Schooling and Travelling Communities
Exploring the Spaces of Educational Exclusion
Dave Cudworth
School of Applied Social Sciences
De
Montfort University Leicester, UK
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Acknowledgements
Tis book is derived from a Ph.D. thesis completed at De Montfort University in December 2016. I wish to thank Professor Maria Tamboukou for her invaluable and continued encouragement and guidance throughout my doctoral study, and for the faith, she had in me to persevere, without which I would not have been able to produce this work. I would also like to thank Professor ‘Brown’ and Dr. Jackie Robinson, for their later support, advice, and enthusiasm for my work; and to my close friend and confdant, Dr. Dave Morris, who kept me sane throughout. Kaushika Patel and Dr. Steven Lyttle also deserve recognition for allowing me space and time when I needed it—thank you both. I would also like to thank Becky Wyde at Palgrave for her advice and help along the way in supporting me with the fnal publication of this book.
Tanks also to all the many teachers, colleagues, and other practitioners, including the Traveller Education Support Services, that gave their time to talk to me about their experiences, as well as to the members of the Gypsy/Traveller communities I spoke with, particularly the young women. Without their candid discussions, I would have nothing to write about. Further thanks to the two head teachers who kindly
allowed me to work in their schools and let me literally immerse myself as though I was a member of their staf team. My gatekeepers to the communities and the educational centres also deserve acknowledgment and thanks, you know who you are.
Finally, but by no means least, I would like to express my thanks and gratitude to my partner Erika, where the initial idea and encouragement to write this book came from. Tanks for the love and support throughout the demanding process of producing this work and writing the book, and for answering all my stupid questions and endless proofreading. I would also like to express thanks to Jake for putting up with me through my moods when the going got tough. Tanks to you both for making me laugh!
1 Introduction
Te educational ‘underachievement’ of Gypsy/Traveller children was frst identifed in the late 1960s. Te inability of children from these communities to read and write due to a lack of schooling became a major concern (DES 1967). As a result, a number of diferent policy initiatives and support mechanisms were pursued to address these concerns. Tese initially included support in the form of summer schools of voluntary teachers teaching children and adults on Gypsy/Traveller sites (Cemlyn et al. 2009). Later, local education authority provision came in the form of qualifed teachers visiting sites in mobile caravans. Finally, with an emphasis on ‘multiculturalism’ and inclusion, particularly during the 1990s and 2000s, a network of Traveller Education Support Services (TESS) were set up as well as subsequent targeted funding to provide further focused support for Gypsy/Traveller children in mainstream classrooms (Derrington and Kendall 2007a). However, although such targeted involvement had some impact ‘…these pupils remain amongst the most vulnerable’ (Wilkin et al. 2010: viii) and ‘among the lowest-achieving groups at every Key Stage of education’ (DFE 2012).
© Te Author(s) 2018
D. Cudworth, Schooling and Travelling Communities, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91364-3_1
In order to investigate why these children remain amongst the most vulnerable in relation to school ‘engagement’ and ‘achievement’, this book explores literature which suggests that a key factor involved is related to the historical and cultural formation of a Sedentarised society and the subsequent demonization of Nomadism and a Nomadic way of life (Derrington and Kendall 2007a, b). Te relationship here with educational success is that schooling in England has increasingly involved children being settled in one place and attending the same school at each stage of schooling. Tis is to ensure that children and young people remain ‘on track’ to achieve a particular educational trajectory that will ultimately prepare them for access to university at the age of 18–19, i.e. good SATs (Standardised Assessment Tasks) results at Key Stage (KS) 1 and 2 (children aged 5–7 and 7–11 respectively), fve or more A–C grades at KS3 (aged 11–16) and three or more good ‘A’ levels, or equivalent, at KS4 (aged 16–18). Schools themselves are also keen for children to do well in these tests, as good results will secure a strong position in published league tables, which has become the tool used to measure a ‘good’ school.
Despite changes in the occupational practices of many Gypsy/ Traveller communities in England mobility remains very much part of their lives; which in turn afects the attendance of children at school, and thus their overall engagement and educational experience. Although many of these communities are settled on sites, with some even taking up permanent housing (Clark and Greenfelds 2006; Kenny 2014), it is this value attributed to Nomadism and mobility as a cultural way of life, that remains a key factor at the heart of children’s schooling engagement, experience and retention (Derrington 2007).
Te irony here is that educational achievement today seems to be about an ability to be able to move and settle in an area that has a ‘good’ school. Te wider social, cultural and political aims of current educational provision being framed within a globalised context (Rizvi and Lingard 2009) also suggests the need to be mobile in order to access and strive in the global market. It therefore appears that the mobility of Gypsy/Traveller communities is a diferent mobility to that engaged by the ‘mobile’ Sedentarised population. Such ideas connect with the work of Skeggs (2004: 49) who notes that ‘Mobility is a resource to which not
everyone has an equal relationship’. Tere are diferent degrees of mobility, based on ideas of respectability whereby ‘Te mobility of choice of the afuent British middle-classes, conducted in relative ease, is quite different from the mobility of the international refugee or the unemployed migrant’ (Skeggs 2004: 49). As Shubin (2011: 1930) puts it ‘Tere is a certain contestation between social acceptance of certain kinds of movement, and lifestyles based on continuous mobile engagement with the world’. Whereas movement from the Sedentarised community is voluntary, and seen as a ‘social good, a resource, not equally available to all’ (Skeggs 2004: 50) the mobile Gypsy/Traveller ‘has long been conceptualised as an ‘aberration’ (based on ‘Sedentarist’ thinking prioritising fxity over movement) or as ‘freedom’ to travel and escape from specifc places and the trappings of the state’ (Shubin 2011: 1930). As a result nomadic movement is seen as a threat to ‘respectable mobility’ and the need to become ‘frmly fxed in order to be identifable and governable’ (Skeggs 2004: 50). Shubin (2011) suggests that the problem is associated with this idea that the ‘mobility of travelling people is seen as detached from space and considered as simple repositioning or abstract movement with no connections to specifc places’ (Shubin 2011: 1930). Terefore, nomadism as a cultural practice becomes associated with not belonging, confating ‘placelessness’ with deviant behaviour (Leahy 2014).
In order to widen the debate this book also engages with literature that argues how neo-liberal education policy has continued to undermine educational opportunities for certain children. Tis has eroded the egalitarian project of social justice in terms of addressing structural inequalities that may exist. With its focus on individualism, self-interest, deregulation of the state and the privatisation of the public sector, neo-liberalism has transformed ‘every human domain and endeavour, along with humans themselves’ and reduced everything to economics (Brown 2015: 10). Walby (2009: 12) notes that ‘while neoliberalism appears to laud a small state, this is only in relation to the economy; in practice neoliberal governments simultaneously develop a large coercive state to maintain the domestic social order and position in the global state system’. Consequently, ‘all spheres of existence are framed and measured by economic terms and metrics, even when those spheres are not directly monetized’ (Brown 2015: 10), including education.
Tis has led to schools becoming increasingly ‘marketised’ and organised around the economic ideals of consumerism and the ‘product’ (Apple 2005). Te ‘school product’ has become associated with competition and outcomes in tests, with results being published in league tables. A strong position in these league tables has therefore come to represent the marker of a ‘quality product’ that parents can ‘choose to buy’ into when seeking to fnd a school place for their child(ren). Consequently, with a focus on performativity schools compete to reach the top of these league tables, in order to attract parents of children who possess the ‘right attributes’ to do well in these tests and parents that value the educational trajectory that will ultimately secure their child(ren) a university place. Tis is the neo-liberal project, in that ‘… freeing the market from state controls was the best way to ensure economic growth, which in turn was believed to deliver human well-being, freedom, democracy, and civil liberties’ (Walby 2009: 11). Te problem with this is the myth that democracy will inevitably follow as market forces and parental choice will ensure systems are fair and just for every single individual irrespective of their social and/or cultural location.
As a result, the contemporary political climate has reconfgured the conception of education and one concern expressed in this book is with how neo-liberal education policy as a globalising economic project, has impacted schooling ideologically at the expense of equality for all children. I argue how neo-liberal policy architecture has established modes of knowledge that have supressed, and even silenced, alternative narratives of education. For example narratives that relate to child-centeredness, experiential learning and the holistic development of the whole person, that maybe more consilient with progressive ideologies and early child development (Moore and Clarke 2016). I also want to assert here that neo-liberalism has reafrmed the idea of individualism and meritocracy as a self-reliant hegemonic ideology and thus eroded ideas of collectivism and the actual responsibility of the importance of collective democratic membership and responsibility (Skeggs 1997, 2004).
Terefore for me, the question this book raises is an ontological one that relates to the tensions in the encounter between the cultural values and beliefs of nomadic communities based on mobility which is ‘considered one of the key elements of their engagement with the world’
(Shubin 2011: 1931). My thinking is that the values underpinning the expectations of neo-liberal education policy based on individualism, choice and performance and its relationship with the global economy is ontologically opposed to Gypsy/Traveller culture. Terefore, this book argues for an education system that respects the cultural identity of these travelling communities and one that is consilient with the complexities of their situation and desire to remain nomadic.
Why Gypsy/Travellers?
My primary interest in the relationship between children and young people from Gypsy/Traveller communities and schooling initially stems from my own personal experiences of being an ‘interrupted learner’ during my primary school years in England in the early 1970s. Up until the age of 10, I suppose you could argue that my family adopted a travelling lifestyle. My father was in the army and as a family we moved around quite a lot, often midway through a typical school year. As a consequence of this, my brother, twin sister and I experienced a disrupted learning pattern, often missing a few days out of school as we travelled and settled into a new place and subsequently a new school. Altogether, we attended fve diferent primary schools between the ages of 5–11. Our younger sister, seven years my junior, on the other hand, remained in one primary school.
When my twin sister and I were 10 years old, my father retired from the army and my parents decided to buy a house and settle down in one place. My brother was 11 at the time and went on to a local secondary school, where my twin sister and I joined him and remained until the age of 16. Despite being a new comprehensive school, this secondary school had retained some of its grammar school ‘trappings’ and was streamed. On enrolling at the school we all found ourselves in the bottom ‘streams’. I remember in the frst year at this school that, like my brother, I had to take extra English lessons while our peers learnt French. My twin sister made good progress and moved to the middle stream in her second year and remained there until she left, but my brother and I, who struggled particularly with our reading and writing,
remained in the bottom streams throughout our secondary school years. When I left school, at the age of 16, I had gained two recognised qualifcations. Our younger sister, who attended a diferent, more local, secondary school, gained six qualifcations.
Tere was no talk of ‘A’ levels or university in our house. Tat was what other people did. Te expectation was that we needed to think about the type of job we wanted and perhaps undertake a vocational course at the local college in order to secure employment. So after leaving school, we all went on to a local college where I studied a business/ ofce diploma course, my twin sister a secretarial course, my brother mechanics and my younger sister animal husbandry. During my course, I undertook a work placement as a cost clerk for a double-glazing company, who ofered me a job at the end of the course at the age of 17. It was whilst developing social relations with others working in an openplan ofce that I realised that I did not want to become like many who had worked there for several years since leaving school. So, at the age of 18, I decided to follow in my father’s footsteps and joined the military, the Royal Air Force (RAF), as an airman. I was ready to leave home, wanted my independence and joining up was my way of achieving this, just as my brother had done when he was 18. My mother was pleased and said that this would be a good opportunity to ‘see the world’.
I signed up for six years’ service as an administrative clerk and, after basic training, I was stationed at RAF Honington in Sufolk with a Tornado strike unit. My post involved administrative support for a number of pilots and navigators. Being surrounded by all these ofcers, I started to think about my own identity as an airman. I had to call them ‘Sir’, salute them and carry out any instructions that they gave me; it was a very authoritarian environment. Whilst in the RAF, I continued to move around – being posted to three other RAF stations – and I started to think more about why ofcers were more privileged than my peers and I. Ofcers occupied diferent environments from us, with their living arrangements, food and leisure opportunities being superior to those we were exposed to. I remember one particular ofcer, who was very friendly to everyone, being reprimanded by a superior ofcer and told to ‘stop fraternising with the troops’. What was it about this ofcer’s behaviour that warranted this kind of comment, I thought. I suppose this was
when I frst started to think about equality and question why some people were more privileged than others and, on thinking back, about how social relations warranted certain types of behaviours. Why were they ofcers and I wasn’t? What was it that they had that I didn’t? Was it due to my lack of qualifcations? My background? If I had had a more settled childhood would I have obtained more qualifcations from school? It was while serving in the Ascension Islands on a six-month detachment at the age of 23 that I realised I wanted something diferent and did not want to stay in the RAF after my initial six-year contract. I wanted to ‘better myself’ and do something diferent. It was then that I started to think about what I really wanted for a career. I knew that I would need to gain more qualifcations so decided to make a start and enrolled on an ‘O’ level Sociology distance learning programme with the UK Open University. I am not sure now why I chose this subject except to say that whilst looking through the prospectus, Sociology was attractive because I could easily relate to the subject matter. Being stationed in the Ascension Islands at this time provided me with a lot more time to study than I would have had being stationed in the UK. Te Ascension Islands base is in the middle of the South Atlantic near the equator and is like a tropical island. Every weekend was spent on the beach and I met lots of people from diferent trades and with a wealth of experiences, and we all just got on with life on this island. It seemed less authoritarian than UK bases, and both work and people were much more relaxed, including relations between ofcers and airmen. It was a great place to be, and a great place to think. Although I did not complete the ‘O’ level Sociology programme, the reading I had done made me begin thinking about my own schooling experience and life chances, and I knew then that I wanted to become a primary school teacher and make a diference to support children in my position. On leaving the RAF at the age of 24, I proceeded to gain experience working with children within the leisure industry. I trained as a lifeguard and tennis coach and picked up work as a lifeguard, a swimming instructor and ran a children’s tennis club and holiday club in the summer months. I really enjoyed working with children and thought that as a teacher I could make a diference to children’s schooling experience, particularly those who had travelled around as I had done.
I knew that perhaps one of the factors that had held me back educationally was my interrupted primary school experience. I also became particularly interested in the sociology of education, especially around the ‘bread and butter’ issues of social class and social justice. It is only with hindsight and my subsequent educational experiences that I suspect that my limited reading and writing skills on entry to secondary school were what led my teachers there to label me as a low achiever, or even an educational failure, and this was something that I must have internalised from a young age for many years.
It was not really until I undertook an Access to Higher Education course in Sociology and subsequently a frst degree in Sociology and History and a Masters in Social Justice and Education that I began to develop a real interest in educational equality. I was particularly drawn to children who travelled and I explored the situation facing New Age Travellers as the topic for my undergraduate dissertation. I engaged with literature that argued that the state and the media demonised such communities. I interviewed people who had adopted such a lifestyle, and began to think about the negative experiences they endured from the wider community, as well as the media. Tis group of people drew strength from each other and took it upon themselves to educate their children. Tey were not interested in sending their children to school as they were ideologically opposed to the testing culture and felt school would stife their children’s natural curiosity and love of creativity and nature.
While undertaking my PGCE in primary education, one of my assessments was to produce a policy document for one particular community. I chose to focus on the Gypsy/Traveller community and began exploring their particular situation and the support they required. I opted to spend some time working with a Traveller Education Support Teacher on one of my school placements, which gave me a fantastic insight at a more practical level. I also visited a centre that was used to support Gypsy/Traveller children while they were not in school. In line with my own early schooling experience, the children from Gypsy/Traveller backgrounds that I came into contact with experienced a disrupted schooling pattern; and their reading and writing skills in particular were very poor when compared with their peers. However, unlike me, many of these children continued to have a disrupted learning pattern throughout the whole of their
schooling lives, with many often not even going on to secondary school as I had done. As a result of this experience, coupled with my growing interest and passion for equal opportunities as a teacher, I became increasingly interested in whether a person’s socio-economic background, including their geographic mobility, contributed signifcantly to their ‘educational underachievement’. Furthermore, it was while working as a teacher in schools that were considered to be in areas of high socioeconomic disadvantage that I began to think more seriously about the complex institutional processes and practices that might be at play in (re) producing and maintaining educational inequalities for some children.
On refection, as a student, student teacher, teacher, teacher educator and now as an academic, I recognise that the types of people that I have engaged with over the years have all had an impact on where I am today and the type of person I am. I believe that the environments that we fnd ourselves in and the people and places we associate ourselves with, all contribute to the way we experience the world; hence my interest in the dynamics of space and place, which I defne in Chapter 4 of this book. I now proudly consider myself to be an educational sociologist, and it has been in thinking about educational disadvantage, sporadic school attendance, and the practices of schools as institutional spaces of exclusion where this book came to life.
Defning the Term Gypsy/Traveller
It is estimated that there are between 10 and 12 million Roma, Sinti, Gypsies and Travellers in Europe (Richardson and Ryder 2012) with an estimated 300,000–400,000 of these communities residing in Britain (McCafrey 2014). Tese groups comprise of ‘Romani Gypsies, Welsh Gypsies, Scottish Gypsies, Irish Travellers, Roma and New Age Travellers, each with diferent histories, cultural traditions and languages’ (McCafrey 2014: 48). Due to this diversity it is necessary for me to defne briefy from the outset the umbrella term ‘Gypsy/ Travellers’ that I have chosen to use throughout this book to represent these travelling groups. Tis is important as despite the presence of a wide variety of Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities in Britain
for over 500 years, it is recognised that the defnition of these groups is problematic and contested (Clark and Greenfelds 2006). Terms traditionally used to describe these communities have been ‘tinker’ (often used to refer to Irish Travellers and Scottish Travellers), ‘didicoi’ (a term used often derogatorily by both Gypsies and non-Gypsies for those of mixed race (see Acton 1974) and ‘gypsy’. Te term ‘gypsy’ itself involves a number of diferent groups. European gypsies are divided into the Rom or Roma (from Eastern Europe), the Romanichals (from Western Europe, including the German Sinti and English Romany Gypsies, for example) (Smith 1974: 3). However, there does seem to be agreement about two clear subgroups, Occupational Travellers and Gypsy/ Travellers. Occupational Travellers, whose occupations require an itinerant lifestyle (O’Hanlon 2014), include show, circus or fairground travellers, Circus Travellers, Boat-Dwellers, and New Age Travellers. Other Gypsy/Traveller groups comprise those families that have traditionally travelled between states with a particular cultural/racial identity.
Tis second subgroup raises questions of ethnicity when thinking about how these communities identify themselves (Richardson 2006). Te 1996 Race Relations Act, and the subsequent (Amendment) Act 2000, for example, legally recognises Romany Gypsies and Travellers of Irish and Scottish heritage as ethnic groups and thus their right to equal opportunities in adopting a nomadic lifestyle is protected under racerelations legislation (Clark and Greenfelds 2006). Occupational Travellers are not recognised as ethnic groups. However, due to their ‘Nomadic’ lifestyle they are also legally recognised as ‘Gypsies’ under this legislation. As such, the Commission for Racial Equality (HMSO 2003) were confdent that all Gypsy/Traveller groups would beneft from the promotion of equal opportunities ‘by all public authorities’ that this act afords.
Such a diversity of these nomadic groups becomes part of the difculties involved in providing a generic solution to the ‘problem’ of educational underachievement of children from these communities. In terms of educational policy for example, all such groups were initially referred to as Gypsy/Travellers in earlier government policy and now identifed under the generic title of Gypsy, Roma and Travellers (GRT). I have chosen to refer to these communities under the initial umbrella term ‘Gypsy/Travellers’ throughout this book. Tis term for me alludes to the
commonality across the subgroups – their diversities notwithstanding –which consist of a deep-rooted belief in Nomadism and, in particular, a belief in and need for cultural ‘mobility’ and collectivism (Kenny 2014). Furthermore ‘What all these groups have in common is the high level of exclusion they endure; exclusion that the state has actively contributed to through assimilationist and hegemonic discourse and policy’ (Richardson and Ryder 2012: 12). Tis is still very much the case today irrespective of those Gypsy/Travellers that may have become settled or reside in permanent housing (Kenny 2014). According to Clark and Greenfelds (2006: 12) for example, ‘culturally, an ethnicity or ethnic identity is not somehow magically ‘lost’ or abandoned when a family settles into “bricks and mortar”: it continues and adapts to the new circumstances, and this is commonly accepted within the communities concerned’. Consequently, many Gypsy/Traveller communities adopt a code of existence that remains structurally diferent from the Sedentarised majority. Tis often results in neo-liberal educational policy and schooling sitting at odds with the reality of a Gypsy/Travellers everyday existence and/or their cultural identity (Richardson and Ryder 2012).
Literature—Nomadism and Neoliberalism
In an attempt to provide some clarity over the issues surrounding the schooling of Gypsy/Traveller children, many ofcial government reports (including; Baker 2015; Bhopal and Myers 2004, 2008, 2009; DFE 2012; DfES 2003, 2005; DfES, 2006; Ofsted 1996, 1999, 2002a, b, 2003; Save the Children 2002) have focused their attention on ‘access, attendance and attainment’ (Levinson and Sparkes 2005: 769). Consequently, very often the behaviour and values of Gypsy/Traveller children have been (mis)interpreted as constituting merely a challenge to institutional norms, attributed to a mismatch between home life and the expectations of school life. To attribute any educational difculties experienced by minority students solely to a mismatch between the features of home and school is to overlook the importance of any socio-cultural structures and practices that may be at play in marginalising these children from the schooling system, albeit often inadvertently.
Consequently, part of the literature examined in this book relates to a growing body of work that has become more concerned with the cultural and socio-political dissonance of home and school life as key factors afecting school engagement and drop out (Derrington 2007; Kendall 1997; Kiddle 1999; McVeigh 1997; O’Hanlon and Holmes 2004). In her study, for example, Derrington (2007) identifes a number of ‘pull and push factors’ (p. 357) that work together to make it increasingly difcult for children from these communities to remain in schooling. Cultural expectations, traditional beliefs and values as well as strict gender relations often ‘pull’ children out of school early and ‘exposure to racist bullying, social disengagement, educational policy and teacher expectations’ ‘push’ them away (Derrington 2007: 360).
Interestingly, Bhopal and Myers (2008) suggest how the positioning of these communities relates to debates about ‘whiteness’ (2008: 25) and ‘racism’. Te ‘racial othering’ of Gypsy/Travellers from the rest of society is not something that is immediately apparent by skin colour (Garrett 2002; Power 2003) but is coupled with certain shared values associated with ‘white’ respectability and decency (Skeggs 2004); which then sets them up as ‘strangers’ in the institutions they come into contact with (Ahmed 2012). Literature within Romani studies ACERT (1993; Acton 1974, 1997; Acton and Mundy 1998; Adams 1975; Bhopal and Myers 2008; Clark and Greenfelds 2006; Grifn 2014; Ivatts 2005; Liégeois 1986; Niner 2003; Okely 1983; Richardson 2006; Tyler 2005) highlights the historical legacy of this cultural dissonance in order to contextualise how these communities are positioned on the margins of society still today which continues to ‘push’ and ‘pull’ Gypsy/Travellers away from school. According to ACERT (1993: 24) ‘Te problem to solve here is the lack of adaptation by Traveller children to school and also the lack of adaptation of schools to Traveller children’.
Finally, in turning attention to neo-liberal educational policy, which assumes Sedentarism, this book highlights how all UK communities are encouraged to ‘inhabit’ a particular shared notion of educational provision and the ‘values’ of ‘schooling’ and a particular educational trajectory. With the emphasis on measureable outcomes that have come to dominate the desirable ‘product’ of neo-liberal schooling the interrogation of the relationship between Sedentarism and Nomadism that
this book provides ofers a deeper ‘structural’ understanding of the key factors surrounding the lack of school engagement and educational achievement of children from Gypsy/Traveller communities. Furthermore, by investigating the schooling experiences faced by many Gypsy/Traveller children, this book demonstrates how the inclusion of such children in schools is being eroded by a climate of a particular notion of school ‘efciency’ and ‘improvement’, which results in some kinds of needs remaining unmet. Consequently, neo-liberal education ideology, policies, discourses and the structures of schooling have infuenced the socio-spatial production and imagery of schooling away from ideas of inclusion and social justice. As Youdell asserts …’with competition based on performance in national tests secured as the key driver within education…there is little incentive, resource or conceptual space for mainstream education to pursue inclusive education’ (2010: 315).
The Spatial Aspect of Schooling—Theoretical Focus
By engaging with and referring to the socio-spatial landscape of education and schooling, the theoretical focus of this book will be to consider the lived experience of schooling within the context of a spatial analytic. In particular, the work of Lefebvre (1991) and Soja (1996) is examined. Tis sets out the conceptual framework for the development of a spatial lens, which is then applied in Chapters 5, 6, and 7. By focusing on the ‘spatial’ aspect of schooling, I want to complement, yet further develop, the literature within educational enquiry that focuses on social location, including social class, ethnicity and gender (or the intersectional complex relationship of all three), as the terrains (or more precisely structures) of struggle that often create and maintain educational inequalities. Consequently, this book also ofers a unique example of how the spatial orientations of Gypsy/Traveller communities often confict with the spatial orientations of the school in order to create and sustain structural educational inequalities for children from these communities. Although Levinson and Sparkes’ (2005) work address some of these issues, they do not deploy a spatial lens as an analytic tool.
Rather, although this work is equally important, they draw on the work of Sibley (1995) to discuss ‘the struggle for power over certain spaces’ (Levinson and Sparkes 2005: 752) that results in the ‘othering’ of certain communities. Tey then relate this metaphorically to the schooling landscape. Herein lies the originality of this book in its application of Lefebvre’s spatial trilogy as an analytic device when exploring the ‘spacing out’ of Gypsy/Travellers in schools. I therefore, build on and develop the work of Levinson and Sparkes (2005) in this book in order to stimulate further debates around our understanding of how contemporary power relations work to set up, embed and normalise certain strategic spatial practices and behaviours that often erode educational equity for some communities.
Although social theorists have been engaging with spatial theory since the latter part of the twentieth century, such literature has only relatively recently been applied within educational enquiry (Armstrong 2003, 2007; Gulson 2005, 2008; Gulson and Symes 2007a, b; Middleton 2010, 2014; Tamboukou 1999). Tis turn to spatial theory in this work marks the re-appraisal of Lefebvre’s Te Production of Space (1991) and Soja’s Postmodern Geographies (1989) and his Tirdspace (1996).
Alongside the increasing infuence of this work within educational inquiry there is an emerging feld of literature that develops further this turn to space by drawing in particular on the work of Deleuze and Guattari’s notion of the post-modern ‘nomad’ (1983, 1988, 1994). More precisely their ideas around ‘assemblage‘ and ‘becoming-otherwise’ have been key ideas here (Hickey-Moody 2009; Semetsky 2006; Webb 2009; Youdell 2010, 2011). Such subsequent work sees schooling as marked by ‘movements and fows of bodies, practices, afectivities and subjectivities’ (Youdell 2010: 313) and is interested in the way that ‘feelings’ are an essential component in the creation and production of schooling identities for everyone (Youdell 2011). Te problem with this post-modern approach to this idea that we are all ‘nomads’ is that it has become fashionable and is often in danger of being rather abstract. Tis distinction for me is important as Nomadism, as I refer to it in this book, is not so much about individual ‘feelings’, ‘the self’ or the ‘movement’ and ‘becoming’ of individuals, or subjects. Gypsy/ Traveller Nomadism is about movement as a structural way of life. It
is about a cultural lifestyle that does not necessarily prioritise ‘going to school’ as an essential part of a child’s daily life or seen as an important part of their educational development per se. Although I am keen to explore schooling at the micro level of the classroom, this book is about how Nomadism and ‘travelling’, as a cultural way of life, conficts with the everyday practices and discourses of schooling, in order to understand why some schools often marginalise Nomadic communities in particular.
Tis book is therefore, primarily interested in how school space as a social and political structure is absorbed within Sedentarised institutional practices that may inadvertently produce places that exclude Gypsy/Traveller children and their communities. I see my work as positioned alongside Armstrong’s (2003) Spaced Out: Policy, Diference and the Challenge of Inclusive Education, who uses Lefebvre to explore ‘the relationship between space, place and identity…in relation to disabled children and young people…in educational systems’ (2003: 1). Consequently, by focusing on the work of Lefebvre’s spatial triad in which to develop my ‘spatial lens’ in this book, I provide a further ‘structural’ tool with which to analyse the ‘Spacing Out’ of Gypsy/Traveller children, just as Armstrong’s work analyses the ‘Spacing Out’ of disabled children in schools (Armstrong 2003, 2007).
By applying Lefebvre’s (1991) trilogy of the perceived, conceived and lived space, this book is able to ofer an examination of the overlapping relationships of spatial production, including: spatial practices of teaching and learning (perceived space); representational space in terms of policy discourse (conceived space); and spatial representations in terms of the daily experiences of school life (lived space). Te particular emphasis here is to think about how schools can change practices by examining the stories of people’s schooling experiences in order to understand how schools are shaped by the ‘structures’ and ‘landscapes’ of society and the education process, as well as by considering the social practices and the relations of participants in schools themselves. Tis is something that relates to Potter’s work (as cited in Alexander and Potter 2005: 26), which argues that ‘…Te case for change must be understood and tackled at three levels: 1 society; 2 the school; and 3 the interaction between teacher and pupil.’
Although I argue that the schooling process can often produce a relatively constraining space for Gypsy/Traveller children it can equally also have the potential to provide more embracing spaces whereby Gypsy/ Traveller children can be equally accommodated. By applying the spatial lens what I highlight is how some schools can work successfully to provide a more inclusive space for children from such communities, despite operating within the structures and values of neo-liberal educational policy architecture.
The Context of the Study
Te data on which this book draws refects a range of perspectives gathered from three main ‘interest’ groups. Tese three groups consisted of practitioners working ‘inside’ schools, including Head teachers (2), teachers (10), teacher educators (2) and trainee teachers (2); secondly, those working ‘inside/outside’ schools alongside Gypsy/Traveller communities, including TESS staf (6); and fnally those ‘inside’ the communities themselves, including parents (4) and young women aged 16 (6). A mixed qualitative methods approach was adopted. Data collected for this book between 2005 and 2013 draws on three focus-group discussions from each interest group, a number of one-to-one semi-structured interviews (22), and participant observations in two primary schools.
Having a number of contacts that I had established and developed over 7 years as a primary school teacher and then as an initial teacher educator for 5 years and now as an educational academic in education studies, selection of interviewees from ‘inside’ schools were relatively straightforward for me. I had a clear idea which practitioners and colleagues had relationships with Gypsy/Traveller children in their schools and classrooms. It was not particularly difcult then, for me to learn about their experiences with schooling children from these communities, as they were already familiar professionally with me and willing to share these experiences.
Further interviewees from those ‘inside/outside’ schools came mainly from the TESS who maintained daily contact with the communities. Tese practitioners worked closely with Gypsy/Traveller children and
their parents and as such possessed a wealth of experiential knowledge and understanding of the particular situation of individual children, as well as knowledge of any potential difculties children experienced at school. Tey acted as a point of contact between the communities and schools, and as such had ‘inside’ information about the educational experiences of children and the schools they were enrolled. Tese individuals were able to provide a wealth of rich data that comprised of narratives associated with the cultural problems as well as the difculties such children needed to overcome in order to fully engage with the schooling landscape.
Te fnal interviewees from the communities were initially more of a challenge to establish contact. It is well known that there is a high level of suspicion among Gypsy/Traveller communities towards those who are not part of their culture (Casey 2014). However, after developing a relationship and interviewing a support worker that I was introduced to via a work colleague, this person went on to become my ‘gatekeeper’ to the communities. As such they were able to introduce me to two parents, but also provide me with access to a Gypsy/Traveller forum meeting where I gained the trust of the community. By chance her 16-year-old daughter accompanied one of the parents I interviewed at the ofces where my gatekeeper worked. Tis parent went on to allow me consent to interview her daughter separately after her interview. Te second parent interview took place on her site inside her caravan. Te gatekeeper drove me to the site and accompanied me during the interview. Te fnal parent interview took place in an alternative education setting in the South of England. I made contact with the practitioner in charge of this setting via contact details I gained from the Traveller Times magazine. I was invited down to this alternative education centre where the interview took place. I also used this opportunity whilst spending the morning at this centre to carry out a focus group discussion with the parent I had interviewed, another parent and two practitioners.
A further focus group discussion consisted of a group of four teachers who had recently enrolled Gypsy/Traveller children in my son’s primary school. As a parent and my enrolment onto the Parent Teachers Association committee, access and consent was easily attained. Te fnal
focus group was completed with four English Romany Gypsy 16 year old women from an alternative educational setting in the Midlands. Access to this setting came from the Head Teacher, who I was introduced to via one of my undergraduate students who was gaining placement experience at this setting. Te Head Teacher arranged consent from the parents of these young women. Access to this centre also resulted in a further one to one interview with another young women from the community, who was working as a support assistant in this setting.
Te two schools where I carried out the participant observations were also known to me, and my strength here was that I had been a primary school teacher. Both head teachers were keen to use me as a muchneeded ‘resource’ teaching classes in order to free up some time for staf to use for preparation and marking. In order to observe and work with individuals in the socio-spatial environment of the school, these two short participant observational studies (one where I spent a week and the other 2 days) in schools with Gypsy/Traveller children on roll were absolutely crucial for my work. Both schools were mainstream primary and for the purposes of anonymity, I have changed their names and protected details of their location. Troughout this book these schools are referred to as Oak Tree Primary (with Irish Travellers on roll) and Green Acre Primary (with English Romany on roll). Further data, in the form of refections, was drawn from my previous experience as a primary school teacher, and as an initial teacher educator.
Outline of Chapters
In Chapter 2, I review the literature that highlights how a limited respect for, and understanding of, Gypsy/Traveller values, cultures and identities, as associated with Nomadism, is a key component in the educational underachievement of children from such communities. By also engaging briefy with some of the literature associated with ‘whiteness’ (Ahmed 2012; Bhopal and Myers 2008; Garrett 2002; Holloway 2005) that ‘others’ these communities, this chapter suggests that part of the
problem relates to the perception that Nomadism is an inappropriate ‘uncivilised’ cultural lifestyle (Powell 2010). In particular, the chapter examines the confict that often exists between the specifc needs of children from Nomadic communities and current school provision that is based on a settled, static, local community.
Against this backdrop of a Nomadic identity versus Sedentarised schooling, this apparent confict is further explored in Chapter 3. Tis chapter consists of a review of the literature, which suggests that neo-liberal education policy architecture, and practice has increasingly eroded educational equity. Te chapter focuses on the trend towards the neo-liberal ‘marketisation’ of education since the 1980s evidenced by the development of public–private partnerships between schools and a variety of businesses that has pervaded schooling ever since. Trough such developments, the goals of schooling have become redefned and cast in terms of performativity, competition and choice. Tis chapter develops this debate and argues that any structural analysis of educational underachievement for Gypsy/Traveller communities has become further side-lined by the historical ‘ratcheting’ of neo-liberal education policy (Ball 2008, 2013). As a result, schools have diversifed with new actors and agencies becoming involved via the introduction of city academies and specialist schools (under New Labour); the expansion of academies, the launch of Free Schools and the scrapping of education quangos (under the Coalition Government); and the continuation of Academies and the spread of Free Schools (under the current Conservative Government). All of which has continued to fervently undermine much of the discourse associated with schooling and structural inequalities (Chitty 2014). As a result the responsibility for a child’s underachievement has continued to shift away from anything to do with the governments educational interventions and frmly placed with ‘individual schools, teachers and families’ (Bailey and Ball 2016: 141).
Chapter 4, sets out the conceptual framework that is deployed throughout the rest of the book in order to analyse the empirical data and the spatial narratives behind the policy architecture of neo-liberal schooling. Te chapter begins with a brief overview of why a ‘turn’ to space as an epistemological tool has become increasingly popular amongst social scientists
as a way of analysing contemporary society. Te chapter then moves on to discuss the conceptual diference between ‘place’ and ‘space’ in order to situate how I use these terms in this book. Relating these ideas to schooling, the chapter goes on to demonstrate how the spatial environment of a school (frst as a space, then as a place) is not only the context that frames the identities, meanings, behaviours and practices of teachers and pupils, but is itself an aspect of those relationships linking adults and children in this particular place. I argue therefore that a spatial understanding of the classroom has the potential of providing a more structural narrative in explaining the marginalisation of Nomadic communities.
Connecting with the literature in Chapters 2 and 5, is the frst of three chapters that deploy this spatial lens to analyse qualitative data collected for this book. Tis particular chapter focuses on how contemporary cultural norms and values of schooling based on Sedentarism often confict with the cultural mind-set of Nomadic communities. Consequently, the cultural diferences experienced by children will often raise concerns around schooling and assimilation for the parents in these communities, who want to safe guard their children from bullying and protect their cultural uniqueness.
Linking with the literature discussed in Chapters 3 and 6, builds on from Chapter 5 to provide further the structural analysis of educational underachievement. Te chapter presents an illustration of how the shifting nature of schooling as a neo-liberal market-driven system continues to spatially marginalise children from Gypsy/Traveller communities. Engaging with the narratives from practitioners and deploying the spatial lens, the chapter explores this marginalisation in relation to how educational policies infuence behaviours at the micro level of the school and the classroom. Te idea here is to analyse how educational policy has embodied certain ideas that have eroded equality of opportunity for all children. So in particular, the chapter considers how such policy has had an impact on the organisation of teaching and learning that focuses on performativity to the detriment of personal growth and development. However, the chapter also highlights how a change of ethos in some schools can provide a sense of belonging for Gypsy/Traveller children and thereby produce a more welcoming place in which these children might fourish.
Relating to the literature in Chapter 4 and the idea that, for many women, space and place are fundamental in formulating gender relations, Chapter 7, focuses on gendered power relations. Te chapter examines how such relations within these communities might in part be a further factor for the spatial segregation from school for many boys and girls. By adopting a feminist lens, this chapter provides an interesting insight into how by implementing a spatial analytic we can also expose the (gender) power relations implicit within cultural space. However, I demonstrate in this chapter how some schools are also opening up a more inclusive space for many girls where they are able to challenge such power relations.
Chapter 8, concludes the book and consolidates the theoretical connections between analyses of the structures of schooling and Gypsy/ Traveller communities and the spatial dimensions of interaction and social reproduction. In undertaking these discussions, the chapter argues that space has an important role within educational enquiry, ofering an additional tool in which to unravel the power dynamic implicit within the structures and processes of neo-liberal schooling.
So by thinking about educational institutions, practices and experiences in terms of space, this book ofers fresh insights both for educators and for those who wish to theorise the position of minority children in the school system. Such insights might inform policies and practices that ofer more fully inclusive educational experiences, which genuinely address the needs of diferent families and communities, and can yield better results so as to address external pressures. In turn, it might enable us to think more critically about processes of exclusion and inclusion and the ways they might operate and afect the lived experience of school for Gypsy/Traveller pupils, their families and the staf.
References
ACERT (Te Advisory Council of the Education of Romany and other Travellers). (1993). Te education of Gypsy and Traveller children: Actionresearch and co-ordination: Te proceedings of a conference organised by the centre for Gypsy research, Université René Descartes, Paris with the assistance of the French ministry for education. Hertford: University of Hertfordshire Press.
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directing, will ride on the inner flank to ensure that the correct interval is maintained.
122. A brigade in line advancing in columns, or quarter columns. Line of columns or of quarter columns will be formed as in S. 112.
123. A brigade forming square.
For the protection of a convoy, or wounded men, it may be necessary to form brigade square. The angles of a square are its weak points; in order, therefore, to obtain the greatest amount of resistance to resolute savages, the flanks of battalions should not meet at an angle. The square may move in any direction on the same principles as a battalion square.
PART IV.
INFANTRY IN ATTACK AND DEFENCE.
124. G P .
1. It is impossible to lay down a fixed and unvarying system of attack or defence. Although such system might appear capable of modification to meet different conditions, yet constant practice in a stereotyped formation inevitably leads to want of elasticity, accustoms all ranks to work by rule rather than by the exercise of their wits, and cramps both initiative and intelligence. In peace exercises, where blank cartridges take the place of bullets, the inherent and paralysing defects of a normal system may easily escape notice; in war they betray themselves in waste of life and failure.
It is therefore strictly forbidden either to formulate or to practise a normal form of either attack or defence. To the training of the troops in movements before the enemy, general principles and broad rules alone are applicable; and the practical knowledge of these principles and rules can only be instilled by intelligent instruction and constantly diversified exercises on broken ground.
2. In no two military operations is the situation exactly the same. The character of the ground, the extent of the co-operation of the other arms, the strength and moral of the opposing forces, their physical condition, and the objects they wish to achieve must always differ.
3. The attitude originally assumed by either, or both, of the opposing forces, may be reversed during an engagement. A vigorous counter-attack by an army offering battle in a defensive position may throw the adversary on the defensive; or an assailant may fight a delaying or retaining action in one part of the field, while in another part his action may be essentially offensive; but these and
other variations in a combat resolve themselves in every case into attack and defence.
4. Since the conditions of modern warfare render decentralisation of command in action an absolute necessity, no good results are to be expected unless the subordinate leaders have been trained to use their intelligence, and unless they have been given ample opportunities of acting on their own judgment in attack and defence, and have constantly, in peace practices, been called upon to consider the necessity of departing from their original orders.
Nor can the results be good if commanding officers fail to realise the very limited extent to which they are able to exert their powers of command under fire, and if, in peace, they attempt to exercise a personal control which would be impossible in action. They should be most careful, therefore, to act in peace practices exactly as they would in war, and abstain from all interference which would be impracticable under fire.
5. During the combat, as at all other times, the commander of every body of troops is responsible for the local protection of his command against surprise.
6. Ample information, both before and during an engagement, is so exceedingly important that methodical and complete arrangements should be made to obtain it. Nothing should be left to chance. All available means should be employed. In every command some simple method of collecting and transmitting reports should be established and the system should have been practised beforehand.
125. Position and Duties of Leaders in Action.
1. The difficulties of command are much increased by the fact that the leader can no longer personally control and direct all ranks by word of mouth, and that even under long range fire the mounted officers must often dismount.
2. During the fight, the commander of a considerable body of infantry can only influence the course of the action by the employment of his reserve. Nevertheless, the influence of the commander, if exerted in the proper manner, viz., by means of clear,
comprehensive, and concise orders, framed after careful reconnaissance, made known to all the subordinate leaders, and providing for the combined and simultaneous action of his whole force, will be very great.
3. The commander’s position will, as a rule, be selected so that he can obtain an extensive view. It should be sufficiently central to facilitate the receipt of reports and the issue of orders. The subordinate leaders will take post where they can best exercise supervision over their commands, watch the enemy, and receive and transmit orders.
4. Keeping in view the paramount importance of decentralisation of command, it is essential that superior officers, including battalion commanders, should never trespass on the proper sphere of action of their subordinates. Personal example has undoubtedly an extraordinary influence, especially under heavy fire, and there are times when every other consideration must be sacrificed to leading or steadying the troops. But any attempt to exercise personal control over all portions of the force must inevitably lead to the neglect of other duties, such as feeding the firing line at the right place and time, protecting the flanks, meeting counter-attacks, reporting to, or communicating with, the superior commander, and maintaining connection with adjoining units. Moreover, all unnecessary changes of position by an officer commanding any considerable body of troops are to be deprecated, as interfering with the timely reception and transmission of reports and orders.
5. No great success can be expected in war, nor is it possible to develop the powers of judgment in peace, unless each leader is allowed ample latitude in choosing the means that he considers best adapted for dealing with tactical situations. It is only when his methods are manifestly wrong that there should be interference; and it is always to be remembered, in peace practice, that while negligence, forgetfulness, and disobedience call for the severest censure, errors of judgment should be treated differently. It is through mistakes, pointed out and explained by competent authority, that future error is avoided and a capacity for correct and rapid decision is developed.
On the other hand, independence which neglects the object indicated in the orders of the superior, disregards the importance of co-operation, and imperils, without reason, the unity of command, must be firmly repressed.
126. Fire Action.
1. The attainment of superiority of fire is a necessary preliminary to the achievement of decisive success. Fire superiority may be obtained, other factors being equal, by superiority of numbers, better leadership, more perfect armament, greater accuracy of fire; better use of cover; surprise.
Troops should, as a general principle, seek to secure superiority of fire by accuracy rather than rapidity, but as rapid fire can produce great results in a short space of time, circumstances will often occur which will justify the large expenditure of ammunition which its employment demands.
2. An intelligent distribution of fire is of the first importance. For example, concentration of fire is of great value, and when there is a choice of targets, preference should be given to that which, at the moment, is of the greatest tactical importance.
The great ranging power of the rifle will also frequently afford opportunities of concentrating fire from a wide frontage on to important localities, and of directing an effective oblique or enfilade fire against portions of the enemy’s line.
Even when the enemy is invisible he may be subjected to considerable loss by directing fire so as to sweep the ground of which he is known to be in possession.
3. The longer the range the greater will be the volume of fire necessary to produce effect, and the more important will be an accurate knowledge of the distance.
4. Economy of ammunition should be effected not by limiting fire when needed, but by judiciously timing its use, and by reserving it altogether if no advantage is to be gained. Pauses in fire are necessary both for the purpose of maintaining control, and for the
regulation of expenditure of ammunition; moreover, sudden bursts of fire will produce greater results than slow continuous fire.
5. The control of fire is in the hands of the company commanders and their subordinates. To the company commander, as a general rule, must be left the choice of the moment of opening fire, but to the half-company, section and squad leaders, who will be in the firing line, must be left the choice of targets. They should always bear in mind, however, that if an exceptionally favourable target presents itself fire should at once be opened, notwithstanding the fact that no orders have been received. The only exception to this rule is when orders have been given that fire is to be withheld until the enemy comes within a certain range.
127. Fire Discipline.
Fire discipline means strict attention to the signals and orders of the commander, combined with intelligent observation of the enemy. It ensures the careful adjustment of the sight, deliberate aim, economy of ammunition, and prompt cessation of fire when the target disappears, or the leader sounds his whistle.
It requires of the men endurance of the enemy’s fire, even when no reply is possible; and, when superior control no longer exists, a cool and intelligent use of the rifle.
128. Ranges.
Terms applied to ranges. Rifle. Field Art. Heavy Batteries. Yards. Yards. Yards.
Distant 2,800 to 2,000 6,000 to 4,500 10,000 to 6,000. Long 2,000 to 1,400 4,500 to 3,500 6,000 to 4,000. Effective 1,400 to 600 3,500 to 2,000 4,000 to 2,500.
Decisive 600 and under 2,000 and under 2,500 and under.
The extreme width of the area of ground struck by the bullets of an effective shrapnel is about 25 yards.
The limit of the forward effect of shrapnel at effective range on level ground is about 300 yards.
The radius of the explosion of a high explosive shell is about 25 yards.
THE ATTACK.
N O A .
The normal type of an offensive battle is a methodical progression from point to point, each successive capture weakening the enemy’s hold on his main position, and paving the way for a further advance; and each successive advance being deliberately prepared and systematically carried out.
129. Distribution of Infantry in the Attack.
1. Infantry, whether in the holding or in the main attack, is formed into three bodies, distributed in depth:—
The first to develop the attack This portion will be divided into Scouts and Firing Line, portions of which may be kept back as Supports until required.
The second to reinforce, and, if possible, to complete the attack. This portion will consist of Reserves in the hands of battalion, brigade and other commanders
The third to be employed, if necessary, in completing an attack, to confirm a success, or meet an unforeseen emergency. This portion is termed the General Reserve, and remains at the disposal of the commander of the whole force.
2. The General Reserve should only in very special circumstances fall short of a quarter of the body to which it belongs.
On the other hand, the leading body of infantry should be as small as possible, and, exclusive of the supports, should seldom exceed a quarter of the whole.
130. Preliminary Measures.
1. While the commander, under cover of the advanced guard, is reconnoitring the position, the infantry of the main body will receive orders from him to occupy a position of assembly (i.e., a position out of range, and if possible, out of sight), and will assume a preparatory formation.
2. As a general rule, a portion of the force will be told off to hold the enemy, another portion to deliver the decisive attack, and sometimes a third portion to distract the enemy’s attention by feints.
3. It is generally essential that attacks should be delivered against front and flank simultaneously.
The moral effect of a flank attack is so great that the main effort will usually be made against the flank.
4. It is advisable that the arrangements for the flank attack should be made as soon as the enemy’s position has been reconnoitred, and the force detailed for the operation moved off to a position of assembly whence it can move directly on the objective.
Surprise is so important an element in outflanking attacks, that every advantage should be taken of the ground to conceal the movement to this position of assembly even if the march be somewhat lengthened. The scouts should be instructed to be more than usually careful to keep out of sight.
5. The orders for the attack will usually be issued when the troops are in the position of assembly; more rarely when they are in column of route. In both cases the procedure will be the same. The subordinate commanders will be called up and receive their instructions; and the force told off into three distinct bodies, as laid down in S. 129.
6. The modern conditions which obtain on the battlefield tend to prolong the duration of an action, and it may be several days before either side can gain a substantial advantage over its adversary. In such cases arrangements will have to be made for strengthening localities gained, sending up ammunition, food, and water to the firing line, and for replacing exhausted troops during the night.
131. Issue of Orders.
1. Before assuming formation for attack every commander will carefully explain to his subordinates what their particular task is.
The officer commanding will draw attention to any positions or peculiarities of ground he intends to turn to account during the advance, indicate the arrangements to be made for a covering fire, and prescribe, when necessary, which portion of the force is to direct. He will point out any ground which might favour counterattack.
2. Verbal explanations should, if possible, be given when the enemy’s position first comes within view, and the commanders of all ranks given an opportunity of being shown their objectives, of scrutinising the ground, and explaining the situation to their subordinates.
3. When the objectives cannot be seen from the spot where the troops receive their orders, or where, from the character of the intervening country the objectives cannot be clearly seen through the advance, or when detours to avoid impassable ground have to be made, the direction of the attack should be distinctly stated by reference to a map when possible, and the compass bearing of it given. Staff officers, or others acquainted with the ground may also be employed to guide the columns.
4. For further instructions on this subject see “Combined Training,” S. 115.
5. It is important that a complete system of signalling between all parts of an attacking force, in addition to other methods of communication, should be arranged, S. 124 (6).
132. Duties of the several bodies.
1. Scouts, Firing Line and Supports.—The duties of the scouts are detailed in S. 87.
When scouts can advance no farther they will lie still until absorbed by the advancing firing line.
The duties of the firing line are to gain ground to the front, and, if checked by a superior fire, to hold on until reinforced.
The supports reinforce the firing line as soon as the latter can make no further progress.
It is undesirable that all the supports should be thrown into the firing line simultaneously. It will very often happen that only certain portions of the firing line are hard pressed or unable to advance, whilst during the advance to decisive range a crowd of men in the firing line is always to be avoided. On the other hand, in certain conditions, especially on very open ground, to hold back at the outset portions of the force allotted to the firing line may result in their not being able to go forward at all when required to reinforce, or in serious losses when doing so.
2. The Reserves.—The reserves provide the reinforcements required to bring the firing line up to its maximum density of one rifle per yard, and to maintain it at such until a superiority of fire over the defence has been gained; a portion of the reserves should be held in hand, if possible, to furnish the further reinforcements and impetus necessary to deliver the assault, S. 137.
The reserves will also cover the advance of the firing line by long range fire, wherever the ground will admit of it; when opportunity occurs they bring an outflanking fire on the enemy’s position; they protect the flanks against counter-attack; and, in addition, may be called on to supply a fresh firing line after a successful assault, should the enemy take up a second position.
3. The General Reserves.—This force, which is under the direct control of the commander of the whole force, is to be employed to meet eventualities; it should be prepared to meet counter-attacks, and in the case of success to march rapidly to the front to take up the pursuit; in the case of a reverse the general reserves may serve as a rallying point, but before deciding to hold back such portion of his force for this purpose, the commander must consider whether he cannot achieve success by employing the whole of his available force in breaking down the defence.
A commander can only exercise a direct influence on his command so long as he retains at his disposal a portion of his force with which to meet the varying contingencies of an engagement. If he keeps in his own hands a strong reserve, he will have it in his power to take instant advantage of any mistake the enemy may commit, to restore the battle should the leading troops meet with a serious check, to meet a counter-attack, or, in case of need, to provide the additional strength required to drive the attack home.
133. Infantry Formations with Regard to Fire.
1. Beyond distant ranges formations in lines of columns are generally convenient for infantry about to attack.
At long ranges infantry in large deep columns offer a better target to hostile fire than when in line. But troops in lines of small columns are less vulnerable than when in line, as they are able to take more advantage of the ground.
At effective ranges troops in any formation except lines of skirmishers will suffer heavy losses.
At decisive ranges the extended line must be considerably reinforced in order to bring an effective fire to bear against the defence, for no advance can be made within this zone until the enemy’s fire is greatly shaken.
2. It may be concluded, then, that infantry attacking a well armed enemy across open ground will, in the initial stages of the attack, be in lines of company columns, which, as effective ranges are approached, will give way to lines of skirmishers widely extended; and that as decisive ranges are approached and it becomes necessary to break down the enemy’s fire, to enable any further advance to be made without undue loss, the firing line will have to be reinforced until eventually, in order to obtain the maximum fire effect and thus establish a superiority of fire, it contains as many men as can use their rifles effectively.
134. Fire.
1. As a general principle troops should, if possible, not be launched to the decisive attack unless their movements can be covered by the fire action of other bodies specially told off for this purpose, and posted in such a position that they can watch the progress of the attack. The fire of such bodies will necessarily be delivered at long range. The firing line, however, should endeavour before opening fire to advance as close to the enemy’s position as possible consistent with not suffering undue losses. The actual distance at which fire should be opened must depend on the effect of the enemy’s fire. Minor losses may be accepted, but sooner or later, according as the ground is favourable or unfavourable, the severity of the enemy’s fire will render a reply imperative.
2. To enable the attack to be prosecuted it is clear that from this moment the hostile fire must be met by fire of greater power, its intensity and duration being dependent on the effect produced. Moreover, from this point forward movement will, as a rule, be contingent on the mutual fire support afforded to one another by neighbouring bodies, and on the effects produced by the covering fire brought to bear on the enemy’s line whenever the ground admits of such action, by supports, reserves and the troops specially told off for this purpose.
Covering fire should be delivered so as to strike the enemy, disturb his aim, and compel him to seek shelter when the assailant is exposed or in difficulties. In such circumstances intensity of fire is of the first importance; but fire should be reserved when the assailant’s progress is satisfactory, or when he is under cover.
3. It has been stated that the assailant in a decisive attack should, except in the case of troops detailed for covering fire, reserve his fire for those ranges at which fire action is likely to be most effective, but in certain circumstances it may be advantageous to commence firing at long range.
For example:—
(i) By troops engaged in a flank attack, in order to secure the advantages of enfilade fire.
(ii) When a favourable target presents itself
(iii) In a holding, or demonstrative action, to prevent the enemy from changing his position, or to deceive him as to the true objective.
(iv) To concentrate a powerful fire from an extended frontage on an important locality in the hostile position.
(v) To oblige the enemy to expose his dispositions
(vi) In pursuit.
(vii) In siege warfare, to harass the enemy
4. Long range fire requires a large expenditure of ammunition, and it is necessary, if it is to produce a corresponding effect, and if waste of cartridges is to be avoided, that it should be carefully controlled and concentrated, and that the distance should be accurately ascertained; or if this is not possible, that a considerable depth of ground should be evenly swept by fire by the use of combined sights.
135. Co-operation between Artillery and Infantry in the Attack.
1. Both in attack and defence the most intimate co-operation between the artillery and infantry must be aimed at, if the latter are to derive the full advantage of the support of the former. In the preliminary stages of the attack the advance of the infantry will draw the fire of the defence and thus find a target for the artillery, whilst the fire of the latter, combined with that of other covering bodies, will enable the firing line to approach in extended order towards the enemy’s position without undue loss.
2. In the subsequent fire action the artillery and infantry must cooperate in shaking the fire of the defence so as to admit of the further advances of the firing line, which should take advantage of the slackening of the fire of the defence, caused by the fire of the quick firing artillery covering the advance, to push in closer to the enemy’s position.
3. At the crisis of the engagement, preparatory to the assault, the artillery and infantry must combine to bring the heaviest possible fire to bear against the point or points against which it is proposed to drive home the attack, in order that a superiority of fire over the defence may be rapidly established; and at no other time is the close
co-operation so important, if the full effect of the two arms is to be obtained.
136. The Decisive Attack.
The procedure of the troops engaged in the decisive attack is governed by the following principles:—
1. Success largely depends on the close and intelligent cooperation of all parts of the force engaged, and the attacks delivered by different portions of the force should as a rule be simultaneous, for this purpose communication between them must be carefully maintained.
2. The main object of the attack is to attain a superiority of fire by establishing the strongest possible firing line, on good fire positions within decisive range of each objective, preparatory, if necessary, to capturing it by an assault. Whether the objective be the defenders main position, or an advanced position, the attack will be conducted on the same principle.
3. To reach decisive range with as little loss as possible, the advance, which will be covered by the fire of the artillery and reserves, should be rapid and energetic, and be made in successive lines of skirmishers widely extended and preceded by scouts; the firing line should avoid opening fire until either the defenders, or their position, can be clearly distinguished, if the results are to justify the delay and expenditure of ammunition entailed; when once this point is reached, the first line of skirmishers should be reinforced in order that the fire may be effective, S. 134 (2).
The further advance will now be a matter of the greatest difficulty, for the reinforced firing line will offer a considerable target to the defenders, and that at decisive range; it will only be possible to approach closer to the enemy when the movement of one portion of the firing line is supported by the fire of the remainder, but whether the advance to the next fire positions is to be made by alternate rushes of complete portions of the firing line, or by pushing forward a few extended men as from a fresh starting point, covered by the fire of the rest, and gradually reinforcing them, thus building up a fresh
firing line, must depend on varying circumstances such as the nature of the ground and the volume of the enemy’s fire, and the choice of method must therefore be left to subordinate commanders, who alone will possess any control at this stage of the fight.
4. On open ground and at effective ranges long lines of men rising simultaneously, and making even short rushes forward, will generally suffer heavier losses than small bodies suddenly moving forward, as the latter surprise the enemy, and thus for a time avoid his aimed fire. The rush should be continued only as long as the surprise lasts. The closer the ranges, the shorter should be the rushes.
5. It is by no means necessary that the firing line should be everywhere of the same density. It is from covered positions that fire is most effective; and it is at these points, therefore, that force should be concentrated.
6. The firing line, which will be continually strengthened by successive reinforcements, will thus fight its way forward until the immediate objective is enveloped, or partially enveloped, at the closest range by a strong firing line, which, in combination with the artillery will bring as powerful a fire as possible to bear against the defence, in order to rapidly establish a superiority of fire preparatory to the assault.
7. Positions affording cover in advance of the enemy’s main position, which may be seized or occupied, should, if necessary, be put in a state of defence; here the troops will re-form and a further advance made by repeating the process of attack against the next objective, as from a fresh starting point.
137. The Assault.
As soon as it becomes evident that superiority of fire has been attained, which is generally made known by movements to the rear along the enemy’s line, or by the decreasing accuracy and volume of his fire, the troops detailed to drive home the attack will close in on the firing line, and carry it forward to the assault.
The signal for this decisive movement should, as a rule, come from the senior officers present, and be sounded on the bugle. But
the method of advance must be left to the company officers, for at such short range it is not possible to transmit the necessary orders all along the line.
During the delivery of the assault on the enemy’s position, the men will cheer, bugles be sounded, and the pipes played.
If the assault is successful, the attacking troops should pursue the enemy with their fire and re-form for a further advance.
138. Rallying and Redistribution.
After each successful assault, the task of rallying the men, and of forming a defensive line until the advance can be resumed, will generally fall to the subordinate leaders. This will be much facilitated if there are bodies in rear, well in hand, which can be sent forward to carry on the attack, and, as may sometimes be possible, rush the enemy’s second position before he has recovered from the loss of the first.
All important points won should be at once placed in a state of defence, with a view to serving as supporting points for a fresh advance, S. 136 (7), and “Combined Training,” S. 122
139. Holding Attacks.
1. In order to prevent the enemy from reinforcing that portion of his line against which it is intended to drive home the decisive attack, other portions of his line, and particularly that portion near which his reserves are believed to be, must be threatened or held by a display of force. In order to mislead the enemy as to the direction of the main attack, and to prevent him, when the crisis of the fight approaches, from thinning those portions of the line which are only threatened, and meeting the decisive attack with nearly his whole strength, the troops engaged in the holding attack must act with vigour when the attack develops, and be prepared to convert their demonstration into a real attack as soon as the right moment arrives.
2. These troops must therefore be in sufficient strength to enable them to advance against the enemy’s position with a good chance of success. As a rule, it will be advisable in the preliminary stages of
the action to extend the firing-line at wide intervals, to keep the reinforcing lines well back, and, owing to the danger of a counterattack, not to permit the firing-line, unless the ground is peculiarly favourable, to advance within decisive range, S. 145 (2). Sudden outbursts of heavy fire at different points, and the use of machine guns, will give effect to demonstrations.
140. Feints.
Feints are in their nature much like holding attacks, but are usually carried out by small forces which have little offensive power. The feint should not be made prematurely, otherwise its true character will become apparent to the enemy too soon.
The endeavour of the commander of a party told off to feint will be to divert the enemy’s attention from the locality whence the decisive attack will be launched. He should be allowed great independence in action.
141. Flank Attacks.
Troops told off to outflank the enemy will generally act on identically the same lines as those detailed to assail the front, for, as a rule, flank attacks are locally frontal attacks. The very fact that he is being attacked simultaneously from two different directions, that his line of retreat is threatened, and that a part of his force is exposed to enfilade fire, must have a most serious effect on the enemy’s moral, and consequently on the accuracy of his aim, and the promptitude of his manœuvres; whilst the new front will probably not be so strong naturally as the main front. The flank of a position should, therefore, be the object of particular attention. If the force detailed for an outflanking movement actually succeeds in placing itself in prolongation of the enemy’s line, before he can change position, or while he is in the act of changing position, a surprise will have been effected, and if the opportunity is utilised with due vigour, an immediate and overwhelming success should be the result.
142. Surprises.
If the enemy is surprised, it is of the utmost importance to reach decisive range as rapidly as possible, and to increase the demoralisation which the surprise will have already produced by pressing forward to close quarters with the greatest energy. In such conditions, the deliberate advance from cover to cover, and the gradual building up, by means of successive reinforcements, of a powerful firing-line, should be discarded, and the firing-line be strong from the very first. Nevertheless, it will still be necessary to retain a portion of the attacking force in reserve to meet counter-attacks and unforeseen contingencies.
143. Local flanking fire.
The incidents of a battle and the nature of the ground constantly offer opportunities, even to troops engaged in a frontal attack, for bringing an enfilade or oblique fire to bear upon part of the enemy’s line, thus facilitating the advance of other portions of the attacking force, or even causing the evacuation of some important post. Commanders of all ranks, therefore, however small the parties they command, must always be on the look-out for such opportunities of lightening the task of their comrades.
144. Formations.
1. The preparatory formation of infantry is line, or lines, of battalions in lines of company columns at varying intervals and distances.
2. After leaving the position of assembly, formations will be regulated by commanders in conformity with the rules laid down in S. 133.
3. The firing line will, except in the preparatory stages of the attack, be in skirmishing order, though in the final stages of the attack, preparatory to the assault, the men may be as close to one another as will admit of them using their rifles effectively. In open ground the bodies in rear will also be in skirmishing order; but during a protracted fight, when the firing-line is making slow progress, officers commanding bodies in rear of the firing-line should utilise all
cover, closing them sufficiently to enable them to execute any manœuvre that may be ordered without confusion or delay.
4. In wooded or close country, or when there is no chance of coming under unexpected fire, the bodies in rear of the firing-line may move in lines of company columns.
5. These bodies should move in as compact a formation as the nature of the ground allows; but the importance of a rapid extension to the front should always be held in view. Battalions or companies echeloned to the rear in order to protect a flank should adopt a formation which will enable them to change direction in order to meet cavalry or counter-attack with the utmost rapidity.
145. Frontage.
1. The frontage occupied in attacking, having regard to the fact that the position should be enveloped, must as a rule be greater than that of the defence. It is unnecessary, however, that the attacking force should be in equal strength along the whole front. Those portions of the position against which the main attack is not directed should be engaged by a holding attack, and the flank which is not to be seriously attacked may be observed or merely threatened by a feint. Troops engaged in holding attacks and feints should try to deceive the enemy as to their real strength. They may occupy, therefore, a comparatively wider front than the troops detailed for the decisive attack.
2. Troops engaged in a decisive attack must follow a different procedure. The object is to establish the strongest possible firing-line at decisive range from the position, S. 153 (1).
Against a weak enemy, however, or an enemy holding an exposed position, or when the advance is covered by a very superior artillery fire, the frontage allotted to a battalion may be greater than under normal conditions. But it is always to be borne in mind that troops extended at very wide intervals are peculiarly susceptible to counterattack, and that their attack is certain to lose in vigour and resolution.
3. In the case of a company, or small force, attacking independently the men need not be so close as in the case of larger
