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Addressing Environmental and Food Justice toward Dismantling the School-to-Prison Pipeline: Poisoning and Imprisoning Youth 1st Edition
Anthony J. Nocella Ii
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Educational Trauma : Examples From Testing to the School-to-Prison Pipeline Lee-Anne Gray
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This book is dedicated to all youth around the world that have been forced to live in a polluted community and eat unhealthy food as a result of oppression, exploitation, colonialism, and capitalism.
C ONTENTS
Foreword xix
Preface xxiii
Acknowledgments xxv
1 Introduction: From Addressing the Problems to the Solutions of the School-to-Prison Pipeline Through a Food and Environmental Justice Perspective 1 Anthony J. Nocella II, K. Animashaun Ducre, and John Lupinacci Part I Transforming the School System 13
2 They Got Me Trapped: Structural Inequality and Racism in Space and Place Within Urban School System Design 15 Travis T. Harris and Daniel White Hodge
3 The Rochester River School: Humane Education to Confront Educational Injustice and the School-to-Prison Pipeline in Rochester, New York 35 Joel T. Helfrich
4 Where We Live, Play, and Study: Assessing Multiple Adverse Impacts of Schools Near Environmental Hazards
K. Animashaun Ducre
5 Race and Access to Green Space
Carol Mendoza Fisher
6 Education that Supports All Students: Food Sovereignty and Urban Education in Detroit
John Lupinacci
7 An Environmental Justice Critique of Carceral Anti-ecology
Shamelle Richards and Devon G. Peña
8 Industrialized Bodies: Women, Food, and Environmental Justice in the Criminal Justice System
Caitlin Watkins
9 Mothers, Toxicity, and the School-to-Prison Pipeline
Sarah Conrad 10 Hip Hop, Food Justice, and Environmental Justice
Anthony J. Nocella II, Priya Parmar, Don C. Sawyer III, and Michael Cermak
N OTES ON C ONTRIBUTORS
Michael Cermak is an urban environmental educator, scholar, and activist. His pedagogy and research explore the role of race and culture in teaching about environmental issues in urban schools (K-12). His dissertation research entitled “Hip Hop Ecology: Investigating the connection between creative cultural movements, education and urban sustainability,” explored how youth learned environmental science when taught with environmentally themed hip hop music. He is a professor at Middlesex Community College and is co-founder and instructor for The Green Dragons, an organization that combines food justice and martial arts in the Boston area.
Sarah Conrad holds a degree in Philosophy from the department of Philosophy and Religion Studies’ interdisciplinary environmental ethics program at the University of North Texas. She teaches applied ethics at St. Cloud State University. Her areas of specialization are social and political philosophy and applied ethics, especially as they relate to environmental justice studies and critical theories of race, gender, sexuality, and ability. She is preparing a manuscript that recommends a restorative environmental justice for women harmed by work programs in prison. Her first findings on the issue were published in Peace Review: a Journal of Social Justice.
K. Animashaun Ducre is Associate Professor in the Department of African American Studies (AAS) at Syracuse University and author of A Place We Call Home: Gender, Race, and Justice in Syracuse. She also served as 2011 Fulbright Scholar in Trinidad and Tobago. She received her PhD from the University of Michigan’s School of Natural Resources and Environment in 2005. Ducre has been a committed advocate for environmental justice for over two decades, starting with Greenpeace in the 1990s.
Carol Mendoza Fisher grew up in various cities in two urban Americas, Central and North. Educated in public schools with all ethnic and socioeconomic classes, she learned to navigate double consciousness early on. Her background formed her interest in animal rights, environmental and social justice; activism solidified it. She works for the Greater Edward’s Aquifer Alliance, advocating for one of the largest aquifers in the USA. Previous work as a consultant enabled her to travel to Europe and Asia and gain multicultural perspectives. Research areas are Global Neoliberalism, green space, structural violence, and race, both independently and their intersections.
Travis T. Harris is a graduate student in William and Mary’s American Studies program. He has a vast array of research interest including Race, African American Studies, Black Popular Culture, Performance Theory, and African American Religion. His dissertation will examine the manifestation of institutional racism in Williamsburg by examining Williamsburg—James City County Public Schools, the College of William and Mary, local government, churches, businesses, and other institutions. Travis also serves as the lead organizer of Black Lives Matter— Williamsburg. He recognizes his scholarly work as life work with the goal of empowering the “least of these” to thrive.
Joel Helfrich is a father, educator, and an activist who lives in Rochester, New York. He teaches at Monroe Community College and Rochester Institute of Technology. He holds a PhD in History from the University of Minnesota. His dissertation is a historical investigation of Western Apache struggles over a sacred and ecologically unique mountain in Arizona from 1871 to 2002. He has worked on animal rights; environmental, historic, and sacred sites preservation; and other social justice issues. He holds the conviction that a myopic focus defeats the most important work any historian does—being an informed and informative member of society.
Frank Hernandez, during his 15 years in public education, has served as a classroom teacher, an assistant principal, a principal, and a district coordinator of multicultural programming throughout several Midwestern urban school districts. His research interests include the intersection of identity and school leadership and teaching, leadership for equity and social justice, and Latinos and schools leadership. Dr. Hernandez’ work has been published in journals such as Educational Administration Quarterly, Journal of School Leadership, and Education and the Urban Society. He holds a PhD in Educational Leadership and Policy Analysis from the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
Daniel White Hodge is the Director of the Center for Youth Ministry Studies and Associate Professor of Youth Culture at North Park University in Chicago. His research interests include social justice issues at the intersection of religion and popular culture. His two current books are Heaven Has A Ghetto: The Missiological Gospel and Theology of Tupac Amaru Shakur (VDM 2009), and The Soul Of Hip Hop: Rimbs, Timbs, and A Cultural Theology (IVP 2010). He is working on a book titled The Hostile Gospel: Finding Religion In The Post Soul Theology of Hip Hop (Brill Academic late 2015).
John Lupinacci teaches pre-service teachers and graduate students in the Cultural Studies and Social Thought in Education (CSSTE) program using an anarchist approach that advocates for the development of scholar-activist educators. He has taught at the secondary level in Detroit and is co-author of the book EcoJustice Education: Toward Diverse, Democratic, and Sustainable Communities. His experiences as a high school math and science teacher, an outdoor environmental educator, and a community activist, all contribute to examining the relationships between schools and the reproduction of the cultural roots of social suffering and environmental degradation.
Anthony J. Nocella II is an Assistant Professor of Sociology and Criminology at Fort Lewis College, Executive Director of the Institute for Critical Animal Studies, National Co-Coordinator of Save the Kids, Co-Editor of the Critical Animal Studies and Theory Book Series with Lexington Books, Editor of the Peace Studies Journal, and Coordinator of the International Hip Hop Activism Conference. Nocella has published more than 50 scholarly articles/chapters and 20 books including co-editing: From Education to Incarceration: Dismantling the School-toPrison Pipeline (2014), and The End of Prisons: Reflections from the Decarceration Movement (2013). Visit him at www.anthonynocella.org.
lauren Ornelas is the founder/director of Food Empowerment Project (F.E.P.), a vegan food justice nonprofit seeking to create a more just world by helping consumers recognize the power of their food choices. F.E.P. works in solidarity with farm workers, advocates for chocolate not sourced from the worst forms of child labor, and focuses on access to healthy foods in Communities of Color and lowincome communities. lauren also served as campaign director with the Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition for six years. Watch her TEDx talk on The Power of Our Food Choices. Learn more about F.E.P.’s work at www.foodispower.org and www. veganmexicanfood.com.
Priya Parmar is an Associate Professor of Secondary Education and Program Head of English Education at Brooklyn College-CUNY. Her scholarly publications center around critical literacies, youth and Hip Hop culture, and other
contemporary issues in the field of Cultural Studies in which economic, political, and social justice issues are addressed. Dr. Parmar is the co-founder (with Bryonn Bain) of the “Lyrical Minded: Enhancing Literacy through Popular Culture & Spoken Word Poetry” program working with NYC high school teachers and administrators in creating and implementing critical literacy units using popular culture, critical media literacy, and spoken-word poetry into individual classrooms across the disciplines.
David N. Pellow is the Dehlsen Chair of Environmental Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara. His teaching and research focus on ecological justice in the USA and globally. His books include Total Liberation: The Power and Promise of Animal Rights and the Radical Earth Movement, The Slums of Aspen: Immigrants vs. the Environment in America’s Eden (with Lisa Sun-Hee Park), Resisting Global Toxics: Transnational Movements for Environmental Justice; and Garbage Wars: The Struggle for Environmental Justice in Chicago. He works with numerous organizations focused on improving the living and working environments for People of Color and other marginalized communities.
Devon G. Peña is Full Professor in American Ethnic Studies, Anthropology, and Environmental Studies at the University of Washington. He is the Co-Founder and President of The Acequia Institute, a charitable foundation supporting research and education for environmental and food justice movements. Peña is author of several award-winning books on environmental justice, ethnoecology, agroecology, and labor studies. His forthcoming books include the edited volume, Mexican-Origin Food, Foodways, and Social Movements: A Decolonial Reader (2016, University of Arkansas Press).
Shamelle Richards studied anthropology at the University of Washington with specializations in Medical Anthropology and Global Health and Human Evolutionary Biology. As a student in the University of Washington Honors Program and a Mary Gates Scholar, she conducted research mapping the migration patterns and reproductive health outcomes of women from the Englishspeaking Caribbean. Her interest in migrant justice encompasses issues such as food, health, and environmental justice, decarceration, health disparities, and discrimination. She plans to pursue a Juris Doctorate and Masters of Public Health, and hopes to work as an attorney and health policy advocate for migrant populations.
Don C. Sawyer III is a faculty member in the department of sociology at Quinnipiac University in Hamden, Connecticut, where he is teaching the university’s first sociology course dedicated to Hip Hop culture. His scholarly focus is on race, urban education, Hip Hop culture, and youth critical media literacy. His research adds to the work of scholars interested in finding solutions to the plight of Students of Color in failing school districts and aims to center the often-silenced
voices of urban youth as experts with the ability to understand and articulate their lived experiences.
Caitlin Watkins is a nonprofit professional living in the San Francisco Bay Area. She has worked for a number of organizations focused on social and economic justice, including Insight Garden Program, Consumers Union, and Renaissance Entrepreneurship Center. In 2013, she launched Fallen Fruit from Rising Women, a social enterprise benefitting Crossroads, a transitional facility for previously incarcerated women. She graduated from Pitzer College in Claremont, CA, where she completed her honors thesis in Environmental Analysis entitled “Cultivating Resistance: Food Justice in the Criminal Justice System.”
L IST OF F IGURES
Fig. 1.1 Elements of a conflict (designed by Anthony J. Nocella II) 6
L IST OF T ABLES
Table 5.1 Urban pollutant sources by Zipcode
Table 5.2 Suburban pollutant sources by Zipcode
F OREWORD
David Pellow
Addressing Environmental and Food Justice toward Dismantling the Schoolto-Prison Pipeline: Poisoning and Imprisoning Youth is one of the most innovative, ambitious, and important books I have read in a long time. That’s because this is a project that works to achieve two broad critical goals that few others have even attempted to address: (1) a rigorous analysis of the social forces driving multiple forms of social inequality and injustice, including environmental racism, food injustice, and the schoolto-prison pipeline and (2) the issuance of a call to action that embraces a transformative, caring, revolutionary strategy that seeks to link thriving, safe, and nurturing schools with environmental justice, food justice, decriminalization, an end to mass incarceration, and, ultimately, the abolition of the Prison Industrial Complex itself. This is a bold, beautiful, and extraordinary vision.
The school-to-prison pipeline (STPP) is a concept that scholars and activists often use to describe the ways that social institutions track and narrow the freedoms, options, and life chances of Youth of Color who are frequently pushed from the highly segregated and underfunded public school system into the “criminal justice” system. I have recently come across the work of some scholars who argue that the STPP idea may be too narrow a framework because it could be read to suggest that while these two institutions are linked, the STPP does not pay sufficient attention to the role of other social institutions that contribute to the domination of People of Color on an everyday basis. Nothing could be further from the truth in this volume. If one actually takes seriously the metaphor or image of a pipeline in the industrial extractive sense (as the editors and
contributors to this book do), then one may come to an understanding that it is a metaphor that works quite well. Specifically, pipelines are extractive and productive in the sense that they withdraw indispensable “resources” (e.g. oil and people) from ecosystems and communities, not just for use in a particular industry, but for the purpose of fueling of a way of life: they support an entire cultural, economic, and political system. When we think of the STPP in that way, we engage its generative possibilities since it reveals how the PIC is so deeply rooted in shaping and structuring society as a whole from our homes and neighborhoods, to our schools and places of employment, and to the media and civil society and back. We have become a society marked and shaped through and through by mass incarceration, mass probation, surveillance, containment, control, data mining, and other forms of state-corporate violence. The school-to-prison pipeline is not just one dimension of that apparatus; it is indispensable to supporting it and reproducing the carceral society as a cultural reality.
The contributors to this volume have moved the debate around environmental and food justice and schools and prisons forward by leaps and bounds through exploring and articulating the linkages among these issues and the movements organizing around them. To put it simply, prisons disproportionately harm the same communities that are confronting environmental and food injustice and low-quality schools: Communities of Color, working-class communities, and immigrant and indigenous communities. Prisons produce widespread damage to our ecosystems as well; so when we raise our voices and place our bodies on the line in the struggle against mass incarceration and for prison abolition, we can also begin to see how we can link that struggle with the movements for food and environmental justice and high quality education for all. The coalitional possibilities that this volume presents and suggests are limitless and could redefine, reimagine, and remake the present configurations of a host of social change movements. The USA imprisons more people than any other nation, has some of the world’s most highly unequal and racially segregated school systems, and produces more toxic chemicals and hazardous wastes per capita than any other nation. The USA is also a space where lively, creative, and powerful social change movements have often emerged and raised a ruckus to paint, sing, rap, shout, dance, speak, and live out dreams of freedom for people and the more-than-human communities we share this planet with. These two historic and contemporary trends are coming together to force a confrontation between peoples’
movements and the neoliberal structures that seek to contain, manage, manipulate, and destroy life, and that collision will shape the futures of Communities of Color, working-class communities, immigrant communities, Indigenous peoples, and the ecosystems we depend upon for decades to come. The editors and contributors to this important book are among the folks I’m counting on to help chart that path and I’m joining them on the front lines of the struggle. After reading this book I am hopeful that you will as well.
Santa Barbara, CA
P REF ACE
lauren Ornelas
More and more it seems that people in the USA want easy answers and solutions to very complex issues. There seem to be very few who are looking at the roots of problems to gain a deeper understanding of where problems stem from. Poisoning and Imprisoning Youth: The Politics of Environmental and Food Justice in the School-to-Prison Pipelines seeks to not only look at the roots of the problems but how they are connected.
In our work at Food Empowerment Project, we see this when we look at the lack of access to healthy foods in Communities of Color and lowincome communities. Instead of addressing the root problems of no fresh fruits and vegetables in some communities (or the lack of living wages paid to workers today, and greedy corporations that put unethical deeds on old properties), so-called solutions too often involve bringing Wal-Mart or other “big box” stores to communities.
So many issues involving food access are connected, and yet society fails to unweave this web and to be critical enough to acknowledge the complexities of the issues. Instead, we find a constant cycle of reliving yesterday’s problems.
The Free Breakfast for School Children Program, started by the Black Panther Party in 1969, was part of the range of social programs instituted by the party at the time to directly address the services lacking in Black and poor communities. Particularly important was their Ten-Point Program: approached self-defense in terms of political empowerment, encompassing protection against joblessness and the circumstances that excluded Blacks from equal employment opportunities; against predatory business practices intended to exploit the needs of the poor; against homelessness
and inferior housing conditions; against educational systems that denigrate and miscast the histories of oppressed peoples; against a prejudiced judiciary that convicts African Americans and other People of Color by all-white juries; and, finally, against the lawlessness of law enforcement agencies that harass, abuse, and murder Blacks with impunity (Hilliard and Weise 2002, p. 11–12)
Unfortunately, all these concerns still face Communities of Color in the USA. In January 1969, the Black Panthers began cooking for and serving breakfast to poor inner city youth in the area—part of a program they eventually set up in cities across the country. Through this program, the Panthers fed thousands of kids across the country. According to the Black Panther Party (1969), “Children cannot reach their full academic potential if they have empty stomachs” (p. n.a.). The US food system was never created to benefit everyone.
Poisoning and Imprisoning Youth provides an essential critique of these systems that the Panthers challenged in the 1960s and 70s. By looking critically at how food justice issues overlap with racial and economic issues, we at last have a starting point at which we can derive answers to complex questions surrounding domination and oppression. Indeed, we can begin to end the STPP.
When as a society we seem to be attracted to sound bites and think that having true discussions can be done within 140 characters and where the angriest voice wins, Poisoning and Imprisoning Youth is a breath of fresh air in which readers find a strong dose of reality and important connections to critical issues that face our youth and therefore our future.
References
Black Panther Party. (1969). The free breakfast for school children. Oakland, CA: The Black Panther Party Newspaper. Hilliard, D., & Weise, D. (2002). The Huey P. Newton reader. New York, NY: Seven Stories Press.
lauren Ornelas Cotati, CA
A CKNOWLEDGMENTS
Anthony, John, and Kishi would like to thank first and foremost our families who have supported us. We would also like to honor the Earth and all the elements and living creatures on it. We also would like to thank everyone with Palgrave, especially Mara Berkoff, Sarah Nathan, and Milana Vernikova who have been supportive, detailed, and flexible during the process of finishing this book. This book would not be possible without the outstanding contributions and authors of the foreword, preface, and afterword—David Pellow, lauren Ornelas, Joel Helfrich, Carol Mendoza Fisher, Daniel White Hodge, Travis Harris, Priya Parmar, Don Sawyer, Michael Cermak, Devon G. Peña, Caitlin Watkins, Sarah Conrad, and Frank Hernandez. We would also like to thank those that wrote blurbs for the book—Rebecca J. Clausen, Jason Del Gandio, David Gabbard, Four Arrows, Joy James, William Ayers, David Stovall, Joel Kovel, César A. Rossatto, Richard Kahn, Peter McLaren, and Richard White.
CHAPTER 1
Introduction: From Addressing the Problems to the Solutions of the Schoolto-Prison Pipeline
Through a Food and Environmental Justice Perspective
Anthony
J. Nocella II, K. Animashaun Ducre, and John
Lupinacci
This book emerged out of the book From Education to Incarceration: Dismantling the School-to-Prison Pipeline (Nocella et al. 2014) and the work of Save the Kids, a national grassroots organization dedicated to alternatives to and the end of the incarceration of all youth and the school-toprison pipeline (STPP), grounded in Hip Hop and transformative justice. Save the Kids was founded in 2009 by four African American boys in a New York juvenile detention facility. Save the Kids, along with other youth
A.J. Nocella II ()
Department of Sociology, Fort Lewis College, 1000 Rim Drive, Durango, CO 81301, USA
K.A. Ducre
Syracuse University, Syracuse, NY, USA
J. Lupinacci
College of Education, Washington State University, Pullman, WA, USA
A.J. Nocella II et al. (eds.), Addressing Environmental and Food Justice toward Dismantling the School-to-Prison Pipeline, DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-50822-5_1
justice activists saw a lack of discussion on environmental and food justice when discussing the causes of the STPP. The STPP is a systematic sociopolitical process that pushes selected youth out of school and on to the streets to be targeted by law enforcement, where they end up in juvenile detention. According to Save the Kids, there are five common elements of the STPP: (1) criminalization, (2) policing, (3) punitive discipline, (4) oppressive/rigid education, and (5) cultural incompetent personnel.
1. The first element, criminalization refers to the stigmatization of targeted youth through laws and norms that are based on their behavior, dress, ability, socializing, identity, and community in which they live in. A prime example includes the current public shaming of young Men of Color who wear large pants without belts. A Memphis businessman and a state senator in Brooklyn have used funds to purchase billboard space to highlight their concern with “sagging pants.” In Memphis, residents would have seen a billboard featuring an African American man wearing a graduation gown and holding a diploma with the slogan, “Show your mind, not your behind.” In Brooklyn, there were no faces on their billboard; it featured the picture of a man from the waist down, with the slogan, “We are better than this.” In the aftermath of the murder of Trayvon Martin, there was dialogue about the presumed threat of young Black men wearing hooded sweatshirts.
2. The second element includes the policing of youth. This refers to the surveillance and social control of youth by law enforcement and those in disciplinary roles. Notable examples of this type of surveillance include New York City’s infamous “Stop and Frisk” law and other aggressive policing policies that result in a heavy police presence in poor neighborhoods and Communities of Color.
3. The third element, punitive discipline, refers to the punishment of youth which includes detention, sitting in the hall or corner, involuntary labor, in- and out-of school suspension, incarceration, home arrest, and probation. The punitive actions have become the result of the ever-expanding adoption of zero tolerance policies by school systems.
4. An oppressive monolithic education system is the fourth element in the formation of the STPP. This element refers to the curriculum, pedagogy, and practices that promote and are grounded in the dominant identity and culture. This type of education distances itself
from the history and experiences of some of its students. When this element is combined with the final factor, the cultural incompetence of those who serve our youth, they become intractable obstacles to learning and catalysts for the rise in push-out rates.
5. Cultural incompetence refers to non-diverse, miseducated, or nonrepresentative personnel in both the juvenile justice and school systems that do not relate, understand, or identify with marginalized identities (Save the Kids 2015).
The Campaign for Youth Justice, Center for Community Alternatives, Dignity in Schools, American Civil Liberties Union, Advancement Project, Youth Justice Coalition, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, Campaign for the Fair Sentencing of Youth, Children’s Defense Fund, Annie E. Casey Foundation, Families and Friends of Louisiana Incarcerated Children, and Save the Kids, among others, have offered and/or provide solutions to the problems associated with the STPP. The five general solutions to parallel the problems noted above include
1. inclusionary policies and practices that challenge stigmatization;
2. providing freedom, trust, and independence from authority and law enforcement rather than surveillance;
3. supporting and adopting restorative and transformative justice, mediation, and conflict management/resolution/transformation to replace punitive practices;
4. allowing the communities culture and marginalized groups history and culture to reflect the curriculum which should be developed by each school rather than a national standardization movement and corporate textbooks; and
5. insisting that all personnel within the criminal justice and school systems must reflect and come from the community they are serving.
The overall goal of the STPP is absolute control and punishment when needed, while re-educating the future population (i.e., youth) that reinforces the dominant and dominated binary within society. As such, the STPP is a tool of repressive governments; it is about social control through the criminal justice system and propagation through the school system. A historic example is the early Christian boarding schools for native youth
in the USA. Those who did not cut their hair, learn English, and become Christian found themselves as identified by the US government as “bad Indians” and law enforcement would soon find a way to lock them up through racist laws. Racist laws today include the banning in schools and making it illegal to sag one’s pants in cities such as New Orleans, Chicago, Atlanta, Detroit, Miami, and Jacksonville (Ferris 2014).
This book speaks to the rights that many people around the world should have, like the rights to drinking clean water, eating healthy, and living in a pollution-free environment. This book also speaks about the disadvantages that youth, primarily low-income and Youth of Color, face prior to their entrance into school. While some youth are fed a healthy meal prior to a test or quiz, others are fed a highly processed sugar-filled breakfast which often makes the child hyper, unable to focus, and shaking and as a result of this daily reoccurrence the child is diagnosed, hyperactive, attention deficient disorder, and behavior disorder. More and more children in urban communities are exposed to toxins and getting asthma because of the air pollution they live in. Furthermore, this planet is changing and growing warmer by the decade, not because of natural causes, but by the hands of transnational corporations. These corporations try to greenwash their activities by donating to non-profits, establishing environmental foundations, and buying land. Many of these corporations have their factories, refineries, and processing plants in the backyard of poor neighborhoods and Communities of Color. Until we eradicate these corporations and capitalism, they will continue to flatten the forests, destroy diverse ecosystems, eliminate forever thousands of species, violate the rights to clean air, water, and public health of communities, and leave toxic pollution for generations to come (Best and Nocella 2006).
Oppression can appear in many forms; in this book, we will discuss in detail how youth, specifically youth that are economically disadvantaged and Youth of Color are targeted through the environment they live and what they consume. This section of the introduction is dedicated to providing the reader solutions to the STPP and the pollution that youth have to consume daily, while expected to succeed. This section will put the reader on the path of being an effective activist and social change agent (Del Gandio and Nocella 2014). There are many tactics to fight back against these polluters such as rallies, sit-ins, die-ins, marches, rallies, hunger strikes, banner drops, petitions, vigils, blockades, occupations, strikes, boycotts, lobbying, memes, writing blogs, articles, books, and op-eds; and developing websites, documentaries, social media activism, stickers, shirts,
buttons, building coalitions; and hosting lectures, conferences, debates, film screens, teach-ins, and workshops. When selecting tactics, the question is not, what is the best tactic, but what tactic do you feel comfortable and want to perform? When you answer that question, adopt the tactics, build a strategy, which is an organized step process built by a diversity of tactics. Martin L. King Jr. is credited with the development of six steps of non-violent social change (The King Center, n.a.): information gathering, education, personal commitment, discussion/negotiation, direct action, and reconciliation.
1. Information gathering includes doing research and finding everything you can about your opposition and issue.
2. Education entails educating the community and people in your group or organization about the information you and others found through your research.
3. Personal commitment refers to the idea that all those involved in the cause and effort should affirm the amount of time, energy, and resources, and legally they are willing to risk/give.
4. Discussion/negotiation means that once you have a critical mass of committed folk, a meeting is setup with the opposition to discuss your demands and alternatives. At this point, you are hoping they change without escalation tactics.
5. Direct action results when the opposition does not change, and escalating activist tactics are employed to pressure the opposition to meet your demands.
6. Finally, reconciliation is a result after escalated pressure on the opposition wherein the opposition is compelled to comply with the demands.
While Martin L. King Jr. had six micro-steps for social change, Mahatma Gandhi had four macro-step activists for social change: (1) endure ignorance/avoidance; (2) stigmatization/dehumanization; (3) repression; and finally (4) acceptance, where you explicitly address your concerns into law, rules, and/or socially. No matter the issue, all social changes center on a specific conflict. It is important to know how to analyze a conflict, because it will allow those working for social change to understand all the elements involved. All conflicts have three elements, which include the following:
1. Relationship: These are the specific individuals, groups, and communities involved.
2. Subject: Is the topic that brings the individuals, groups, and communities together.
3. Process: This includes the history, present, and future interactions of the individuals, groups, and communities involved (Fig. 1.1).
Each of these three elements can be broken down by developing a flow chart which links all the direct and indirect relationships such as the corporations, lobby groups, government representatives and agencies, and political parties, or by developing multiple lists of why all the groups, individuals, and communities are interested in the topic, or by making a timeline of when all the relationships interacted and why. It is important to discuss how to create social change for this book because too often theorists, teachers, authors, activists, politicians, spiritual leaders, and professors inform you about a socio-political problem, but do not provide you any ways on how to solve the problem. That is why we thought it would be important to note these practical skills at the beginning of the book. We hope you share this introduction with others and work with us directly and indirectly by ending the STPP that is targeting youth around the world. No more can educators argue that there is an achievement gap and Youth of Color are not successful, while these youth are poisoned through the water they drink, the air they breathe, or the food they eat.
Fig. 1.1 Elements of a conflict (designed by Anthony J. Nocella II)
In compiling chapters for this volume, we could not help thinking about the powerful quote from Black feminist lesbian writer Audre Lorde: “For the master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house” (Lorde in Guy-Sheftall 1995, p. 291). She harkens to the work of Paolo Friere’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed (2002). Paolo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed (2002) can be conceptualized as an existential companion to Marx’s theory on class struggle. While Marx describes conflict and rebellion from a macro- and materialist perspective, Friere attempts to address the same theme on an individual, subjective level. Freire suggests that once the oppressed understand that they possess valued knowledge (or, are able to articulate critiques against established knowledge created by their oppressors), they take the first step in their struggle for liberation. Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed (2002) does not suffer the strictures of Marx’s Capital; his perspective allows for what Black feminism theorist Kimberle Crenshaw framed as intersectionality. In the Introduction of Pedagogy of the Oppressed (Freire 2002), authored by Donaldo Machedo, it states:
In it [Ideology Matters] Freire argues that whereas, for example, “one cannot reduce the analysis of racism to social class, one cannot understand racism fully without a class analysis, for to do one at the expense of the other to fall prey into a sectarianist position, which is as despicable as the racism that we need to reject.” In essence, Friere’s later works make it clear that what is important is to approach the analysis of oppression through a convergent theoretical framework where the object of oppression is cut across by such factors as race, class, gender, culture, language, and ethnicity. Thus, he would reject any theoretical analysis that would collapse the multiplicity of factors into a monolithic entry, including class (p. 15).
OVERVIEW OF THE BOOK
This book is made of a diversity of scholars in academia and in the community and from around the country, with different genders, abilities, races, social economic statuses, and educational qualifications. We felt that since there are already leading scholars working to contribute to our understandings of environmental justice as inextricable from increasing violences of racism, classism, sexism, and ableism—and likewise, scholars working to examine the STPP in connection with the North American prison industrial complex—this book intentionally assembles chapters from a truly diverse group of voices from the margins and movements
that address directly, and in some cases indirectly, the interconnectedness of environmental racism and STPP. This book is a movement book to be read, shared, and used as a blueprint to dismantle the STPP targeting youth from birth to higher education. In a market where there are books on women’s rights or environmental justice or the STPP or food justice or mass incarceration, this book engages all of these seemingly disparate fields of inquiry and reflection. The contributors seamlessly link these ideologies and social movements under the rubric of justice with the underlying goals of equality in access and opportunity. These contributions challenge the existence of silos, leaving readers with a keen sense of connection among today’s highly visible movements for human rights.
In Chap. 2, “They Got Me Trapped: Structural Inequality and Racism in Space and Place Within Urban School System Design,” Travis T. Harris and Daniel White Hodge providectural inequality and racism in schools and communities. Recognizing the challenges of hyper-militarized school zones and capitalist policies that support schools sorting children into prisons, Harris and Hodge share a visionary way forward for what school could be for our urban youth.
In Chap. 3, “The Rochester River School: Humane Education to Confront Educational Injustice and the School-to-Prison Pipeline in Rochester, New York,” Joel T. Helfrich illuminates the deep connections between urban industrial living, schooling, and the possibilities of new hopes from education. Helfrich details how and why educators in Rochester decided enough was enough and got together to organize a school as a form of direct action against increasing environmental racism and a school system that was failing children, families, and the community.
In Chap. 4, “Where We Live, Play and Study: Assessing Multiple Adverse Impacts of Schools near Environmental Hazards,” K. Animashaun Ducre samples words of the late Dana Alston, one of the primary architects in the ascension of the modern environmental justice movement. Using case studies of the Moton Elementary School in New Orleans, Louisiana, and the La Croft Elementary School in East Liverpool, Ohio, she reveals the unique circumstances of children in environmental justice communities, particularly those who attend schools that are located near environmental hazards: Her review of literature revealed one school to every six schools is located with a half-mile of polluting industry.
In Chap. 5, “Race and Access to Green Space: School Yards, Gardens, and Community Parks,” Carol Mendoza Fisher takes readers into San
Antonio, Texas. In this chapter, Fischer highlights the racism surrounding everyday access to parks and greenspace for Black and Brown children and families. Fischer examines San Antonio’s history of racial segregation and racist policies in connection with environmental risks endured by Communities of Color.
In Chap. 6, “Education that Supports all Students: Food Sovereignty and Urban Education in Detroit,” John Lupinacci explores what happened when radical activist–educators in Detroit were faced with addressing the exploitation and systemic violence of the Eurocentric industrial culture. Lupinacci examines how Western industrial culture is rationalized, justified, and/or ignored in Detroit and what could be done to begin to build a healthy and autonomous community? This chapter shares an embedded story within a larger story of resistance; that is, a story of how schools—more specifically education—can play a significant role in organizing food sovereignty in Detroit, Michigan.
Part two of this book is dedicated to examining the problems of the current US criminal justice system and providing solutions to its punitive nature. More than two million adults are incarcerated in the US and most of them are People of Color, while most people arrested are people who are white (Davis 2003; Gilmore 2007). The US criminal justice system was and is always racist and classist because of how it was constructed (Alexander 2012). Who is and who is not a criminal, deviant, delinquent, or a terrorist is subject and determined by those in dominant positions controlled by a system. The clearest example of how the US criminal justice system is racist is the Thirteenth Amendment that was signed into law on December 18, 1865, the same year the American Civil War ended, which was fought mostly over the issue of slavery. The Amendment does not abolish slavery, but rather institutionalizes it only “as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.” Therefore, the government just needed to make laws that would target Blacks. A perfect example of this today is the cities banning the sagging of pants, which if convicted a person can face paying a fine of a thousand dollars or sentenced to six months in jail. Cities have even put signs and billboards up about this law, with most often Black youths used as the image of sagging their pants. The American Civil Liberties Union, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, and Save the Kids have come out publicly in press conferences, rallies, and press releases stating how this law racial profiles youth. This book is not about reforming the criminal
Another random document with no related content on Scribd:
[fol 81]
Itm for Saffron ijd Itm for Suger iiijd Itm for small reasons iijd Itm for Chese & Apples viijd. Itm for bastyng butt’ iiijd Itm for Fyre Wood vjs
Itm payd to Thomas Ousbye beyng Coke for hys hyre ijs.
Summa xijs iijd
Itm payd for iij of mr Goodryckes Horses mete & for ij of mr palm’s Horsemete xs viijd.
Itm payd for mendyng of mr Goodryckes Saddles & for shoyng of hys horses &c As App’yth by a byll vs vjd
Itm payd for Shoyng of mr palm’s Horses & for ij drynches for hys seyd horses xvjd.
Itm payd for Horsemete for ix of the seyd mr Scudamors Horses xviijs. viijd
Itm payd for Shoyng of the seyd mr Scudamors horses & for mendyng of his Sadelles at Burton iijs viijd.
Itm payd for a Saddell for the Cariage of the Kynges maiesties plate & ornamentes of the Church from burton to london iiijs
Itm payd for x yardes of Canvas to pack the seyd omamentes in & for a Maylyng Corde iiijs iiijd
Itm payd for a Horse to Carrye the seyd plate & ornamtes xxvjs. viijd
Summa lxxiiijs xd.
R L
T N ’
Den’ at Atherston
In bredd vjd ob Ale viijd ob beoff vjd Mutton iiijd one Capon vjd one Chekyn ijd. one Conye iiijd. Butt’ & Chese iiijd. iijs vd.
Itm payd for Horsemete y’ for xv horses ijs ixd
Supp’ at Couentre
In bredd xd Ale ijs Wyne vjd Mutton xvjd one Cowple Conyes viijd one Capon vjd Wyldfowle vijd Apples & Chese iijd vjs viijd
Itm for Fyre & Candelles y’ xiiijd. Itm for Horsemete y’ for xv Horses viijs ixd
Itm for Shoyng y’ viijd
Itm for Drynkyng in the mornyng the xxjth day [sic] vjd
Summa xxiijs xjd
T N ’
Den’ at Dayntre
In bredd viijd. Ale xiiijd. Wyne viijd. beof ixd. Mutton ixd. A Mallard iiijd. iij Woodcockes vjd; Suyttes iiijd Chese & Apples ijd vs. iiijd
Itm for Fyre y’ iijd Itm for Horsemete y’ iijs.
Supp’ at Towcetr
In bredd viijd Ale xvijd Wyne xd Mutton xvjd A Mallard vjd one Conye iiijd Wyldfowle xd Apples & Chese ijd vjs. jd.
Itm for Fyre & Candelles y’ xviijd Itm for Horsemete y’ for xv Horses viijs ixd
Itm for Shoyng & mendyng of Sadelles y’ xiiijd.
Itm for Drynkyng y’ in the mornyng the xxvijth Day vjd
[fol 82]
Summa xxvjs. vijd
T D N ’
At Bryckhyll
Itm for Drynkyng y’ xixd.
Itm for Fyre jd
Itm for Horsemete y’ ijs vjd
At Seynt Albones
Den’
In bredd viijd. ob. Ale xiiijd. Wyne iiijd. Butt’ iiijd. Egges ijd. oyst’s iiijd. Saltfysshe xiiijd Herryng vd Whyttynges vd Chese & Apples ijd vs. ijd ob
Itm for Fyre & Candelles y’ xvid. Itm for Horsemete y’ that nyght viijs xjd
Itm for drynkyng y’ in the mornyng the xxviijth day xijd.
Summa xxs vijd. ob
Itm payd for the Hyre of iij Horses Hyryd by the seyd mr Goodryck by the space of xij days to Ryde from London to Burton aforeseyd for thexecutyng of mr Chauncellors Comaundemt aforeseyd xvijs. iiijd
Itm for iiij quere of pap’ xijd. one skynne of pchemt iiijd. for Waxe ijd. to Seale vp the Evidences & Also the Inuentorye Indentyd xviijd
Itm for the Costes & Charges of the seyd John Scudamore &c lyeng At London Aftr ther retome from Burton by the space of viijth Days to make certyficat of ther Doynges & Also from thens Home xli.
Summa x to xviijs. xd
Summa Totalis of All the Expences Aforeseyd xxvli ixs. vjd ob
R G . J S
[fol 83] [fol 84]
Summa Totalis of All the charges & paymtes exp’ssyd in thys boke iiijxx xvij to vs. viijd. ob.
Pencons assigned vnto the late Dean and p’bendaries petycanons and other of the late colledge of Burton vppon Trent in the countie of Staff’ surrendred to be payd at ij termes in the yere That is to say at the feastes of thannucyacon of or lady and seint Michaell tharchangell by even porcons
D
Brocke xlli[264] [sic]
P’
Rudd xx m’kes[265] xvli [sic]
Robert
More xvjli
Bull xx m’kes
PETICANONS LATE RELIGIOUS
Sir Willm Sutton vjli
Sir John Hyerne vjli xiijs. iiijd.
Sir John Carter vjli
PYSTELER LATE RELIGIOUS
Sir Willm Hether cs
Summa cvjli vjs viijd
Sma totalis of thextraordynary charges wch remayne but at Kinges maiesties pleasure lvjli
The some of all the charges ordynary and extraordynary conteyned in this boke amounteth to ijc lixli xijs iiijd ob.
W M xls
[fol 85]
[fol. 86]
Churche plate
The Churche plate goodes & Cataill of the said late Colledge at the Surrendre of the same viz in
Orname’tes & Imple’tes
Gilte xlix oz di Clxvij oz Deliu’d to Thes p Indent. Dat. s John Willyams Knight die Ao [sic] xxxviijo R H viijui
pcell gilte (x) xxiijj oz. di [sic]
White iiijxx xiij oz
Ornamentes Delui’d to the said mr Thes psed at xjli vjs. viijd. p Ind p’d
Ornametes sold by the Comyssioners xxjli iiijs viijd y’ Rec
Implementes left in the house of the said late Coll
Debtes
vijli iijs ijd Assigned to mr secretary pagett in liew of suche implemetes as he left at Kepier in Com Ebor
Orname’tes valowed worth lvjs viijd Assigned by discrecon of the Comyssioners to thuse of the >pisshe Church of Burton
Dettes Dew to thouse at the Surrendre xlviijli ijs iijd y’ Recd
r Thesxjli vjs viijd cu’
Summa Totalis iiijxxli. xiijs clxvi oz vnc Argent viijd r
Rec. lxixli vijs.
P ’ made by the Comyssioners at the tyme of the dissolucon of the said late Colledge viz
Wages & Rewardes of peti Canons Singingmen & other Ministers & s’untes of the Church there lxijli ijs vjd
Paymet of Dettes Dew to sondry p’sounes ixli xlljs viijd
The xpences of the said Comyssioners wth xli geaven in Reward for there paynes xxvli ixs vjd ob
[fol 87]
[Endorsed ]
[Outside cover ]
iiijxx xvijli vs viijd ob
And so the Rec’ restith in supplussage vpon this Reconing xxvijli xviijs vlljd ob
The Inventorie of the plate Ornamentes goodes and Catailles of the Late Colledge of Burton vpon Trente Deliu’d by Richard Goodryck & John Scudamore esquiers Comyssioners for that p’rpose Assigned
Burton sup’ Trente
Summa
APPENDIX XIII
DISSOLUTION OF BURTON COLLEGE: SCUDAMORE’S RECEIPT FOR GOODS UNSOLD
P. R. O. C G , 8/24a.
[4 Dec., 1545.]
This bill Indentyd made the iiijth of December in the xxxvijth yere of the Raigne of or soueraigne lorde Kinge
Henrye the eight Witnessethe that I sr John Willms[266] Knight Tresoror of the courte of Thaugmentacyons of the reuenues of or seyd soueraigne the Kinge corone Haue Receuyd of John Scudamore esquyer Rceuor of the seyd courte wthin the counties of Salope Worc’ Herefford and Stafford by thandes of Willam Scudamore his sone Certen plate and ornamentes latlye belonging to the late Colleidge of Burton apon [sic] Trent in the seid countie of Staff’ as hereafter pticlerly is resyted
That is to seye
Plate
Fyrst iiijor Chalesis wth theyr patentes gylte weyng xlix oz. di.
Itm ij Chalesie wth there patentes whight weing xxxiij oz iij quart.
Itm a shippe wth a spone whight weying xij oz quart
Itm ij Sensers whight weying xlvij oz
Itm the garnyshing of a Crosse p’cell gyllt weying vj oz.
Itm the garnyshing of a gospell boke p’cel gilt weing xviij oz. di.
Orname’tes
First on Vessement wth ij Tynnades of count’faite tysshue wth albes to the same belonging.
Itm a vesment wth ij Tynnacles of Redd velwet and ij albes to the same belonging
u?
Itm a Cope of Taunnye velwet wth an offer[e]s of red turkye satten
Itm iij Copes of whight damaske wth Flowers of nedle worke wroght
In witnes whereof to this presentes I have sett to my seale the daye and yere aboue writen
J W .
APPENDIX XIV
LIST OF BOOKS AT BURTON ABBEY
(British Museum. Addit. MS. 23,944. See p. 200.)
The following list shows what books the Abbey of Burton possessed in the early part of the thirteenth century: it is not probable that many of them had disappeared by the sixteenth century. If we had a list of the books in the Abbey Library at the time of its Dissolution we should be able to form some idea as to the extent to which the Revival of Learning had influenced the monks there. Failing this we may notice with interest the number and character of English books at the end of this Catalogue, including Apollonius Anglicus (see note infra), which appears to be the only “pagan” book in the collection.
The list begins Hos habet Libros Ecclesia Burtonne, and the succeeding entries are therefore in the accusative case, e.g., “Bibliothecam in duobus codicibus.” I have, however, printed them in the nominative throughout.
Bibliotheca[267] in duobus codicibus
Omeliarum ab Adventu usque Pascham et Vita Sanctae Moduennae et Bernardus, super “Missus est [Angelus”][268] }
Psalterium secundum Augustinum in tribus voluminibus
Augustinus, de Civitate Dei
Augustinus, super Johannem
Augustinus, de sermone Domini [in Monte] et de decem cordis[269] et contra quinque haereses et Ieronimus, super Josue
Augustinus, Exameron[270]
Augustinus, Contra Iulianum [haeresis Pelagianae defensorem]
Augustinus, de Disciplina Christianorum et ejusdem epistola ad quendam comitem[271]
in uno codice
in uno codice
in uno codice
Regula Sancti Augustini a quodam exposita et cantica psalterii et Hugo, de Disciplina Novitiorum[272] in uno codice
Hugo, super Ecclesiasten[273]
Gregorius, super Job, in tribus voluminibus[274]
Dialogus Gregorii[275] et liber qui vocatur scintillarum[276] in uno codice
Gregorius, super Ezechielem
Pastoralis Gregorii[277]
Liber xl omeliarum Gregorii[278]
Registrum [Epistolarum] Gregorii in duobus codicis
Ambrosius, super “Beati Immaculati”[279]
Ambrosius, de Officiis [Ministrorum] et Hugo, de Archa Noe[280] et Beda, de situ [urbis] Ierusalem in uno codice
Beda, super Lucam
Hystoria Anglorum secundum Bedam
Item alius liber vetustior
Decem collationes patrum et Liber qui vocatur Paradisus[281] in uno volumine
Vitae patrum
Robertus,[282] super Canticum Canticorum et Sinonima ysidori[283] et Liber Effrem[284] et Regula Sancti Basilii et Decessus Bedae presbyteri in uno codice
