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Team Based Collaboration in Higher Education Learning and Teaching A Review of the Literature Catherine Newell
MULTICULTURALISM, HIGHER EDUCATION AND INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION
Developing Strengths-Based Narratives for Teaching and Learning Damian Spiteri
Palgrave Studies in Global Citizenship Education and Democracy
Series Editor Jason Laker
San José State University, California, USA
This series will engage with the theoretical and practical debates regarding citizenship, human rights education, social inclusion, and individual and group identities as they relate to the role of higher and adult education on an international scale. Books in the series will consider hopeful possibilities for the capacity of higher and adult education to enable citizenship, human rights, democracy and the common good, including emerging research and interesting and effective practices. It will also participate in and stimulate deliberation and debate about the constraints, barriers and sources and forms of resistance to realizing the promise of egalitarian Civil Societies. The series will facilitate continued conversation on policy and politics, curriculum and pedagogy, review and reform, and provide a comparative overview of the different conceptions and approaches to citizenship education and democracy around the world. If you have a proposal for the series you would like to discuss please contact: Jason Laker, jlaker. sjsu@gmail.com
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Damian Spiteri
Multiculturalism, Higher Education and Intercultural Communication
Developing Strengths-Based Narratives for Teaching and Learning
Damian Spiteri
University of York York, United Kingdom
Palgrave Studies in Global Citizenship Education and Democracy
ISBN 978-1-137-51366-3 ISBN 978-1-137-51367-0 (eBook)
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For my wife, Amaris; for my daughters, Joelle Marie and Kristabel Ann; for my mother, Fay; and for my brother, Matthew
F OREWORD
The first decade of the twenty-first century has seen a radical shift of focus—in Western contexts at least—from a low-key—albeit divisive— discussion about the pros and cons of multiculturalism in a pluralistic and democratic society to something much more intense and urgent. A major driver of this shift has been the alarming increase in the numbers of those fleeing their homelands and seeking—but not necessarily securing—refuge on safer shores. Both the causal factors driving thousands (if not millions) to take such extraordinary measures—including religious and ethnic persecution, war, extreme poverty, and climate-based calamities—and the very mixed responses of those already living in relative safety—ranging from welcoming with open arms to bolting the gates and pulling down the shutters—reflect the same familiar problem, that of finding ways for peoples of different faiths, ethnicities, nationalities, traditions, and cultures not merely to abide together peacefully and equitably, but to assist others to do so. It is this problem that Damian Spiteri sets out to address in the present volume, under the broad heading of “multicultural education.” By stressing from the start the role of education in multiculturalism, he places key responsibility for meeting the enormous challenges posed by the plight of asylum seekers and others fleeing their homelands fairly at the feet of educators and educational institutions, most notably, colleges and universities.
Drawing on a substantial literature from the social sciences, and balanced by personal reflections of teaching in a small but culturally diverse country which has experienced its own influx of asylum seekers and other “outsiders,” Spiteri offers a unique interpretation of how the “politics of
difference” can be shaped constructively so as to engage and empower all those involved. Striking just the right balance between the dual perils of assuming cultural homogeneity and defining persons by what divides rather than unifies them, he proposes that teachers and students alike confront the question of what it means to be a person in a complex and oftentroubled world, by constructing and engaging in a connected series of “strength-based narratives.” Such strategies focus on what is possible—on what can be done by each individual to counter negativity, prejudice, and discrimination, and work toward the construction of a world based on principles of respect, equity, and social justice.
I am delighted to have been invited by the author, both to provide my own critical commentary on early drafts of his manuscript and to write this foreword. Having recently completed my own book [Identity and Personhood: Confusions and Clarifications across Disciplines (Springer)], I retain a strong interest in the themes of culture and identity. While we may not see eye to eye on some issues—I remain somewhat sceptical about the merits of investing in such “collectivist” constructs as cultures, traditions, nations, and religions—I can state with complete confidence that this book will be of immense value to anyone pondering the crucial question of what role formal education has to play in bringing about a more caring and accepting world for ourselves and those who come after us.
Prof. Laurance Splitter Melbourne, Australia
P REF ACE
The reason for writing this book was triggered by personal events that I experienced a few years back. At the time, I worked as a lecturer at a vocational college in Malta. (This was prior to taking up my current lecturing position at the University of York). The college is the Malta College of Arts, Science and Technology (MCAST). I was informed by management personnel at the college that among the students I would be teaching were a group of students from Africa who were asylum seekers. My first reaction to being told this was somewhat naïve. I believed that the Maltese students would appreciate the cultural and racial differences of the newcomers automatically and that the newcomers would integrate naturally into the Maltese social context without having problems in the process. Things did not quite work out that way. It took considerable effort on the part of both the Maltese and the African students to relate to one another. Even though there were times when they succeeded in forging friendships, there were times when they did not. It seemed to me that the Maltese and African students were remaining far too distant from each other. I realized that something had to change to bring them closer together so that they could all benefit from a more holistic education and have a more enjoyable time at this college.
In Malta, there were also a handful of people who formed a political party with the aim of insisting on the forceful return of the asylum seekers to their countries of origin. Partially inspired by my thirst for social justice, and partially inspired by my own compassion and sensitivity, I felt an urge to do something to show Maltese society that it could not allow itself to follow this small group of people that appeared to be unasham-
edly insensitive to the particular needs of asylum seekers in Malta, and who apparently did not show any concern whatsoever about the upholding of their human rights. While reflecting on social justice, I also let my memory drift further back in time. I remembered my English literature teacher in secondary school, Ms Therese Friggieri, reading in class from George Orwell’s 1984. This book was a set text for my ‘O’ level exam in English literature. I remember her referring to Winston’s interrogation in the Ministry of Love. Winston asks the person torturing him, O’Brien, if Big Brother exists in the same way he does. I remember Ms. Friggieri narrating O’Brien’s answer: ‘You do not exist.’ I also remember her explaining that, upon being tortured, Winston said ‘I love Big Brother.’ She used this particular excerpt from George Orwell’s work to engage her students (including me) in a discussion about what the excerpt meant.
Ms. Friggieri elicited from the young people present that what the excerpt meant was that all the core beliefs that made Winston himself—his hatred of the Party and his hatred of its desire for all things to be corrupted—were destroyed by the dystopia. Consequently, Winston became everything he was resisting. Ms Friggieri succeeded in convincing her students that the rational person is a danger to the dystopia. It was only if people idealized the dystopia that it could function. To function, it needed people to be compliant. The dystopia depended on people adopting a mentality that is based on a ‘Who am I to challenge Big Brother’s script?’ in order to operate. Critical thinking was the only effective weapon that could destroy it. She summarized this by saying smilingly to her students: ‘Any fool can teach, but not any fool can educate.’
These were powerful words that conveyed a powerful lesson. I learnt from Ms Friggieri that I have to believe if I am to achieve. I also learnt, though, that I had to be realistic and trust my intuitions. Just as Winston needed to know that he could exist in an alternative context to the dystopia if he was to see through Big Brother’s ruses, I was equally as conscious, now as an educator myself, that students needed to be provided with a different discourse to that presented by those people in Malta who seemed to be oblivious to the histories, aspirations, and unique personalities of the asylum seekers. I was also conscious that just as Winston had to change himself, if any change in his life, whatsoever, was to ensue; likewise the students needed to change themselves if they were to adopt a different outlook to that which they believed was thrown at them by wider society.
I realized that I was not in a position to change the whole of Malta. However, I was conscious of my position in society as a college lecturer.
This position meant that as an educator, I was enabled to invest personal effort in preparing Maltese society to be more adept at welcoming the asylum seekers (through my work with my students). I wanted my students to distance themselves from a mentality that translated into a lack of hope that they could make a difference in other people’s lives or the belief that they could not bring about positive change in society. This book is one small part of that overall mission.
Quite coincidentally, at more or less the same time that I started lecturing to asylum-seeking students, I also attended a public lecture that was delivered by Professor John P. Portelli of the Ontario Institute of Education at the University of Toronto. During his lecture, he said that if people adopt what he called deficit-based narratives, where they only focus on other people’s less-desirable aspects, they would fall into helplessness. In so doing, they would believe they do not have the skills and disposition to change things. Professor Portelli explained that ideally students should be empowered by being trained to adopt strength-based narratives. The focus of strength-based narratives is on what people can do, rather than on what they cannot do. He explained this by referring to seeing the bucket as both half full and half empty but by focusing on its fullness.
Asylum seekers were not the only foreigners amongst the students attending college or university in Malta. There were also students from other parts of the European Union and students who came from nonEuropean Union countries. (Malta is classified as a border country and is the smallest EU member state. Malta joined the European Union in 2004). Like the students who were asylum-seekers, the other foreign students faced the insecurities associated with not knowing enough about Malta and about the Maltese way of life. They were also disadvantaged since they could not speak Maltese, which is the language which Maltese people mostly use when speaking informally together (even though, in Malta, lectures and course materials are usually delivered/presented in English). Having said this, unlike the asylum seekers, the ‘foreign’ students were in Malta out of choice. More often than not, they did not confront the same level of financial restrictions that the asylum seekers did.
Within the context of these different student backgrounds, I appreciated, more and more, my own relatively sheltered upbringing. While I understood that my socialization was geared toward my adoption of prosocial values, I came to see the narrowness of my own experiences. Practically all my school friends throughout all my years at school were Maltese. I found refuge in seeing my two daughters, Joelle, born in 2005, and Kristabel,
born in 2007, growing out of their primary school years (age 5–9) and advancing into their middle school years (age 10–13) in a multicultural world, attending a school where their peers came from different countries. I had attended a boys-only church school. My daughters attended an independent fee-paying co-educational school. I attended school in the 1980s. My daughters attended school in the 2000s/2010s.
There were several other differences between my daughters’ lives and mine. Particularly, after having read for a doctorate in the Sociology of Education, I found myself increasingly putting time and energy into observing how my daughters interacted at home and in other places as they grew older. I observed how they engaged in starting new conversations at home, how they generated new realizations, and how they adopted fresh perspectives when writing language compositions or preparing Microsoft PowerPoint presentations that they were being asked to deliver, at school, in front of their classmates. I realized that they were not simply being given education in a multicultural school, where students who came from different parts of the world were perhaps given some extra lessons in English, and then expected to cope in the same way their peers did. Rather, they were being given education for a multicultural school. All the children at their school were being trained, on an ongoing daily basis, to acquire greater intercultural sensitivity and understanding. This was mainly done through encouraging equitable socialization among peers and through using peer learning as the main medium through which multicultural education was approached. Negative attitudes, in the form of racism, simply did not even surface at the school.
I transferred what I learnt, from my observations of the changes that my children were experiencing, to my work as a lecturer, and have also focused on them in this book. As a result of the personal transformation I was undergoing by seeing education ‘changing,’ I came to increasingly realize that all my students share a desire to be understood and to make themselves understood; they all want to be significant in the lives of their peers; they all want their peers to be significant to them, and they all want to form part of a college or university system that is sensitive to their needs. I realized that my students, as did my children, did not want me to offer them solutions, but rather wanted me to empower them to develop their own strategies to become more independent, reflective, thoughtful, and caring people. In the meantime, they also wanted to get on with their lives and enjoy themselves.
I also realized that how people look at the ‘other’ is often an indicator of how they look at themselves. My students needed to create ideals that amplified their self-respect. They needed to create the media through which their voice would carry and be listened to. They needed to develop level battlefields where they would be secure enough to wage their own fight and not the battles which other people wanted them to fight without knowing why they were waging those fights. They needed to develop a constant yearning for social justice, particularly in the context of people who were perceived by some as being ‘different’, and consequently seen as the ‘other’. They needed to have clarity of mind in order to make out the right thing to do. Above all, they needed to have personal presence. This was to enable them to make other people central in their lives. This book will show how multicultural education is all of these things, granted that even among ‘locals’ there are different cultures in existence.
Damian Spiteri York, UK
A CKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to start out by saying a big thank you to Professor Hugh Starkey at the University College of London (UCL) Institute of Education, London. I had attended the Institute of Education during the summer months of 2015 as a Visiting Academic. Professor Starkey had offered me insightful feedback on various parts of the initial draft of this book. I would like to say an equally as big thank you to Professor Laurance J. Splitter at the Hong Kong Institute of Education, who also offered me feedback on the book at various stages of its development.
While in London, I also had the opportunity to interview Dr Leslie Bash, who is Visiting Fellow at the International Centre for Intercultural Studies at the UCL Institute of Education, London, Reader and Research Fellow at Leo Baeck College, London, and Secretary General of the International Association for Intercultural Education; Dr Mary Scott, who was the Founding Director of the Centre for Academic and Professional Literacy Studies at the UCL Institute of Education; Dr Matthew Wilkinson, who was Research Fellow in Islam in Education & Law at the School of Oriental and African Studies, SOAS, at the University of London and Principal Researcher of Curriculum for Cohesion (his recently published book on authentic Muslim integration in Europe was awarded the Cheryl Frank Memorial Prize in 2014 as the most ‘creative and innovative’ work of critical realist philosophy); and Dr Angela Herbert MBE who has been awarded for her active contributions to preventing and reducing reoffending in London. Dr Herbert, an academic, educationalist, author, and consultant, offers personal, educational, and professional life coaching,
particularly for people who form part of the Black and Minority ethnic community, using her unique IECR model, which is oriented toward the promoting of identity, esteem, competence, and resilience. I would like to thank these people not only for the time they dedicated to me but also for their lifelong commitment to trying to make the world a better place for all.
I would also like to thank the staff at the Malta College of Arts, Science and Technology (MCAST) which is the college where I used to lecture previously. Their positive attitude to students from different backgrounds and their determination to make a difference in their students’ lives provided me with revealing insights that I have applied to many of the ideas that I have put forward in this book.
It goes almost without saying that another thank you goes to my students. They have allowed me to make connections between the local and the global, between theory and practice, and between learning and emotions. They are the people who have enabled me to see past my blind spots and who simultaneously made me feel part of a very energetic, active and supportive community of people. I would also like to show my appreciation to the staff at the University of York, where I am now working. They have encouraged me, in various ways, to bring this book to completion. A special thankyou goes to Professor Martin Webber and to all my colleagues.
I am very grateful to my relatives and personal friends who encouraged me to write this book. I am indebted to my wife, Amaris, and my daughters, Joelle Marie and Kristabel Ann, not only for having been so patient with me but also for helping me to further develop the ideas that I shared with them; and by showing me that balancing among life’s missions and finding time for my family commitments, although a challenging task, is indeed also one that is highly rewarding. Special mention must also go to my friend, Eric Formosa, who drew the figures that have been inserted in this book.
On a final note, I would like to thank three people in particular. They are Merhawi, Tefele, and Samray. I got to know them when they were 13 years old, shortly after they were rescued from one of the boats entering Malta after fleeing from Eritrea. I followed them on their journey in Malta by becoming their friend. I am humbled by the depth, sincerity, and humility of that friendship. Fairly recently, as young men in their early twenties, they relocated to different parts of the USA. They are the people who originally proposed to me that I write this book.
5.1
8
7.2 Coming to Terms with Differences: the Use of Language as a Medium of Communication and as a Social Construction
8.1
8.2
People Where They Are in Many
L IST OF F IGURES
Fig. 2.1 Defining multicultural education 15
Fig. 2.2 Knowledge acquisition and consolidation 28
Fig. 3.1 Adapting the P4C approach to multicultural education 57
Fig. 4.1 Bronfenbrenner’s systems theory 88
Fig. 6.1 The problematizing of issues 146
Fig. 7.1 Working in multicultural settings 183
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
This book contributes to existing literature on multicultural education by instilling in readers a broader perspective to multicultural education than that which is sometimes conveyed in other books. It does this by promoting a questioning disposition to the things that people often take for granted, such as by engaging them in reflecting on whether the curriculum that they are presented in textbooks is representative of all sectors of the student body at colleges and universities. It thereby does not simply adopt a singular assumption that people from different cultures need to relate to one another well if they are to coexist peacefully or interact with one another purposefully. Rather it proposes that people need to often read ‘between the lines’ when relating to one another, thereby exploring their own assumptions of the world and how these assumptions influence how they think, what they say, and how they act.
The book purposely refers to the context(s) of different countries while giving importance to the Maltese context. Even though it is a small island nation, Malta itself is not isolated from the rest of the world. Like all other places, it stands to gain from the delivery of effective multicultural education programs. In effect, for the past one-and-a-half decades, Malta has found itself increasingly open to foreigners. These include people from different parts of the European Union (Malta became an EU member state in 2004), and people from farther afield. Also, thanks to its geographical position in the center of the Mediterranean Sea, Malta has served as a reception state to asylum seekers, many of whom come from Africa. They aspire to build a future for themselves in Europe, and either land on
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the island in error, sometimes mistaking it for one of the Italian islands, or if they experience difficulties at sea, sometimes are brought to Malta by the authorities. People from other parts of the world sometimes fly to Malta, then stay on illegally after their visas expire.
The book points out that multicultural education, as an important facet of multiculturalism, does not only mean engaging people in relating to people who are seen as different. In fact, if one were to unpack the word culture, one would find that many types of sub-culture can exist in a culture, even if the culture is broadly perceived as homogeneous. A case in point would arise if one were to distinguish between working-class culture and middle-class culture, even in the context of a single town or village. If culture is seen as a set of values and beliefs that people share and that serve as a prerequisite for their acceptance in a particular group, then this might mean that the differences that exist within that culture are ignored. However, this does not mean that cultural differences are non-existent. Multicultural education is rooted in understanding these cultural differences, thereby enabling people to acquire greater intercultural competence.
This book has been divided into different sections. The book is at first mainly introductory in character and is aimed at providing definitions of terms that are widely employed in the literature on multicultural education. It also embeds these terms in a wide discourse about the different meanings that people could assign to the term ‘multicultural education’. In so doing, the book appeals to a wide international readership. Through its emphasis on wakefulness, it shows that how successful one is, in building relationships, cardinally rests with one’s relationship with oneself. How one perceives oneself in the context of the relationships that one builds is therefore cardinal. The book then progresses to introduce the reader to systemic perspectives showing how interactions on different levels contribute to how amenable university and colleges are to promoting multicultural education. Students from abroad, for instance, can easily enrich the cultural diversity of university and college settings.
Complementary to this, the book then places further emphasis on the individual’s role in enacting successful intercultural encounters and focuses on such aspects as ‘identity’ and ‘language’ – presenting them as inherent components of these encounters. The final part of the book offers an overview of multicultural education and locates it in the lived contexts of college and university students. In so doing, the book shows that multicultural education is an evolving discipline that merits prominence in today’s college and university curricula due to its relevance to students’ lives.
PART I
The first part of this book has the broad aim of introducing the topic of multicultural education to an international readership. It also shows that multicultural education is a rich and varied subject which can be defined in several ways and that can convey different meanings in different time periods. The reader is introduced to the use of strength-based narratives that serve as a tool to engage students and lecturers in realistically appraising their strengths, thereby enabling communication to take place optimally in multicultural educational settings.
CHAPTER 2
How Can Colleges/Universities Promote Multicultural Education Effectively?
This chapter shows the importance of empowering students in colleges and universities to be better informed about the personal development needs and inclinations of people from different cultural backgrounds. It shows how multicultural education is rooted in promoting mutual understanding among different people. It defines the aim of multicultural education as that of bringing about greater social equity in society. Social equity itself is rooted in compassion. Unless people can feel for one another, unless people can feel with one another, and unless people can ‘conceptually’ enter the world of each other, no amount of multicultural education can generate mutual understanding. Multicultural education asks questions like ‘How can I relate differently to others?’ ‘What can I do about the things in society that I would like to change? and ‘How can I empower myself to change the things I would like to change?’
2.1
WHAT IS MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION?
Multicultural education is the subject of different definitions. Some authors prefer to use ‘intercultural education’ to ‘multicultural education’ in their texts. It is likely that this is because the term ‘intercultural’ clearly captures connotations of the interactions that take place among people from different cultures, in much the same way that ‘interpersonal’ captures the essence of encounters that take place among people; and ‘international’ captures the essence of events that take place in the context of more than one country.
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In contrast, the term ‘multicultural’ may be seen as simply referring to the presence of people from different cultural groups (Grant & Portera, 2011). These people do not necessarily interact. They form an aggregate or a category, rather than a group. A ‘multicultural school’ or ‘multicultural college’ or ‘multicultural university,’ in this particular sense of the word, would be an educational setting where the students who attend come from different cultural backgrounds. The term used is thereby one that is purely descriptive in nature.
However, defining ‘multicultural’ without referring to inter-operating cultures could be seen as erroneous. This is because the term would be deprived of its essentially pluralistic ascriptions (Aydin, 2013). In effect, multiculturalism relates to the act of living in an ethnically and culturally diverse society or societies (Leeman, 2003). Static definitions of ‘multicultural’ would be based on people’s inhabiting different locales that need ‘preserving’. In contrast, if ‘multicultural’ is seen from the point of view of people’s evolving relationships within the context of ongoing social change, then the word would take on a totally different meaning. In this latter sense, multiculturalism is active; it is something that is created by people as they inhabit different locales rather than something which has been somehow handed down and which consequently, somehow, people need to adhere to passively, unresistingly, and unquestioningly. Since it is on this active notion of ‘multicultural’ that this book is focused, ‘intercultural’ and ‘multicultural’ are being used interchangeably throughout these pages.
Broadly speaking, multicultural education is seen in two different ways. Primarily, it is seen as promoting understanding and sensitivity among people of different backgrounds. Secondly, it is seen as a force that operates against oppression and is thereby based on raising people’s awareness about what is oppressive in society. This can take the form of countering racism or any of the other ‘isms’—sexism, ageism, and so on.
One of the main reasons for multicultural education being a topic of interest stems from the ongoing transnational politics (associated with the free movement of people in certain parts of the world) and easier access to travel, which has also become more affordable. This has translated to universities and colleges being increasingly open to students of different nationalities. In this sense, multicultural education can be seen as aimed at generating greater cohesion and understanding among students. The forced migration of people can similarly be seen to be of interest to the field of multicultural education, since, as a consequence of transitions of
this sort, people in host societies need to develop the skills and acumen to live with the immigrants who live in their country(ies).
Particularly over the past few years and at present, the world has faced and is facing the worst refugee crisis since World War II. Over 50 million people have been displaced from their homes (due to such factors as armed conflicts, civil war, human rights violations, and persecution) in 2013, and this was 6 million more than those reported in 2012 (Amnesty International Report, 2015). The trends are alarming. While some of these people have been internally displaced, others have either sought refuge in neighboring countries or gone to more distant ones. Some have died en route.
Possibly put off by their large numbers, some countries have responded to the refugee crisis by attempting to devise ways of closing their borders to asylum seekers rather than granting them some form of national or international protection. The fact remains that even if a forcibly displaced person is not an asylum-seeker or a refugee, being a displaced person implies that the extension of some form of protection by government(s) is necessary if the displaced person’s welfare (including rights and interests) is to be safeguarded and the danger that s/he is sent back to the country (or place) from where s/he started out from is averted. In a certain specific (albeit limited) sense, legal protection is similar to citizenship. It confers upon people the right to belong to a society. When countries refuse to offer people protection, this implies inherently that they are refusing displaced people this right to belong.
Oppression can be expressed in many ways. One of these, which is referred to particularly in early US literature on multicultural education is racism. The countering of racism can always be seen as an intrinsic aspect of multicultural education since rather than serving to unite societies, racism divides them. Racism can take the form of passive aggression, microaggression, emotional abuse, and insults. It can also take the form of more overt forms of aggressive behavior. Often racism is levied against minorities (Banks, 2013).
Chadderton and Wischmann (2014) observe that the term, ‘minority ethnic’ is usually applied to so-called ‘visible minorities’ and that since ‘visible minorities’ are generally readily distinguishable from the remainder of the population, this leaves them susceptible to racism. Black people in Malta are classifiable as ‘a visible minority’. It is likely that there is also an element of colorism which has also been exhibited by some Maltese people.
It can be readily seen from anthropological works that sometimes dark people suffer more simply because light colors are more likely to be associated with goodness and brightness than dark colors are. Conversely, dark colors are more likely to be associated with evil and mystery than light colors are. This is particularly seen in the negative associations of blackness in Christian symbolism. This symbolism is readily evidenced in Malta via the presence of ornately decorated parish churches in practically every town and village on the island, which can be seen as thereby serving to further perpetuate the link between colorism, racism, and white supremacy.
Particularly since, traditionally, geographically, each town and village was based around the parish church and the central square, and the parish church symbolized the collective wealth of all the villagers (Boissevain, 1965), the system of privilege and discrimination associated with whiteness could have come to be internalized more readily by villagers, particularly in times gone by. From a broader Western view-point, colorism traces its origins to ‘the psychological damage caused by centuries of enslavement which created social hierarchies based on skin color, that maintain an invisible presence in our psyches (Gabriel, 2007, p. 2).’
In 2015, a Hungarian (Black) student in Malta tried to direct people at an outside stand selling bus tickets (at a bus station) to form a queue in order to buy their tickets. This was instead of trying to crowd in on the ticket vendor en masse. The Maltese people present either misunderstood him, or, for some reason, felt irritated by his actions. As a result of this, some of them turned on him, spat on him, and insulted him using racist remarks. He ended up arrested. In due course, the policemen who arrested him then became the subject of an internal police inquiry. It transpired that his arrest caused a stir among certain people who alleged that the policemen who carried out the arrest had acted in a racist fashion. The policemen insisted, however, that they had taken action based on what the people present had told them at the time (Barry, 2015). Other targeted racist attacks have been reported in other parts of the world, some leaving relatively more long-term repercussions on victims’ lives. These have included the attacks on African seasonal migrant workers that took place on January 7 through 9, 2010, in Rosarno, Italy. These two days of unrest left 53 migrant workers injured and resulted in a thousand of them being sent to deportation centers (World of Work, 2011).
Within the context of racism, Lobo (2015) refers to the fact that the color of a person’s skin, being ‘one of the most visible organs, provides
an understanding of race as a felt identity, and a visceral event that circulates negative sentiments of fear, anxiety, hate, frustration and discomfort’ (p. 55). Normally, the visible minorities in an English context would include people from Asian, African, African-Caribbean, Chinese, and certain mixed-race backgrounds. However, Chadderton and Wischmann (2014) further explain that, possibly helped along by intra-European migration (as people migrate from one part of the European Union to another in order to find jobs); other groups, such as East Europeans, could also be victims of racism, even if they have a relatively light skin color.
Gabriel (2007) points out that on the Caribbean island of Jamaica, during the time of slavery, the degree of whiteness in the skin determined the social order. She further points out that as a result of this historical factor, mulattos (mixed race persons) emerged as the elite class within Jamaican society after emancipation. They were, thereby, relatively advantaged, in terms of their positioning in the social hierarchy, compared to darkskinned Jamaicans. The Jamaican social context shows that if multicultural education is to serve to enable people to interact purposefully, then it is important that people strive for greater social equity by understanding why whiteness has had such an impact on their psyches. Failing this, xenophobia, which is a distaste toward (or fear of) people who seem different to oneself, can set in. Xenophobia can have disastrous consequences. This has been seen, for instance, in South Africa, where, in 2008, more than 60 foreign migrants were killed and around 10,000 were left homeless as a result of xenophobic violence. This incident took place after several thousand South African people from the township of Alexandria demanded that the Zimbabwean, Malawian, and Mozambican nationals, who were living there, leave the place (World of Work, 2011).
Notwithstanding this, all over the world, societies are not homogenous. Banks and McGee Banks (2007) refer to such characteristics as people’s national origins, gender, social class, and other related attributesas distinguishing people from each other and sometimes bringing about stratifications in society. It is therefore incorrect to think only of foreigners, or people who have been brought up in places apart from each other, as culturally different. Having said this, it is likely that some differences may be more striking than others. For instance, if people are unable to speak the language used in the host society, they are especially vulnerable. However, since the processes by which differences are defined are highly subjective, it is mostly because of the emphasis on differences, between people, when taken as a whole, that some societies have adopted what
McCormick (1984, p. 93) calls an ‘assimilation’ centered approach. Such an approach assumes that one culture is better than another, and that the ‘better’ culture seeks to ‘convert’ newcomers, implying that those who fail to convert will be made to ‘suffer’ in some way. Assimilation is essentially a power game. It involves, first, those who have the power legitimizing certain ways of societal working and cultural products, and second, those who are relatively powerless being unable to counter the acts of the powerful. This is most especially since the dominant group’s cultural capital is likely to be widely regarded as that which is more desirable by the wider society. McCormick also refers to acculturation. This is a separate process where one culture gradually ‘dissolves itself away’ as people increasingly adopt the cultural mores, norms and practices of a dominant culture within society, while letting go of their own. As a result, the cultural products of this dominated people are eliminated over time (Williams, 1993). The difference between assimilation and acculturation essentially rests in the directness of the approach adopted in order to bring about this change. Assimilation is by far more direct. One is expected to behave in a certain way or else face social, cultural, and sometimes legal sanctions. Acculturation is a more subtle process. Normally, people come to appreciate that if they do not do things in the manner in which they are normally carried out in the host society, they stand to lose out. They thereby gradually internalize the norms, traditions, and customs of the host society in order to feel part of it.
Having said this, neither the text book definitions of assimilation nor acculturation recognize that cultures are seen as ‘constantly changing and intermingling’ (Kim & Slapac, 2015, p. 17). In reality, it is possible for people to occupy various different cultural spaces at the same time. Take the case of two students who are studying at MCAST in Malta. One of these students is from Ethiopia, and the other is from Eritrea. They both cross borders of languages and cultures easily. This can be seen when they are at the college library at MCAST and access online daily newspapers, which are written in Amharic and Tigrinya. These are the languages that are spoken widely in Ethiopia and Eritrea, respectively. Should it so happen that somebody Maltese approaches them to tell them a quick word while they are sitting at their computers, they would interact with them in English. This is while they leave the screen fully visible. The simultaneous use of different languages by the Ethiopian and Eritrean students shows how versatile the linguistic and ‘cultural’ aspect of multiculturalism is.
In effect, McLaren (1999) emphasizes that, particularly in schools, colleges and universities; teachers and lecturers need to move away from aiming at ‘building a common culture.’
Should they try to do so, it is likely that they would denigrate certain cultures and glorify others. They would promote an idea that their students’ identity can be derived from one’s membership of, or affiliation with, any number of collectives; in the process failing to focus adequately on their individuality. Splitter (2011) explains that ‘no matter how strongly Chinese citizens identify with China, neither this nor any other affiliation provides a criterion of identity that can serve to define them as individuals’ (p. 488).
To prevent this excessive assignment of importance to collectives (rather than to individuals), McLaren advises that educators need to be actively engaged in valuing ‘multiple identities and multiple perspectives’ (p. 282). Kim and Slapac (2015) explain that, failing this engagement, a situation where the lecturers are unable to connect with the students is likely to arise. This is because the lecturers would have inevitably set themselves apart from their students. The students would not feel validated. Lecturers would erroneously adopt what Zamel (1997) calls a ‘converting the natives’ stance (p. 349). They would focus too much on what it is that ‘they’ believe needs changing. This would, thereby, decrease the psychological space that students have to be true to themselves. It has to be pointed out that even though people may have multiple identities in a purely qualitative (subjective) sense, these identities may in reality turn out to be facets of people’s ‘being’ that they give different importance to, or else that they give different importance to at different points of their lives. Splitter (2011) believes that people have just one literal identity. (For instance, Damian, the author of this book, is Damian and remains Damian; i.e. Damian is Damian’s literal identity). We get our literal identity at birth (or before) and do not lose it till we die. Splitter uses the metaphor of a priceless piece of sculpture to explain the malleability of personal identity in contrast to literal identity.
Where one person sees a priceless piece of sculpture, another may see a hunk of clay; accordingly, their … judgements about matters of identity and persistence are likely to differ. Reshaping the clay into something else does not destroy the (lump of) clay per se, but it does destroy the sculpture (p. 486).
In other words, the literal identity contrasts with personal identity which evolves. Therefore, even when people identify with collectives, this
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Nearer Palembang we visited the tombs of later princes. A high wall encloses several separate buildings from twenty to thirty feet square, and surmounted by domes, and within are the coffins, much like that already described. Other massive rectangular tombs are seen outside. None of these appear to be very old.
From Palembang to the mouth of the Musi is about fifty miles, and yet there is plenty of water for the largest steamers to come to the city. The Musi is therefore the largest river in Sumatra; and Palembang gains its importance from its position as the head of navigation on this river, which receives into itself streams navigable for small boats for many miles. On the south is the Ogan, which, in its upper part, flows through a very fertile and well-peopled region, and which, from the descriptions given me, I judge is a plateau analogous to that at Kopaiyong, near the source of the Musi. This region of the Ogan produces much pepper. North of the Musi is the country of the Kubus, who have been described to me here and at Tebing-Tingi as belonging to the Malay race. They are said to clothe themselves with bark-cloth, and to eat monkeys and reptiles of all kinds. They shun all foreigners and other natives, and are very rarely seen. They appear to be very similar in their personal appearance and habits to the Lubus that I saw north of Padang, and perhaps form but a branch of that people.[58] It was to this place that the author of the “Prisoner of Weltevreden” came on his filibustering expedition, and was seized and carried to Batavia, whence he escaped. The open-hearted and generous manner in which I have been everywhere received and aided, both by the government and by private persons, as has constantly appeared on these pages, convinces me that any American, whose character and mission are above suspicion, will be treated with no greater kindness and consideration by any nation than by the Dutch in the East Indian Archipelago.
May 13th.—Took a small steamer for Muntok, on the island of Banca, where the mail-boat from Batavia touches while on her way to Singapore. Muntok is a very pretty village. The houses, which mostly belong to Chinamen, are neatly built and well painted. The streets are kept in good repair, and the whole place has an air of
enterprise and thrift. Here I had the pleasure of making the acquaintance of the chief mining engineer on the island. One morning we rode out a few miles to a granite hill, from the top of which I had a fine view over the Strait of Banca to the low, monotonous coast of Sumatra. There are but few elevations on Banca, and none of any considerable height. All are covered with a thick forest. The rocks of which Banca is composed are chiefly granite, and a red, compact sandstone or grit. The tin is disseminated in small particles through the whole mass of granite, which has slowly disintegrated and decomposed, and the clay and sand thus formed have been washed into the nearest depressions. The tin, being the heaviest of these materials, has settled near the bottom of each basin, when they have been somewhat assorted by the action of water. The upper strata being removed, the particles of tin are found in the lower strata, and obtained by washing, just as in the process of washing similar alluvial deposits for gold. When the beds of all the basins on the island have been thoroughly washed, the yield of tin will be at an end, because it does not occur, as at Cornwall, in veins in the granite, but only in small scattered grains. The washing is almost wholly done by Chinese, who chiefly come from Amoy.
The income of Banca[59] has been for some time over three million guilders per year, after deducting the salaries of all the officials on the island, and the annual expense of the garrison. The chief engineer thinks that about two-thirds of all the tin on the island has now been taken out, but that the present yield will continue for some years, and a less one for many years after. This tin-bearing range of granite begins as far north on the west coast of the peninsula of Malacca as Tavoy. It has been obtained at Tenasserim, and on the island of Junk Ceylon, and large quantities are annually taken out at Malacca. It is also found on the Sumatra side of the strait, in the district of Kampar. The range reappears in the islands of Banca and Billiton, and again in Bali, at the eastern end of Java.
May 14th.—In the evening the steamer arrived from Batavia. For fellow-passengers I found the captain and doctor of an English ship that had lately been burned in the Strait of Sunda while bound from
Amoy to Demarara with a cargo of coolies. A passenger from her was also on board, who had written a book on Cochin China, giving his experience while a captive in that land.
May 18th.—We continue, this morning, to pass small islands, and now, by degrees, we are able to make out many ships and steamers at anchor in a bay, and soon the houses by the bund or street bordering the shore begin to appear. We are nearing Singapore. A year and fourteen days have passed since I landed in Java. During that time I have travelled six thousand miles over the archipelago, and yet I have not once set foot on any other soil than that possessed by the Dutch, so great is the extent of their Eastern possessions.
The activity and enterprise which characterize this city are very striking to one who has been living so long among the phlegmatic Dutchmen. Singapore, or, more correctly, Singapura, “the lion city,” is situated on an island of the same name, which is about twenty-five miles long from east to west, and fourteen miles wide from north to south.
When the English, in 1817, restored the archipelago to the Dutch, they felt the need of some port to protect their commerce; and in 1819, by the foresight of Sir Stamford Raffles, the present site of Singapore was chosen for a free city. In seven years from that time its population numbered 13,000; but has since risen to 90,000. Its imports have risen from $5,808,000 in 1823 to $31,460,000 in 1863, and its exports from $4,598,000 in 1823 to $26,620,000 in 1863.
As soon as I landed, I found myself among American friends, and one of them kindly introduced me to the Governor of the Straits Settlements, who received me in the most polite manner and kindly offered to assist me in any way in his power. At my request, he gave me notes of introduction to the Governor of Hong Kong and the admiral commanding her Majesty’s fleet in the seas of China and Japan. A few days of rest after my long journeys over Sumatra soon glided by, and I was ready to continue my travels.
From Singapore my plan was to proceed directly to China, but finding in port a French ship which was bound for Hong Kong, via
Saigon, the capital of Cochin China, I engaged a passage on her in order to see something also of the French possessions in the East. Just as we were ready to sail I met a gentleman who had lately returned from a long journey to Cambodia, whither he had gone to photograph the ruins of the wonderful temples in that land. He had a specimen for me, he said, which I must accept before I knew what it was, a condition I readily complied with, but when the “specimen” appeared I must confess I was not a little surprised to find it was an enormous python. It had been caught by the natives of Bankok after it had gorged itself on some unfortunate beast, but that was some time before, and the brute was evidently ready for another feast. My cans containing alcohol were already on board the ship, but I took the monster with me when I went off to her late in the evening, designing to drown it in its box and then transfer his snakeship to a can. The captain, with the greatest politeness, met me at the rail, and showed me my state-room in the after-cabin, and the sailors began to bring my baggage, when first of all appeared the box containing the python! I shouted out to the cabin-boy that that box must be left out on deck, and then, in a low tone, explained to the captain that it contained an enormous snake. “Un serpent? un serpent?” he exclaimed, raising up both hands in horror, in such an expressive way as only a Frenchman can, and proceeding to declare that he ought to have known that a passenger who was a naturalist would be sure to fill the whole ship with all sorts of venomous beasts. All the others were little less startled, and shunned me in the halflighted cabin, as if I were in league with evil spirits, but I quieted their fears by ordering a sailor to put the box into a large boat that was placed right side up on the main deck and promising to kill the great reptile to-morrow.
May 24th.—Early this morning we made sail, and I concluded to let my troublesome specimen remain until we were out of the harbor, but now, in the changing of the monsoons, the winds are light and baffling and we finally came to anchor once more; and a sailor who got up into the boat said something about “le serpent.” I was on the quarter-deck at the time, and determining at once not to be troubled more with it, jumped down on the main-deck, ran to the side of the boat, and seizing the box gave it a toss into the sea, but just as it
was leaving my hands I thought to myself, “How light it is!” and the sailor said, “Le serpent n’est pas encore!—pas encore!” We all looked over the ship’s side and there was the box floating quietly away, and it was evident that the monster had escaped. Every one then asked, “Where is he?” but no one could tell. I assured the captain that he was in the box when I put it on the sampan to come off to the ship. “Is he on board?” was the next question from the mouths of all. We looked carefully in the boat and round the deck, but could detect no trace of him whatever, and all, except myself, came to the conclusion that he was not brought on board, and then went back to their work. The box in which he had been confined was about a foot and a half long by a foot high and a foot wide, and over the top were four or five strips of board, each fastened at either end with a single nail. On inquiring more closely, the sailor told me that before I seized the box, the side with the slats was one of the perpendicular sides, and had not been placed uppermost, as it ought to have been. “Then,” I reasoned, “he is here on board somewhere beyond a doubt, and I brought him here, and it’s my duty to find him and kill him.”
KILLING THE PYTHON.
We had four horses on deck, and the middle of the boat was filled with hay for them, and under that it was probable the great reptile had crawled away. In the bottom of the boat, aft, was a triangular deck, and, as I climbed up a second time, I noticed that the board which formed the apex of the triangle was loose, and moved a little to one side. Carefully raising this, I espied, to my horror, the great python closely coiled away beneath, the place being so small that the loose board rested on one of his coils. I wore a thin suit, a Chinese baju, or loose blouse, a pair of canvas shoes, and a large sun-hat. Throwing off my hat, that I might go into the dreadful struggle unimpeded, I shouted out for a long knife, knowing well that what I must try to do was to cut him in two, and that he would attempt to catch my hand in his jaws, and, if he should succeed in doing that, he would wind himself around me as quick as a man could wind the lash of a long whip around a fixed stick, and certainly he was large enough and strong enough to crush the largest horse. The cook handed me a sharp knife, more than a foot long, and, holding the board down with my feet, I thrust the blade through the crack, and, wrenching with all my might, tried to break the great reptile’s back-bone, and thus render all that part of the body behind the fracture helpless. Despite my utmost efforts, he pulled away the knife, and escaped two or three feet forward, where there was more room under the deck. By this time there was the greatest confusion. The captain, evidently believing that discretion is the better part of valor, ran below the moment he was satisfied that I had indeed discovered the monster, seized a brace of revolvers, and, perching himself upon the monkey-rail, leaned his back against the mizzenrigging, and held one in each hand, ready to fire into the boat at the slightest alarm. The sailors all gathered round the boat, and stood perfectly still, apparently half-stupified, and not knowing whether it would be safest for them to stand still, climb up in the rigging, or jump overboard. The first mate armed himself with a revolver, and climbed on to the stern of the boat. Indeed, every moment I expected to hear a report, and find myself shot by some of the brave ones behind me. The second mate, who was the only real man among them all, seized a large sheath-knife, and climbed into the boat to help me. I knew it would not do to attempt to strike the monster with
a knife where he had room enough to defend himself; I therefore threw it down, and seized a short handspike of iron-wood, the only weapon within my reach, and told the second mate to raise the deck, and I would attempt to finish my antagonist with the club, for the thought of escaping while I could, and leave for others to do what belonged to me, never entered my mind. As the deck rose I beheld him coiled up about two feet and a half from my right foot. Suffering the acutest agony from the deep wound I had already given him, he raised his head high out of the midst of his huge coil, his red jaws wide open, and his eyes flashing fire like live coals. I felt the blood chill in my veins as, for an instant, we glanced into each other’s eyes, and both instinctively realized that one of us two must die on that spot. He darted at my foot, hoping to fasten his fangs in my canvas shoe, but I was too quick for him, and gave him such a blow over the head and neck that he was glad to coil up again. This gave me time to prepare to deal him another blow, and thus for about fifteen minutes I continued to strike with all my might, and three or four times his jaws came within two or three inches of my canvas shoe. I began now to feel my strength failing, and that I could not hold out more than a moment longer, yet, in that moment, fortunately, the carpenter got his wits together, and thought of his broad-axe, and, bringing it to the side of the boat, held up the handle, so that I could seize it while the reptile was coiling up from the last stunning blow. The next time he darted at me I gave him a heavy cut about fifteen inches behind his head, severing the body completely off, except about an inch on the under side, and, as he coiled up, this part fell over, and he fastened his teeth into his own coils. One cut more, and I seized a rope, and, in an instant, I tugged him over the boat’s side, across the deck, and over the ship’s rail into the sea. The long trail of his blood on the deck assured me that I was indeed safe, and, drawing a long breath of relief, I thanked the Giver of all our blessings.
This was my last experience in the tropical East. A breeze sprang up, and the ship took me rapidly away toward the great empire of China, where I travelled for a year, and passed through more continued dangers and yet greater hardships than in the East Indian Archipelago.
Transcriber’s Note: Map is clickable for a larger version.
Map
To Illustrate Mr Bickmore’s Travels IN THE
EASTERN ARCHIPELAGO
Edwᵈ Weller
APPENDIX A.
APPENDIX B.
Population of the Netherlands India, 1865.
APPENDIX C.
A Table of Heights of the Principal Mountains in the Archipelago.
A .
HEIGHTS IN JAVA.
hills crossed before coming down to Eik Bediri
Nasi (island passed in coming from Siboga)
Talang (Crawfurd’s Dictionary)
Indrapura, estimated at 12,255 Mount Lusé, in the territory of Achin, in 3° 40′ N. (Crawfurd) 11,250
Mount Lombok, according to Melville van Carnbée, by triangulation, about 12,363
APPENDIX D.
Coffee sold by the Government at Padang.
Total quantity Exported to U S Average price Piculs. Piculs. Guilders.
APPENDIX E.
Trade of Java and Madura during 1864.
.
.
No of ships Tonnage
For the eastern parts of the archipelago 2,245 151,066½
Total 2,759 577,401½
See page 131.
TOMB OF THE SULTAN PALEMBANG.
APPENDIX F.
A List of the Birds collected by the Author on the island of Buru.
Pandion leucocephalus, Gould, B. of Aust., vol. i., pl. 6.
Baza Rheinwardtii, Schleg. and Müll., P.Z.S.,[60] 1860, p. 342.
Tinnunculus moluccensis, Hornb. and Jacq., P.Z.S., 1860, p. 343.
Ephialtes leucoapila, Gray, P.Z.S., 1860, p. 344.
Caprimulgus macrourus, Horsf., P.Z.S., 1863, p. 22.
Hirundo javanica, Sath., P.Z.S., 1860, p. 345.
Cypselus mystaceus, Sess., P.Z.S., 1863, p. 22.
Eurystomus pacificus, Gray, P.Z.S., 1863, p. 25.
Todiramphus collaris, Bon., P.Z.S., 1863, p. 23.
Todiramphus sanctus, Bon., P.Z.S., 1863, p. 23.
Alcyone pusilla, Gould, B. of Aust., vol. ii., pl. 26.
Nectarinia zenobia, Gray, P.Z.S., 1863, p. 32.
Nectarinia proserpina, Wall., P.Z.S., 1863, p. 32.
Dicæum erythothorax, Sess., P.Z.S., 1863, p. 32.
Tropidorynchus bouruensis, Wall., P.Z.S., 1863, p. 31.
Acrocephalus australis, Gould, B. of Aust., vol. iii., pl. 37.
Sylvia flavescens, Gray, P.Z.S., 1860, p. 349.
Cysticola rustica, Wall., P.Z.S., 1863, p. 25.
Cysticola ruficeps, Gould, B. of Aust., vol. iii., pl. 45.
Motacilla flavescens, Shaw, P.Z.S., 1860, p. 350.
Criniger mysticalis, Wall., P.Z.S., 1863, p. 28.
Mimeta bouruensis, Wall., P.Z.S., 1863, p. 26.
Rhipidura tricolor, Gray, P.Z.S., 1860, p. 351.
Rhipidura bouruensis, Wall., P.Z.S., 1863, p. 29.
Rhipidura, sp.
Monarcha loricata, Wall., P.Z.S., 1863, p. 29.
Musicapa, sp.
Camphega marginata, Wall., P.Z.S., 1863, p. 31.
Artaurus leucogaster, Gray, P.Z.S., 1860, p. 354.
Dicrurus amboinensis, Gray, P.Z.S., 1860, p. 354.
Calornis obscura, Gray, P.Z.S., 1860, p. 355.
Calornis metallica, Bon., P.Z.S., 1860, p. 355.
Munia molucca, Blyth, P.Z.S., 1860, p. 355.
Platycercus dorsalis, Quoy and Gaim, (P. hypophonius, Gray) P.Z.S., 1860, p. 356.
Eos rubra, Wagl., P.Z.S., 1860, p. 356.
Trichoglossus cyanogrammus, Wagl., P.Z.S., 1860, p. 357.
Eclectus puniceus, Gm., P.Z.S., 1860, p. 357.
Eclectus polychlorus, Scop., P.Z.S., 1860, p. 358.
Tanygnathus affinis, Wall., P.Z.S., 1863, p. 20.
Geoffroius personatus, Gray, P.Z.S., 1860, p. 358.
Eudynornis ramsomi, Bon., P.Z.S., 1860, p. 359.
Centropus medius, Müll., P.Z.S., 1863, p. 23.
Cuculus caroides, Müll., P.Z.S., 1860, p. 359.
Cuculus assimilis, Gray, P.Z.S., 1858, p. 184.
Cacaomantis sepulchris, Bon., P.Z.S., 1860, p. 359.
Ptilonopus superbus, Steph., P.Z.S., 1858, p. 184.
Ptilonopus prassinorrhous, Gray, P.Z.S., 1858, p. 185.
Ptilonopus viridis, Gm., P.Z.S., 1863, p. 34.
Treron aromatica, Gray, P.Z.S., 1863, p. 33.
Carpophaga perspicillata, Gray, P.Z.S., 1860, p. 360.
Carpophaga melanura, Gray, P.Z.S., 1860, p. 361.
Macropygia amboinensis, Gray, P.Z.S., 1860, p. 361.
Macropygia, sp.
Chalcophaps moluccensis, Gray, P.Z.S., 1860, p. 361.
Megapodius Forsteri, Temm., P.Z.S., 1860, p. 362.
Megapodius Wallacii, Gray, P.Z.S., 1860, p. 362.
Glareola grallaria, Temm., P.Z.S., 1863, p. 35.
Ardetta flavicollis, Sath., Gould, B. of Aust., vol. vi., pl. 65.
Ardea novæ-hollandiæ, Sath., Gould, B. of Aust., vol. vi., pl. 53.
Herodias immaculata, Gould, B. of Aust., vol. vi., pl. 58.
Butorides javanica, Blyth, P.Z.S., 1863, p. 35.
Limosa uropygialis, Gould, B. of Aust., vol. vi., pl. 29.
Sphoeniculus magnus, Gould, B. of Aust., vol. vi., pl. 33.
Sphoeniculus subarquatus, Gould, B. of Aust., vol. vi., pl. 32.
Sphoeniculus albescens, Gould, B. of Aust., vol. vi., pl. 31.
Actitis empusa, Gould, B. of Aust., vol. vi., pl. 31.
Totanus griseopygius, Gould, B. of Aust., vol. vi., pl. 38.
Numenius uropygialis, Gould, B. of Aust., vol. vi., pl. 43.
Gallinula mystacina, Temm.
Rallus pectoralis, Cuv., Gould, B. of Aust., vol. vi., pl. 76.
Rallus, sp.
Dendrocygna guttulata. Gray, P.Z.S., 1863, p. 36.
Sterna velox, Rüpp., P.Z.S., 1860, p. 366.
Sula fusca, Gould, B. of Aust., vol. vii., pl. 78.
