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TennysonandMid-Victorian Publishing

JimCheshire

Tennyson andMid-Victorian Publishing

Moxon,Poetry,Commerce

JimCheshire

Lincoln,UnitedKingdom

ISBN978-1-137-33814-3ISBN978-1-137-33815-0(eBook) DOI10.1057/978-1-137-33815-0

LibraryofCongressControlNumber:2016950443

©TheEditor(s)(ifapplicable)andTheAuthor(s)2016

Theauthor(s)has/haveassertedtheirright(s)tobeidentifiedastheauthor(s)ofthisworkin accordancewiththeCopyright,DesignsandPatentsAct1988. Thisworkissubjecttocopyright.Allrightsaresolelyandexclusivelylicensedbythe Publisher,whetherthewholeorpartofthematerialisconcerned,specificallytherightsof translation,reprinting,reuseofillustrations,recitation,broadcasting,reproductionon microfilmsorinanyotherphysicalway,andtransmissionorinformationstorageand retrieval,electronicadaptation,computersoftware,orbysimilarordissimilarmethodology nowknownorhereafterdeveloped.

Theuseofgeneraldescriptivenames,registerednames,trademarks,servicemarks,etc.inthis publicationdoesnotimply,evenintheabsenceofaspecificstatement,thatsuchnamesare exemptfromtherelevantprotectivelawsandregulationsandthereforefreeforgeneraluse.

Thepublisher,theauthorsandtheeditorsaresafetoassumethattheadviceandinformation inthisbookarebelievedtobetrueandaccurateatthedateofpublication.Neitherthe publishernortheauthorsortheeditorsgiveawarranty,expressorimplied,withrespectto thematerialcontainedhereinorforanyerrorsoromissionsthatmayhavebeenmade.

Coverillustration:©CourtesyofTennysonResearchCouncil,LincolnshireCountyCouncil

Printedonacid-freepaper

ThisPalgraveMacmillanimprintispublishedbySpringerNature TheregisteredcompanyisMacmillanPublishersLtd. Theregisteredcompanyaddressis:TheCampus,4CrinanStreet,London,N19XW, UnitedKingdom

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

ThisbookistheproductofaseriesofcollaborationsandIwouldliketo offermythankstoanumberofindividuals,institutionsandgroups.

Anyonewhoreadsthisbookwillnoticetheheavydebttothearchival materialsintheTennysonResearchCentreinLincoln,ownedby LincolnshireCountyCouncil.Ihavebeenworkingonvariousprojects inthearchiveforthelastnineyearsandhavebenefittedgreatlyfromthe continuoussupportofGraceTimmins.Thedevelopmentofthecatalogue hasbeenagreathelptomeandRosalindBoyce’sworkonTennyson’s lettersandothermaterialhasmademytaskmucheasier.Iamverygrateful toLincolnshireCountyCouncilforallowingmetoquotedocumentsand illustratevisualmaterialfromthearchive.Recently,Ihavehadthepleasure ofteachingMAclasseswithinthearchive,whichhasproducedstimulating thoughtsanddiscussions,ashasdetaileddiscussionofthesematerialswith JohnFrancisDavies,AmyCulleyandHannaField.

Otherarchivaldepositshaveplayedanimportantrole.Iamgratefulto theWordsworthTrustforallowingmetoquotefromtheirarchival materialsandtotheBritishLibraryfortheuseofanimageandtheuse oftheircollections.SharingknowledgewithotherTennysonscholarshas helpedmetodevelopmyunderstandingandIwouldliketothankAnn KennedySmith,JuanMiguelZarandona,AidanDay,ValeriePurton, SibylleErle,PhyllisWeliver,EwanJonesandPatrickScott.

TheCollegeofArtsandtheSchoolofHistoryandHeritageatthe UniversityofLincolnhavesupportedmewithresearchtimeandtravel expensesandmycolleaguesintheNineteenth-CenturyResearchGroup havetakenpartinstimulatingdiscussionsaroundmyworkandmanyother

subjects.Iwouldliketothankmycolleaguesintheconservationsubject areaforprovidingmewithexpertiseandequipment,advice,camerasand microscopesthathavehelpedmetoexamineobjectsindetail.

PalgraveMacmillanhavebeenverysupportiveandIwouldliketothank themfortheirfaithinthevalueofthisbook.TomasRenéhasbeen consistentlypromptandaccurateinhisresponsetomyqueries.Iam gratefultoWestVirginiaUniversityPressandOakKnollBooksfor allowingmetoreusesectionsofearlierpublicationsin Chaps.5 and 6

Writingabooksuchasthishasnecessitatedputtinginlonghours, whichhasdemandedpatiencefrommembersofmyfamily,includingmy parentsandmyson.InparticularIwouldliketoofferspecialthankstomy wifeIsobel.Shehasbornethebruntofmypreoccupationwiththis project,aidedmedirectlybyreadingdraftchaptersandprovidedme withconstantsupportandencouragement.

1Introduction:Poetry,Books,andPublishingHistory

2EdwardMoxoninContext

3TennysonbyNumbers:EdwardMoxon andtheBusinessofPublishing

4PublishingTennysoninAmerica

7FameanditsConsequences

8Conclusion:TennysonandtheEvolution

LISTOF FIGURES

Fig.2.1J.M.W.Turner, ‘Venice’ fromSamuelRogers Italy (London: Caddell&Moxon,1830),TRC/AT/1894.©Tennyson ResearchCentreandLincolnshireCountyCouncil31

Fig.2.2Frontispieceto ThePoeticalWorksofColeridge,Shelley, andKeats (Paris:Galignani,1829),TRC/AT/773. ©TennysonResearchCentreandLincolnshire CountyCouncil51

Fig.3.1PrintrunsofMoxon’seditionsofTennyson’s1842 Poems, 1842–185571

Fig.3.2RateofsaleofMoxon’seditionsofTennyson’s1842 Poems, 1842–185573

Fig.3.3SpinesofMoxon’sthirdand fiftheditionsofTennyson’s 1842 Poems,published1845and1848.©Tennyson ResearchCentreandLincolnshireCountyCouncil76

Fig.3.4Detailofclothcoverto ThePrincess (London:Moxon,1847), showingthesamepatternusedforthefourthedition ofthe1842 Poems,TRC/W/4226.©Tennyson ResearchCentreandLincolnshireCountyCouncil78

Fig.3.5Clothcoverto MaudandotherPoems (London: Moxon,1855),thepatternsubsequentlyadopted forallTennyson’sbooks82

Fig.3.6RateofsaleofMoxon’seditionsof ThePrincess, 1847–185683

Fig.3.7RateofsaleofMoxon’seditionsof InMemoriam, 1851–185485

Fig.3.8YearlySalesofMoxon’sbooksofTennyson’sPoetry 1842–185686

Fig.3.9EstimatedSalesof IdyllsoftheKing and ASelection fromtheWorksofAlfredTennyson,1859–186489

Fig.4.1Coverto PoemsbyAlfredTennyson (Boston:Ticknor andFields,1855)118

Fig.4.2Spineto PoemsbyAlfredTennyson,anewedition,enlarged (Boston:WilliamD.Ticknor&Company,1849)TRC/W/ 4346.©TennysonResearchCentreandLincolnshire CountyCouncil120

Fig.4.3Coverto ThePoeticalWorksofAlfredTennyson (Boston:TicknorandFields,1858) – the ‘Blue andGold’ edition124

Fig.5.1B.R.Haydon ‘Buonaparte’ engravedbyJ.Brainin TheBook ofGems.TheModernPoetsandArtistsofGreatBritain ed. byS.C.Hall(London:Whitaker,1838),TRC/BC/5422. ©TennysonResearchCentreandLincolnshire CountyCouncil140

Fig.5.2S.C.Lees, ‘Forgiveme/Iwastemyheartinsigns:letbe’ from IllustrationstoAlfredTennyson’sPoemThePrincess byMrsS.C.Lees (London:DickinsonBros,c.1850), TRC/W/4355.©TennysonResearchCentre andLincolnshireCountyCouncil142

Fig.5.3T.Dalziel, ‘Conclusion’ to ‘TheMayQueen’ published in ThePoetsoftheNineteenthCentury ed.byR.A.Willmott (London:Routledge,1858)145

Fig.5.4ClarksonStanfield, ‘Ulysses’,engravedbyW.J.Linton andpublishedin PoemsbyAlfredTennyson D.C.L.PoetLaureate (London:Moxon,1857), TRC/W.©TennysonResearchCentreandLincolnshire CountyCouncil149

Fig.6.1JamesBertrandPayne’smonogram,versooftitlepage to ASelectionfromtheWorksofAlfredTennyson (London:Moxon,1865)166

Fig.6.2JohnLeighton,coverto ASelectionfromtheWorks ofAlfredTennyson (London:Moxon,1865)167

Fig.6.3 ‘AListofBooksPublishedbyMessrsEdwardMoxon &Co.,DoverStreet’ (London:Moxon,December1865). ©TennysonResearchCentreandLincolnshire CountyCouncil172

Fig.6.4ArthurHughes,coverto EnochArdenwithIllustrations byArthurHughes (London:Moxon,1866).TRC/W. ©TennysonResearchCentreandLincolnshire CountyCouncil174

LISTOFFIGURES xi

Fig.6.5GustaveDoré, ‘VivienandMerlinRepose’,tipped inalbumenprintofDoré’sdrawingfrom Vivien,illustrated byGustaveDoré (London:EdwardMoxon,1867) TRC/W.©TennysonResearchCentreandLincolnshire CountyCouncil178

Fig.6.6GustaveDoré, ‘KingArthurDiscoveringtheSkeletons oftheBrothers’ lithographfrom TheStoryofElaine IllustratedinFacsimilefromDrawingsbyGustaveDoré (London:E.Moxon,Son&Co.,1871).TRC/W. ©TennysonResearchCentreandLincolnshire CountyCouncil181

Fig.6.7GustaveDoré, ‘KingArthurReadingtheLetterofElaine’ , engravingfrom Elaine,illustratedbyGustaveDoré (London:EdwardMoxon,1867)TRC/W.©Tennyson ResearchCentreandLincolnshireCountyCouncil183

Fig.7.1SamuelLaurence, ‘AlfredTennyson’,frontispiece to ThePoeticalWorksofAlfredTennyson (Boston:TicknorandFields,1858)201

Fig.7.2ThomasWoolner,frontispieceto PoemsbyAlfredTennyson D.C.L.PoetLaureate (London:Moxon,1857).TRC/W. ©TennysonResearchCentreandLincolnshire CountyCouncil206

Fig.7.3ThomasWooler, ‘AlfredTennyson’,1857,fromalate nineteenth-centuryphotographofthemarblebust, TRC/IMAGES/6230.©TennysonResearchCentre andLincolnshireCountyCouncil208

Fig.7.4JamesMudd, ‘AlfredTennyson’,albumenprintc.1857210

Fig.7.5Frontispieceto ASelectionfromtheWorksofAlfredTennyson (London:Moxon,1865) – anengravingfromaphotograph takenbytheLondonStereoscopicCompany214

Fig.7.6ThomasWoolner,frontispieceto EnochArden withIllustrationsbyArthurHughes (London:Moxon,1866), TRC/W.©TennysonResearchCentreandLincolnshire CountyCouncil215

Fig.7.7GustaveDoré,frontispieceto IdyllsoftheKing.Tennyson –Dore (London:Moxon,1868)TRC/W.©Tennyson ResearchCentreandLincolnshireCountyCouncil218

Fig.7.8J.E.Mayall, ‘AlfredTennysonD.C.L.’,albumenprint,from Mayall’sNewSeriesofPhotographicPortraitsofEmminent andIllustriousPersons (London:A.Marion,SonandCo.c. 1864),TRC/IMAGES/5987.©TennysonResearchCentre andLincolnshireCountyCouncil220

Fig.7.9CharlesWilliamSherborn, ‘JamesBertrandPayne’ c.1867, steelplateengraving,©TheBritishLibraryBoard, AC.8141(vi),frontispiece222

Fig.7.10Illustrationfromtitlepageof ThomasHoodillustrated byGustaveDoré (London:E.Moxon,SonandCo.,1870)224

Fig.7.11WilliamJeffery,frontispiecetoD.BaronBrightwell, A ConcordancetotheEntireWorksofAlfredTennyson (London: Moxon,1869).TRC/BC/4390.©TennysonResearch CentreandLincolnshireCountyCouncil227

Fig.7.12WilliamJeffrey, ‘AlfredTennyson’,albumenprint, TRC/IMAGES/6364.©TennysonResearchCentre andLincolnshireCountyCouncil229

Fig.7.13HolmanHunt, ‘TheLadyofShalott’ reprinted in ThePoeticalWorksofAlfredTennyson (NewYork:HarperBrothers,1870)232

LISTOF TABLES

Table4.1EditionsofTennyson’spoetryprintedbyTicknorandFields 1842–1858109

Table4.2CumulativenumbersofTennyson’spoemsprintedbyEdward MoxoninBritainandTicknorandFieldsintheUSA129

CHAPTER1

Introduction:Poetry,Books, andPublishingHistory

ElizabethGaskellneededafavour.InOctober1849shevisitedSamuel Bamford,aformerhand-loomweaverandtheelderlyauthorof Lifeofa Radical,onlytodiscoverthathecouldnotaffordacopyofTennyson’s 1842 Poems.ShedescribedthesituationinalettertoJohnForster:

‘No’ he[Bamford]said,rathermournfully; –‘hehadbeenlookingoutfora secondhandcopy, – butsomehowtheyhadnotgotintotheoldbookshops,and14s(or18.Whicharethey?)wastoomuchforapoormanlike himtogive’ . 1

SheaskedForsterifhecouldpersuadethepoettogiveBamfordacopy, Tennysoncomplied,dedicatedthebooktohimandforwardedittoGaskell:

Ihavebeenhalf-openingtheprettygoldenleaves,andpeepinghereand thereatoldfavouriteseversinceitcame.ButIhaveshutitupcloseagain, thatitmayallproperlysticktogetherlikeanewly-boundbook,beforeItake ittoBamford.2

OnpresentingBamfordwiththebook,Gaskellhadtodistracthimfrom thepoetryinordertopointoutthatTennysonhadwrittenaninscription. Shelefthimreadinginthestreet:

Thenhedippeddownintohisbook,andbeganreadingaloudtheSleeping Beauty,andinthemiddlestoppedtolookatthewritingagain,andwe

©TheAuthor(s)2016

J.Cheshire, TennysonandMid-VictorianPublishing, DOI10.1057/978-1-137-33815-0_1

lefthiminasortofsleepwalkingstate,&onlytrustthathewillnotbe runover. 3

Gaskell’snarrativeofbourgeoisculturalphilanthropyoffersarevealing glimpseofwhocouldaffordtobuyTennyson’spoetry.ToGaskell, whetherthebookwas14sor18swasnotparticularlysignificantbut Bamfordwaseagerlyawaitingthebook’sappearanceinManchester’s second-handbookshops,whereithadfailedtomaterialise.Tennyson’s Poems hadbeenpublishedin1842andbytheendof1849hadsoldabout 8,000copies.Tennyson’sseminalcollectionhadshownsteadysalesfrom themid-1840sbutwassellingfastby1849,atarateofover150copiesa month,asignthatTennyson’spoetrywasreachinganaudiencebeyond London’sliteraryelite.Bamfordwasoneofthesenewreaders,anda ferventadmirer:

Bamfordisthemosthearty(andit’ssayingagooddeal)admirerof TennysonIknow.Idislikerecitationexceedingly,butherepeatssomeof Tennyson’spoemsinsorapt,andyetsosimpleamanner,utterlyforgetting thatanyoneisbye,inthedelightofthemusicandtheexquisitethoughts, thatonecan’thelplikingtohearhim.4

Gaskell’sestimateof14sor18swasinfacttoohigh:the1842 Poems had beenpublishedintwovolumesat12sbut,aboutayearbeforeGaskell’s letter,the fiftheditionhadbeenpublishedinonevolumeat9s:thiswas thesingle-volumeeditionthatTennysongiftedtoBamford.Thispricecut facilitatedasurgeinsales,althoughthiswasnotforthebenefitofpoor readers:EdwardMoxonneverpublishedcheapeditionsofTennyson’s poetryashebelievedthatwealthypeoplewouldbenefitratherthanreaders likeBamford.5

Thepriceofbooksdirectlyaffectedaccesstoliterature.Gaskellclaimed thatBamfordobtainedfamiliaritywithTennyson’spoemsthroughother people’scopies: ‘wheneverhegotintoahousewheretherewere Tennyson’spoemshelearntasmanyashecouldoffbyheart;&he thoughtheknewbetterthantwelve’ . 6 Bamfordhadacquaintanceswho couldaffordTennyson’s1842 Poems buttwelveshillings(orevennine) wasasubstantivesumandmorethanthreetimesthepriceofa ‘cheap edition’,whichMoxontypicallysoldfor2s6d.

Newbookswereexcitingobjects.Evenapublishedauthorsuchas Gaskellwasattractedbythe ‘goldenpages’ andwaskeenthatthevolume

‘sticktogetherlikeanewly-boundbook’ sothatitsnoveltywasnotspoilt forBamford.Since1846,Tennyson’s1842 Poems hadbeenissuedinwhat becameMoxon’shousestyle:greenclothboardsstampedwithdiscrete patternsandgoldletteringonthespine,anexampleoftheindustrial-scale decorationthatwasbecomingwidelyavailableduetothepresenceofnew specialisedfactories.Thiswasthefourthformatofthe1842 Poems and onethatwasmaintaineduntiltheMoxon firmpartedcompanywith Tennysonin1869.WhenBamfordreceivedthebook,itsfeelandappearancewouldhavebeennewtomanyreaders.

By1849therewereabout3,500copiesofTennyson’s1842 Poems circulatingamongAmericanreaders,whowouldhavepaid$1.50,roughly 6sortwothirdsofthepriceofBamford’scopy.Theirvolumewouldhave contained ThePrincess aswell:Tennyson’sAmericanpublisher,Ticknor andFields,hadbundledTennyson’spoemstogetherintoa PoeticalWorks editionwithoutraisingtheprice.Bothpoemstogetherwouldhavecostan Englishreader14s –morethantwiceasmuchastheAmericanedition.7 Tennysonwasonhiswaytoreachingamassaudience:hispopularity wouldkeepgrowingforanother15years,bywhichtimehewasseenas apublishingphenomenon.Thisbookisabouttherolethatpublishing playedinTennyson’sunprecedentedsuccessandwhatthistellsusabout mid-Victorianculture.

‘NOBODY WANTS POETRY NOW’– PUBLISHING AFTERTHE ROMANTICS

Historiansandliterarycriticshavefounditdifficulttocharacteriseearly Victorianpoetry.The1830shasbeendescribedbyRichardCroninas ‘a shadowystretchoftimesandwichedbetweentwofarmorecolourful periods’ andIsobelArmstong’sinfluentialstudyacknowledgestheproblemofunderstandingVictorianpoetryasthetransitionbetweenthe RomanticandModernperiods. 8 Partoftheproblemresidesinthelack ofquantitativeinformationaboutpublishinginthisperiod.Forexample, whereistheevidencetobackupCronin’sownassertion: ‘Fromthedeath ofByronuntilthePublicationof InMemoriam ... FeliciaHemanswas themostsuccessfulpoetinBritain’?9 FigurescitedbyWilliamStClair, althoughincomplete,suggestHemanssoldlessthan12,000copiesofher poeticbooksbetween1816and1834andthensoldtensofthousandsof cheapreprintcopiesfromthe1870sonwards:however,thisgivesuslittle

ideaofwhathappenedinthe1840s.10 WhileCroninwasconsciously attemptingtoreinsertHemansintoliteraryhistory,itisunclear(and arguablyunlikely)whethershewasmoresuccessfulthanTennysonin the1840s:combined figuresforthe1842 Poems and ThePrincess show thatby1849,11,300copiesofthepoemshadbeenpublishedinBritain and7,000copiesinAmerica.Whilemostattemptstounderstand Victorianpoetryrelyonliterarycriticism,thisbookasksadifferentquestion:towhatextentmightnewwaysofmanufacturing,advertisingand sellingpoeticbooksexplainthespecificityofVictorianpoetry?Newways ofprintinganddecoratingbookscoincidedcloselywiththestartofthe Victorianperiodandthedeclineofthepoeticgiftbook(c.1870)coincidesneatlywiththe ‘aesthetic’ poetsofthelaterVictorianperiod.This bookwillnotproposeanysimplecasuallinkbetweenpoetryandthe commoditiesthroughwhichitwassoldbutitwilldemonstratethatthe relationshipbetweenliteratureanditscommericalapparatusisimportant.

ThescaleofTennyson’ssuccessmeansthathewillalwaysdominate accountsofearlyandmid-Victorianpoetrybuttodatewehavebeen contentwithasuperficialanddatedanalysisofhiscareer.Theabsenceof anyrecentresearchaboutEdwardMoxonduringthisperiodisjustas surprising:ifpoetryinthe1830sand1840sissodifficulttocategorise, thensurelyMoxon’scareeristheobviousplacetolook?

TheideathatdemandforpoetryhaddisappearedbytheearlyVictorian periodhasprovedstrangelypervasive,astorycontestedbythecareerof thepoetcentraltothisstudy.Conventionalaccountsofpoetryafterthe Romanticperiodfrequentlypresentaboomandbustcycle:thepoetry boomoftheRomanticperiodwasfollowedbyasteepdeclineandthen anotherboominthe1860s,oftenexplicitlyassociatedwithTennyson’s EnochArden.Theevidencefrequentlycitedisthatseveralpowerfulpublishersmovedawayfrompoetryinthe1830sand1840s,whichistruebut whollyinadequatetojustifytheideathatdemandforpoetryhaddisappeared.AmoremeasuredapproachissuggestedbyBehrendt:

Althoughthe[publishing]markethitahighpointin1823 –5,thefollowingyearwitnessedwidespreadeconomicdif fi cultiesthatseriouslyaffected publishers.London fi rmslikeHurst,RobinsonandCo.,andothers,fearful ofadominoeffectturnedcautious,electingtopublishlessinliteratureand moreinhistory,science,moralandvocationalinstruction,andthedomesticarts,forallofwhichtherewasnowareadymarketofbourgeoise consumers. 11

Theideaofnewcautionamongmajorpublishersandpoetryasriskyisa plausibleexplanationofthischangeinliterarypublishing.Alongwith others,JohnSamuelMurray(1778–1843)becamegenuinelydisillusioned withverseand fictionbutthechangewithinthis firmisalsoattributableto theincreasinginfluenceofhisson.The DictionaryofNationalBiography suggeststhatJohnMurray(1808–1892) ‘hadmetByron,Scott,and Goethe,butcaredlittlefornovels(otherthanScott’s)orpoetry’,which impliesthatthe firm’smovementawayfromliteraturewasatleastpartly duetotheinterestsoftheindividualthatranthe firmfrom1843.12 Longman’smoveawayfrompoetryisequallyproblematicasasymptom ofawiderculturalshift.Thesourceoftenusedtojustifythisisananecdote relatinghowElizaActionoffereda ‘sheafofpoetry’ toThomasLongman IVinthe ‘earlyfortiesofthelastcentury’ andwasmetwiththeresponse: ‘MydearMadam,itisnogoodbringingmepoetry;nobodywantspoetry now.Bringmeacookerybookandwemightcometoterms.’13 Acton apparentlyreturnedwithhernowfamous ModernCookery.Thecredibility ofthisstorycanbequestionedfromanumberofperspectives.Firstly,the source,FrankMumby’s TheRomanceofBookselling (1910),ishardlythe workofaseriousscholar.Mumbywasajournalistwhowrotemainlyabout TudorandElizabethanhistoryandarguablyincludedtheanecdoteforits comedyvalue –‘Agoodstory,nowprintedforthe firsttime,istoldat Longmans’– butthishardlyinspiresconfidenceinitshistoricalaccuracy.14 Acton’sbiographersuggeststhedateofthevisitinquestionwas ‘around 1835’ andthatActonprobablyworkedon ModernCookery forabout10 yearsbeforepublication.15 Therefore,theamusingideathatshesuddenly gaveuppoetryforcookeryintheearly1840sseemsveryunlikely.Despite thedubiousnatureofthissource,ithasprovedpopularwithrecent scholars,whohaveuseditasevidenceforsuggestingthatLongman’s commercialadvicewascorrect.16 EvenifMumby’sdatewascorrect,the ideathatnoonewantedpoetryintheearly1840sisuntenable.John Keeble’s ChristianYear was firstpublishedin1827andhadsold379,000 copiesby1873and,accordingtoWilliamStClair,Barham’s Ingoldsby Legends (published1840)andMacaulay’s LaysofAncientRome (published1842)outsoldScottandByronoveracomparableperiod.17 Infact Longman’smoveawayfrompoetrycouldbeinterpretedasprofessional incompetence:in1836,the firmlostWilliamWordsworthtoMoxon,just atthetimewhenhispoetrywasstartingtobecomemoreprofitable. LongmanhadpublishedWordsworthforover30yearswithverylittle financialreward,onlytolosehimwhenhispoetrystartedtosellin 1INTRODUCTION:POETRY,BOOKS,ANDPUBLISHINGHISTORY

significantquantities:thisisnottheactionofa firmthathadaprivileged understandingofthemarket.Whileitisundoubtedlytruethatperiodicals andnovelswereeclipsingpoetryasthefocusofliterarypublishingandthat poetrywasnolongerviewedwithenthusiasmbymajorpublishers,thereis littlereasontosupposethatnoonewantedpoetry:publishersmayhave becomemorecautiousbutreadersstillwantedpoetry.

Tennyson’scareer,whichtookoffinthemid-1840sduetothedemand forhis1842 Poems,isasuresignthatdemandforpoetryhadnotdisappeared.Thisstudywillsuggestthatanysimplisticnarrativeaboutdemand forpoetrydisappearingafterthedeathofByron,KeatsandShelleyis untenableandthatweneedtolookformorecredibleexplanations.This studywillsuggestthattheemergenceofamassreadershipchangedtheway thatpoetrycouldbesold:demandforpoetryexistedbutithadtobesold inadifferentway.EdwardMoxonwasasmallpublisherwithlimitedcapital andinordertosurvivehehadtobesensitivetodemand,whenpublications didnotworkcommerciallyhetriedsomethingelse.Inthissense,Moxon’s careerisabetterbarometerofdemandthanthatoflargerpublishers,who couldeasilyabsorbafewunprofitablepoetswithoutunduerisktotheir business.

As Chapter2 willshow,Moxon’s Englishman’sMagazine,his ‘Dramatic Poets’ seriesandattemptsatsellingcontemporarydramametwithlimited success.Hedoggedlypursuedhisambitiontopublishpoetryandeventually succeededinbuildingculturalcapitalthroughexclusiveeditionsofhighqualitypoetry.MoxondidnotsellTennysoncheaplybuthisbookswere launchedatalowerpricethanmostRomanticpoetry.Hefoundamarket forpoetrywithintheemergingmiddleclassandbuiltacommercialidentity thatwasemulatedontheothersideoftheAtlantic.ButifMoxonbrokered therelationshipbetweenauthorandreaderveryskilfullyinthe1840s,he failedtoadjusttothepresenceoftheillustratedgiftbook,and,asthisbook willargue,thisbecameamajorforcewithinthecommerciallogicofpublishinginthe1850sand1860s.

Moxon ’sstatusasthemostimportantpoeticpublisheroftheearly Victorianperiodisuncontested.LeeErickson,writingin1996,suggestedthat ‘inthemiddleofthecenturytherewasalmostnoonebut EdwardMoxon ’ andHenryCurwen,overacen turyearlier,suggested ‘it remainedforEdwardMoxontoidentifyhisnamewithallthebestpoetry oftheperiodinwhichhelived,toagreaterextentthananyprevious bookselleratanytimewhatsoever ’ . 18 HaroldMerriam’ s1939monographchristenedMoxon ‘PublisherofPoets’ 19 Thiskindofattitudeis

unhelpfulasMoxonhasbecomeassimilatedintothepost-Romantic boomandbustnarrativeratherthanstudiedindetail.Moxonwasnot theonlypublisherofpoetryinthe1840sbuthewastheonlyonewho consciouslyassembledalistofrecentandcontemporarypoetsandrisked alargeproportionofhiscapitalonpublishingandmarketingpoetry.And thiswashisdistinctivecontribution,hisidentityasapublisherwas primarilyassociatedwithpoets,and,althoughsomeofhis ‘ miscellaneous’ publicationsprovidedsome fi nancialsecurity,heriskedsigni fi cant capitalonbackingpoets.

ARCHIVESAND OTHER SOURCES

ThefocusofthisbookisthearchivalmaterialheldbytheTennyson ResearchCentreinLincoln.Beyondthewell-knowngemssuchasthe manuscriptsof InMemoriam and ‘ChargeoftheLightBrigade’,this collectioncontainsawealthofinformationrelatingtoMoxon’sbusiness: half-yearlystatementstoTennysonbetween1843and1857,correspondencebetweenTennysonandMoxon,legaldocumentsrelatingtothe failureofthe firmandTennyson’s ‘cashbooks’.Anothermajordepositof archivalmaterialrelatingtoMoxonsurvivesinthecollectionsofthe WordsworthTrustinGrasmere.Thismaterialtracestherelationship betweenMoxonandWordsworthinconsiderabledetail,andcontinues afterthedeathsofbothmentodocumenttherelationshipbetweenthe Moxon firmandthepoet’sdescendants.

AsenseofwhatMoxonpublishedcanbeeffectivelyrecoveredfrom collectingandcompilingthebookliststhatheissued,normallysewn intohispublications.Someoftheselistshavebeenaccessedinarchives butmanyareavailableonopen-ac cessinternetsources,although fi ndingthemcanbelaboriousasparatextextraneoustoaneditionis notnormallyindexedtofacilitatediscovery.Advertisementsinperiodicalsandnewspapersaddfurtherva luableinformation,theycangivea senseofwhatMoxonwastryingtopromotewithparticularenthusiasm andincludepublicationsthatoftendonotappearinthepublished booklists.

AvitaltransatlanticperspectivehasbeenmadepossiblebyTryonand Charvat’stranscriptionoftheTicknorandFields’ CostBooks,which enablesaparallelaccountofhowTennyson’sAmericanpublisherhandled thesameliteraryassetsinverydifferentways.20 AwelcomeEuropean perspectiveonTennysonpromisestobeofferedby TheReceptionof

AlfredTennysoninEurope,althoughatthetimeofwritingthishasyetto bepublished.21 Asthedifferencebetweenapublishedbookandthe commercialrecordisoftenimportant,handlingorviewinghistoriceditionshasbeenanimportantaspectoftheresearchforthisbook.The comprehensivecollectionofeditionsofTennyson’spoetryinthe TennysonResearchCentrehasbeencrucialinthisrespect,ashastheuse oftheBritishLibrary.TheavailabilityofhistorictextsonGoogleBooks andArchive.orghasalsobeenimportant,makingawiderangeofMoxon’s editionsandbooklistseasilyaccessible.

ThestandardscholarlyworksonTennysonhavebeencrucialtothis study:ChristopherRicks’ scholarlyeditionofthepoemsandLangand Shannon’s CollectedLetters beingparticularlyimportant.22 Biographiesof Tennysonprovideanecdotalmaterial.HallamTennyson’s Memoir containsheavilycensoredversionsofhisfather’srelationshipswithpublishers butthisbiasedaccountismitigatedbythedraftsandeditedtypescriptsin theTennysonResearchCentre,whichoftenshowpreciselywhatHallam strovetoomitfromhisaccount.23 CharlesTennyson,thepoet’sgrandson, providesafewcandidcommentsaboutpublishingprojectsbutlater biographershaveaddedlittletoourknowledgeofthepoet’srelationship totheMoxon firm. 24

MostcommentaryonEdwardMoxonisbasedonHaroldMerriam’s monograph,publishedin1939.Merriamwasunawareofthematerialnow intheTennysonResearchCentrebuthisaccountmadegooduseofsome ofMoxon’sletters,particularlythoseheldinAmericanarchives.Merriam’s studystillhasvaluebutmanyoftheassessmentsandjudgementsthathe madearemisleadingandhisromanticisedapproachtopublishingmade himoblivioustomanyofthemostinterestingaspectsofEdwardMoxon’s career.Hagen’s TennysonandhisPublishers isfamiliartomostTennyson scholarsanditisstillinuseatthetimeofwriting,atestamenttothe book’squality.25 Hagenhadaccesstothearchivalmaterialdiscussedin thisbook,butuseditinquiteasuperficialway:sales figuresandprofitsare statedatvariouspointsbutlittleattemptwasmadetolookforpatternsor tounderstandthecommerciallogicthatlaybehindMoxon’sdecisions.As HagencoveredTennyson’sentirecareer(whichthisbookdoesnot)only abouthalfthebookwasdevotedtotherelationshipbetweenTennyson andMoxon.

Inrecentyears,onlyPatrickScott hasdirectlyaddressedTennyson ’ s relationshiptothebooktrade. 26 Scott ’ sperceptivearticlestressesthe continuityofthea ppearanceofMoxon ’ sbooksandaskswhyTennyson

insistedonretainingthesamesimpleformatthroughouthislongpublishingcareer.Hearguesthatthepoet ’ sattitudetowardsbookswas formedthroughphysicalinteractionwithhisfather ’ slibraryand throughhischildhoodexperienceofbooksellersandprintersinLouth, wheretheyoungpoetattendedschoolbetween1815and1820.These formativeexperiences ‘ gaveTennysonanideaofthebookthatremained partofhismentalmake-upfortherestofhislife.’ 27 Scottargues convincinglythatTennysonabsorbedastrongsenseofpre-industrial publishing,whichcreatedresistencetothepublishinginnovationsofthe mid-Victorianperiod.Whilethisanalysishasmuchvalue,thisstudywill arguethatScottoverstatestheplainessofMoxon ’ sbooksandwillshow howTennyson ’ sbookswerepublishedinincreasinglydecorativecovers onbothsidesoftheAtlantic.

WhilescholarshiponEdwardMoxonissurprisinglyscarce,academic studyofTennyson ’ sAmericanpublisherisfarmoreadvanced.William CharvatandWarrenS.Tryon,twopioneersofAmericanliteraryhistory,researchedthearchivalmateri alrelatingtoTicknorandFieldsand theirpublicationslaidthefoundationsformuchfuturescholarship. TryonandCharvat ’ stranscriptionofthe CostBooksofTicknorand Fields1832 – 1858 ,coincidesconvenientlywiththedetailedarchival materialrelatingtoMoxonandTennysonandhasallowedthisstudy todrawcomparisonsbetweenpublishinginEnglandandAmerica.The TicknorandFieldsarchivehasbeenthesubjectoffurtherimportant studies,notablyWinship ’ s AmericanLiteraryPublishingintheMid NineteenthCentury ,whileJeffreyDGroveshaswrittenperceptively aboutTicknorandFields ’ innovativebindingsandcontributedtothe HistoryoftheBookinAmerica,whichhasprovidedacrucialfoundation forAmericanpublishinghistory.28

‘Illustrationstudies’ isafertileareaforTennysonscholarshipbutin asenseproblematic,asitisarguablytoopreoccupiedwiththevisual aspectsofbooks.Analysingillustra tionsasinterpretativeimagesthat respondtoandbuildonthesemanticsofthetextcanbeveryproductivebutconcentrationsolelyonillustrationscanleadtoalackof attentiontothephysicalityofthebookbeyondthepictorialelements. ASelectionfromtheWorksofAlfredTennyson wasagiftbookthatdid notcontainillustrationsbutsoldinhugenumbers:itwouldappear thatthisimportantpublicationhasbeenignoredbecauseitdoesnot fi t the ‘ illustration’ category.29 Inanattempttoavoidthisarti fi cialdistinction,thisbookwillanalysethephysicalityofbothstandardand

illustratededitionsofTennyson’ spoetry.Hislongpublishingcareer witnessedthedevelopmentofcardboardcasings,clothcoversand the ‘ goldenera’ ofthegiftbook:allthesedevelopmentshadamajor impactonhowthepoetwasperceivedandhowhispoetrysold.This studywillarguethattheability toproducedecorativebooksonan industrialscaleofferedpublisherscommercialopportunitiesthatledto newkindsofliterarycommodity.Theembellishmentsofgiftbooks wereoftenfundedandco-ordinatedbythepublisherandthereis considerableevidencetosuggestthattheMoxon fi rmsawdecorative andillustratededitionsasawayofclawingbackcontrol.Tennyson ownedthecopyrighttohispoetry,whichlimitedhispublisher’ spower butMoxonrecognisedanopportunitytonegotiatealargersharein thepro fi tsthroughpublishingdecorativeeditions.

Havingacknowledgedsomereservationswithillustrationstudies,it isimportanttorecognisetheimportantrecentworkonVictoriangift booksandillustratededitionsofTennyson. 30 InparticularLorraine Kooistra ’ s Poetry,Pictures,andPopularPublishing hascreatedacomprehensivefoundationforfuturestudy. 31 Hermonographexplicitly addressesallthephysicalelementsofgiftbooksbystressingthe signi fi canceofhowpoetictextswerefra medandpresented:contents pages,illustrationlistsandother ‘ paratext ’ arediscussedtoshow thecomplexmechanismsbehindtheproductionandpromotionof thebooks.Shechartsthedeclineoftheillustratedannualsofthe earlynineteenthcenturyandshowshowwoodengravingandthe massmarketforpoetryenabledanewtypeofculturalproductthat ‘ straddledthebordersof ‘ high ’ artandmassproduction ’ 32 While Kooistrafocusesonhowgiftbooksin fl uencedinterpretationofthe poetry,thisstudywillconcentrateonwhatthegiftbookoffered topublishersandhowthisclashedwithTennyson’ sideaofpoetry. ThestoryoftheMoxon fi rmsuggeststhatgiftbooksanddecorative editionsintroducedanewcommerciallogicintomid-Victorian publishing:topublishers,giftbookswerenotanartisticinnovation somuchasacommercialstrategy.Whilethisapproachmaybetoo economisticformany,itaddressesaneglectedquestion:howdidthe fi nancesofagiftbookcontrasttothoseofastandardeditionandwho bene fi tted?Thisapproachalsocounterstheassumptionthatthestudy ofgiftbooksandillustratededitionsisoverlynarroworspecialised: themassproduceddecorativebookhadadecisiveimpactonhow literaturewaspublishedinthemid-nineteenthcentury. 33

PUBLISHING HISTORY

Broadeconomicstudiesofpublishinghaveprovidedanimportantcontext withinwhichtounderstandMoxon’sbusiness.Althoughtherelationship betweenglobalpoliticsandbooksalesmayseemtenuous,itwasapparent toTennyson,whowrotetohiswifeduringtheCrimeanWar, ‘Iamglad Maud hasmadesomuch:theothervolshavenotsoldsowellasusualon accountofthewarIpresume.’34 Weedon’s VictorianPublishing proposes themeritsofboth ‘internal’ and ‘external’ sources,bywhichshemeans detailedstudyofpublishers’ accountsandbroadereconomicpatterns.The Victorianperiodwitnessedahugeexpansioninthereadingpublic:bythe startofthetwentiethcentury96percentofthepopulationofEngland andWalescouldreadandmosthadaccesstopubliclibrariesandbookshops.Between1830and1901thepotentialmarketforprintinEngland andWalesquadrupled.35 Differentgenressurgedandrecededbutliteraturewasstrongthroughout,accountingfor ‘halfthetitlesandovertwofifthsofthebooksmanufactured’ between1836and1876.36 Poetry wouldhavebeenarelativelysmallproportionofthe ‘literature’ sales,as thenovelincreasinglydominatedliterarypublishing.Novelsweresoldin differentwaystopoetryandweremorelikelytobebulkpurchasedby circulatinglibrariesuntilcheapreprintsstartedtounderminethedominanceoftheseorganisationsinthe1860s.37 Circulatinglibrariesalso benefittedTennyson:Mudiepurchasedsignificantquantitiesofhis booksandpromotedhispoetryasearlyas1848.38 Althoughpoetry constitutedarelativelysmallproportionofVictorianpublishing,atthe heightofhiscareer,Tennysonwasacknowledgedasapublishingsensation.Fromthepublicationof IdyllsoftheKing in1859,criticswere consciousthatTennyson’ssaleswereextraordinaryandcomparisonsto theheydayofRomanticpoetrybecamecommon.Thiswasthepointat whichTennyson’scommercialsuccessstartedtobecomethesubjectof discussion:notthekindofreputationthatTennysonsoughtandanaspect ofhiscareerthatthoseseekingtodenigratehimseizedupon.Alfred Austin’swell-knownattackonthepoetin1869wasnotaone-offevent buttheculminationofacriticaldiscourseabouthissuccessthathad startedadecadeearlier: ‘hisfamehassteadilyincreasedpreciselyashis genuinepoeticalpowerhassteadilywaned.’39

SimonEliot ’ sworkonthepriceofpoetryandthecommercialpatternswithinpublishingprovideimportantpointsofreference.His emphasisonpricesreinforcestherationaleformuchoftheanalysisin 1INTRODUCTION:POETRY,BOOKS,ANDPUBLISHINGHISTORY

thisstudy: ‘ pricedetermineshowabookissold,towhomitissold,and inwhatquantities.Itdeterminesifandhowabookgetstoareader,as wellastheconditionsinwhichthebookisreadandabsorbed. ’ 40 Eliot showsthata6sbookofpoetryconstitutedasigni fi cantpurchasefora middle-classreaderandhissuggest ionthatabookwouldneedtocost lessthan1stoattractaworking-classbuyerputsMoxon ’ spricesinto context. 41 Thisinformationunderlineshowsmallvariationsinprice couldhaveamajorin fl uenceontheaccessibilityofabook,especially foraworking-classfamily,whomighthaveatotaldisposableincomeof about3sperweek. 42 ThissituationcorrespondscloselytoSamuel Bamford ’ spredicamentandshowsthatTennyson ’ sreadershipwassigni fi cantlycurtailedbythepriceatwhichhisbooksweresold.

EliotobservesthatwhileVictorian fictionhadwell-establishedpatterns ofpricinganddistribution,mostobviouslythroughthethree-decker novelandthecirculatinglibrary,poetryhadnoequivalents.Therewas noestablishedpricestructureorstandardformatforthepoeticbook.Asa result: ‘publishersofpoetryhadtoconstantlyexperimentwithformat, title,andpriceinordertosellinlargeenoughquantitiestomakeaprofit or,atleast,nottomakeasignificantloss.’43 Eliot’sanalysisconfirmsthat Tennyson’spoetrywasrelativelyexpensivebutrapidlybecamecheaper oncecopyrightprotectionexpiredin1899.Longfellow,whosepoetrywas notprotectedbycopyrightinBritain,wasfarcheaper.Thisworkisvital forgaininganunderstandingofbroadpatternsbutlacksthedetailnecessarytounderstandMoxon’scommericaldecisions.AsEliotacknowledges, analysisbasedonacatalougueofpublishedtitlesdoesnotincludeinformationaboutprintrunsanddoesnotlistneweditionsofthesametitle. Forexample,thenineeditionsofthe1842 Poems publishedat9sbetween 1848and1862onlyshowupasone ‘title’ onEliot’shistograms,meaning thescaleofTennyson’searlysuccessissignificantlyunderrepresentedand thattheuniformityofMoxon’spricingstrategyisnotapparent.44

WilliamStClair’s TheReadingNationintheRomanticPeriod isa deservedlyinfluentialstudythathasbeenparticularlygoodathighlighting theroleofpublishingandtheimportanceofintellectualproperty.45 Althoughperpetualcopyrighthadeffectivelybeenabolishedin1710, theimplicationsofthislegislationwerenotenforceduntil1774.In 1808,copyrightwasextendedfrom14to28yearsandin1814theperiod wasextendedagaintocoverthelifetimeoftheauthor.In1842copyright wasextendedagainprotectingworksforthelifetimeoftheauthorplus 7yearsor42years,whicheverwaslonger.

The1842CopyrightActwasatleastpartiallytheconsequenceof lobbyingbyWordsworthandotherauthorspublishedbyMoxon,suchas theplaywright,judgeandpoliticianThomasNoonTalfourd,whointroducedtheActtoParliamentin1837inaspeechthatMoxonlaterpublished.46 Inabroadersense,the1842CopyrightActmeantthatsecuring theservicesofapopularcontemporaryauthorbecameincreasinglyimportantforVictorianpublishers.Duetotechnologicalimprovements,outof copyrighttextscouldbeprintedincreasinglycheaplybuttheprotection offeredbycopyrightlegislationmadenewwritinganextremelyvaluable asset.SomeearlierRomantictextswerenotcoveredbythenewlegislation: between1830and1841workspublishedbetween1802and1813were graduallylosingtheircopyrightprotection,whichiswhyWordsworthwas sokeentoencouragenewlegislationasitwouldprotecthisearlierpoetry fromunauthorisedreprints.

ThefactthatTennysonpublishedhisseminalcollectioninthesameyear asamajorcopyrightactwascoincidentalbutarguablythepoetenjoyed unprecedentedprotectionoverhisintellectualproperty. ‘Enjoyed’ isprobablythewrongwordasTennysoncomplainedbitterlywhenanyinfringementsoccurred,butheretainedtightcontroloverhisliteraryassetsin Britainanditwasonlyin1899(sevenyearsafterhisdeath)thatotherpublisherswereentitledtoissuetheirowneditionsofhispoetry.International copyrightprotectionwasfarmoreproblematicbutTennysonwasarguably stillquitefortunateinthisarea.Ifhehadbecomepopularadecadeearlier, ParisbasedpublisherssuchasGalignaniandBaudrywouldsurelyhave startedpublishinghisworkbut,in1850,anAnglo–Frenchcopyright conventionputtheParis ‘pirates’ outofbusiness.47 Europeanreprints probablydidnotsubstantiallydamageTennyson’ssalesuntilthemid1860s,bywhichtimehehadalsoenjoyedaprofitablerelationshipwith theBostonpublisherTicknorandFieldsforover20years.Although internationalpiracybecamearealprobleminthelater1860s,from1842, forabout25years,Tennysonretainedaverysecuregraspoverhisintellectualproperty.

PartofTennyson’stroubledrelationshipswithpublisherswasnot relatedtopoetry.Althoughhehadsomecontroloverhisworkin Britain,theimagesthatwereprintedalongsidehispoetrycirculatedin complexwaysthatwerehardtocontrol.Illustrationsandportraitswere reproducedinlargenumbersthroughnewtechnologies.Thischangedthe relationshipbetweenTennysonandhisreadersandmadehispublicimage hardertocontrolthanthispoetictexts.

PUBLISHING STRATEGIES: ‘TRANCHING DOWN’ AND ‘DRESSING UP’

Forcenturies,thestandardstrategyformarketingabookwastosellthe booktothewealthiestcustomers fi rstatthehighestfeasiblepriceand then,asdemandstartedtodecline,toissueacheapereditionaimedat lessaf fl uentcustomers.StClairh ascalledthisprocess ‘ tranchingdown ’ , ausefulphrasefordescribinghowpublishersfoundwaysofcutting productioncostsinresponsetodecliningdemand.48 Recordingthe processoftranchingdownisonewayofgaugingthepopularityofa text:apublisher’ sdecisiontoreducethepriceofatextisareasonably reliableindicationthatdemandhadfallen.49 StClair’ sin fl uentialstudy doesnotattempttodiscusstheVictorianperiodingreatdetailand acknowledgesthatthelast50yearsofthenineteenthcenturywere substantiallydifferenttopreviouscenturies:therewasacontinuitywithin publishingfor350yearsthatwasoverturnedinthesecondhalfofthe Victorianperiod. 50 TounderstandpublishingintheVictorianperiodwe needtoacknowledgehowtherapidexpansionofthereadingpublicand technologicalinnovationcombinedtogeneratenewkindsofpublication.TheMoxon fi rmwasfacedwithanewrangeofoptionsfordecoratingbooksandtheabilitytomassproduceornatebookschangedthe commerciallogicofpublishing.Re fl ectingStClair’ sphrasetranching down,thesedecorativestrategieswillbereferredtocollectivelyas ‘ dressingup ’.Inthisstudy,dressingupdescribesanyattempttoembellisha publicationbeyondalteringthetextualcontent,thisofteninvolved illustrations,decorativecovers, fi nepaper,vignettes, ‘ redline ’ editions, gildingandportraitsoftheauthor.Dressingupincreasedproduction costsandmadebooksmorephysicallyattractive,whiletranchingdown madebookscheaperandlessattractive.Tranchingdow nrequiredaoneoffinvestmenttosetupanewedition, butbasicallyloweredproduction costs.Manydressingupcosts,es peciallydecorativecoversand fi nepaper, constitutedrepeatedcostsincurred foreverycopyofthepublicationthat wasmanufactured.Tranchingdownreproducedthesametextwithinan inferiorobject,whiledressingupembellishedtheobject.Ornamental bookswerenotnewbutitwasonlyintheVictorianperiodthattheywere manufacturedonanindustrialscaleforamassaudience.Thisbookcharts thewaythatTennyson’ spoetrywasdressedupinanumberofdifferent contextsandexamineswhysomeofthesepublicationswerehugely successfulwhileotherswereabjectfailures.

Technologicalinnovationsofferednewwaysoftranchingdownand dressingup.51 Stereotyping,whichwascommonbythemid-nineteenth century,hadaprofoundimpactonbothprocesses.Thistechnologybasically consistedofmakingcastsfromformsoftypeandthenprintingfromthese solidmetalplates.Whilethisprocessincurredextrainvestment,itmeantthat subsequenteditionsofthesametextbypassedseveralstagesoftheprinting process:withmovingtypeeachneweditionofatextwouldhavetobe typesetandproofreadfromscratch.Aslongasatextwentthroughseveral editions,thecostsofthemakingupthestereotypeplatescouldberecovered throughthereducedproductioncostsoflaterprintings.Beforestereotyping, tranchingdownwaspossiblethroughusinglesspaper,normallyresultingin smallerbooksandtighterpackedtext.Onceatextwasstereotypedfurther editionscouldbeprintedcheaplyandquickly.WhenTicknorandFields first publishedaneditionof1,500copiesofTennyson’s PoeticalWorks using movabletype,theproductioncosts(excludingbinding)wereabout$504, approximately34cpercopy.52 Justovertwoyearslatertheyhadstereotype platesmadeupfor$372.97andhadaneditionof1,000copiesprintedfor $216,thecosts,includingthestereotypingexpenses,wereabout59cper copy. 53 Thenexteditionof500cost$109or22cpercopy.54 Thisexample showsthattheproductioncostswerecutsignificantlythroughstereotyping andthatoncetheplatesweremadeup,itwaseasierandmoreconvenientto printaseriesofsmalleditions,whichrequiredlesscapitalandlessstorage space.Whilesavingsmadethroughstereotypingcouldhavebeenusedto lowerthepriceofthebook,orincreasetheprofitofthepublisher,these savingswereoftenreusedasadecorationbudget:tranchingdownthrough stereotypingallowednewpotentialfordressingup.Accordingtothislogic, thewaytoreachmorereaderswasnotbyproducingthecheapestpossible editionbutbymakingabookbothcheapandattractive,whichoffersan intriguingglimpseofthecomplexityoftheemergingdemandforliterature inthemid-nineteenthcentury.

Theideaofaneditioninthetraditionalsensebecameobsoletewiththe introductionofstereotyping.Astheformofthetexthadbeenpermanentlycastintothestereotypeplates,makingmajortextualrevisions becameimpossible.Platescouldbealteredinordertoaccommodate minorchangessuchaspaginationbutstereotypinghadmajorimplications forauthorslikeTennyson,wholikedtoreviseandadjusttheirtexts. EdwardMoxonneverstereotypedTennyson’spoetryandsoeverytime hepublishedanewedition,thepoethadtheopportunitytomakealterations.Moxonwasthoroughlyawareofthenewtechnologyandsoitmay

havebeenhissensitivitytoTennyson’srevisionisthabitsthatledhimnot tousethisoption.HalfofTennyson’sseminalcollectionwasbasicallya revisionofhisearlierwork:the firstvolumeofthe1842 Poems wasan editedrevisionofhispreviousbooks, PoemsChieflyLyrical (1830)and Poems of1832.Hecontinuedtomeddlewiththiscollectionuntilthe 8thedition,issuedin1853. ThePrincess isfamousforitsextensivereworkingcarriedoutonthethird,fourthand fiftheditionsand InMemoriam waspublishedina ‘trial’ editionforcirculationtofriendssothatadjustmentscouldbemade.Theseadjustmentscouldnothavebeenmadeif Moxonhadusedstereotypeplates,whileinAmerica,TicknorandFields couldusethetechnologyastheywishedbecausethepoethadfarless controloverthewaythathistextwaspresentedtothereader.

Asbooksprintedfromstereotypeplateswerenecessarilyuniform,the importanceofdifferentiatingtextsthroughdressinguptookonanew significance: ‘intheageofthestereotype,theexternalpackagingwhich couldgiveanoldtextasuperficiallymodernappearance,became,forthe firsttimeinthehistoryofprintedbooks,anessentialaspectofthesituating oftextsinthemarket.’55 StClair’sobservation,thatthephysicalityofthe bookbeyonditstextualcontentsbecameakeyfactorintheVictorian period,isoneofthestartingpointsforthisstudy.Buttherelationship betweenthephysicalbook,theperceivedliteraryvalueofthetextandthe pricechargedwasnotsimple.Publishersrarelyusedthecheapestmaterials andifdemandforthebookwassustainedandthecopyrightenforceable, tranchingdownwasnotnecessary.EdwardMoxonnevertrancheddown Tennysoninanobviousway,althoughtheone-volumeeditiongiftedto SamuelBamfordamountedtoamodifiedversionofthesamestrategy. WithoutGaskell’sintervention,Bamfordwouldhaveneededtowaituntil 1864beforetheMoxon firmpublishedaselectededitionofTennyson’s poemsandeventhiswasadressed-uppublicationthatstillcost5s,twice the2s6dtypicallychargedbyMoxonforavolumeofhis ‘CheapEditions ofPopularWorks’ .

Whileunderstandingtechnologyiscrucial,technologicalchangealone isinadequatetoexplainpatternsinpublishing.Forexample,Erickson’s observationthatthepriceofpapermightinfluencetheviabilityofagiven publicationisundoubtedlytruebutanexperiencedpublishercouldissue thesametextusingverydifferentquantitiesofpaper.56 Thepaperfor TicknorandFields’ May1857 PoeticalWorksofTennyson cost31cper copy,whilepaperfortheir ‘BlueandGold’ edition,whichcontainedthe samepoems,printedayearearlier,costlessthan8cpercopy.57 Theprice

ofpaperfedintothecalculationbutitwaslargelythepublisher’schoiceof formatthatdeterminedtheviabilityofthebook.Tounderstandtherole oftechnologyinpublishingweneedtoanalysehowthepublisherusedor ignoredtechnologicalinnovationandthismeansdevelopingadetailed understandingofhowandwhypublishersmadedecisions.Asaresult,the typeofanalysisemployedin Chapters3 and 4 isfastidious:itseekstolink detailedpublishingaccountswiththecorrespondingpublicationsand thenestimatethesuccessofeditionsbydeducingthespeedatwhich theysold.Arguablyonlythisdetail,althoughattimestortuous,provides anunderstandingofthecommerciallogicthatguidedpublishingdecisions.Publishersusedtheirexperiencetoplanapublicationbutalso workedbytrialanderror:arelativelysmall-scaleeditioncouldbeused totestdemandandperhapsleadtoalargersubsequenteditionoran investmentinstereotyping.Ifthebookwasnotsuccessful,avariationin formatandpricemightproduceaviablepublication.Apublisherconvincedofanauthor’spotentialmighttryarangeofformats,particularlyif theyhadpurchasedthecopyright.Moxonwentthroughavarietyof formatsbeforehefoundawayofsellingShelley’sverseeffectively,as willbeoutlinedin Chapter2.Thistypeofanalysisisnotwithout flaws asdemandforauthorswasnotconstant:Moxon’s1850editionofShelley mayhavesoldbecausethepoet’sreputationhadgrownsincehe first attemptedtosellthisworkin1840.Thisissueunderlinestheimportance ofcombiningthetypeofanalysisofferedinthisstudywithmorereadercentredanalysis.Detailedattentiontopublishinghistorydoesnotprovide thewholestorybutitisavitalbuildingblocktowardsunderstanding Victorianliterature.

PUBLISHINGAS CULTURAL MEDIATION

ThesustainedexpansionofthereadingpublicintheVictorianperiodmeans thatauthorslikeTennyson(whopublishedforover60years)experienced majorchangesinhowtheyrelatedtotheirreaders.Asconsumersof literaturemultiplied,authorsbecameincreasinglydistancedfromtheirreadersandtheyhadtorelyonpublishingprofessionalsto fillthisgap. Tennysonhadenjoyedpassinghismanuscriptpoemsamonghisfriendsat Cambridgeand,earlyinhiscareer,frequentlyhesitatedtopublish.Ashis reputationgrew,hebecameincreasinglyanxiousaboutthenatureofhis audience.Hishabitofreadingaloudtohisfriendshasbeeninterpretedasan expressionofthisanxiety,asAlanSinfieldputit: ‘Tennysonwastryingto

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The Project Gutenberg eBook of A rough sketch of modern Paris

This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

Title: A rough sketch of modern Paris or, Letters on society, manners, public curiosities, and amusements, in that capital

Release date: January 2, 2024 [eBook #72601]

Language: English

Original publication: London: J. Johnson, 1803

Credits: Sonya Schermann and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive) *** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A ROUGH SKETCH OF MODERN PARIS ***

A ROUGH SKETCH OF MODERN PARIS.

G W, Printer, Paternoster row.

A ROUGH SKETCH OF

MODERN PARIS; OR, LETTERS ON SOCIETY, MANNERS, PUBLIC CURIOSITIES, AND AMUSEMENTS, IN THAT CAPITAL,

WRITTEN DURING THE LAST TWO MONTHS OF 1801 AND THE FIRST FIVE OF 1802.

SECOND EDITION.

J’ai voulu voir Paris; les fastes de l’histoire

Célébrant ses plaisirs, et consacrent sa gloire.

V.

Nous avons vu Trajan, Titus et Marc Aurele, Quitter le beau séjour de la gloire immortelle, Pour venir en secret s’amuser à Paris.

Quelque bien qu’on puisse être, on veut changer de place; C’est pourquoi les anglois sortent de leur pays. L’esprit est inquiet, et de tout il se lasse; Souvent un bien heureux s’ennuie en Paradis.

LONDON.

PRINTED FOR J. JOHNSON, IN ST. PAUL’S CHURCHYARD; 1803.

I.

PREFACE.

In june, 1801, while the war between England and France still continued, I obtained his majesty’s license to visit the latter country, in order to ascertain my claims to a legacy left me at Paris. A french passport was likewise necessary; and such were the difficulties which occurred, that, notwithstanding repeated applications to M. Otto on the subject, the instrument in question was not yet arrived, when, on the first of October, an extraordinary gazette announced the joyful intelligence of the signature of preliminary articles of peace. The jealousy of the french government ceased with the war; and, three days after its termination, I received the long expected passport.

Being one of the first englishmen who arrived in France, after a war big with such unparallelled events, I determined to keep a journal of my proceedings. The object which, at first, induced me to do so, was simply to gratify the curiosity of an intimate friend, who had charged me, on leaving England, to forward to him, by every opportunity, detailed accounts pf modern France. Of my correspondence, thus begun, I took regular copies; and, on perusing the materials which I had been able to collect, it afterwards occurred to me, that some of these letters might become not totally uninteresting to the public, if formed into a less objectionable shape, and freed from the many little occurrences, which they originally contained, and which only related personally either to my friend or myself. From this collection I have accordingly culled the following letters. I offer them to my readers, as conveying not a studied view of society and manners, but a rough landscape, drawn by the untutored hand of an inexperienced artist. If the sketch should happen to please, the merit will be less in the execution than in the subject; if it fail, the fault will be in the pencil, and not in the accuracy of the drawer.

To divest myself, as much as possible, from every prejudice, has been a duty which I have strictly endeavoured to fulfil; yet I fear, such is the effect of early habit, that many marks will still be discovered of national predilection. I beg leave, as a check against faults of this kind, which I may have involuntarily committed, to request my reader to remember, that the observations now laid before him, are those of a man accustomed to english opinions, english society, and english manners. In judging of another country, a foreigner cannot help making a comparison between what he has known at home add what he sees abroad. In doing so, the partiality, which he naturally entertains for his own customs, may lead him to condemn, as faults, what may be simply deviations from the former. That such is the general bias of the human mind, I am fully aware, and I cannot flatter myself that mine has escaped it. This consideration must plead my excuse with the french, if I should sometimes appear severe; and the same ought to prevent my countrymen from placing too implicit a confidence in my judgments, where it may be my misfortune to condemn. My hand has faithfully drawn what my eye beheld; but the sight may be jaundiced, and, in that case the picture will be incorrect.

To conclude—The intention of this work being simply to describe the internal situation of the french capital, all religious and political discussions will be avoided. The causes, events, and consequences of a revolution, which has no parallel in history, I leave to abler and more experienced writers. To point out to strangers the objects most interesting at Paris, to convey some previous information to those who intend going thither, and to lay before such as are prevented, by their other occupations, from undertaking the journey, an account of the pleasures, festivals, buildings, and mode of living in that metropolis, is the task I have undertaken, a task which, however comparatively humble, is neither useless nor unimportant. Had it fallen into other hands, the public would feel the truth of this remark. As it is, I fear they will easily discover, that the subject deserved an abler pen.

THE AUTHOR.

PREFACE

TO THE SECOND EDITION.

The first edition of this work appeared anonymously Its rapid sale and the favourable manner in which “The Rough Sketch,” has been received induce the Author, as a mark of respect and gratitude to an indulgent Public, to affix, his name to this second impression. In doing so, he begs leave to apologize for the typographical errors found in the first edition, and which he can only correct in that which is now issued, by means of an errata. These faults may, perhaps, be pardoned, when it is known that the Author was in the most distant part of Italy at the time of the first publication, and that most of the sheets which compose the present impression, were struck off previously to his return.

In reading the following pages the Public will also have the goodness to remember the period at which they were written. When the Author speaks of Bonaparte, he speaks of him in other days. In May, 1802, when these letters were concluded, the First Consul was the elected first magistrate of France, the professed friend of England, and the acknowledged pacificator of Europe. He had not at that time overturned the form of government which he had solemnly sworn to maintain, by assuming for life the reins of power. He had not then violated the laws of nations and the rights of a free, virtuous, and independent people by the subjugation of Switzerland. He had not then insulted his Majesty and the British nation in the person of our ambassador. He had not yet dared to ask for changes in the most valuable and purest parts of our excellent constitution, nor had he sunk the dignity of his character by a conversation which at once betrayed his vanity, rashness, and unbounded ambition. In one word, the laurels of Marengo were yet unfaded. He was then a great man. Without enquiring what he now is, one may be permitted to apply to him what Virgil said of the Trojan hero after his defeat:

⸺Heu quantum mutatus ab illo Hectore, qui redit exuvias indutus Achillis!

Upper Seymour Street, Sept. 21, 1803.

CONTENTS.

LETTER I.

Reflections on landing at Calais.—Custom house officers, municipality, commissaires, Dessein’s, theatre.— Montreuil.—L’hôtel d’Angleterre at Amiens.—Chantilly. —State of the roads.—Difficulty of getting lodgings at Paris.—M. Peregaux. p. 1.

LETTER II.

The palace and gardens of the Thuilleries.—The Louvre.— The musée central des arts, or picture gallery.—Maria Cosway.—Gallery of antiquities.—Apollo Belvidere.— Laocoon.—List of pictures. p. 10.

LETTER III.

The fête of the 18th of brumaire in honour of the preliminaries, and of the anniversary of the consular government.—Apathy of the people.—Fireworks.— Accident which happened to an english gentleman.— Postscript.—The death of the gentleman last named. p. 40.

LETTER IV.

State of society at Paris.—The three sets, l’ancienne noblesse, the governmental class, and les parvenus ou nouveaux riches.—Description of a house belonging to one of the latter. p. 53.

LETTER V.

Opening of the legislative body.—Election of the president. —Lord Cornwallis.—Reflections of the people in the gallery. p. 63.

LETTER

VI.

The abbé Sicard, and the institution in behalf of the deaf and dumb.—His favourite pupil, Massieu.— Examination of a young woman, who had become deaf at six years old.—Reflections on the establishment. p. 69.

LETTER VII.

A thé or evening party.—French remarks on Shakspeare and Mr. Fox.—Dullness and pedantry of parisian society. p. 74.

LETTER VIII.

Bonaparte.—The monthly review or parade in the court of the Thuilleries. p. 81.

LETTER IX.

The tribunate.—Speech of Portalis on presenting the code civil in the corps législatif.—Debate in the tribunate on the same subject. p. 87.

LETTER X.

Bal des étrangers, (a public subscription ball).—Thinness of the ladies’ dresses. p. 92.

LETTER XI.

New year’s day.—The Palais royal. p. 98.

LETTER XII.

L’institution des travaux des aveugles, or establishment for the support and employment of the blind.—Their different occupations.—The plate glass manufactory.— Description of another meeting at the hospital of the deaf and dumb.—Massieu taught galvanism and stenography. p. 103.

LETTER XIII.

The young savage, or wild boy of Aveyron.—His history.— The state in which he was found, and the means used to restore him to the use of his senses.—The success with which these efforts have been attended. p. 109.

LETTER XIV.

Detailed account of all the theatres or spectacles. p. 116.

LETTER XV.

The play of Henry IV, read by le Texier. p. 133.

LETTER XVI.

Party at a fournisseur’s.—Ball at a ci-devant noble’s. p. 137.

LETTER XVII.

A play acted for the first time, called “Edouard en Ecosse,” the hero of which was the english pretender, full of royalist sentiments, performed twice, and highly applauded; “God save the King,” played on the French stage; plot of the play, which was forbidden on the third day. p. 146.

LETTER XVIII.

The carnival.—Masks in all the streets.—Account of the different characters, processions, &c.—Masqued ball at the opera house. p. 152.

LETTER XIX.

Bonaparte’s audience.—His address to the english gentlemen presented to him.—First appearance, this season, of Vestris.—Madame de St—l’s concert. p. 158.

LETTER XX.

The antichamber of the Musée Central, now filled with an p. 166.

additional collection of fine pictures.—Account of the wonderful recovery of some chefs-d’œuvre.—List of pictures in this room.

LETTER XXI.

Bois de Boulogne.—Account of that promenade.—Order of the police against english footmen wearing laced cocked hats.—Cannon fired in honour of the definitive treaty.—Illuminations in the evening.—Little effect produced at Paris by the peace. p. 175.

LETTER XXII.

The palais du Luxembourg.—Théâtre d’Odéon.—The pantheon or St. Généviève.—Tombs of Rousseau and Voltaire. p. 181.

LETTER XXIII.

Concordat with the Pope ratified by the legislative body after an eloquent speech by Lucien Bonaparte.— Madame Bonaparte’s first drawing room.—Appearance of Dehayes at the opera, after a long absence. p. 188.

LETTER XXIV.

Versailles.—St. Cloud.—Sèvre.—Petit Trianon.—Specimen of an extravagant bill.—Curious trial.—St. Germain.— Malmaison.—Waterworks of Marly. p. 192.

LETTER XXV.

Long Champ, account of that annual promenade, date of its origin, and of the great preparations made this year for attending it.—The bustle and gayety which it produced at Paris. p. 205.

LETTER XXVI.

Te Deum sung at Notre Dame, in honour of the peace and the reestablishment of religion.—Military insolence.— p. 213.

Account of the ceremony.—Illuminations in the evening.—Indifference of the people.

LETTER XXVII.

Palais de Justice.—Account of the different tribunals or courts of law. p. 222.

LETTER XXVIII.

The gardens and walks of Paris. p. 227.

LETTER XXIX.

The manufactory of Gobelins, the observatory, les Enfans trouvés, Champ de Mars, les Invalides, and the temple of Mars, containing the colours taken from different nations, and the tomb of Turenne.—Le Musée des Monumens françois, or collection of monuments.—List of the most esteemed of these.—Note to this letter contains the account of a dinner at the first consul’s. p. 235.

LETTER XXX.

General account of literary establishments at Paris.— National library.—Manuscripts.—Memoirs of his own times, by Lewis XIV.—Fac simile of a love letter of Henry IV.—Cabinet of medals.—Cabinet of engravings, &c.—Library of the Pantheon.—Mazarine library.—Library of the Institute. Libraries of the senate, the legislative body, and tribunate.—The Lycées, now called les Athénées.—Admirable lectures given at one of them.—Professors Fourcroy, Cuvier, and la Harpe —L’Institute national.—Jardin national des Plantes. Collection of birds, plants, fossils, and insects, in the house attached to the Jardin des Plantes.—Cabinet de l’École des Mines, à l’Hôtel des Monnoies.—Great opportunities afforded at Paris of cultivating science and literature in all their various branches. p. 249.

LETTER XXXI.

Calculation and estimate of expenses at Paris.—List of hôtels, traiteurs, &c. p. 266.

LETTER XXXII.

General view of Paris, principally taken as compared with London. p. 282.

A ROUGH SKETCH OF MODERN PARIS.

LETTER I.

Reflections on landing at Calais Custom house officers, municipality, commissaires, Dessein’s, theatre —Montreuil —L’hôtel d’Angleterre at Amiens.—Chantilly.—State of the roads.—Difficulty of getting lodgings at Paris. M. Peregaux.

Paris, october the 30th, 1801 (4 brumaire, an 10.)

,

At length, arrived in this celebrated city, I execute my promise in commencing a correspondence, which, on my part, shall in future be strictly confined to the curiosities of the place. As I have been only three hours at Paris, I shall in this first letter speak of nothing but my journey. On the 26th of october, I left the York house, at Dover, (of which Payne is still the civil landlord); and embarking at one o’clock on board a neutral vessel, which I was compelled to hire, no english packet boat being yet allowed to enter the ports of France, found myself, after a safe and pleasant passage, at four, on the continent. Though I have before crossed the Channel, and in as rapid a manner, I was forcibly struck by the wonderful and almost magical change of situation which this short voyage had effected. Rising at my usual hour, I had breakfasted, and walked about the streets of Dover, surrounded by english faces and english customs. The sun had not yet set, and I was now in a foreign country, and that country

so lately the enemy of mine, and the seat of such extraordinary and many coloured events. I had changed a monarchical for a republican government. I saw a different people, different dresses, and different countenances, and I was subject to different laws, and different customs.

As soon as the vessel entered the port of Calais, two custom house officers came on board, in a military uniform (for every fonctionnaire public has here a regimental dress); and, after taking the names of the passengers, one of them retired, to make his report at the municipality, while the other stayed to prevent our landing, till the return of his companion. In the mean time, the jetée, or pier, was crowded with spectators, the greater part of whom were military men, of different ranks and different descriptions. They seemed highly amused in staring at the dresses of the ladies, and in examining the body of my carriage, which was hung on the deck of the ship; while we were equally entertained with the great moustaches of the grenadiers, the wooden shoes of the peasants, and the close caps of the grisettes.

At length, monsieur de la Douaine returned. We were permitted to touch the territory of the republic; and, conducted by a guard of Bourgeois (who, in their dress, rather resembled the ragged regiment of Terence, than the renowned warriors of France), we proceeded to the custom house, from the custom house to the municipality, and from the municipality to the commissaire’s.

After undergoing examinations at each of these offices, delivering our passports, and giving up our pocket books and letters (which were returned the following day), we were at last permitted to retire to our inn, the tattered guard, which accompanied us from the ship, having been previously dismissed. At six o’clock, I sat down to an excellent dinner, at the celebrated hotel, formerly kept by Dessein, who is now succeeded by his nephew, Quillacq, a very respectable man, who met me at landing, and, with the utmost civility and attention, took charge of my carriage, baggage, &c. I wished to have set out the following morning for Paris, but I was informed that this was impossible, as, though I brought with me a passport from M. Talleyrand, it was necessary to have this exchanged for one of the

mayor of Calais, which latter could not be delivered till late the following day. I accordingly passed tuesday in this town, which gave me an opportunity of visiting the theatre, which is still at Dessein’s. To the best of my recollection, there is no alteration in the building since the war; and, from the darkness of the house, I am inclined to think, that even the painting has not been changed. The actors are not very good, yet better than the generality of our country performers in England. The house was full, and the company well dressed. In short, this amusement may be considered as a very pleasant resource for travellers detained at Calais, either by contrary winds, or by delays in the delivery of passports.

On wednesday morning, Mrs. and myself proceeded with post horses. We found the roads very bad, particularly near Boulogne; and, if our conveyance had not been particularly easy, we should have suffered very severely from the fatigues of the journey. It is necessary to add, that numerous workmen were employed in every part of the roads in repairing and amending them. Probably, therefore, before next summer, the communication between the two principal cities of Europe will be restored to its former excellence. At present, the roads have rather the appearance of leading to some deserted village, than to the capital of la grande nation The post horses are active and well-fed, their drivers civil, and the expense moderate[1] .

Though we left Calais at break of day, and did not stop either to breakfast or to dine, we did not reach Montreuil, where we proposed sleeping the first night, till sunset. Here we found excellent accommodations, at the inn celebrated by Sterne. The house has, indeed, nothing to recommend it, in point of outward show; and, in this respect, differs entirely from the generality of french hotels: but if comfortable beds, superiorly good cooking, and the smiling attention of two very pretty girls, who act as waiters, are any attractions, I can safely point out this inn, as one at which my countrymen will do right to stop.

From Montreuil we proceeded the next day, through a fine country and bad roads, to Amiens. The cultivation seemed good, and in the villages through which we passed, the peasants were well clad. In

the towns, the number of beggars was as great as formerly At every post, we were surrounded with the old, the blind, and the lame; some of whom, not satisfied with vociferating their complaints, actually climbed up the springs of the carriage, and put their faces within the windows, more effectually to draw our notice.

The waiters, post boys, and landlords, were every where remarkably civil, and all expressed their joy at seeing once again amongst them “les milords Anglais,” by which title they have not forgotten to call, and to tax accordingly, all english travellers. The people appear to me not only civil, but respectful, and infinitely more so, than before the revolution. The reason is plain, the old noblesse treated their inferiors with a degree of familiarity, which produced in the latter a mode of speaking, that, to an english ear, seemed highly offensive, but which the french permitted, because they could check it at their pleasure. The loss of their rank has now compelled the higher classes to command respect by a distance of manner, which has of course produced a similar conduct in the persons beneath them.

At Amiens, we drove to “l’hôtel d’Angleterre,” where we were magnificently and miserably lodged. Fine rooms, superbly furnished; windows and doors, which would neither keep out the rain nor wind; bad fires, and a worse supper, formed the complete picture of a french inn, and the colouring of extravagant charges was not omitted.

Starved with cold and hunger we left Amiens by break of day, on friday morning; and after travelling through a country, the beauty of which increased every step with the increasing badness of the roads, we at length reached Chantilly, not a little pleased at having escaped the dangers of a broken neck. At the post office, which is a new inn, built since the revolution, directly fronting the park of the ci-devant château, we found good beds, and a comfortable supper, prepared by the kind attention of some english friends, who had preceded us on the road.

The following morning (the 30th), we visited the ruins of this once magnificent spot. If we had had often reason, during our journey, to

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