconnectionwiththe expenseclaimsofmembersofbothhousesofParliament.Itwasrevealed in2009thatthetaxpayerwasfootingthebillforitemssuchasmortgages onMPssecondhomesandluxuriesthatincludedthecleaningofamoat, theupkeepofaprivateswimmingpool,themaintenanceofa ‘helipad’,the tuningofapiano,thepurchaseofhorsemanureforuseasagarden fertiliserandacontributiontowardsthewagespaidtoanhousekeeper (Joyce, 2012:116).Althoughinmostcases,thepoliticianshadbrokenno law(andmanycasesvoluntarilypaidbackmoneytowhichtheywere
legallyentitled),publicopinionwasconcernedabouttheconductoftheir electedrepresentatives,leadingtoaperceptionthat ‘mostpoliticiansarein politicsonlyforwhattheycangetoutofitpersonally’ (Simpsonand Phillips, 2015:136).
Episodesofthisnaturehaveexertedanadverseimpactoncitizens’ trust inpoliticiansandgovernments:in2013,onlyaboutonepersoninsix indicatedthattheytrustedgovernments ‘justaboutalways’ or ‘mostofthe time’,whereas32%ofpeoplesaidthatthey ‘almostnever’ trustthe government(SimpsonandPhillips, 2015:135).
Conversely,ithasbeenarguedthatmostofthefewdetailedacademic studiesthathadresearchedthislinkageconcludedthatthecausalrelationshipbetweentrustinpoliticsandpoliticalparticipationwas ‘weakand patchy’ and ‘notatallrobust’ (Newton, 2001).
THE DISILLUSIONEDANDTHE DISENGAGED
Traditionally,non-votingintheUKgeneralelectionswasviewedasa phenomenonaffectingyoungpeoplebelowtheageof25;butin2001, thisbecameanissueaffectingolderpeoplebelowtheageof35and extendedtowardsthoseagedbelow45(Young, 2001).In2001,one thirdofwomenunder55(whohadpreviouslybeenviewedasthemost civicminded)failedtovote(HansardSociety, 2001:1).However,young peopleremainakeygroupwhofailtobeengagedwithconventional politicalactivityandforwhompoliticalactivitymaypotentiallybeconductedthroughothermechanisms.
YoungPeopleandConventionalPolitics
Personsbelowtheageof18(whonumbered11millionin2001)arenot eligibletovoteinelections.Theexclusionofthislargegroupfromtheliberal democraticpoliticalprocessmayhelpexplainwhyyoungpeopletraditionally playalimitedroleinconventionalpoliticswhentheyreachvotingage – they havenotbeensufficientlysocialisedintovotinghabitswhentheyformally acquiretherighttodoso.
Atthe1997generalelection,only44%ofthoseaged18–24votedand thispatternwasrepeatedatthe2001generalelectionwhensixoutoften youngpeoplefailedtovote(HansardSociety, 2001:1)andalsoatthe2005 generalelection,whenitwasestimatedthatfouroutoften first-timevoters
didnotbothertovoteandaround16%ofthatagegroupwerenoteven registeredtovote(Coleman, 2006:7).
Intherun-uptothe2015generalelection,itwasreportedthatcertaintyto voteamongthe18–24-yearoldsstoodat16%,withalarger figureof30% indicatingthattheywerecertain not tovote(HansardSociety,2015:48and 13).Post-electionanalysisbroadlyconfirmedthissituation,itbeingobserved thatthoseaged18–24wereabouthalfaslesslikelytohavevotedasthose aged65orover(the figuresbeing43%:78%)(Flinders, 2015:247–248).
Ithasthusbeenarguedthatforthe16–34-year-oldgeneration,politics hasbecomea ‘dirtyword’ andthatsuchcitizens ‘arelesslikelytovote,to joinapoliticalpartyortobepoliticallyactive’.Under25sarefourtimes lesslikelytoberegisteredthananyothergroup(findingsquotedin WilkinsonandMulgan, 1995:17).
Thedisconnectionofyoungpeoplewithconventionalpoliticalactivity isunderpinnedbytheirperceptionsofgovernmentasremote,arrogant andunresponsive,especiallywhentheirbehaviourisstigmatisedforpoliticalpurposes.Post-wargovernmentsofallpoliticalcomplexionshave beenwillingtopursuepopulistrhetorictomobiliseaconsensuscondemningthebehaviourofyoungpeople.Byfocusingonthisandstressingthe urgentneedtoaddressitinordertorecreateasocietyinwhichpeople ‘feel safeintheirownenvironment’ (Kaulingfreks, 2015:17),governments haveignoredthedeeperrootedcausesofsocialmalaisewhichcausedthe behaviourtomanifestitself.Thetendencyforpoliticianstostigmatisethe behaviourofyoungpeopleisadisincentiveforthemtoengageinconventionalpoliticalactivityandanimportantexplanationastowhylarge numbersofthemareunwillingtodoso.
POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT THROUGH PROTEST
Disillusionmentwithconventionalpoliticalactivitydoesnotimply apathytowardspolitics,politica lissuesorcivicsociety.Ithasbeen observedthatnearlytwothirdsofthegeneralpublicfollowpolitical newsonadailybasis,abouthalfi ndicatethattheysometimestalk aboutpoliticstofamilyandfriendsandthatthat32%oftheelectorate statethattheyhave ‘ quitealot ’ or ‘ agreat ’ dealofinterestinpolitics (SimpsonandPhillips, 2015 :122).Statisticsofthisnaturesuggest thataconsiderableproportionofthe electoratearepol iticalspectators asopposedtopoliticalactivists(i nthesenseofbeingengagedwith
theformalpoliticalprocess)butfor thesepeople,protestisanalternativevehiclethroughwhichth eycanvoicetheirconcerns.
IthasbeenarguedthatthepercentageoftheBritishpopulationwhohad signedapetitionrosefrom23%in1974to81%in2000(Inglehartand Cattenberg, 2002:302),andthatthosewhohadtakenpartinademonstrationrosefrom6%to13%inthesameperiod.Thosewhoindicatedthey wouldbepreparedtodemonstrateincreasedfrom20%ofrespondentsin 1979to33%in2000(Whiteley, 2003:611)(a findingthatseemed authenticatedwhenanestimated1.5millionpeopletooktothestreetsof Londonin2003tovoicetheiroppositiontothewarwithIraq(Whiteley, 2003:611).Itwasfurtherclaimedthatin2000,20%haddonatedmoneyto acharityoracampaigningorganisation,16%hadcreatedorsignedapaper petition,15%hadsignedane-petition,10%hadboycottedproductsfor political,ethicalorenvironmentalreasonsand7%hadtakenanactivepartin acampaign(HansardSociety, 2014:4and46–47).
Volunteeringhasbeenviewedasafurtherillustrationofpolitical engagement:
PeopleinBritainstillvolunteer;theyruninmarathonsforcharity;theyhold carbootsalestoraisefundsforgoodcauses;theytakepartinRedNosedays andwearribbonsforbreastcancerorAIDS.Theysitasschoolgovernors,do prisonvisits,readwithchildrenwhohavelearningdifficulties.Theytakepart inschoolracesandruntheschooldisco(Kennedy, 2006:12).
Ithasalsobeenobservedthatorganisationswhichmakeuseofprotest asacampaigningtechniquehaveseenconsiderableincreasesintheir membership – FriendsoftheEarthgrewfrom1000membersin1971 to119,000in2002,Greenpeaceincreasedfrom30,000membersin 1981to221,000in2002andmembershipfortheRoyalSocietyfor theProtectionofBirdsexpandedfrom98,000in1971to1,020,000in 2002(Haezewindt, 2003:19).Itwasestimatedthatofthosewhodid notvoteingeneralelections, ‘ 37percentweremembersof,oractivein, acharity,communitygroup,publicbodyorcampaigningorganisation ’ (Kennedy, 2006 :42).
However,althoughprotestmaybeattractivetopeoplenotpreviouslyinvolvedinconventionalpoliticalactivity(aswasarguedtobe thecasewiththeCampaignforNuclearDisarmament(CND)during theearlyyearsofitsexistence)(Carter, 1992:55),itremainsthecase thatparticipationinextra-parliamentaryformsofpoliticalactivityother
thanconventionalpoliticsremainsa minorityinterest.Recentstudies havealsosuggestedthatpeople ’ swillingnesstoparticipateincampaigns relatedtoissuesaboutwhichtheyfeelstronglyhaddeclinedin2015to 69%(comparedto80%and78%inthepreceding2years)(Hansard Society, 2015 :29).
Statisticssuchasthesehaveledtotheconclusionthattherewasnothing tosuggestthat ‘amongstthepublicasawhole ... thedeclineinturnoutis beingaccompaniedbygreaterinvolvementinotherformsofpolitical action’ (SimpsonandPhillips, 2015:127).
YoungPeopleandProtest
Youngpeoplehavebeenpreviouslyidentifiedasagroupthatisespecially disengagedwithformalpoliticalactivity.Akeyissueiswhethertheirsense ofdisillusionmenttowardsconventionalpoliticalactivitytranslatesitself intoactiveinvolvementinawiderangeofeventsthatthisworkdescribes as ‘protest’ (andwhichhavealternativelybeendescribedasa ‘changing senseofcivicduty’)(Kennedy, 2006:58)orwhetheritsimplyresultsin apathytowardsallformsofcivicinvolvementandpoliticalconduct.
Ithasbeenobservedthatalthoughanumberofyoungpeople ‘no longerwantto joinapartyorgetinvolvedinformalpolitics’ (Kennedy, 2006:12),theymayviewparticipationinextra-parliamentary formsofpoliticalactivityasanalternativeformofcivicengagement.Ithas beensuggestedthat18–34-year-oldsexpressaninterestinspecificpolitical issuesandwerepronetoactiveinvolvementinvoluntaryorganisations (Gaskinetal., 2006)andthatatthe2001generalelection,24%ofthose aged16–24whoweredefinedasactivecitizens(e.g.byparticipatingin ademonstrationormarchorattendingapoliticalorinterestgroup meeting)failedtovote(HansardSociety, 2001:8).
Oneexplanationthatmightbeputforwardforthissituationisthatat electiontimes,partiesputforwardarangeofpoliciesnotallofwhichare endorsedbyindividualelectors. ‘Thefactthatyoucanonlyseeyourself fitting30percentofaparty’spoliticalpositionisveryunfortunate it looksasiftheyoungeryouarethelesslikelyyou’llfeelthatyou’reprepared toboxyourselfinlikethat’ (Tyler,evidencetoKennedy, 2006:86–87).
Forthosenotpreparedtobe ‘boxedin’,single-issuepoliticsmaybea moreattractivepropositionand ‘maygosomewaytowardsexplainingthe popularityofinformalpressurepoliticsoverformalpartypolitics’ (Kennedy, 2006:87).Campaigngroups ‘aremuchmorefocusedandrequireonlythat
anindividualsupportschangeinoneareaor,atmost,abundleofrelated areasforwhichtheyfeelsympathy’ (Kennedy, 2006:106).
However,otherstudieshavepainted adifferentpicturebysuggesting thatthoseaged18–24aretheleastlikely(4%)tobeactivists(asidenti fi ed throughawiderangeofindicatorsthatincludedsigningapetition, engaginginconsumerboycottsandtakingpartinademonstration, picketormarchalongwitharangeofotheractionsassociatedwith conventionalpoliticssuchascontactingacouncillororanMPorattendingapoliticalmeeting)andthatpeopleaged45 –54werethemostlikely (18%)toengageinsuchactivities(HansardSociety, 2009 :27).
Below,theinvolvementofformaleducationonthepropensityofyoung peopletoengageinprotestsince1945willbeconsidered.
YoungPeopleandFormalEducation
Factorswhichhaveincludedtheextensionofhighereducation,and especiallythedevelopmentofthesocialsciences,havebeencitedas beingresponsibleforconstructing ‘afundamentalchangeinpolitical socialisationofasignificantminorityofyoungpeoplewhichhasattracted themtowardsradicalactivism’ (BenewickandSmith, 1972:306)anda studyconductedinAmericaconcludedthatmoreeducatedpeoplewere foundtobemorelikelytotolerateorgrantlegitimacytocollectiveaction onbehalfofacausewhichtheythemselvesdidnotsupport(Halletal., 1986:564).
Therearenumeroushistoricalandcontemporaryexamplesofeducated youngpeoplebeinginvolvedinprotests.RadicalBritishstudentswereat theforefrontofprotestswhichtookplaceduringthe1960stoexpress oppositiontoAmericanpolicyinVietnam(Waddington, 1992:35)and educatedyoungpeoplehavebeeninvolvedinawiderangeofproteststhat havetakenplacesincethe1970s.Thesehaveincludedtheinvolvementof studentsinthecampaignagainstthe financialstakeheldbyBarclaysBank inSouthAfrica’sapartheidregimeinthe1980sand,morerecently,in protestsin2010tovoiceoppositiontotheraisingofstudenttuitionfees inEnglandandWales.
Morerecently,educatedyoungpeoplehavebeenassociatedwithcampaigninggroupssuchasEarthFirst!andtheanti-capitalistmovement. Countercultureprotestshavefrequentlyinvolvedyoungpeoplefrom middle-classbackgrounds,whichhasbeenexpressedinvariousformats. Inthe1960s,universitystudentswereinvolvedintheestablishmentof communesorotheralternativesocialunitsandformallyeducatedyoung
peoplewereattractedtothecounterculturepressthatincludedpublications suchas Oz, OtherScenes, BerkeleyBarb and,inFrance, L’Idiotliberté.
Laterstudieshaveaddedconfirmationtotheinvolvementofyoung educatedpersonsinvariousformsofprotest.Ithasbeensuggested thatthoselikelytobeinvolvedinproteststendedtobemiddleclass,younger andmorehighlyeducatedthanthosewhowerenotlikelytobeinvolvedin eventsofthisnature.Itwasestimatedthat19%ofthemiddleclasscompared with15%oftheworkingclasswerequitelikelytobeprotesters.About21% ofpersonseducatedbeyondtheageof19werelikelytobeprotesters comparedwith14%ofthosewholeftschoolat16(Whiteley, 2000).
Attemptshavebeenmadetoascertainthemotivesofeducatedyoung peopleinengaginginprotest.Ithasbeenobservedthatactivistsin campaigningmovementssuchasEarthFirst!weremainlyyoungwhite personsfrommiddle-classbackgroundswhowerewell-educatedandwere also ‘decommodified’ inthesensethattheycouldnotexpectsecurityof employmentorguaranteedaccesstowelfareprovisionoraccommodation (Purkis, 1996:200).Thesepersonsweredubbedthe ‘educatedunderclass’ inthattheypossessed ‘culturalcapital’ butsubsistedonverylow incomes(Bourdieu, 1984)andwerescepticaloftheexistingpoliticaland economicstructurestosolveindividualorglobalproblems.Thesepersons werenotnecessarilyheirsofthemiddle-classradicaltraditionbutinstead consistedofthosewhowereattractedtoprotestmovementseither becausetheyrejectedthesuccessgoalsofThatcher’sBritainorbecause theyperceivedtheywereunlikelytoattainthem.
YoungPeopleLackingFormalEducation
Oneartefactofthepost-industrialeconomyhasbeenthecreationofa ‘ permanentlymarginalisedgroupin societywhichliveinpersistent poverty,withloweducationalattainment,poorworkingandliving conditionsandamultiplicityofotherdeprivationsassociatedwithlife onloworverylowincomes’ (Kennedy, 2006 :18).Theconsequences ofmultipledeprivationsonthosewhoexperiencethesesocialproblems ‘ leadstoaninabilityorpreventionfromtakingpartinthewidersocial, economic,andculturalfacetsofoursocietybutalso anexclusion fromthepoliticallifeofthenation ’ (Kennedy, 2006 :105).Political marginalisationmayfurtherresultindisengagementfrompolitical activityforreasons thatincludeithas ‘ failedtobringaboutfundamentalimprovementsinthelivesofthemostdisadvantaged ’ (Kennedy, 2006:19).
Thoseatthelowerendofthesocialladdermaythereforefeelconstrainedtoarticulatethelackofsocial justicethroughalternativemeans, oneofwhichisrioting.Disorderba seduponfrustrationandpent-up feelingsofangerwithoutnecessarilyhavinganyexplicitpoliticalagenda hasbeendescribedas ‘ unrulypolitics’ (atermwhichisdiscussedin chapter6 ).
GlobalisationandProtest
Awiderangeofsupranationalbodiesemergedpost-1945.Supranational bodiesconsistofbodiescomposedofrepresentativesdrawnfromanumberofindividualnationswhoseroleistotakedecisionswhicharethen requiredtobeimplementedbythemembercountries.Examplesofthis includetheUnitedNations(whichwassetupin1945)andtheEuropean Union(whichemergedoutoftheEuropeanEconomicCommunity whoseoriginsdatetothe1957TreatyofRome).Theseorganisations haveerodedthesovereigntyofindividualnationstates(inthesenseof thembeingabletobethesoledeterminantsoftheirdomesticandforeign policies)andthistrendhasbeenacceleratedbytheglobalisationof capitalism.
TheGlobalisationofCapitalism
Whathasbeentermedeconomic ‘globalintegration ’ emergedduring thenineteenthcentury(SchiratoandWebb, 2003:89)anditspace signi fi cantlypickeduptowardsthelatterdecadesofthetwentieth centurywhichgaverisetotheglobalspreadofcapitalism –‘ aproject beingcarriedoutbycorecapitaliststatesinsupportoftheinterestsof thecapitalistsystemasawholeandmultinationalcorporationsin particular’ (Bowles, 2013:116).
Theglobalisationofcapitalismhasbeenadvancedinassociationwith neo-liberalism –‘neoliberalpoliciesincludeprivatizingpublicindustries, openingmarketstoforeigninvestmentandcompetition,creating fiscal austerityprogrammestocurtailgovernmentspending,removingcontrols oncapital flows,reducingtariffsandothertradebarriers,andending governmentprotectionsforlocalindustry’ (Engler, 2007:151).
Thepoliciesthatderivedfromneo-liberalismwerepromotedbysupranationalinstitutionssuchastheOrganisationforEconomicCooperation andDevelopment(OECD),theWorldBank(WB),theInternational MonetaryFund(IMF)andtheWorldTradeOrganisation(WTO).
IthasthusbeenconcludedthatGlobalisationmeansthat ‘thelocusof poweranddecision-makingisshiftingfromthenationstatetomultinational bodiessuchastheEuropeanUnion,theInternationalMonetaryFundorthe WorldTradeOrganisation(Hertz, 2001a).Theseorganisations,alongwith multi-nationalcompaniesandglobal financialmarketsincreasinglycontrol thepolicyagendainthekeyareaoftheeconomy’ (Whiteley, 2003:612). Accordingly,onereasonforthedeclineinthepublic’sengagementwith conventionalpoliticalactivityhasbeen ‘thelossofpowerexperiencedbythe nationstateinanincreasinglyglobalizedworld’ (Whiteley, 2003:612).
PowerWieldedbyMultinationalCompanies
Multinationalcompanies(mostofwhichareAmerican-owned)areaparticularbeneficiaryoftheglobaleconomywhichhavebenefittedfromthe neo-liberalpoliciesdrivenbyawiderangeofsupranationalbodies,leading totheaccusationthatbodiessuchastheWTO,WBandIMFoperateinthe interestsofAmerican-ownedmultinationalcompanies(Palast, 2003:3).
Privatisationisdepictedasanimportantaspectoftheneo-liberal agendawhichisfavouredbymultinationalcompaniesandpromotedby arangeofsupranationalbodies.Ithasbeendepictedasapolicydrivenby thelargecorporations(Hertz, 2001b)whobecomeabletoexploitthefree marketinordertomaximisetheirprofits.Theseresultsinpublicsector servicesbeingtailoredtomeettherequirementsofcorporatedemand ratherthanpublicneed(Monbiot, 2001:4).
SecuringPoliticalInfluence
Oneimportantissuerelatestohowmultinationalcompaniessucceedin securingpoliticalinfluencewithinindividualcountries.Theinfluencethat iswieldedbymultinationalcompaniescanbeconstructedinanumberof waysandhasgivenrisetoaccusationsthatpoliticiansandpoliticalparties areinleaguewithcorporateinterests.Thisreinforcesperceptionsthat conventionalpoliticalactivityisanineffectivemethodofexercisingcontrol overcorporatedecisionsandcommercialpractices.
Politicianswithinparticularcountriesmayactivelyseektosecurebusinesscontacts,inthebeliefthattheinvestmentandjobsthatthiswill bringwillalsobeofbenefittotheirownpoliticalinterests.ThisaccusationwaslevelledatNewLabour(Palast, 2003:297and310)whichwas accusedofopeningup ‘secretroutesofspecialaccesstoallowselected corporatechiefstobargain,alterorvetogovernment’skeydecisions’
(Palast, 2003:297).ItwasarguedthatTonyBlair ‘givingoverBritain’s highstreetstoWalMart,jailstoWackenhut,powerplantstoEntregy,is convincedthathe’ssoldthenation’ssoultoSantaClaus.TheAmericans willsprinklethefairydustofcommerceknow-howoverhislaggardly islandand – presto! – Enterprisewilltake flight’ (Palast, 2003:315).
Therelationshipbetweencorporationsofpoliticiansisoftenconstructed viaintermediariessuchaslobbyistswhoactasthelinktointroducerepresentativesofcorporateintereststosourceswhowereabletosecureforthem accesstopoliticiansandpolicymakers.Thissituationgiveslobbyistsacrucial roleintheprocessesofglobalisedgovernment,beingdepictedas ‘the enginesofBritain’sglobalization’ (Palast, 2003:307).Itmay,however, leadtobriberyandcorruption,oneUKexampleofwhichwasthe1998 ‘cashforsecrets’ scandal.
CorporatePower,ConventionalPoliticsandProtest
Ithasbeenarguedinprevioussectionsthattheeconomicandindustrial policiesofindividualnationsareoftendominatedbylargebusinesscorporationswhichpossessconsiderablepoliticalandeconomicclout,important aspectsofwhichareprovidingemploymentandtheirabilitytowithdraw fromnationswhotakedecisionswhicharedetrimentaltotheirabilityof maximiseprofits.
Thepowerwieldedbysuchcommercialconcernsiswidelyrecognised.It hasbeenarguedthat ‘67%ofthepopulation ... nowbelievethatbiginternationalcompanieshavemoreinfluenceovertheirdailylivesthandotheir owngovernments’ (Hertz, 2001c).However,thissituationistothedetrimentofconventionalpoliticalactivitysinceaccusationsthatpoliticiansnow ‘jumptothecommandsofcorporationsratherthantheirowncitizens’ (Hertz, 2001d:5)isallegedtohavecreatedacycleofcynicismtowards conventionalpoliticalactivity(Hertz, 2001d:198).
Ithasbeenassertedthatprotestistheonlyeffectivewaytooppose corporatepower(Hertz, 2001d:11).Thisnotonlymayariseinthecountries experiencingwhatamounttoeconomiccolonisationbutmayalsotrigger protestsindevelopingnations,especiallytohighlightenvironmentalconcernsortopromoteglobaljusticeindevelopingnationswhereithasbeen arguedthat:
Unregulatedorunder-regulatedbygovernments,corporationssettheterms ofengagementthemselves.IntheThirdWorldweseearacetothebottom: multi-nationalspittingcountriesagainsteachothertoprovidethemost
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“With sympathetic approach and with due appreciation of Dr Chapman himself, one lays down the book with a feeling that Dr Ottman has fallen short of the possibilities in the case. ”
Springf’d Republican p11a S 5 ’20 580w
OUR unseen guest. *$2
(3c)
Harper 134
20–3803
Philosophical discussions communicated to Joan and Darby, the anonymous authors of this book by a young soldier who had recently died, or “graduated,” and was living and working “ on the other side.” In the beginning this spirit gave proof of his identity, which the authors quite accidently found corroborated. The communications center about “quality of consciousness.” Our development is both qualitative and quantitative. At birth we are given quality of soul—which is definitely fixed—a rebirth of a certain quality of consciousness, which has been developing on the other side, into our human body. During our earth life, if we are true to our “quality,” we develop quantity of soul, which upon our “graduation” we bring as our contribution to the whole of consciousness on the other side. There are many rebirths, until the supreme consciousness is reached. Joan and Darby at first were very material skeptics, holding fast to the theories of subconsciousness, telepathy, etc., but in the end were quite convinced.
“In view of the unconvincing and emotional quality of many of the popular books upon psychical research, the readers of ‘Our unseen guest’ will be inclined to [say] ‘the best thing of the kind!’” Margaret Deland
“Wordy nonsense as this is, it is more coherent because more modest than most of the revelations from the beyond; the evasion (in the vernacular bluff) is more transparent, less likely to produce the semblance of profundity by which the judgment is soothed to a blissful ignorance mistaken for knowledge.” Joseph Jastrow
Review 3:43 Jl 14 ’20 350w
OVERTON, GRANT MARTIN. Mermaid. il
*1.75 (2c) Doubleday
20–1891
A story of the sea and of sea-faring life seen from the coast and a coast-guard station. Captain Smiley and his crew have rescued a little girl of six, the only survivor of a wreck, and have called her Mermaid, from the ship’s name. With the captain as Dad and the crew as uncles she lives a life full of poetry and adventure. In spite of her name she grows into a sane and healthy womanhood, surrounded in her school days by boy friendships that later turn into love. From among these she chooses Guy Vanton the lonely poet boy, shadowed by a dark family history. In the course of the story several family histories of the old coast town are revealed and withal much human nature, some philosophy and the light of a new era is shown to lay old ghosts and to conquer old fears. Mermaid’s husband, Guy, pays for his conquest with his life, and Dick Hand, overstepping conventions with the courage of love, reaps his reward.
OVINGTON, MARY WHITE. Shadow. *$1.75 (2c)
Harcourt
20–5123
A story of the race problem told with an effective restraint. The plot is unusual. A white baby, for family reasons, is left in a negro cabin, to be brought up as a negro child and until the age of nineteen, to believe herself of negro blood. Then a dying and repentent grandfather restores her to her name and position and she is free to cross the line into the white world. Realizing what her fate will be wherever her story is known, she chooses to lose herself in New York, earning a living in the garment trades. Here she finds herself on the edge of the labor movement, but she is never quite drawn into it. She remains outside the conflict. The call to action comes to her when the life of her dark brother, the playmate of her childhood, is endangered, and to save him from the fury of a lynching mob, enraged to the point of blood lust at thought of a negro who has laid his hand on a white woman ’ s arm, she again crosses the color line and falsely declares herself of negro birth. The story ends as it began, in the South, with Hertha entering the beautiful southern home of which she is to be mistress, but even within its protection, with her lover’s arm about her, she looks ahead and knows that “the shadow of man ’ s making” will always lie beside her path.
Booklist 16:314 Je ’20
“Miss Ovington has written a novel of keen interest. She has handled the story unfalteringly. She has shown the immense possibilities that lie in such a theme when treated truthfully and
artistically. She treats her colored characters with the same attributes of nature and temperament as the whites, and in so doing opens up the way to the possibilities in the future of American fiction.”
Boston Transcript p4 Je 2 ’20 2000w
“In no recent book has the American negro ’ s problem been more sympathetically treated than in ‘The shadow.’ She succeeds throughout in treating them as individuals rather than as racial types and does so with a simple and unselfconscious realism.” M. G.
Freeman 2:93 O 6 ’20 160w
“The execution is unexceptionable, but the people and the incidents lack concreteness. No doubt Miss Ovington has seen them in the flesh. But she has seen them as a sociologist rather than as an artist. But this will not trouble the average reader at all. And since in most of the novels he gets the characters are conventionalized into conformity with the demands of intolerance and hatred, one cannot but desire a wide popularity for this book in which the controlling spirit is one of humanity and of the civilized instincts.”
Nation 110:558 Ap 24 ’20 160w
“There can be no doubt of Miss Ovington’s love and sympathy for the negroes. Each page is full of the burning resentment she feels for their wrongs, but one cannot help wondering what her real belief is with regard to the race. ” N Y Evening Post p3 My 1 ’20 630w
“Miss Ovington’s book is well constructed and faultlessly written.”
N Y Times 25:25 Je 27 ’20 560w
“Incidentally, the race question is touched upon with sympathy toward all sides of the problem.”
Outlook 124:657 Ap 14 ’20 40w
“The story is written throughout with a deep sympathy for all the characters.”
Springf’d Republican p9a Ag 29 ’20 240w
“Her black characters are drawn lovingly: for she seems to possess in rare combination that sympathetic affection which the southern white feels for the black when he ‘keeps his place’ together with comprehension of the aspiring mind and soul of the black race. ” M. K. R.
World Tomorrow 3:287 S ’20 260w
The book is the first of a series of economic reprints which form a new social economic section of the famous Bohn libraries. The volumes deal with the great writers and pioneers in the field of economics of whom Robert Owen was the first to grasp the meaning of the industrial revolution. The present volume has an introduction by M. Beer, a bibliography of the works of Owen, and an index.
Ath p784 Je 11 ’20 50w
Booklist 17:85 N ’20
“A comparison of Owen’s ‘Life’ with contemporary records will reveal a number of substantial discrepancies.” R: Roberts
Freeman 2:187 N 3 ’20 850w
OYEN, HENRY. Plunderer. *$1.75 (3c) Doran
20–4782
Roger Payne, an energetic young northerner, buys a thousand acre tract of “prairie” land in Florida. When he goes down to look it over he finds that the quality of the land corresponds quite exactly to the agent’s description, but that it is covered with about two feet of water. With the aid of his friend Higgins, an engineer, he works out a plan for drainage, but finds that the physical difficulties are the least of his obstacles. One of the men in the company that sold him the land is Senator Fairclothe, but he soon learns that this statesman is only the catspaw for Garman, the real villain in the situation. The senator’s beautiful daughter is engaged to Garman, but there is love at first sight between her and Roger and the outcome of the tale,
which abounds in scenes of brutality, is the winning of the girl as well as title to the reclaimed land.
Reviewed by H. W. Boynton
Bookm 51:683 Jl ’20 290w
“The book is an adventure tale of good quality: and if the reader will overlook its lack of plausibility it will hold his attention to the end.”
N Y Times 25:134 Mr 21 ’20 300w
“The tale is exciting and adventurous.”
Outlook 124:563 Mr 31 ’20 20w Springf’d Republican p13a My 2 ’20 200w
OZAKI, YEI THEODORA. Romances of old Japan.
*$8.50 Brentano’s 895
“Madame Ozaki’s ‘ romances ’ are for the most part stories dealt with by the popular drama of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. They are of two types, the sanguinary and the supernatural. The first corresponds to the earlier period of the Yedo popular stage and to the careers of the first three Danjūrōs, famous for their impersonations of ferocious warriors. In the present work ‘The quest of the sword,’ ‘The tragedy of Kesa’ and ‘The Sugawara
tragedy’ belong to this type. The second type, represented in this book by ‘The spirit of the lantern,’ ‘The reincarnation of Tama,’ ‘The badger-haunted temple,’ etc., corresponds to the popularity of the great ghost-impersonator Matsusuke, who died c.1820.” Ath
“These characteristic native idylls are charmingly translated.”
Ath p1170 N 7 ’19 70w
“It is not difficult to discover why Madame Ozaki’s material is drawn from the stage, and not from the classical literature of Japan. Her rendering of one or two poems in this book shows that she is imperfectly acquainted with the older language. Her style is that of cinema-libretti, a medium thoroughly suited to the nature of her material. Numerous illustrations by the contemporary artists Keishū and Hōsai add to the impression of modernity produced by the book. Might not it have been illustrated by old theatrical woodcuts?” A.
D. W.
Ath p1398 D 26 ’19 440w
“Mme Ozaki’s very readable tales gain by being associated with native pictures, though the artist seems to have been influenced by western painting.”
Spec 123:696 N 22 ’19 140w
“The illustrations are Japanese. None of them, we suppose, would be considered anything but negligible in Japan. But to the western eye there is hardly one which does not possess some of those qualities of grace, decision, and style which are seldom absent from the most trifling Japanese work.”
PACKARD, FRANK LUCIUS. From now on.
*$1.75 (2c) Doran
20–6
Dave Henderson, through environment a crook, steals one hundred thousand dollars, which unfortunately is coveted by other, more hardened crooks. Scarcely has he hidden his prize securely when he is hotly pursued. Caught and convicted, he serves five years in the “ pen ” patiently, for is not the reward worth while? Released, he is a marked man to both police and crook. Nevertheless, after hair-raising adventures, he at last holds in his hands the hundred thousand dollars, only to find he can no longer enjoy this stolen money. Association with an honest, great hearted gentleman and a girl who loves Dave, creates in him values other than material, and a desire for clean straight living. He accepts “God’s chance,” and together with the woman he loves, looks forward to an honest, decent, constructive life “from now on. ”
“As a well-constructed, plausible and exciting story, ‘From now on ’ deserves unstinted praise.” A. A. W. Boston Transcript p10 Ja 31 ’20 300w N Y Times 25:71 F 8 ’20 550w
Springf’d Republican p11a Mr 21 ’20 210w
PACKARD, FRANK LUCIUS. White Moll. *$1.75 (1½c) Doran
20–8628
The White Moll is the name Rhoda Gray has earned for herself in New York’s East side district by always playing on the square with its denizens. So Gypsy Nan, when dying in a slightly penitent frame of mind, entrusts her with the secret of a crime about to be committed. Rhoda tries to stop it, but is arrested, charged with committing it. She escapes but her career of charity as the White Moll is thus wrecked and she is forced for safety to disguise herself as Gypsy Nan in which rôle she finds herself in the midst of a criminal gang. She resolves to circumvent their schemes, and so plays the double part of Gypsy Nan, who is hand in glove with them, and the White Moll, their bitterest enemy and a fugitive from justice. Her part is hard, but her luck is good, and with the “Adventurer” as her ally she finally, after many exciting experiences, breaks up the gang and brings it to punishment. Then she makes the gratifying discovery that the Adventurer is not the thief she had thought him and that they had been working for the same ends.
“If a thrill on every page is any consideration, here you have it.” H. W. Boynton Bookm 51:585 Jl ’20 140w
“As is usual in his stories of the underworld, Mr Packard’s tale is filled with exciting adventures. He has without doubt built a place for himself and his particular type of tale.”
Boston Transcript p6 Jl 17 ’20 300w
“There is no need for anyone to find life unexciting so long as there are men in the world with imaginations like Frank L. Packard’s.”
Ind 104:381 D 11 ’20 140w
“It is a clever, absorbing story, with a certain freshness in its theme.”
N Y Times 25:329 Je 20 ’20 480w
Springf’d Republican p9a Jl 4 ’20 180w
Wis Lib Bul 16:238 D ’20 50w PACKARD, WINTHROP. Old Plymouth trails. il
20–26567
“He who would see Plymouth and the Pilgrim land about it as the Pilgrims saw it may do so. Nature holds grimly onto her own and sedulously heals the scars that man makes.... Plymouth is a manufacturing city, a residence town, a resort and a thriving business centre all in one ... but you have only to step out of town to find their very land all about you, traces of their occupancy, the very
marks of their feet, worn in the earth itself.... Along the old Pilgrim trails you may step from modern culture and its acme of civilization through the pasture lands of the Pilgrims into glimpses of the forest primeval.” (Chapter I) A partial list of the contents is: Plymouth mayflowers; Nantucket in April; Footing it across the Cape; Along the salt marshes; Ghosts of the northeaster; White pine groves; The pasture in November; Coasting on Ponkapoag; Yule fires.
“Pleasant informal essay style with special appeal to the lover of the out-of-doors.”
Booklist 16:342 Jl ’20
Reviewed by W. A. Dyer Bookm 52:126 O ’20 30w Cath World 112:257 N ’20 160w
“As a prose technician, Mr Packard is, of course, inferior to W. H. Hudson, lacking both the English writer’s restraint and his sense of nervous rhythm. Yet he writes with great vividness at times, and his accuracy of observation is hardly less keen.” W. P. Eaton
2:117 O 13 ’20 900w
Y Times 25:5 Jl 25 ’20 100w
125:715 Ag 25 ’20 60w
Republican p8 Jl 23 ’20 240w
Lib Bul 16:236 D ’20 70w
Reviewed by
C. L. Skinner
Yale R n s 10:181 O ’20 750w
PAGE, GERTRUDE (MRS GEORGE ALEXANDER DOBBIN).[2] Paddy-the-next-best-
thing.
*$2 (2c) Stokes
20–18935
When Paddy Adair was born, her father had ardently wished for a boy, but as she grew up he had become quite contented with the “next-best-thing,” and Paddy, while longing herself to be a boy, had satisfied herself with being as hoydenish and wild as the “next-bestthing” could be. But for all that, she had a way with her with the opposite sex, a captivating Irish way which won and held the heart of Lawrence Blake, as her sister Eileen’s dreamy moods could never do. But Paddy, because she thought Eileen was breaking her heart over Lawrence’s defection, swore eternal hatred against him. Altho patience was far from natural to him, he cultivated it and in the end won out. The story in play form has had a successful run both in this country and England.
“As fiction of the very lightest sort this tale has its good points. Although over-played, its heroine, Paddy, is real and often behaves like a human sort.”
N Y Evening Post p22 O 23 ’20 50w
“The author does not rely on plot for the appeal of her book. What she does is to offer a pleasing, polite, mildly amusing sketch of certain phases of life in Ireland, with nothing to remind one of Sinn Fein uprising and hunger strikes, and this work she has done with commendable skill.”
N Y Times p18 D 5 ’20 410w
Springf’d Republican p8 D 28 ’20 130w
PAGE, KIRBY.[2] Something more. *90c Assn. press 248 20–11091
The book, “ a consideration of the vast, undeveloped resources of life” (Sub-title) is the first in the New generation series. It contains four essays enlarging respectively on the latent possibilities in God, in man, in Jesus Christ, in life that are man ’ s for the searching. The last essay, Enemies of life, enumerates the negative factors, both material and spiritual, all rooted in ignorance, that keep man from entering into his true heritage.
“An invigorating book.”
+ +
Bib World 54:645 N ’20 120w
PAGE, THOMAS NELSON. Italy and the world war. *$5 Scribner 940.345
20–21941
Ambassador Page was in Italy during the entire period of the war and followed sympathetically the part played therein by the Italian people. He holds that the key to Italy’s relation to the war is to be found in her traditions, her history and in her geographical and economic situation. Accordingly the book falls into three parts: “The first is introductory and contains in outline the history of the Italian people in the long period when they were included in and bound under the Holy Roman empire. The second contains the story of their evolution, from the conception of their national consciousness on through the long and bitter struggle with the Austrian empire for their liberty down to the time when ... they developed into a new and united Italy.... The third part contains the story of the diplomatic struggle to establish herself in a position to which Italy considers herself entitled as a great power. ” (Preface) The book has six maps, appendices, giving the texts of the armistice with Austria and of the pact of London, and an index.
“A much needed contribution to the political history of the war. ”
Booklist 17:149 Ja ’21
“It is not impertinent to say that an experienced newspaper man, equipped with a good encyclopædia, a good atlas, and the newspaper files for the past five years, could produce an excellent replica of ‘Italy and the world war ’ without having crossed the Atlantic. Mr Page had an opportunity to write a very remarkable pamphlet, and he wrote instead a hurried, congested, and unnecessary hotch-potch history of the war. ” W: McFee N Y Evening Post p4 Ja 29 ’21 1400w
“It is to be regretted that the American public could not have had the benefit of this unequaled book months ago. Mr Page smashes beyond recovery many illusions which, during and after the war, militated against the character of Italy, her people, her statesmen.”
Walter Littlefield
N Y Times p3 N 28 ’20 2500w
R of Rs 63:222 F ’21 130w
Springf’d Republican p6 D 4 ’20 80w
PAGÉ, VICTOR WILFRED. Automobile
starting, lighting and ignition. 6th ed rev and enl il $3
Henley 629.2
20–9556
“Mr Pagé first explains the nature of electricity how a current is produced and then goes on to explain in general the systems used for ignition, starting and lighting. This is followed by a detailed explanation of the individual systems on various cars. Many illustrations and diagrams make this book easy to understand.” (R of Rs) “The sixth edition repeats the material of the second edition with the addition of eight new chapters on leading electrical ignition systems, design of electrical measuring instruments and use in testing, and wiring diagrams of popular cars. ” (Booklist)
Booklist 16:357 Jl ’20
R of Rs 62:336 S ’20 50w
The Times [London] Lit Sup p669 O 14 ’20 20w
PAGÉ, VICTOR WILFRED. Model T Ford car. rev and enl il $1.50 Henley 629.2
20–4100
“Victor W. Pagé’s ‘Model T Ford car ’ has appeared in its new and enlarged 1920 edition. This edition should be even more popular than the earlier editions, as it contains information and instructions for the Fordson farm tractor and the F. A. lighting and starting system, as well as all the principles and parts of the Ford. Numerous illustrations and diagrams make the instructions and explanations easily understood by a novice.” N Y P L Munic Ref Lib Notes
Booklist 16:291 My ’20
N Y P L Munic Ref Lib Notes 7:35 O 13 ’20 50w
R of Rs 62:336 S ’20 50w
PAGÉ, VICTOR WILFRED, ed. Motor boats and boat motors. il $3 Henley 623.8
20–11842
“Mr Pagé has compiled a volume full of interest to the novice as well as to the experienced motor-boat enthusiast. It covers fully the design, construction, operation, and repair of boats and motors in general, including full instructions, with working drawings, for building five boats from tested designs by A. Clark Leitch, naval architect. A chapter on seaplanes and flying-boat construction gives both theory and practical application.” R of Rs
Booklist 17:100 D ’20
“Clearly written and has nearly 400 exceptionally good illustrations. Anyone contemplating the purchase of a boat should be guided by the excellent advice given in the first chapter.”
N Y P L New Tech Bks p60 Jl ’20 80w
R of Rs 62:336 S ’20 70w PAGE, WILLIAM, ed. Commerce and industry; with a preface by William Ashley. 2v il v 1 *$15 v 2 *$10 Dutton 330.9 (Eng ed 19–18954)
“In the twelve chapters that make up the main text of the first volume of this work, and the three appendices, an historical review of
the economic conditions of the British empire for ninety-nine years, largely based upon parliamentary debates as reported by Hansard, is given. The second volume consists of statistical tables of the economic factors, such as population, taxation, imports and exports, production, finance, etc., in supplementation proof of the conditions as set forth in the text of the first volume. The subjects dealt with in the main portion of the work cover the Effects of war (1815 to 1820); Commercial reform (1820 to 1830); The reform Parliament (1830 to 1841); Repeal of the Corn laws (1841 to 1852); War and finance (1852 to 1859); Free trade (1859 to 1868); Retrenchment and reform (1869 to 1880); Organization (1880–1892); Foreign competition (1892 to 1900); The movement towards tariff reform (1900 to 1910); and Unrest (1910 to 1914). The three appendices discuss The Cabinet and Parliament, Ministries 1812 to 1912, and A chronicle of the British empire beyond the seas. ” Boston Transcript
“The volume is a storehouse of facts for politicians and economists.”
Ath p745 Ag 15 ’19 1150w
Boston Transcript p4 S 29 ’20 720w
“Impartiality is a dominant quality of the work, as it ought to be.”
Spec 122:151 Ag 2 ’19 1050w
PAGET, STEPHEN. Sir Victor Horsley; a study of his life and work. il *$6 Harcourt (Eng ed 19–18661)
