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Roger James Kuhns · George H. Shaw

Navigating the Energy Maze

The Transition to a Sustainable Future

Navigating the Energy Maze

Roger James Kuhns · George H. Shaw

Navigating the Energy Maze The Transition to a Sustainable Future

Roger James Kuhns SustainAudit, LLC Mystic, CT, USA

George H. Shaw Geology Department Union College Schenectady, NY, USA

ISBN 978-3-319-22782-5 ISBN 978-3-319-22783-2 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-22783-2 Library of Congress Control Number: 2017964710 © Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2018 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Printed on acid-free paper This Springer imprint is published by Springer Nature The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Foreword

How does our nation as a leader of the global community navigate the near future to attain a balanced and sustainable national society? A major part of the answer is the solution to today’s dependence on fossil-based energy. The authors, George Shaw and Roger Kuhns, propose a sustainable energy path that moves us forward and leaves behind the fossil fuel-based economy that we have built our society around. Local, regional, and national experience, long-term records, and extensive and detailed scientific research clearly and irrefutably point to this societal reliance on fossil fuels as our Achilles heel. This is our economic disadvantage and weakness and the source of damaging social and environmental degradation to our society and our planet. A Comprehensive Sustainable Energy Policy that guides our nation through the current energy maze and anchors a path to a sustainable energy future is the core message of the authors in this far-reaching and vitally important work. By developing and presenting a series of eight interrelated sustainable energy legislative policy acts, the authors formulate a defensible approach to moving from today’s unbalanced and dangerous fossil-dominated energy economy to a near future that makes sustainable living a reachable goal for the country. With detailed and readable chapters covering all elements of the fossil energy economy and it’s impacts, as well as the necessary renewable energy components, technology, impacts, and political support critical to the non-fossil energy solution path, Navigating the Energy Maze teaches, enlightens, and illuminates the critical path to reaching our near-future sustainable energy policy national goal.

Neal J. Gruber, M.E., P.E., D.CE

Preface

This book is about possibilities of energy policy, not possibilities of energy. Although we touch on our choices for energy, we allow for significant innovation through a supportive national comprehensive sustainable energy policy. We feel such a policy is necessary for us to move toward a sustainable society. This book illuminates the approaches of a far-sighted, comprehensive sustainable energy policy for the United States. In our eight policy proposals, we offer outlines addressing transportation, generation and transmission, microgrids and energy corridors, as well as the many associated sustainable components. We understand that the demand side is a principle factor in the energy equation and examine that aspect of energy. Increasing efficiencies can mean lower energy demand, providing our society does not consume even more energy by purchasing and using an increasingly larger number of consuming devices, but rather seek behaviors and options that reduce overall energy consumption in living our lives. In that sense each energy consumer has a greater responsibility to society. We hope that lawmakers and their staff at all levels of government and private sector entities will utilize the policies in this book as a guide. We see this as a first step in building a comprehensive sustainable energy policy through legislation that is science-guided and enacted on a national level. We recognize the many significant advances to date, both through elected officials and through the private sector. Because of advances toward the wider use of clean energy and by adopting policies to address climate change, we see hope for a larger comprehensive solution. That being said, much can be done on a state and municipal level to lead the way for national policy, as we have seen in a number of states. We also recognize the challenges in passing such legislation. Hence, bipartisan visionaries in congress, widespread support of our citizens, and clean energy strategic planning in our industries are required. The ultimate goal is to realize a transition through the energy maze from a carbon economy to a clean energy economy.

vii

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank the colleagues and elected officials they’ve worked with or with whom they have discussed energy policy. We’ve had long-standing discussions with the former Congressman Steve Kagen (D-W18, 2007–2010) and Congressman Al Swift (D-WA2, 1979–1995) and insightful discussions with Congressman Joe Courtney (D-CT2, 2007–present). We would like to thank the members of Citizens’ Climate Lobby, especially Mark Reynolds, Daniel Richter, Jay Butera, and the many volunteers working toward a carbon-pricing act. Thanks also go to Neal Gruber, Michael Roach, and John Jimison for their energy grid insights; the late Oliver Warin, former president of mineral exploration with BHP; and Eric Cheney, professor emeritus of geology at the University of Washington, for his many discussions about natural resources, economics, energy, and sustainability. We would also like to thank all the scientists, sustainability-far-sighted policymakers and lawmakers, private sector innovators, and concerned citizens that are working toward a clean energy economy and a sustainable society.

Contents

1 The Energy Maze �� 1 1.1 Introduction �� 1 1.2 Sustainability �� 3 1.3 Energy Policy Formulation �� 4 1.4 US Strategic Focus �� 6 1.5 Traditional Grids and Microgrids �� 7 1.6 Existing Energy-Related Laws �� 12 1.7 Energy-Related Subsidies �� 14 1.8 Anchor Reference Point �� 15 References �� 16 2 Overview of Supply and Consumption �� 17 2.1 Resources and Reserves �� 18 2.2 Reserve Estimation Changes �� 19 2.3 Water and Transportation �� 19 2.4 Energy Sources and Consumption �� 19 2.5 Food and Energy �� 24 2.6 Energy, CO2, and GDP �� 24 References �� 25 3 Transportation �� 27 3.1 Electric Vehicles �� 30 3.2 Natural Gas �� 32 3.3 The Hydrogen Economy Myth �� 33 3.4 Biofuels �� 34 3.5 Synthetic Motor Fuels �� 34 References �� 38 4 Residential and Commercial (R&C) Sectors �� 41 4.1 Residential Energy �� 41 4.2 Commercial Energy �� 42 References �� 44 xi

xii

Contents

5 Industrial Sector �� 45 Reference �� 46 6 Conservation and Efficiency �� 47 6.1 Energy Conservation and Efficiency �� 47 6.2 Transportation �� 49 6.3 High-Density Urban Centers �� 50 6.4 Industry �� 50 References �� 51 7 Peak Oil and Petroleum Energy Resources �� 53 7.1 Reserve Projections, Consumption, and Depletion and Peak Oil �� 54 7.2 Global Resources �� 54 7.3 Global Reserves to Production Ratio (R/T) �� 55 7.4 Rate and Size of New Oil Field Discoveries �� 55 7.5 Future Oil Field Discoveries and Development Predictions �� 57 7.6 Peak Oil �� 58 7.7 Tar (Oil) Sands �� 61 References �� 62 8 Coal and Natural Gas �� 65 8.1 Coal �� 66 8.2 Natural Gas �� 68 References �� 69 9 Oil and Gas Fracking and Tight Shale Resources �� 71 9.1 Fracking �� 73 9.2 Fracking and Reserves �� 76 References �� 77 10 Uranium and Thorium �� 79 References �� 81 11 Renewable Energy �� 83 11.1 Arrival of the Clean Energy Economy �� 84 11.2 Cities Powered by Renewable Energy �� 85 11.3 Hydropower �� 88 11.4 Biomass �� 89 11.5 Geothermal �� 90 11.6 Wind �� 91 11.7 Photovoltaics �� 93 11.8 Solar-Thermal �� 96 References �� 97

Contents

xiii

12 The Carbon Dioxide Problem and Solution �� 99 12.1 The Carbon Dioxide Problem �� 100 12.2 The Carbon Dioxide Solution �� 104 12.3 Decoupling and GDP Growth �� 104 12.4 Taxes, Fees, and Cap and Trade �� 106 12.4.1 Carbon Tax or Fee �� 107 12.4.2 Carbon Cap and Trade �� 108 12.5 Carbon Pricing �� 109 12.6 Bipartisan Proposals �� 109 12.7 Hybrid Carbon Pricing Approaches �� 112 References �� 115 13 Geoengineering �� 13.1 Tenable Solutions �� 13.1.1 Carbon Capture and Storage From the Atmosphere �� 13.1.2 Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) From CO2 Sources �� 13.1.3 Large-Scale Biogeologic Carbon Capture �� 13.2 Untenable Solutions �� 13.2.1 Space-Based Reflectors �� 13.2.2 Atmospheric Aerosol Stimulation “Atmospheric Parasol” �� 13.2.3 Iron Stimulation of the Southern Ocean �� References ��

122 122 123

14 Sustainability Mapping and Energy Policy �� 14.1 Water Resources �� 14.2 Mineral Resources �� 14.3 Sustainability Mapping �� References ��

125 126 128 129 134

15 Policy Proposals �� 15.1 Introduction �� 15.2 Proposal 1: The Carbon Pricing Act �� 15.3 Proposal 2: The EV Transport Act �� 15.4 Proposal 3: The Energy Corridor Act �� 15.5 Proposal 4: The Power Generation Act �� 15.6 Proposal 5: The EV Support Act �� 15.7 Proposal 6: The Microgrid Act �� 15.8 Proposal 7: The High-Tech Act �� 15.9 Proposal 8: The Zero CO2 Public Transportation Act �� 15.10 Summary of Sustainability Mapping for Proposed Energy Policies ��

135 135 136 139 141 143 145 147 149 151

117 118 118 119 120 121 122

153

xiv

Contents

16 Summary, Projections, and Consequences of the Policies �� 16.1 Summary �� 16.2 Projections �� 16.3 Positive Impacts and Consequences of the Policies �� 16.4 Strong Supportive Trends �� References ��

157 157 158 160 162 164

Appendices ��

165

Appendix 1 Proposed Legislation in Congressional Bill Outline Format ��

167

Appendix 2 Definitions ��

189

Appendix 3 ��

195

Appendix 4 ��

199

Index ��

205

List of Abbreviations

AAPG ACEEE ADMS ASHRAE BCSC Btu CAFE CAP CCL CCS CEPAARB CERT CF&D CHP CLC CO2 CO2e CTC C&T DER DNO DNR EIA EPA EV FEMA FEMP FERC FIT GDP

American Association of Petroleum Geologists American Council for an Energy-Efficient Economy Advanced distribution management system American Society of Heating, Refrigerating, and Air-Conditioning Engineers Bipartisan Climate Solutions Caucus British thermal unit Corporate Average Fuel Economy Carbon Action Plan Citizens’ Climate Lobby Carbon capture and storage California Environmental Protection Agency Air Resources Board Clean Energy Resource Teams Carbon fee and dividend Combined heat and power Climate Leadership Council Carbon dioxide Carbon dioxide equivalent Carbon Tax Center Cap and trade Distributed energy resources Distribution network operator Department of Natural Resources Energy Information Administration Environmental Protection Agency Electric vehicle Federal Emergency Management Agency Federal Energy Management Program Federal Energy Regulatory Commission Feed-in tariff Gross domestic product xv

xvi

GHG GWP HEV IOU IPCC ISO kWh LCOE LEED LOE MMT mWh MW MWe NAFTA NAS NASA NCDC NCPS NERC NIETC NOAA NREL NZE OECD OPEC PCI PPA PURPA PV Quad R&C REI RET RGGI R/T RTO SPE Tcf UNFCCC USBLS USCB USDOE USDOT USFTA WGDP WPC

List of Abbreviations

Greenhouse gases Global warming potential Hybrid electric vehicle Investor-owned utility Intergovenmental Panel on Climate Change Independent system operators Kilowatt hours Levelized Cost of Electricity Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design Lease operating expense Millions of metric tonnes Megawatt hour Megawatt Megawatt equivalent North American Free Trade Agreement National Academy of Sciences National Aeronautics and Space Administration National Climatic Data Center National Clean Power Standards North American Electric Reliability Corporation National Interest Electric Transmission Corridor National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration National Renewable Energy Laboratory (DOE) Net-zero energy Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries Post Carbon Institute Power purchase agreement Public Utility Regulatory Policies Act Photovoltaics Quadrillion Btus Residential and commercial Renewable energy industry Renewable energy technologies Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative Reserves to production ratio, also as R/P Regional Transmission Organizations Society of Petroleum Engineers Trillion Cubic Feet United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics U.S. Census Bureau U.S. Department of Energy U.S. Department of Transportation U.S. Federal Transit Administration World gross domestic product World Petroleum Council

List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Fig. 1.2 Fig. 1.3 Fig. 1.4 Fig. 2.1 Fig. 2.2 Fig. 2.3 Fig. 2.4 Fig. 2.5 Fig. 2.6

The three spheres of sustainability �� 3 Transmission grids and interconnection regions of the United States �� 8 Comparison of microgrids and traditional grids �� 9 Principal regions of ISOs and RTOs �� 11 Resource and reserve categories for natural resource �� Distribution of energy sources and consumption �� Energy sources in quadrillion Btus (quads) �� Energy consumed by sector �� Primary sources of electric power �� Energy efficiency in terms of GDP, per capita, and CO2 per $GDP ��

18 20 21 22 23

National averages of greenhouse gas emissions �� Recent history of automobile use in the United States �� Public transportation and private companies using zero EV buses ��

28 28 31

Fig. 4.1 Fig. 4.2 Fig. 4.3

Residential energy consumption �� Residential energy consumption by use and source �� Principal sources of energy for US home heating ��

42 43 43

Fig. 7.1 Fig. 7.2

The life of reserves in a conventional oil field �� Global reserves and the global proved reserves to production ratio �� Global trends in size and volume of petroleum field discoveries �� Projections for new petroleum resources through 2035 �� Crude oil production in the continental United States �� Crude oil price trends �� Asymmetric oil production scenarios ��

Fig. 3.1 Fig. 3.2 Fig. 3.3

Fig. 7.3 Fig. 7.4 Fig. 7.5 Fig. 7.6 Fig. 7.7

56 56 57 58 59 60

xvii

xviii

Fig. 8.1 Fig. 8.2 Fig. 9.1 Fig. 9.2 Fig. 9.3 Fig. 9.4 Fig. 11.1 Fig. 11.2 Fig. 11.3 Fig. 11.4

List of Figures

Updated Hubbert curves for coal as of 2005 �� Natural gas production by region of OECD countries out to 2040 �� Shale basins of North America and natural gas and oil resources �� Natural gas prices through time �� Drilling rig counts over 1990–2017 according to drilling type �� Measured and peak production from the largest US shale basins �� Five top hydropower-producing states �� Simplified wind resources map measured at 165 feet elevation �� Photovoltaic price history �� Map comparison of population concentrations and solar resources ��

67 68 72 74 75 76 88 92 94 95

Fig. 12.1

Measured atmospheric carbon dioxide levels from 1958 to 2017 �� 101 Fig. 12.2 Land surface temperatures and continuous CO2 measurements �� 101 Fig. 12.3 Surface temperatures and CO2 compared to climate model �� 102 Fig. 12.4 The cumulative change in yearly GHG gas emissions for the United States �� 103 Fig. 12.5 Growth of CA’s GDP, Population, and GHG reductions in 2000–2014 �� 105 Fig. 12.6 RGGI emissions reduction for NE, U.S. �� 105 Fig. 12.7 Decreases US energy-related carbon dioxide emissions �� 106 Fig. 12.8 Carbon fee methodology �� 107 Fig. 12.9 Cap-and-trade methodology �� 108 Fig. 12.10 Carbon pricing proposals from selected states with price escalation �� 110 Fig. 12.11 Total carbon dioxide equivalent emissions for the United States �� 113 Fig. 12.12 Pathways toward a carbon neutral energy plan �� 114 Fig. 13.1 Fig. 13.2 Fig. 13.3

Carbon dioxide capture from fossil fuel power plant flue gas �� 119 Photobioreactor technology and algae to capture flue gas CO2 �� 119 Nutrient in lakes from agricultural or biogeoengineering projects �� 120

List of Figures

Fig. 14.1 Fig. 14.2 Fig. 14.3 Fig. 14.4 Fig. 14.5 Fig. 14.6

xix

Comparison of water required the generation of 1 MWh electricity �� 126 Freshwater withdrawals in the United States for the thermoelectric industry �� 127 Global proved reserve estimates for major and minor metals �� 129 Major components of mapping sustainability �� 130 Categories of spending in the federal budget �� 132 Government spending categories and sustainability targets �� 133

Fig. 15.1

Key proposals for a comprehensive sustainable energy policy �� 137 Fig. 15.2 Sustainability mapping for Policy 1: The Carbon Pricing Act �� 138 Fig. 15.3 Sustainability mapping for Policy 2: The EV Transport Act �� 141 Fig. 15.4 Sustainability mapping for Policy 3: The Energy Corridor Act �� 143 Fig. 15.5 Sustainability mapping for Policy 4: The Power Generation Act �� 144 Fig. 15.6 Sustainability mapping for Policy 5: The EV Support Act �� 146 Fig. 15.7 Sustainability mapping for Policy 6: The Microgrid Act �� 148 Fig. 15.8 Sustainability mapping for Policy 7: The High-Tech Act �� 150 Fig. 15.9 Sustainability mapping for Policy 8: Zero CO2 Public Transp. Act �� 152 Fig. 15.10 Sustainability mapping summary for proposed energy policies �� 153 Fig. 15.11 Energy policies and the big picture �� 154 Fig. 16.1 Fig. 16.2 Fig. 16.3 Fig. 16.4

EIA projections in quads for energy consumption out to 2040 �� 158 Relative percentage of energy consumption types through 2040 �� 159 Relative percentage of energy types through 2060 �� 160 Summary of the eight policy proposals �� 162

List of Tables

Table 1.1 Table 1.2 Table 3.1

Laws pertinent to a comprehensive sustainable energy policy �� Broad summary of government subsidies by energy type ��

13 15

Various liquid fuel alternatives in $/barrel break-even types ��

Table 8.1

Coal types and compositions ��

Table 11.1

US cities that have committed to 100 percent renewable energy �� Employment by energy sectors �� Large solar farms, MW capacity and impacts in the United States ��

Table 11.2 Table 11.3 Table 12.1 Table 12.2 Table 14.1

86 87 94

Greenhouse gas compounds and their global warming potentials �� 100 Carbon tax, cap and trade, climate bills: congress (2009–2015) �� 111 Descriptions of categories in three spheres of sustainability �� 131

xxi

Chapter 1

The Energy Maze

Abstract The United States must have a comprehensive sustainable energy policy in order to exit the carbon economy energy maze into a clean energy economy and sustainable society. Sustainability is a foundational concept for this policy and illustrates how energy policy touches all aspects of the environment, our communities, and the economy. Formulating a national energy policy is truly difficult in light of the wide variety of opinions about energy security, opinions on science, concerns for the environment, and an understanding of how it must be connected to sound economics and quality of life for Americans. To this end we examine a strategic focus, traditional grids and microgrids, existing energy-related federal laws, and energy-related subsidies as a backdrop for the following chapters. Keywords Sustainable · Energy economy · Grid · Microgrid · Energy policy · Transportation · Efficiency · Climate · Coal · Petroleum · Natural gas · Economy · Environment · Community · Residential · Commercial · Industry · Carbon · Consumption · Peak oil · Global warming · Renewable · Subsidies

1.1

Introduction

We live in an energy maze. This maze not only puzzles us at times as we attempt to move towards profitable clean enterprises, but it seems there are designs to this maze bent on keeping American society from succeeding in navigating the passageways to a sustainable society. It is our intent here to help lawmakers, industry practitioners, academics, business owners, and individuals discover a path through the maze. The destination is a clean energy economy. The first steps include understanding, legislating, and enacting a comprehensive sustainable energy policy. We propose eight fundamental pieces of legislation to accomplish this goal. This policy is envisioned to work in harmony with the private sector as it

1 The Energy Maze

innovates greater efficiencies and cleaner electric energy generation for all our needs and does so profitably. A comprehensive sustainable energy policy is a kingpin to a sustainable society. Think of electric personal vehicles and public transportation. Envision electrifying all of our consumption points so that we eliminate the burning of natural resources for electricity generation. Imagine the dominant use of renewable sources for our electricity. Consider the end of deleterious impacts to our communities and environment from coal mining and petroleum recovery. Fossil fuels have brought us to this point in our civilization, but it is now time for a transition, a paradigm shift to the next form of energy – clean energy. We have seen the transition from wood to coal to petroleum to natural gas, each event spanning decades. But we have been in the transition from a carbon economy to a clean energy economy for more than a decade, and this can now be accelerated. And imagine reducing the impacts from global warming and climate change. It might seem like a utopia, but it really would be an economically balanced, equitable, and healthy society – a more sustainable society. And one of the first steps towards that is a comprehensive sustainable energy policy on the national level. The connections between energy supplies, living standards-quality of life, population, foreign policy, economic productivity, environmental quality, and sustainability are the focus of state and national policy and community strategies. During the last few decades, we have been reminded of this when energy prices have “spiked” or supplies have seemed precarious due to various international events. We have also been faced with the unintended consequences of fossil fuel energy production and use on both local and global scales: oil spills, refinery fires, graphic pictures of coal mining disasters, acid rain precipitation, wars, conflicts over transportation and pipelines, environmental threats from fracking and mining, and the continuing record of climate change impacts and costs to our society. We understand the market forces that are propelled by need and innovation and how these forces are often fortified through government and laws that fund and support such factors. We understand that industry is not good at self-regulation, and this is particularly true in areas of pollution and especially with respect to energy-related emissions. We understand that market transparency and diversity protect consumers. For all of these reasons, we see the need for a comprehensive sustainable energy policy for our nation. This policy reaches out to our government to lead, not follow, in our quest towards a sustainable society and a clean energy economy. Numerous specialists, commentators, and political figures, even industry representatives, have speculated and warned of the energy-related difficulties we are experiencing and might expect in the next several decades in accommodating our increasing need for energy resources. Our long-standing dependence on fossil fuels for most of our energy needs and the direct and emerging impacts of fossil fuel use on quality of life are key reasons for developing a sustainably oriented long-term energy policy. A few have tried to outline strategies that could address these problems, but almost invariably such efforts have been either narrowly focused on just a part of the overall issue, or they have been driven by a desire to promote a particular agenda or have even been the offspring of ideology. Just as there has never been a

1.2 Sustainability

truly comprehensive energy policy for the United States, and we believe such a policy is possible, no one has yet proposed a way to navigate the next half-century with any hope of arriving at an energy supply system that is secure, economically viable, and sustainable while delivering the services that we expect. Our hope with this book is to provide just such a legislative policy road map, one which addresses the needs of consumers and the economy, preserves the integrity of the environment at all scales, is physically practical, and arrives at an energy system that is sustainable. In other words, we are proposing an integrated and sustainably focused national policy and legislative guide.

1.2

Sustainability

Sustainability is variously defined when used in the context of natural resources, economics, and especially policy. In the context of the human condition, a widely agreed upon philosophical definition of sustainability, proposed by the 1987 Brundtland Commission (Brundtland 1987), states: Meeting the needs of the present generation while improving the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.

This definition, however, does not inform us as to how to achieve sustainability. Therefore, a working definition is needed to guide our efforts towards improving the quality of life for our population through sustainability. Within this book the working definition of sustainability states (Kuhns 2008, SustainAudit, LLC; Fig. 1.1): The application of semi-quantifiable and quantifiable practices that are measureable in terms of specific metrics and indices that confirm aggressive protection of the Environment, enrichment of Community and equitability and balance of Economy to improve the quality of life for people in their homes, communities, businesses, and governments, while working towards a zero net impact to the Earth. Fig. 1.1 The three spheres of sustainability

1 The Energy Maze

This graphic (Fig. 1.1) illustrates the way in which an environment can host a community within which economic activity occurs. In the broadest sense, this could apply to nonhuman “communities” of interacting organisms, such as natural ecosystems. In the case of human communities, the environment encompasses all of the surroundings essential to the human community including the organic and inorganic and natural and constructed components. One could also define the boundaries to focus on particular communities of humans. In this book we are looking at the communities in the United States. This does not mean, of course, that the environment under consideration is restricted to the lands of the United States. This would not be either sensible or useful. We could have chosen larger bounds for our community, such as all of North America. However, our restriction is at least partly based on a desire for political expedience in the United States. Trying to formulate policies for the politically diverse global community is beyond the scope of this book. Note that sustainability does not mean unchanging. It means that we as a people can adapt to change and thrive for the long term by providing for our needs through responsible, renewable, and repurposed practices: sustainable practices. This is fundamental to our proposed energy policy because it works with the centers of power and the public to adapt to changes in terms of fuel types, sources, uses, and diversity through policy formulation.

1.3

Energy Policy Formulation

Energy policy formulation is notoriously difficult because different and variously linked, and sometimes disparate, aspects must be addressed simultaneously by comprehensive policy. When this is combined with competing political and ideological perspectives, it becomes virtually overwhelming to innovate a far-reaching nationally and temporally viable policy. John Jimison pointed this out in a Congressional Research Service essay in 1980, and the problems have become even more acute over the past three and a half decades (Jimison 1980). The existing energy policy acts of the United States, 1992 (government fleets use alternative fuels), 2005 (alternative fuel tax incentives and Energy Star), 2007 (new fuel economy requirements, biofuels, and non-incandescent lighting), and 2009 (smart grids, renewable tax cuts) all fall short of comprehensive legislation. It is not surprising that the piecemeal policies tried in the past have been limited to immediate matters of the day, rather than being comprehensive. An overarching energy policy is complicated by (1) national security related to dependence on foreign energy sources, (2) economic stresses related to the fundamental role energy plays in our commercial and industrial society, (3) depletion of nonrenewable energy supplies (often under the rubric of “peak oil”), (4) environmental impacts of energy use (now focused on global climate change encompassing air pollutants, water impacts, land use priorities, and ecosystem disruptions), and (5) dilemmas created by the concentration of power within a small number of large corporate or governmental institutions. One’s perspective about which issue is most

1.3

Energy Policy Formulation

important, and how this may change with time colors the nature of any comprehensive energy policy initiative. One can overlay the perspective of sustainability on these five factors. This is perhaps most obvious in the joint concerns with economic and environmental issues. But, just as community encompasses economics, it also incorporates issues of distribution of power and security. Sustainability focuses our attention in a slightly different way, which can help with policy formulation, especially for the long term. Our proposals below will no doubt find more favor with some than with others, and we expect everyone will find some aspect to dislike. In fact, we don’t completely agree with each other on all matters, but our result is an honest effort to arrive at a balanced strategy. We do believe that it is possible to formulate a balanced strategy that is practical and effective and gets us to a sustainable future without serious community, economic, or environmental harm. In order to create our strategy, we have made several assumptions based on scientific data that can reasonably be projected into the future. The four most important of these address: 1. Fossil fuel reserves and consumption rates 2. Temporal changes in the components of climate 3. Specifics of energy uses, transport, storage, and needs by various sectors 4. Economic limiters and incentives, such as a carbon fee or tax, and various subsidies affecting energy supplies and use The first has given rise to the concept of peak oil, a term which seems to be misused almost as much as it is properly used. Careful determination of the fossil fuel reserve base is vital in formulating various alternatives for sustaining essential energy services in the short- to midterm while setting the stage for the long term. The second is global warming, which has been the subject of considerable partisan exchange. While we very much agree with the vast majority of climate scientists on this issue, we are aware of the scientific uncertainties involved in making projections on the future state of something as large and complex as Earth’s surface environment. We are also sensitive to the idea that economic factors must be part of any discussion concerning approaches to climate change and how it impacts peoples’ quality of life. We believe that a truly conservative approach avoids exacerbating existing impacts and probable future difficulties that are widely recognized in the most advanced global warming models. Additionally, many of these measured and modeled difficulties are extremely harmful to our current functioning economies. Therefore, addressing them while limiting excessive costs is crucial for sustainable policy viability and incorporating bipartisan and public endorsement. Within these subjects we offer reasonable carbon fee and dividend solutions that put a price on carbon and act as a catalyst for innovation towards a sustainable energy economy. The element of the third factor, energy needs, can be most cogently summed up as the requirement for liquid fuels for transportation (30% of US consumption); liquid, gas, and solid fuels for electricity generation; and space heating for buildings (42% US consumption) and industry (25% US consumption). In these three principal areas of energy consumption, the transportation fuel requirement is the

1 The Energy Maze

basis of our current profound dependence on petroleum. The almost countless articles on and production of electric vehicles, issues of advanced battery technologies, and the socioeconomic political disinclination to abandon personal vehicle ownership powered by gasoline or diesel point to a tremendous hurdle in transforming c arbon-based economy transportation. This will be examined in greater detail below. We take the goal by some individuals of a “hydrogen economy” to be insufficient even out to 2060 because the structure of our socioeconomic political carbon-based economy is more likely transformable to clean energy electric technologies. And finally the fourth factor creates an umbrella over the first three in terms of limitations and/or incentives to consumers in any given economic, technology, or environmental scenario. There are other factors we incorporate in our proposed approach, but these four are central, and we doubt any workable strategy that ignores them or does not address them in an integrated way can be successful. We do, however, believe that they can all be adequately and sustainably addressed and that a strategy is possible without using extraordinary assumptions about the future.

1.4

US Strategic Focus

In preparing our strategy, we focus on the United States. We do this for several reasons. First, because the United States is the world’s major energy consumer, especially in terms of per capita energy use. Reductions in consumption made here can have a significant impact on overall global energy consumption. Even though China has now passed the United States in terms of total energy consumption and carbon emissions, their lower per capita consumption, political system, and large population provide less latitude for change. The demand by the Chinese people for improved living standards drives an increasing demand for energy. The Chinese have exceeded the United States in installing renewable energy systems to meet demand. The accumulated wealth and technological capital in the United States provide avenues for innovation and advantages in developing new ways of satisfying energy needs. These advantages give us the flexibility to experiment without excessive risk to our energy economy and infrastructure. We see this approach yielding considerable economic, technological, quality of life, and environmental dividends. Another reason to focus on the United States is because we think that such a capitalistic and social democratic framework is especially well suited to adaptive responses to measured and perceived trends. In short, if we can’t do it in the United States, there may be little chance for the global community. However, it is also fair to say that other highly developed Western countries have to some extent already adopted practices we can emulate and apply to our more heterogeneous, complex, and demanding society. In sustainability terms, our “community” of interest is the United States. Included in the “environment” are not only the nonhuman global environment but also the human communities outside the United States. Interactions with this larger environment will certainly be affected by our actions and vice versa.

1.5

Traditional Grids and Microgrids

Some readers will note that what we are calling for is government action when they think that what we should be doing is simply to follow the free-market economic model. But relying on the free market without government guidance has not worked towards establishing a national sustainable energy policy anywhere in the world. Therefore, we think a careful reading will reveal our reasons for going in a legislative direction. Such critics should keep in mind that the “invisible hand” of Adam Smith does not require us to proceed with a blindfold glued to our faces. “Policy” implies government action and consideration of our future state as a whole. This clearly implies a large degree of planning for that future. We believe that our suggestions, while promulgated by government, are consistent with and improved by the operation of competitive market forces and free development of innovative solutions to important problems. It is our belief that government should set out suitable, long-range ground rules and allow innovators, investors, and the public at large to carry us forward. Much of what we propose is not new. Some of these ideas have been explicitly proposed by others, or at least hinted at. We do not want to reinvent the wheel but to draw upon those insightful and innovative approaches to help solve the US energy policy problem. That being said, to our knowledge, some ideas have not been proposed before. What we believe most that separates our approach from previous efforts is the attempt to develop a comprehensive, though not overly complex, set of integrated proposals that addresses what promises to be the most important transition in more than a century: the shift from a nonrenewable fossil fuel-based economy to a sustainable energy economy. Although this is our ultimate target, it is important to understand that this cannot be done without continued use of fossil fuels in selected sectors for at least the next generation. This is predicated on the desire to have the United States and global economies remain viable and that they improve the quality of peoples’ lives. We are convinced that we can negotiate the energy maze in which we find ourselves and arrive at our desired goal without dangerous alterations of the environment or disruptions to socioeconomic life. One cautionary note: even if our proposals succeed, they will be of little use unless human populations stabilize and preferably decline somewhat to levels reasonable for a planet of Earth’s dimensions. That the increasing human population is inconsistent with sustainability is a topic of debate, but continued growth is clearly unsustainable. As Edward Abbey well advised, “Be fruitful like human beings, not like rabbits.”

1.5

Traditional Grids and Microgrids

The existing transmission grid system in the United States, the numerous public utilities, and the variety of natural resources for energy generation are complex, and details are beyond the scope of this book. However, an overview of the grid picture, in particular the importance of the increasing use of microgrids, is important for

1 The Energy Maze

understanding the need for new and expanded energy corridors, integration with transportation, and reliable clean energy supplies to the private, commercial, and industrial sectors of our society, which are addressed in the following chapters. An energy grid connects a power source to its service area customers, including homes, businesses, schools, municipal buildings, and the like. The grid supplies electricity for everything from appliances and lights to factory machinery. The US grid network is complex, involving different kV scale transmission lines, and public and private operators (www.usngcenter.org). The electrical grid system is divided into interconnected regions and connects power generators, distributers, and users across the United States (Fig. 1.2). Traditional grids are broadly connected, such as the grid system for the Eastern United States, and when they are shut down due to maintenance or system failures, then the entire region is affected. A microgrid is a localized, small energy grid that balances the demand for electrical resources with the captive supply to maintain reliable and consistent service (Fig. 1.3). It includes a group of micro sources and loads that operate as a single controllable system and provide power and heat to its local area (USDOE 2017; Lasseter et al. 2002; MicroGrid Institute 2017; Roach 2014).

Fig. 1.2 Transmission grids and interconnection regions of the United States (information compiled from the FEMA 2016, and NAERC 2017)

1.5

Traditional Grids and Microgrids

Fig. 1.3 Comparison of microgrids and traditional grids. On the left are four examples of microgrids, including (1) smart cities and their neighborhoods functioning as stand-alone or independently operational and linked to the traditional grid, (2) business parks linked to stand-alone microgrids, (3) rural or small town situations, and (4) single building stand-alone microgrids referred to as nanogrids

Microgrids function as independently controlled systems relative to the grid and are interconnected loads and distributed energy resources with clearly defined electrical boundaries. Microgrids operate in modes as isolated, islanded, or remote grid systems. A microgrid can connect and disconnect from the grid to enable it to operate in different modes. Microgrids are key in addressing community power needs (Roach 2014). It is customer centric on a local level with control capability combining various DER to form a whole system allowing it to operate autonomously from the traditional grid. It can be connected to the traditional grid through a common coupling or operate alone. A microgrid can draw upon multiple feedstocks, including solar, wind, geothermal, biogas, and waste energy and fossil fuels. These grids automatically balance generation and load at the facility level and can utilize battery systems to levelize output. Microgrids utilizing virtual net metering create versatility in applications, especially for exporting energy. The microgrid can be powered by gas/diesel/natural gas generators, renewable resources such as solar and wind, on-site hydropower, or battery storage systems. Many businesses have an on-demand generator that kicks in if there is a power failure from the traditional grid, and this generator in essence is a microgrid. Microgrids are integrated into mainstream architectural design, electricity grids, and transactive energy markets. The microgrid market is projected to grow over 3.5 times between

1 The Energy Maze

2015 and 2020. Worldwide there are nearly 1440 microgrids. In the United States, there are over 105.2 GW of installed microgrid power capacity. The microgrid system also considers the built and fleet environments in the total picture. The systems operate with maximized system intelligence and optimization to ensure bidirectional power flow, whether from the power provider or the local consumer’s on-site generation, that is to say the consumer functions more as a partner. Because of this approach, microgrids have the capacity to “island” electrical loads for individual customers, as well as interact with larger traditional or “legacy” grid systems and investor-owned utilities (IOUs). The US government is on the cusp of developing National Clean Power Standards (NCPS) as part of energy policy, particularly in the development of new energy corridors. Renewable energy applications are also addressed in the Energy Policy Act of 2005 to the extent that the Secretary of Energy and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission address transmission capacity issues as part of a national interest electric transmission corridor (NETC) and for the issuance of permits for interstate transmission lines. There are five basic categories for microgrids, according to the Microgrid Institute (2017): 1. Off-grid microgrids. Islanding of local power grids apart from the utility network 2. Campus microgrids. Independent of, but connected to local utility networks 3. Community microgrids. Integrated into local utility networks to provide support or emergency power for vital community assets 4. District energy microgrids. Independent systems providing electricity and thermal energy for heating and cooling to multiple facilities 5. Nanogrids. A single building or stand-alone energy system operating independently of the local utility networks The microgrid power paradigm considers a number of differences as compared to the traditional utility. Traditional utilities rely on established engineering designs, unidirectional power flow, and overdesign of generation and transmissions to cover margins and are typically incremental or “silo-oriented” when it comes to innovation application. In traditional utilities the consumers typically have little or no choice in regard to the source of power or the impacts to the larger environment, except for green power purchase plans. Microgrids are becoming increasingly cost-effective. The levelized cost of energy (LCOE) of microgrids is dropping to meet traditional grid operators, thus offering a choice to consumers. In addition to cost comparatives, microgrids can add a level of dependability, stand-alone choices, and a total value aspect that will well suit neighborhoods and business parks within cities, to city scale, and those living in rural environments. Microgrids integrated with smart buildings, sustainable building practices, virtual power plants, and electrical transportation systems reside on the near horizon of many cities. This whole of networked neighborhoods, business parks, and cities as nodes envelopes the concept of nodal architecture. This stand-alone potential of microgrids also adds a layer of security, in that the microgrid can be isolated from

1.5

Traditional Grids and Microgrids

larger-scale blackouts, cascading failures, maintenance downtime, or cyber attacks. Furthermore, the versatility of microgrids creates potential benefits in regard to local and regional changes in climate and integration with climate change policies. Independent system operators (ISOs) and regional transmission organizations (RTOs) are organizational private enterprises that can incorporate the use of microgrids. RTOs involve a separation between transmission and generation and can usefully instill diversification in the public power market (Fig. 1.4). ISOs and RTOs are formed by recommendation and direction of the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC). FERC’s Order No. 888 is a move to recognized barriers to different types of grids within a competitive wholesale market (FERC 2017). This order also allows utilities to financially recover “stranded” costs incurred when giving open access to transmission lines within grid systems. The FERC Order No. 2000 amends regulations under the Federal Power Act to promote formation of RTOs, including ratemaking policies. One example of wholesale electricity markets is New York’s Independent System Operator, Inc., which is a not-for-profit organization operating New York State’s bulk electricity grid. The grid totals over 11,000 circuit miles of transmission lines. This serves over 400 market participants on the basis of supply, demand, and market conditions. The NYISO tracks “day-ahead markets” for real-time loads as MW and wholesale costs as MWh while tracking total MW generation and the total MW generation from renewable energy sources. NYISO also informs consumers of the state of the grid in terms of normal system alerts and major emergency. Systems such as NYISO can work towards increasing the use of renewables within portfolio standards.

Fig. 1.4 Principal regions of independent system operators (ISOs) and regional transmission organizations (RTOs) (Map from FERC 2016)

1 The Energy Maze

States such as California (CAISO) and Texas (ERCOT) and regions including the Midcontinent (MISO) and New England (ISO-NE) are currently operating in the United States This approach can also subvert the diversification of renewable clean energy by promoting nuclear power as a low-carbon energy source through subsidies, remembering that the nuclear industry is subsidized more than any other energy generation type and has waste disposal risks. Barriers exist to the installation of microgrids, whether independent or interconnected with traditional grids. These barriers include (1) infrastructure restrictions, (2) market inconsistencies, (3) financial and economic barriers, and (4) technical barriers. Additionally, reassessment of power purchase agreement (PPA) coverage and structure may be needed to fully embrace the integration of microgrids with traditional grids, different power generation sources, and sound economics. The PPA is an agreement detailing technical and financial aspects of a project and lock in the purchase of power by an energy purchaser from a power-generating facility over long periods (10–15 years) of time. In the PPA all commercial terms for the sale of electricity are detailed. It is also within this agreement that revenues and credits, as well as secondary purchases of power, are established. PPAs fall under the regulatory authority of the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) and, to some extent, state public service commissions. As part of the Energy Policy Act of 2005, FERC oversees the application of PPAs to various energy generation facilities and can also assist with financing. PPAs are used industry wide and include addressing the design, permitting, financing, and installing renewable energy sources. Perhaps the greatest motivator for microgrids is the strong move towards net- zero systems. In microgrid systems, the net-zero energy distribution network operator system (NZE-DNO) balances its energy generation and use such that it is net zero. Innovative technology is a driving force in microgrids, and optimization of operations through the advanced distribution management system (ADMS) and transactive energy markets creates more choices for the stakeholder. Growth is seen as a sustainable steady-state system based on ultrahigh energy efficiency. Microgrids also seek greater community involvement as stakeholders and partners. Microgrids managed by Clean Energy Resource Teams, or CERTs, are a move to better connect clean energy resource diversity and increased renewable energy use to individuals and their communities. This will become more critical to allowing innovation and customer service choices as renewables gain dominance in US electrical generation.

1.6

Existing Energy-Related Laws

An important element of building a sustainable energy policy is a sound understanding of the existing laws that impact any new legislation. The process of writing, researching, and introducing a bill is heavily impacted by previous legislation, and

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thing to fire and sword, and finally retired because nothing more was left to satisfy his thirst of blood.[2] It appears, then, extremely probable that the ravages of Battou-Han, and the terror he spread in the adjacent provinces, were the only causes of this emigration, which no historian has yet otherwise accounted for. Bogdan and Raddo assumed the Slavonic title of Voïvode, equivalent to that of commanding prince. When tranquillity was restored in Hungary, they acknowledged the supremacy of the Hungarian king; but it does not appear that the formalities of the recognition had been such as to bind their successors; for, at the early part of the principalities, some Voïvodes disputed it with success; and from the commencement of the 14th century, their independency was acknowledged by Hungary. The Bannat of Crayova had been little molested during the great incursions of the barbarians: in the 9th century it had become tributary to the kings of Hungary, who afterwards held it as a sort of refuge for the knights going to, and coming from, the Holy Land; but soon after Raddo’s arrival, the Bann submitted to him the supreme sovereignty of the Bannat, and it has since then been annexed to the principality of Wallachia. During the latter part of his life, Raddo raised another city, distant about thirty miles south-west of Kimpolung, on the borders of the river Argis: he gave it the name of Courté d’Argis, and resided in it occasionally. He also built a church here, which, two hundred years after, one of the Voïvodes beautified in a very conspicuous manner. The whole of the exterior work is entirely of carved marble, something in the style of the steeple of St. Stephen’s church at Vienna, but far more elegant. The whole produces a very striking effect; and, as it has perfectly preserved its original beauty, it is certainly a monument that the Wallachians may boast of in any part of Europe. The Voïvodate was not made hereditary; and although it devolved sometimes from father to son, the successor was obliged to go through the formality of being elected by the chiefs of the nation. Several successors of Raddo strengthened the government, the population increased, and a great number of small towns and villages were built in the country. Frequent hostilities against the Hungarians, arising from the claims of sovereignty of the latter,

accustomed the Wallachians to war; and in 1391 the Voïvoide Mirtza collected a numerous force, and attacked the neighbouring possessions of the Turks with the view of rescuing them from their hands. The Sultan Bajazet being at that moment employed in Asia in a troublesome war with the Prince of Castomona, had left his conquests near the Danube without the means of defence. But when the news of their invasion reached him, he suspended his operations in Asia, and returned to Adrianople, from whence he sent a numerous army to Wallachia. The Voïvode marched to meet the Turks; and, after a bloody battle, he was defeated, and compelled to become tributary to the Sultan. The annual amount of the tribute was fixed at three thousand piasters.[3] Wallachia continued to pay it until the year 1444; when Ladislas King of Hungary, preparing to make war against the Turks, engaged the Voïvode Dracula to form an alliance with him. The Hungarian troops marched through the principality and were joined by four thousand Wallachians under the command of Dracula’s son.[4] The Hungarians being defeated at the celebrated battle of Varna, Hunniades their general, and regent of the kingdom during Ladislas’s minority, returned in haste to make new preparations for carrying on the war. But the Voïvode, fearful of the Sultan’s vengeance, arrested and kept him prisoner during a year, pretending thereby to show to the Turks that he treated him as an enemy. The moment Hunniades reached Hungary, he assembled an army and placed himself at the head of it, returned to Wallachia, attacked and defeated the Voïvode, and caused him to be beheaded in his presence; after which he raised to the Voïvodate one of the primates of the country, of the name of Dan. The Wallachians under this Voïvode joined again the Hungarians in 1448, and made war on Turkey; but being totally defeated at the battle of Cossova, in Bulgaria, and finding it no longer possible to make any stand against the Turks, they submitted again to the annual tribute, which they paid until the year 1460, when the Sultan Mahomet II. being occupied in completing the conquest of the islands in the Archipelago, afforded them a new opportunity of shaking off the yoke. Their Voïvode, also named Dracula[5], did not remain satisfied with mere prudent measures of defence: with an army he crossed the Danube and attacked the few Turkish troops

that were stationed in his neighbourhood; but this attempt, like those of his predecessors, was only attended with momentary success. Mahomet having turned his arms against him, drove him back to Wallachia, whither he pursued and defeated him. The Voïvode escaped into Hungary, and the Sultan caused his brother Bladus to be named in his place. He made a treaty with Bladus, by which he bound the Wallachians to perpetual tribute; and laid the foundations of that slavery, from which no efforts have yet had the power of extricating them with any lasting efficacy. The following is the substance of the treaty:— 1. “The Sultan consents and engages for himself and his successors, to give protection to Wallachia, and to defend it against all enemies, assuming nothing more than a supremacy over the sovereignty of that principality, the Voïvodes of which shall be bound to pay to the Sublime Porte an annual tribute of ten thousand piasters.” 2. “The Sublime Porte shall never interfere in the local administration of the said principality, nor shall any Turk be ever permitted to come into Wallachia without an ostensible reason.” 3. “Every year an officer of the Porte shall come to Wallachia to receive the tribute, and on his return shall be accompanied by an officer of the Voïvode as far as Giurgevo on the Danube, where the money shall be counted over again, a second receipt given for it, and when it has been carried in safety to the other side of that river, Wallachia shall no longer be responsible for any accident that may befall it.”[6] 4. “The Voïvodes shall continue to be elected by the archbishop, metropolitan, bishops, and boyars[7], and the election shall be acknowledged by the Porte.” 5. “The Wallachian nation shall continue to enjoy the free exercise of their own laws; and the Voïvodes shall have the right of life and death over their own subjects, as well as that of making war and peace, without having to account for any such proceedings to the Sublime Porte.” 6. “All Christians who, having once embraced the Mahometan faith, should come into Wallachia and resume the Christian religion, shall not be claimed by any Ottoman authorities.”

7. “Wallachian subjects who may have occasion to go into any part of the Ottoman dominions, shall not be there called upon for the haratsh or capitation tax paid by other Rayahs.”[8] 8. “If any Turk have a lawsuit in Wallachia with a subject of the country, his cause shall be heard and decided by the Wallachian divan, conformably to the local laws.” 9. “All Turkish merchants coming to buy and sell goods in the principality, shall, on their arrival, have to give notice to the local authorities of the time necessary for their stay, and shall depart when that time is expired.” 10. “No Turk is authorised to take away one or more servants of either sex, natives of Wallachia; and no Turkish mosque shall ever exist on any part of the Wallachian territory.” 11. “The Sublime Porte promises never to grant a Ferman[9] at the request of a Wallachian subject for his affairs in Wallachia, of whatever nature they may be; and never to assume the right of calling to Constantinople, or to any other part of the Turkish dominions, a Wallachian subject on any pretence whatever.” This treaty in many respects advantageous to Wallachia, still forms the basis of its constitution. The first, third, fourth, and latter part of the fifth articles only, have since undergone alterations, which have proved in no small degree detrimental to the liberties of that country. The remainder have been, and are to this day, punctually observed. The qualification of a mere tributary prince did not, however, appear to the Sultan Mahomet as implying sufficient submission; and, in order to place the person of the Voïvode under a more immediate dependence, he gave him the rank and title of a Turkish Pashah; a dignity, which has ever since been inseparable from that of Voïvode or Hospodar. The principality remained in a peaceable state several years after its war with Mahomet, and the weakness and incapacity of several of its princes afforded to the Ottoman court the means of ruling over it with increasing power. In 1544 portions of territory bordering on the Danube were ceded to the Turks; the fortresses of Ibraïl, Giurgevo, and Tourno, which have much figured in all the subsequent European wars of Turkey, were raised upon them, and were garrisoned by Turkish soldiers. Having gained so strong a footing in

the country, the conduct of the Turks became more and more overbearing: its rights and privileges were no longer respected; and the Porte countenanced, or connived at, every sort of depredation committed by the soldiers of the garrisons beyond the boundaries of the fortresses; and soon treated the principality and its inhabitants as on the same footing with all its other Christian conquests. This state of things continued to the year 1593, when an individual of the name of Michael was elected to the Voïvodate. He no sooner held the reins of government than he determined to deliver his country from the Turkish yoke, and restore it to independency. Circumstances soon afforded him an opportunity of putting this plan into execution. The Prince Sigismund of Transylvania, also tributary to the Turks, revolted against them towards this period, at the instigations of the Pope and of the Emperor Rodolphus. With him and with the Voïvode Aaron of Moldavia, Michael formed a league against the enemies of Christianity. But in order to give a greater appearance of justice to their proceedings, the allies sent a long list of grievances to the Porte, demanded redress, and insisted that some satisfactory guarantee were given of a change of system for the future. These representations not only remained unanswered, but, shortly after they were made, a troop of three thousand Janissaries came into Wallachia, and went about the country, levying contributions on the villagers, and committing all sorts of outrages. A Wallachian force was at last sent against them, and they were all put to the sword; after which, Michael, at the head of an army composed of his own troops and those of his allies, marched against Giurgevo, and compelled its garrison to retire to the other side of the Danube. The threatening attitude of Michael and his allies induced the Sultan Amurat to desist from further provocation, and to wait for a more favourable moment of imposing again his yoke on the principalities; but he died suddenly in 1595, and his successor, Mahomet III., no sooner ascended the throne than he resolved to carry that plan into execution by the means of an overpowering army. Forty thousand Turks and twenty thousand Tartars, under the orders of the Grand Vezier, invaded the Wallachian and Moldavian provinces nearly at the same time, and a long war ensued. The invaders suffered a series of defeats: for five years they renewed the

campaign with no better success; and the Sultan was finally compelled to relinquish his claims. In 1600, after the abdication of Sigismund of Transylvania, that principality became tributary to the Emperor Rodolphus; and as the Voïvode Michael, whom the emperor had engaged into his interests, had assisted him in defeating the schemes of Cardinal Battori, pretender to the Transylvanian sovereignty, Rodolphus, to reward him, left him the government of Transylvania. The Voïvode fixed his residence in that province, and appointed a lieutenant in Wallachia. But in the following year the Transylvanians, not satisfied with his administration, revolted, and sent invitations to their former Prince, Sigismund, who was living as a private individual at Clausenburg, to come and resume the supreme authority. An Austrian army, under the command of General Baste, was hastily dispatched to stop the progress of the rebellion; and Michael, who had repaired to Wallachia, returned with some troops, and joined the imperial general. They marched together against the rebels, who had formed an army of equal strength, and an obstinate battle took place, which terminated in the entire defeat of the insurgents, and in the subjection of the whole province. When events had determined the fate of Transylvania, the two allied commanders quarrelled in a discussion concerning the ulterior measures of administration; and Baste, resolved by some means or other to get rid of Michael, whose pretensions appeared to him to have become of a dangerous tendency, caused him to be assassinated. The Wallachian troops were sent back to their country, and they carried away with them the head of the Voïvode Michael, which was buried in the monastery of Dialloluy, near the town of Tirgovist, where the monument that was placed over it at the time, with an inscription alluding to the principal events of his life, and to the circumstances of his death, engraved in Slavonian characters, still exists. The death of Michael, which took place in 1602, spread great consternation and confusion in Wallachia. The Primates[10] lost time in deliberations on the measures that were to be pursued; and the Turkish Pashahs of the neighbourhood sent a strong body of troops, which, crossing the Danube at different places, occupied the greatest part of the principality, and put it out of the power of the Wallachians to make any effectual resistance. The sultan’s orders for

the election of a Voïvode of his own choice were soon obeyed, and the principality resumed its tributary character; the treaty of Mahomet II. was renewed, but the amount of the tribute was fixed at a much higher sum. From this period forward, Wallachia remained under the power of the Ottoman Sultans; and although its inhabitants, in the course of the 17th century, made frequent efforts to throw off the yoke, the success of such attempts always proved momentary, and consequently more injurious than beneficial to them in the sequel. With regard to Moldavia, the first act of its submission to the Turks was not the effect of conquest, but a voluntary measure of precaution and security.[11] It was only in 1536 that this principality consented to become tributary to the Sultan, and the event is thus explained by all the Moldavian historians. In 1529 the Voïvode Stephen, being on his death-bed, called to him his son Bogdan, who was likely to succeed him, and his principal nobles: he addressed them at length on the political situation of the country, representing the probability of its being soon attacked by the Turks, and the insufficiency of its means to make any effectual resistance against their power. He dwelt on the ferocious character of the reigning Sultan Suleÿman I., and recommended to them in the strongest manner, rather to seek his clemency by the voluntary offer of a tribute, than expose themselves to his vengeance in resisting his attempts to obtain it. After Stephen’s death, Bogdan neglected some years his father’s advice, till at last he saw the necessity of following it; and he sent, in 1536, ambassadors to Constantinople to offer the tribute. The Sultan then entered into written engagements with him, by which the same privileges as those of Wallachia were granted to Moldavia; but in which the tribute was merely called a Peshkicsh, or present. Moldavia was governed on the same plan as the sister province, and frequently shared the same fate in war; sometimes ravaged by the Turks, at other times successful in resisting them. Towards the close of the 16th century, after its successful co-operation with Wallachia, Sigismund of Transylvania seized it, deposed the Voïvode Aaron, his friend and ally, and appointed a man of his own choice, whom he bound to pay him tribute. But in 1597, a Polish army invaded the province, and rescued it from the hands of Sigismund. In 1602 the Poles restored it to the Turks, against whose power the

Moldavians never after struggled with any permanent success. Their frequent and fruitless efforts to regain independency, exhausted their means and patriotic ardour; and by degrees they became accustomed to the Turkish yoke. The appointment of the Voïvodes was left to the pleasure of the Sultans, although the formality of the election continued to take place a long time after; but the tribute was no longer called a present, and its amount was increased at almost every new appointment. As far, however, as the end of the 17th century, intervening political motives still induced the Porte to show some deference to the privileges of the two principalities; but at the early part of the 18th century, the Ottoman Court became less constrained in its policy, and in assuming the right of punishing by death the Wallachian princes, laid the foundations of that system by which both have been governed to the present moment. The event which proved so fatal to the respective constitutions of those states, will show at the same time how far their public spirit must have been subdued, and how rapid appears to have been its decline. During the reign of Sultan Ahmet, the Porte had, in 1695, declared war against the Emperor; and the Voïvode Constantine Brancovano Bessarabba of Wallachia was directed to form an army, and to march into the Austrian states, in order to second the operations of the Grand Vizier who was to commence hostilities from the frontiers of Servia. The Voïvode partly obeyed; but, either from a secret hatred to the Turks, or from being bribed into the Emperor’s cause, probably from both these motives, he abstained from taking any active part in the campaign, and by that circumstance alone, favoured the operations of the Austrians. At the conclusion of the peace of Carlowitz, the Emperor Leopold rewarded the Voïvode’s services by conferring on him the title of Prince of the Roman Empire, together with the gift of some landed estates in Transylvania. These circumstances could not remain hidden from the knowledge of the Ottoman court, who, however, found it necessary to use dissimulation; and some years elapsed without any notice being taken of them. In 1710, Bessarabba was drawn into a secret correspondence with the Czar Peter the great, the object of which was to obtain his cooperation in that sovereign’s projected war against the Turks. The

Voïvode promised a contingent of thirty thousand men, and an ample supply of provisions and other necessaries for the Russian army. The purport of this correspondence became known to the Porte, and the death of Bessarabba was immediately determined upon; but at the same time it was deemed adviseable to use stratagem instead of open force, and it was resolved that he should be drawn into a snare by the Prince of Moldavia. Nicholas Marrocordato then governed that province, but he was thought unfit for the execution of the plan; the Porte therefore recalled him, and appointed to the principality Demetrius Cantimir, whose fidelity had been frequently tried both in peace and war. Cantimir set out from Constantinople for Moldavia, having instructions and positive orders to seize Bessarabba under the colour of friendship, alliance, or any pretence which he might think proper, and send him alive or dead to Constantinople.[12] But Cantimir, who, it seems, had neither the ambition nor the desire of being made Voïvode of Moldavia, having twice before procured that principality to his younger brother Antiochus, accepted it with the express condition that he should not be called upon to pay any tribute, or to make any of the presents customary at the new nominations. But when he reached Moldavia the Grand Vezier wrote to him by the Sultan’s order, not only to send immediately the usual tribute and presents, but also to prepare provisions for a numerous Turkish army, to throw a bridge over the Danube for their passage, and to join the Turks in person with Moldavian troops, besides other intolerable burthens.[13] Cantimir says, that perceiving now how little faith was to be expected from the infidels, and esteeming it far better to suffer for the Christian cause, he resolved to detach himself from the Turkish interest, and sent a faithful messenger to the Czar, with an offer of his services and principality. With these favourable prospects in Wallachia and in Moldavia, the Czar advanced towards the Ottoman frontiers. In 1711, he arrived with all his forces at Yassi, where he remained some days in expectation of the contingent and provisions promised by the Voïvode of Wallachia. But it seems that Bessarabba, as the rupture between the Sultan and the Czar drew near, alarmed at the great

preparations of the Turks, and the approach of their army, composed of two hundred and twenty thousand men, thought it prudent to take no part in the war, and the subsequent disasters of the Russians are in a great measure attributed to the failure of his former promises to the Czar, who had placed too great a reliance in them. The events of this war are too well known to need any further explanation here. When peace was restored, and the Voïvodate of Moldavia had remained vacant by Cantimir’s defection, Nicholas Marrocordato was again appointed to it. Bessarabba remained unmolested, but not without the fear of early vengeance. Eager to regain the favour of the Ottoman government, and to obtain the assurance of oblivion on the past, he sent large supplies of money, and considerable presents to the Turkish ministers, and to the public treasures; he repeated them so often, as to convince the court that he possessed immense wealth, and the Grand Vezier, Ally-Pashah, who was his personal enemy, obtained from the Sultan a formal order for his recall, and for the seizure of his treasures. The Vezier then formed the plan of enforcing this order, and it was carried into execution in the following manner: — In 1714, at the beginning of April, being the week of the Passion, when the attention of the Wallachians and their occupations were entirely devoted to the long ceremonies of the Greek church, a Capigee-Bashi[14], of the Sultan, arrived at Bukorest with a suite of a hundred men; he sent word to the Voïvode that he was on his way to Hotim upon very pressing business of the state, and that he should only have time to pay him a visit on the next morning, after which he intended to take his departure. Accordingly, he went the next day to the palace, and, on entering the closet of the Voïvode, who stood up to receive him, he placed a black handkerchief on his shoulder, conformably to the then usual method of announcing depositions to persons high in office in Turkey. The Voïvode was confounded by the unexpected compliment, but the moment he recovered from his first emotions, he burst into a long strain of invectives against the Sultan and the Turks, for treating him with so much ingratitude after the many services he had rendered to the Porte. The Capigee, however, placed a guard about his person, and proceeded to the divan chamber, where he read a Ferman, which contained the decree of Bessarabba’s deposition, declared him a traitor, and ordered him to Constantinople with all his family. After the Ferman had been

published, the Capigee secured the public treasure, and all the Voïvode’s private property. The frightened inhabitants of Bukorest remained tranquil spectators of all these acts of violence, and made no effort to release the Voïvode from his imprisonment. With a nation more awakened to its own dignity, and to the value of independence, an event of this nature would not, perhaps, have taken place without the support of an army, and the shedding of blood; and, indeed, the circumstances of this very occurrence would hardly appear credible, if they were not almost fresh in the memory of the present generation. Two days after Bessarabba’s deposition, one Stephen Cantacuzene, of Greek origin, and calling himself a descendant of the imperial family of that name[15], was, by the Sultan’s order, raised to the Voïvodate. On the 14th April, the Capigee-Bashi left Bukorest with Bessarabba, his wife, four sons, three daughters, and grandson, and escorted by the Turkish guard. They soon reached Constantinople, and the Voïvode, with all his family, was immediately confined in the state prison of the Seven Towers. His treasures not being found so considerable as had been expected, his sons were put to the torture for three successive days, that they might confess where their father had hidden the rest; or that the latter, being a witness to his children’s torments, might come forward and make that confession himself. But as these cruelties did not produce the intended effect, the Sultan, exasperated at the apparent obstinacy of the sufferers, ordered them to be executed in his presence. The prisoners were conducted to a square, under the windows of the seraglio, and a long list of accusations was read to them; it alluded particularly to the treachery of Bessarabba in the Austrian war, and to the indignant expressions he had made use of against the person of the Sultan, when his recall had been signified to him. The four sons were first beheaded, one after the other, and the execution of the father closed this scene of butchery. When the Sultan withdrew, the five heads were put upon pikes, and carried about the streets of Constantinople. The bodies were thrown into the sea, but they were picked up by some Christian boatmen, and conveyed to a Greek monastery in the little island of Halcky, in the Propontis, where they received burial.

As to the unfortunate princess and the remainder of her family, they were shortly after exiled to Cuttaya, in Asia Minor, but three years after they were permitted to return to Wallachia.[16] The Voïvode Cantacuzene only remained in office two years, and he was the last Wallachian prince, whose nomination was effected through the formality of election. This important prerogative of the inhabitants had been abolished some years before in Moldavia. The Porte found it unnecessary to suffer it any longer in Wallachia, and indeed it had, since more than a century, become merely nominal. Nicholas Marrocordato was transferred from the government of Moldavia to that of Wallachia, and proclaimed by a Turkish CapigeeBashi in 1716. At this time the Porte was preparing to carry on a defensive war against Austria; and had the primates of Wallachia felt the courage to protest against so manifest a violation of their privileges, they would, most probably, have succeeded in securing a better observance of them. Since the commencement of the decline of the Turkish power, the Ottoman court has made it an invariable policy to infringe little by little on the privileges allowed to foreign nations by treaty; and to conduct, by systematic stratagem, an administration which has been constantly falling in vigour and energy. If any infraction is left unnoticed by the party it concerns, and the article of a treaty, in its modified state, is once applied with success to any case to which it may relate, it becomes a precedent which the Porte will obstinately refer to at any other time that the strict interpretation of the article is insisted upon. Thus, without assigning any satisfactory reason, and without repealing, in a plausible manner, the Wallachian law of election, the Sultan took to himself the exclusive right of appointing to the two Voïvodates. The measure was not opposed, and its repetition became habitual; and if, at the present moment, the inhabitants of the two Principalities were to recall their right to memory, and claim the enforcement of it, the Porte would consider and treat the proceeding as open rebellion on their part. No prince of Wallachian or Moldavian birth or origin, was ever appointed after the recall of Bessarabba, and the Porte would have been willing to govern the principalities through the means of Turkish Pashahs; but the intrigues of the state-interpreter, Alexander

Marrocordato, who was then endeavouring to secure either of the Voïvodates to his son Nicholas, induced at the time the Ottoman government to introduce another system, which subsequent motives have contributed to support to the present day. The Porte selected the new princes from the Greeks of Constantinople, whose long habit of obedience and servile degradation, appeared to render them suitable tools for the new policy adopted, relative to the government of the principalities. From that moment the princes have been appointed by Beratt, an imperial diploma, in which the Sultan, in proclaiming the nominations, commands the Wallachian and Moldavian nations to acknowledge and obey the bearers of it, as sole depositories of the sovereign authority.[17] They were instructed to pursue the plan, of administration of the Voïvodes, and thus they were suffered to hold a court, to confer dignities and titles of nobility, and to keep up a show of sovereign splendour, circumstances which were most flattering to the vanity of the Greeks, and proved useful to the interested views of the Porte. But they were most strictly forbidden to maintain troops, or to collect any, under any pretence whatever. This precaution was indispensable, as it prevented the princes from acquiring military power, and the natives from aspiring to independency. In the course of the last century, a variety of Greek princes succeeded to each other in the government of the principalities. One alone, Constantine Marrocordato, appointed in 1735 to Wallachia, devoted himself with zeal to the welfare of the country. Some wise institutions, to which we shall have occasion to advert in the sequel, attest the liberality of his views, and a generosity of character which is not to be traced in any of his successors. But he was twice recalled, because he refused to comply with demands of the Ottoman government, which appeared to him incompatible with duties he owed to the Wallachians. The other princes, less scrupulous, and more careful of their own interests, marked their administration by the most violent acts of extortion, and an invariable system of spoliation. Few of them died of natural death, and the Turkish scymetar was, perhaps, frequently employed with justice among them. In a political point of view, the short reigns of most of these princes offer nothing of sufficient importance or interest to deserve a place in history.

CHAPTER II. INAUGURATION OF THE HOSPODARS— PRESENT FORM OF GOVERNMENT—LOCAL LAWS—TRIBUNALS OF JUSTICE— MEMBERS OF THE DIVAN AND OTHER PUBLIC FUNCTIONARIES—DISTRICTS— CAÏMACAM OF CRAYOVA—ISPRAVNIKS. The princes of Wallachia and Moldavia, since the choice of them falls on the Greeks, receive their investiture at the Porte, with the pomp and ceremonies usually observed on creating Pashahs and Veziers. The Kukka, or military crest, is put on their heads by the Muzhur Aga, and the robe of honour is put on them by the Vezier himself. They are honoured with the standards and military music, and make their oaths of allegiance in the presence of the Sultan, to whom they are introduced with the ceremonies usual at a public audience. From the seraglio, they go in solemn and ostentatious procession to the patriarchal church, where prayers and ceremonies are performed similar to those which were formerly observed at the inauguration of the Greek Emperors. They are accompanied to their principalities by the Turkish officers appointed to install them. They make their public entry into the capital of their new sovereignty with a great display of magnificence, attended by the metropolitan and dignified ecclesiastics, the members of the divan, and the chief Boyars. They assume, from the ceremonies which are practised, the title of “God’s Anointed.”[18] The general form of government in both principalities has undergone little alteration since the exclusion of the native Voïvodes. The prince is invested with absolute authority, and, till lately, was

only controllable in his financial operations, by the divan, representing the senate; still, in levying extraordinary contributions, and in fixing the mode of raising them, the signatures of a majority of members are required as a mere formality; and, although the want of these would render such acts illegal, they would not thereby be put with less vigour into execution. The executive administration is divided into various regular departments. The divan, composed of twelve members, is the supreme council, and is presided by the Prince, who appoints to it new members every year, with the exception of the metropolitan, whose ecclesiastical dignity entitles him to a permanent seat. It is convened at least twice a week, to receive, examine, and decide upon appeals in judiciary matters. A Voïvode of the name of Mathew Bessarabba, who governed Wallachia from 1633 to 1644, instituted laws which he drew from Justinian’s code, and modified by the customs of the country. His example was soon after followed in Moldavia. Several princes made alterations in the original codes, and the late princes, Caradja of Wallachia, and Callimacki of Moldavia, have made them undergo a new revision, and have published them under their own names.[19] It is in conformity to these laws that all suits are said to be judged, and the sentences framed; but the prince interprets them in his own way, and his will, in fact, is the only predominating law. The princes’ decisions are without appeal for the natives of the country; and, however irregular or unjust they may be, they cannot be revoked by their successors. In any case of moment, where the opinion of the members of the divan happens to be unanimous against that of the prince, or contrary to his wishes, the decision of the question is postponed, and the members are privately desired to pronounce according to the views of the prince. As they are aware that non-compliance would be attended with dismissal and disgrace, it is common enough, on similar occasions, that at the next sessions they all declare an opinion directly opposite to the one they had last given. At Bukorest, and at Yassi, where the princes reside, there are two particular tribunals appropriated to the revision of commercial and other differences existing between the natives and foreign subjects. They are called the Foreign Departments, and are each directed by a

Boyar, who has the title of chancellor of foreign affairs, and two other judges. The business that comes before them is examined and discussed in the presence of an officer attached to the consulate, by which the foreign party concerned is protected. The decisions are, conformably to the general sense of the treaties existing between the Porte and foreign powers, made according to the local laws; but they are not valid without the prince’s confirmation, which can be withheld, and a timely appeal made either to the Grand Vezier’s tribunal at Constantinople, or to the prince’s own judgement, should the nature of the department’s decision bear the appearance of partiality or injustice against the foreign party. Cases of this nature are so common, that the consuls are frequently obliged to act the part of attorneys in defending the rights of the individuals who are entitled to their protection. There are also separate departments for the police, the treasury, and criminal cases, as well as a variety of petty offices for the different business, most of which report directly to the prince, and receive his instructions. The following is an exact list of the chief dignitaries, and the other officers of state, according to their respective ranks and precedence, beginning with the twelve members of the divan. The Metropolitan, or archbishop. The Banno, a title taken from the former Banns of Crayova. Vornik de Tsara de Suss, or judge of the upper country. Vornik de Tsara de Joss, or judge of the lower country. Logothett, or chancellor and keeper of the great seal. 3d Vornik, 4th Vornik,

Common judges at the divan.

Logothett de Obichëy; his particular business consists in assembling the divan. Vornik de Couttee, or treasurer for the pensions of the widows of poor Boyars. Vornik de Polittia, or collector of the capitation tax within the city of Bukorest.

Clutshiar, or keeper of the code of laws. Clutshiar d’Aria; although he has a seat, he is not allowed to vote. He is a kind of sergeant-at-arms. According to old custom, an individual, who is not born or naturalised a Wallachian or Moldavian, cannot be admitted member of the divan. The first Postelnik is principal minister and master of the ceremonies at court. His office is of the most confidential nature, and only given to Greeks, near relations, or intimate friends of the prince. The Spathar; his office formerly corresponded to that of minister at war. At present he is director-general of the police throughout the principality. In Moldavia he is more properly called Hetman. The Vestiar, or treasurer of the principality: he must be a native. The Hetman; in Wallachia his business consists in carrying into execution the prince’s sentences in matters of judicature. He takes 10 per cent. on the value of the objects to which they relate. Camarash, or first chamberlain; the prince’s private treasurer, and judge over the Jews. He levies a duty upon all merchandise sold by retail for his own profit. Armash, or judge of criminal causes relating to the lower orders; he has the superintendency of the public prisons, and collects the tribute paid by the gypsies to government. Agga, or chief of the police within the city of Bukorest. Portar-Bashi; he directs the correspondence with the neighbouring Turkish Pashahs, and other governors. He also attends upon all the Turks of distinction who visit Bukorest. All the preceding offices give the rank of Boyars of the First Class to the persons who are appointed to them, and as such they wear their beards; they are all removed every year; but as they retain the titles until promotion, those in activity are distinguished from them by the additional one of “great,”—“maray,”—such as Logothettmaray, the Great Chancellor, &c. The Boyars of the Second Class are as follows:— Caminar, or collector of duties upon wine, brandy, tobacco, and snuff, brought to Bukorest for sale.

Paharnik, or cup-bearer. At state dinners he stands behind the prince’s chair, and offers him to drink. Comisso, or master of the horse. Stolnik, chief steward at court. Sardar, chief or colonel of the guards. Third Class:— Medelnitsher; he receives the petitions addressed to the Hospodars, and reads all the papers at the divan. Pittar, superintendent of the prince’s equipages. Sludgier; he was formerly commissary to the regiment of bodyguards: it is now an empty title. Shatrar, keeper of the prince’s tents. 2d Logothett 2d Postelnik 2d Vestiar 3d Logothett 3d Postelnik 3d Vestiar

All these are public clerks attached to the offices from which they derive their titles.

The renewal of public officers every year naturally creates great confusion in the transaction of public business. The custom arises from the circumstance that the Boyars, whose number in Wallachia amounts to nearly thirty thousand, claim public employment, at least, for a time, as a right to which they are each entitled. The first families, in particular, consider it as their birthright; but as their chief object is gain, they scramble for places with the most indecorous avidity, and never regard their want of capacity for any branch of public service. As every Boyar has some title or other, he is never addressed by his name in common intercourse, but by his title preceded by the ancient Greek one of “ἄρχον,” such as “Archon-Banno, Archon-Shatrar,” &c.

A certain ceremony is practised at court upon all promotions and nominations. It takes place once or twice every month, when the prince, seated on an elevated throne, verbally notifies to the candidate, who is introduced by the First Postelnik, the rank or office to which he raises him. A robe of honour is then placed on his shoulders, and he advances in the most respectful attitude, and kisses the prince’s hand. He is then conveyed home in one of the state-carriages, or on one of the prince’s horses (according to his new rank) and accompanied by a great number of Chiohadars, or liveryservants of the court, to whom he pays a considerable fee. The Boyars of the First Class look upon their titles as corresponding to those of Count and Baron in Germany, and their rank to that of Major-general in Russia. It is true that the Empress Catherine, at the period of her first war with Turkey, issued an Ukase to that effect; but her successors have set it aside. Although most of the principal families indulge the idea that none in Europe can boast of more genuine nobility, there are very few who can trace their origin any farther than a century back.[20] The present descendants of Bessarabba and Cantacuzene are amongst this number. A family in Wallachia bear the name of Paleologos, and confidently assert being descended from the race of the last Constantine. It would not be very material to attempt to refute such pretensions; few could be imposed upon by them. They appear, however, the more absurd, as the persons who make them cannot in any manner explain upon what grounds they are assumed. Wallachia is divided into seventeen districts, including the Bannat of Crayova composed of five. They are called Rimnik, Buzéo, Sakoyéni, Prahova, Yallomitza, Ilfov, Dimbovitza, Vlaska, TellyOrman, Mousstzello, Argis, Olt, Romanatz, Vultza, Doltz, Gorge, Méhédintz. Each of them is governed by two Ispravniks or deputies, whose appointment is renewed every year by the prince. Their business chiefly consists in collecting the tribute and other contributions, which they send to the Vestiary, from which they are in a great measure dependent. The Ispravniks of the Bannat are under the immediate orders of a lieutenant of the prince, who resides at Crayova, under the title of Caïmacam. The Greek princes have substituted this appointment to that of the Banns, taking the title

from that of the Turkish minister who fills the office of the Grand Vezier at Constantinople during the latter’s absence. The situation of Caïmacam at Crayova is very lucrative, and generally given to some of the Greeks who follow the princes into Wallachia with the hope of enriching themselves. The Ispravnicates are also given to persons of that description, jointly with the sons of Boyars, who, at a very early age, commonly make their début in public career by those appointments. They receive a salary of five hundred piasters per month, besides which they have perquisites, which, in some of the richest districts, they extend as far as twenty thousand piasters a year.