From urban villages to density - nicolas gustin

WHY HOW WHAT

From Urban Village to Density Nicolas Gustin Oulu School of Architecture University of Oulu

From Urban Village to Density Diploma Thesis - Oulu School of Architecture, University of Oulu, 2014 Author: Nicolas Gustin www.why-how-what.eu Supervisor: Hennu Kjisik Advisor: Anna-Maija Ylimaula 2

ACKNOWledgements

I would like to thank all those who directly or indirectly contributed to the realization of this work. The accomplishment of this work would not have been possible without the help of my supervisor, Pr. Hennu Kjisik. I am grateful for your valuable guidance and wise advises throughout but also for your availability, kindness and patience.

I express my gratefulness to Pr. Anna-Maija Ylimaula who opened my mind to research and help me to write this manuscript I also want to thank Pr. Jean-Michel Vandeweerd from the University of Namur who helped me to improve the linguistic quality of this work.

I want to thank the teachers of the Universities of Brussels (ULB) and Oulu who have allowed me to discover the world of architecture and also for the quality of the education.

Last but not least, I would like to thank my parents and my sister for their endless support. I also like to thank my fellow student Maxime Rousse, Julia Zaritskaja and Hao Lin for their precious advises. I also thank Libin Chen from David Chipperfield Architects in Shanghai, and Sou Fujimoto Architects in Tokyo for allowing very constructive discussions with their team especially Nora Wuttke

3

Abstract

Migration from countryside to urban or suburban areas is a worldwide phenomenon that is outstanding in China due to growing demography, political orientations and economy. The aim of this work is to analyse to what extent architecture can contribute to solve this complex problem taking into account the main economical, sociological, environmental aspects. With this integrative approach, we will analyze and discuss (1) the China’s housing crisis and its history, (2) the specific case of Shanghai, and (3) the solutions for Chinese cities considering Shanghai as a place for experimentations.

In its 30 years, the communist government was isolated in the world. In 1978, open-door policies enabled China to build global connections and the country is now fully integrated to the world economic system. Inequalities, both between rural and urban areas and within them, have reached an alarming level. Innovation solutions either economic, or social, or urban or architectural, are urgently needed. Rather than demolishing the traditional building stock and relocating the existing urban communities, priority should be given to the improvement of infrastructures in traditional areas.

Much like other East Asian cities, Shanghai has been formed by urban villages. These urban villages form intense, socially connected communities. As described in the first chapters, driven by demographic and economic forces since the start of the second millennium, these cities are rapidly changing. The old urban patterns are suffering from a massive ‘block invasion’. These alien buildings are scraping away urban villages destroying communities and relocating the inhabitants in the suburbs.

Facing a population growth, the municipality decided to promote vertical expansion of the city to solve overcrowding problems and to avoid 4

urban staggering. Nowadays, the urban landscape is characterized by the international influence and desires of modernization. Shanghai has impressive road infrastructures and modern equipment. The rush to triple the amount of living space per person in a city of 17 million people in addition to the need to accommodate the migrants from rural area induced a massive housing boom in Shanghai at the expense of traditional urban fabric.

Urban growth is a much more complicated phenomenon than simply wiping out the existing and replacing it. As Richard Sennett mentions, it’s a matter of evolution rather than renewal.

The vibrant street life is disappearing because of the massive aggression of shopping malls, blocks, and towers built as isolated objects in the existing urban pattern. As in Le Corbusier’s model public life, the ground level is totally eliminated due to the absence of the street forcing people to live and work in an isolated way. This strategy denies evolution of the city and literally freezes the city in time. Growth needs a relation with the past in order to make it evolve rather than destroy.

The project is introducing an urban strategy regarding to the preservation of existing urban fabric through a multi historical centre allowing. District are developed allowing smaller economy to develop necessary for the integration of new rural migrants. Urban Growth is orchestrated in relation with its past, renewing the identity of the Chinese city.

The densification of the city is developed in a more equitable way based on the features of urban villages aiming also to reduce the relocation of existing inhabitants and to decrease urban sprawl. By densifying more, the social quality of the city is improved

5

6

“Could not this ideal city, at one and the same time, behave, quite explicitly, as both a theatre of prophecy and a theatre of memory?�

Colin Rowe and Fred Koetter

7

8

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 10 PART I : Chinese Housing Crisis - analysis and origin

12

1. Social and Urban Organization - 1949 to 1979 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .14 2. Social and Urban Changes after Reform. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .18 a. urbanization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .22 b. migration and inequalities. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .26 c. spatial and social organization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .30 3. Recent Attempts to Decrease Poverty. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 4. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 OBJECTIVE 40 PART II : Shanghai, a City for Experimentations

42

1. Urban Structure. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .46 a. 9 towns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 b. Impact in Housing. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .54 c. Density. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 2. Qualities of Urban Villages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 PART III : an Aletrnative for Shanghai

66

1. Growing Strategy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 2. Project site. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .76 3. Density Analysis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .80 4. Density Experimentations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .86 5. Project Strategy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106 CONCLUSION

134

REFERENCES 136 PICTURES SOURCES

142 9

INTRODUCTION 10

Migration from countryside to urban or suburban areas is a worldwide phenomenon that is outstanding in China due to growing demography, political orientations and economy. It raises questions about the current situation and solutions to this acute problem taking into account the Chinese social peculiarities.

How serious are inequality and poverty in Chinese cities? Who are the urban poor? What are the effects of rural and urban migration on urban poverty and social organization? Which policies have been developed already? How to develop urban planning and strategy to solve the problems? What strategy to adopt dealing with density and heritage?

The answers to these questions need a multidisciplinary approach.

Urbanistic and architectural evolution in urban and suburban areas is interesting to investigate as a consequence of this complex phenomenon.

The understanding of the causal factors is necessary to find original and innovative urban planning solutions to meet this huge challenge that the Chinese authorities seem to recognize as a priority. The theme of Shanghai EXPO 2010 was ÂŤBetter life, better cityÂť

The aim of this work is to analyse to what extent architecture can contribute to solve this complex problem taking into account the main economical, sociological, environmental aspects. With this integrative approach, we will analyze and discuss (1) the China’s housing crisis and its history, (2) the specific case of Shanghai, and (3) the solutions for Chinese cities considering Shanghai as a place for experimentations.

11

PART I CHINESE HOUSING CRISIS - ANALYSIS AND ORIGIN 12

The economic development of China for the last twenty years is characterized by an exceptional speed and magnitude, despite a runaway demography with massive rural migration leading to the development of new large cities controlled by the political system in place since the communist revolution in 1949.

When communists came to power, the country was mainly a rural society with a very poor urban network. There were only 69 settlements with a city status corresponding to 11 % of the Chinese population. Cities’ patterns were influenced by the Chinese Imperial history and the Western colonisation. After the Second World War, two dramatic transformations have overwhelmed the country. Between 1949 and 1976, cities experienced the first major transition. The semi-feudal and semi-colonial system evolved into a socialist industrial based system under the leadership of Mao Zedong. Then, in 1978, Chinese cities experienced a second major transformation due to economic reforms. The cities moved from the socialist planned society to the liberal market economy pushing for mass consumption.

Many books and publications have been devoted to the analysis of the changes occurring during these three successive periods. The recently published book by David Bray titled “Social Space and Governance in urban China� gives an interesting overview of this topic. In this chapter, the main economic, political and demographic changes responsible of the housing crisis that occurred during these three successive periods are analysed in order to understand the evolution of the social and urban structure related to housing in China.

13

1. SOCIAL AND URBAN ORGANISATION - 1949 TO 1979

During the early years of the communist regime, no regulation to control migration was established. The population in some cities had doubled in a few years. In Xi for example, the population increased from 400.000 inhabitants in 1949 to 1.000.000 in 1957.1 Thus, new policies were established due to this massive flow of population and unemployment in the cities. The Hukou system was first experimented in 1951 to follow the movement and find a solution for residence status of the urban population.2 It was further applied to the whole country in 1958 in order to control the rural-urban migration and the food rationing. People were classified into two main social categories depending on their rural or urban origins. Because of the Hukou system, urban migrants, belonging to the rural category, could not benefit from the same social and economic support offered to the urban inhabitants and could not receive the urban citizenship even if they managed to live in a city for many years.3 This resulted in high social division within the cities.

14

15

Socialist cities were planned according to socialist principles regulating the separation of the space in functional zones, the relationship between house and work, the use of public transports, the living standards, and the employments distribution. The territory underwent dramatic transformations with the construction of factories, schools, institutes ...

Thus, during the Maoist period, most of the cities were divided into two distinctive areas: a zone of work units established by the new regime and a core of traditional houses from the previous period.4 The overall average housing floor space per person was approximately 3 square meters. The majority of urban residents had no access to a toilet or kitchen.5 One of the main features of this period was the development of these self-sufficient units and the growth of the industrial districts.

Despite social division in the population in pre-reform cities, there was no spatial segregation within the work unit. Thereby, the work units, named “danwei� in Chinese, contained urban population from all social classes. Three types of work units could be distinguished depending on who controlled these structures: the government or party organisation, the enterprises, or the institutions. These working units were a key feature of the Chinese urban society. They were not only providing employment, but also housing, medical service, and education facilities. With walls surrounding danwei, each unit was independent from the surrounding city producing a unique form of collectivized social life [Fig 1].

Following Foucault’s approach, Chinese socialist government explored the relationship between space and power through the danwei system implementing socialist ideas through architecture.

16

Fig 1: Plan of a Danwei Showing the various functions with a working unit.

17

2. Social and urban changes after reform

The reform started in 1978 in rural area dismantling the collective agricultural production of communes, a collective farming system established during the socialist period in rural China, and introduced the household responsibility system.6 Since the rural workforce was free, the productivity increased and the living conditions in the countryside slightly improved. Following these significant changes in rural areas, reforms started to appear in urban area in 1984. Rural people were allowed to work and live in cities.7 Since then, both economic growth and transformation of Chinese society have taken place much faster than in many other countries.

This remarkable economic growth makes China the most successful transitional economy8. [fig 2] This economic growth has obviously induced an acceleration of urbanism. Today, much like in the rest of the world, China is about half urbanized. [fig 4] Some of the largest cities in the world are now in China, and about 10% of the world population live now in Chinese cities.

Despite a one-child policy, China’s urban population has increased of 500 million over the last 30 years and will increase of another 300 million by 2030 [fig 3].9 Changes in urban landscapes are also striking. Old industrial facilities and traditional houses are now replaced by high-rise office blocks, new residential estates and shopping malls.

While this fast economic growth has significantly improved the quality of life of many people in China, the benefit of reforms has not been shared equally in the society. The transition from a socialist planned economy toward a market economy created social change and led to new poverty problems. In addition, the dramatic demographic evolution combined to rural poverty explains the flow of rural migrants to large cities without 18

GDP (in billions of RMB yuan)

18000 16000 14000 12000 10000 8000 6000 4000 Farm privatization

2000

1997 Asian Financial Crisis

ShenzhenSEZ 1952

1956

1960

1964

1968

1972 Cultural

1976

1980

Shanghai

1984

1988

1992

1996

WTO entry 2000

2004

Year

Market based economic reforms since 1978

Fig 2: People’s Republic of China’s Nominal Gross Domestic Product (GDP) between 1952 to 2005

+ 500.000.000 urban inhabitants

1970

+ 300.000.000 urban inhabitants

2000

2030

Fig 3: Population in China between 1970 and 2030

access to the urban benefits due to the Hukou system which continues to divide the society. Even the lucky citizens living in modern tower blocks of the suburbs are confronted with cityscapes of unremitting ugliness, what leads to segregation.

19

0% - 25% 25% - 50% 50% - 75% 75% - 100% Fig 4: World urbanization rate in 2008

20

21

a. urbanization

Although China is a very large country, most of the population is concentrated in the East and South part due mainly to economic reasons leading to massive migration [fig 6].10 As illustrated in the figure5, China is not led by one main city but by several massive city-regions mostly located along the East Coast [fig 5]. 3 regions can also be distinguished producing 54 % of China’s GDP: the Pearl River Delta, the Yangtze River Delta, and the Bohai Bay Region.11

This unbalanced economic development results in important migration flows. About 75 % of rural migrants are moving to Shanghai, Fujian, and Jiangsu mainly for jobs in the field of construction.12

Fig 5: Right top: Distribution of the cities in China by size Fig 6: Right bellow: Flow of migration betwween 1995 and 2000

22

23

The urbanization speed during the 1980s and 1990s has increased considerably [fig 8]. While the urbanization rate was only 12% in 1952, it rose to 36% in 2000, corresponding to 456 million urbanized people.13 This rate is 30 times faster than what we experienced in Europe and United States during the industrial era.14 The number of cities increased as well.

The number of urban settlements increased from 193 in 1978 to 663 at the end of 2000 [fig 7,9].

Year

Very large (1 milion+)

large (500,000-1million)

Medium (200,000-500,000)

Small (<200,000)

Tatal no. of cities

1952 1982 1985 1993 2000

9 20 22 32 40

10 28 30 36 53

23 71 94 160 218

115 125 178 342 352

157 245 324 570 663

x 3,4 1978 Fig 7: Number of cities in China between 1952 and 2000

24

2000

% 100

80 Urban 60

40 Rural 20

1950

1960

1970

1980

1990

2000

2010

2020

Year

2030

Fig 8: Chinaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s planned population mix

35

30

25 China 20

15 Europe India Africa

10

US 5

0 1950

1955

1960

1965

1970

1975

1980

1985

1990

1995

2000

2005

2010

2015

2020

2025

Fig 9: Percentage share of the worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s 1m + cities

25

b. migration and inequalities

As mentioned above, the transition from a planned economy to a market economy in China has not been a smooth process. The country had to face many difficulties in the recent years and social problems began to emerge. In this chapter, we will try to understand the increasing gap between the rich and the poor, to identify different poor groups in cities and to outline the features of poor urban communities.

The most important feature of migration in China is that it is not a simple one-way process as illustrated in the figure 10. The migrants are floating between cities, town and villages as temporary residents. The only way to become an official urban resident is through the ‘blue stamped residence card’ system, which is given only to successful business men who can afford a commercial house in the city.

By the early 1970s, in order to release unemployment pressure in the cities, 10 million urban young people were forced to work in rural areas. With the death of Chairman Mao and the end of the Cultural Revolution, most of those young people went back to the cities. Urban unemployment intensified. However, according to the Communist party, unemployment couldn’t exist in a socialist system. Therefore, these unemployed people were ‘waiting for job’ (daiye)15 Even if some students, farmers, or pensioners were one part of the poor people, rural migrants still represented the majority. Although the government has relaxed restriction on population movement, migrants are not treated equally to the original urban residents. They were considered as ‘temporary’ residents.16

26

Transition through migration Policy barriers

Rural

Village of original residence

Urban

Bridgeheader

Consolidator

Status-seeker

Floating or temporary migrants

Formal blue-card migrants

Permanent migrants

Rural or township entreprises

Integrated with other urban

Initial targeted city for migration

Another city or town

Fig 10: The process of rural to urban migration in China

27

The number of people living in poverty level decreased from 250 million in 1978 to 80 million in 1993 and to 28 million in 2002 [fig 11].

Even if the reforms brought a significant reduction in rural poverty, the rural income during the 1990s increased slowly compared to the urban areas [fig 12].17

This resulted in a massive arrival of rural labourers searching for work in urban areas. Urban infrastructure and housing suffered from this migration. Rural migrants had to live in slums located in suburban villages of large cities. The presence of the rural migrants was a specific feature of Chinese cities. Even if the general income of the households increased after 1979, the gap between the rich and the poor has continued to increase dramatically.18 In Shanghai for example, while the income of the tenth decile (the richest group) has multiplied by six in ten years, the incomes of the poor have only tripled [fig 13]. In 1996, 30 million urban residents were living in poverty. The State Statistics Bureau reported that the widening gap between the rich and the poor and rising unemployment were the most important problems that could lead to social instability.

900 800 700

million people

600 500

Total South Asia

400

Sub-Saharan India

300 200 China 100 Latin America Middle East and North Africa

0 1981

1989

1991

1996

2001

2006

Fig 11: Number of people living on expenditure of $1.25 a day or less 28

2011

Year

Income in China

20000

Yuan per person

16000

12000

Urban income

8000

4000 Rural income

0 1978

1985

1991

1993

1995

1997

1999

2001

2003

2005

2007

Year

2009

Fig 12: Income in China

36000

30000

24000

18000

Tenth decile

12000

6000 First decile 0 1990

1991

1992

1993

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

1999

2000

2001

2002

Year

Fig 13: Annual personal income in Shanghai, 1990 - 2002 29

c. spatial and social organization

In 1978, most of the urban residents were employed in either the state or the collective sectors. By the end of 2002, over 33% of urban employment was provided by the private or â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;otherâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; sectors.19 The government was no longer the unique job provider. This gave more freedom in the career. Living conditions drastically improved due to the employment diversity. Reforms really had an important influence on urban living. New residential estates were built each year and average housing floor space in urban area reached 20m2 in 2001 while only 3m2 were available during the Maoist period.20

These economic and social changes resulted also in a modification of the city organization. Although distinctive functional zones such as administrative areas, industrial areas, commercial areas and housing areas were planned, the pre-reform cities were no longer divided into different housing areas depending on the income of the inhabitants.21 There was no obvious concentration of poor people in particular districts [fig 14,15]. After 20 years of reforms, communities or neighbourhood of similar income started to appear and become a key feature of the Chinese city.

30

Fig 14: Typical housing towers in Hong Kong

Fig 15: Typical small housing blocks in Shanghai 31

Urban structure and impact on housing

Distinctive urban patterns of economic and social inequality started to appear in consequence of housing reforms. Three zones could be easily distinguished within Chinese cities: (1) a historical centre, surrounded by (2) the old socialist planned work units zone, and finally (3) an external zone containing urban villages, and high and low standard housing zones [fig 16, 17]. Obviously, these areas are heterogeneous and their composition is described below.22

Traditional housing areas and suburban villages are the prime locations for the urban poor in Chinese cities. “Recent reports show that most of the urban households under the poverty level live in old traditional courtyard house area.”23 However, these traditional houses located usually in the centre of the city are redeveloped into high-rise building due to the land value forcing the inhabitants to move to suburban areas.

In addition, destruction is often supported by the government. During the 1990s, developers were awarded from 40$ to 110$ for every square meter demolished according to the location and housing conditions.24 Only patches of traditional housing areas are spared. In 1991, a housing survey was carried out in Beijing by the authorities. 202 areas of poor and “dangerous” housing were identified in the city, representing 10 million m² housing nearly 1million residents. By the end of 1999, redevelopment started in 150 areas. Over 4million m² of old housing were demolished to build new housing. The process affected 160,000 families. In the whole country a total of 1.5 million urban homes were demolished between 1992 and 1994.25 In Shanghai for example, 70,000 households were relocated every year during the late 1990s. By lack of financial resources, some developers illegally reduced the compensation standards and used force to relocate poor residents. Every change in leadership in municipal government results in unnecessary demolition and redevelopment to show what local leaders can achieve. Most politicians were very keen to see old areas disappear from their cities. In Shenyang, large areas of old housing remained in 2000, though the government earlier made plans to destroy all slum housing by the end of the century .26 Although the density was not 32

relocated factories

International airport and related development

relocated factories

Workers in old factory (deprived) Cadres and professional in institution

International airport and related development

rural villages

Workers in old factory (deprived)

Mid-19 Cadres and professional in institution 8

0s to m id-19

Mid-19

90s

80s to rural villages mid-1 990s

Planne work u 1949 d nits to mid -1980szone Mid-19 80s to Pre-19 mid-19 49 zo 90s (upgra ne dedM ) id-19 80s to mid-19 Stratifi 9 0s ed betw ee P and en inla stnitnuedowo treprinse n rk unit s1949tito s zone Social m id -1980s an based d spacial se on affo g rdabiliregatP ion ty re-194 9 zo (upgra ne ded) Stratifi ed betw ee in and en stitutio treprinse n s Social an based d spacial se on affo gregat rdabili ion ty

Fig 16: Urabn structure of the typical CHinese city

Large coastal cities with a relatively narrow work unit zone and fast and sustained development in 1980s and 1990s

Large inland industrial cities with a much wider work unit zone and later slower market expansion Large coastal cities with a relatively narrow work unit zone and fast and sustained development in 1980s and 1990s Small or middle-sized coastal cities early open-door policy and fast market transformation Large inland industrial cities with a much wider work unit zone and later slower market expansion Inland industrial towns facinf slower and difficult transformation Small or middle-sized coastal cities early open-door policy and fast market transformation New Special Economic Zone cities of the reform era without any historical burden of poorly performing work units Inland industrial towns facinf slower and difficult transformation

New Special Economic Zone cities of the reform era without any historical burden of poorly performing work units

Fig 17: Different varations of the chinese city typology 33

originally very high, it increased with the construction of additions and insertions.

Around this historical core lies the work unit zone planned by the socialists. Because of differences in financial powers between work units, there is a spatial stratification within this zone. Some well-performing institutions carried out redevelopment on their land and improved their housing and living environment, while other work units experienced difficulties in holding onto their position. Originally designed to high standards with a low density of housing and facilities, such as nurseries, schools, children playgrounds, they deteriorated due to poor maintenance. Some of them were forced to sell the land to private developers and move out of the urban areas.27

However, much of the development took place in green empty sites circling the work units zone. This ring could be divided into two parts; the inner one comprised mostly high-rise moderate housing area, while the outer ring consisted of high standard private housing built in the last few years. Urban sprawl also brought many rural villages, originally surrounding the city, into the urban built-up areas. These villages maintained their traditional pattern and become the prime location for poor people. Because of the massive arrival of migrants in these cheap housing areas, the density increased with some buildings reaching 6 storeys high.

This phenomenon was common especially in regions such as the Pearl River Delta and the Yangtze River Delta.

The massive privatization of the housing raised the general living conditions for a minority of the population. However, these housing units were too expensive for the remaining part of the urban population. The rent increased dramatically both in the public and private sector. This phenomenon has largely worsened with time. Between 1992 and 2000, the rent for public housing in Beijing increased from 0.11 yuan per square meter to 3.05 yuan per square meter.28

34

While housing for the poor moved forward very slowly, high-stand-

ard and sometimes luxury commercial for the rich dominated housing developments in large cities. Local politicians and planners preferred redevelopment of poor housing areas and quickly eliminated the image of poverty of their cities. This process was obviously favourable to the local residents. Because of their low income, most of the households couldnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t afford to move back to their original location.

35

3. RECENT ATTEMPTS TO DECREASE POVERTY

In the 1980s, reforms occurred with the aim of reducing urban poverty and unemployment through social insurance, welfare and relief systems.29 Urban minimum living standards were also established to help families that donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t qualify for the first benefits. Shanghai was the first city to experiment the minimum living standard scheme in 1992.30 In 2000, the minimum living standard reform was established throughout the country.31 The system was based on costs of basic clothing and food, also taking into consideration fuel costs and education of children.32 Unfortunately, the minimum living standard was extremely low: in 2003 it ranged from 143 yuan per person per month to 344 yuan and the average payment across the country in the same period was only 55 yuan per person per month. This support could only protect people from hunger or cold. The current government is planning to raise these financial assistances.

Additionally to these economic benefits aiming to reduce urban poverty, new housing policies were established as well. Three different ways of housing provision were proposed to the urban inhabitants: high standard commercial housing, low-cost affordable housing, and cheap rental social housing. Although it demonstrated that government was aware of the need for social housing, it developed very slowly in most of the cities.

By 2003, the practice of social housing was still at an experimental stage.33 Unfortunately, the criteria of eligibility were very restrictive, thus, only a small part of the urban poor qualified for housing support. Depending on the location, eligible inhabitants received in 2001 40 yuan/m²/month for maximum 7m² per person.34

36

37

4. CONCLUSION

In its 30 years, the communist government was isolated in the world. In 1978, open-door policies enabled China to build global connections and the country is now fully integrated to the world economic system. Successful reforms and sustained economic growth has made China different from other socialist countries, but recent emergence of urban poverty represents some of the common problems of transitional economies. The benefits from globalization are reaped by a few rather than shared by many according to Voltaire’s citation

“A well organized country is where few people gets the mass of others to work, is fed by them and governs them” Voltaire

The urban poverty phenomenon has become a serious problem and is now a critical issue for the future development. Real estate projects have totally changed the urban landscape ignoring the serious consequences of social segregation. This pattern of development may solve the short term issues but has created a very uneven social structure. Large-scale redevelopment destroyed homes and informal job opportunities for low-income families and suppressed affordable housing for the migrants. This destruction of traditional landscape to create ‘modern’ cities resulted in monotonous identical cities covering the country. The half open policies on migration, allowing migrants to enter the cities but denying them the equal labour protection, resulted in inhuman working conditions.

38

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Pro-poor development requires growth and equity. Poverty reduction is faster where growth is combined with declining inequality, and poverty reduction is also more easily achieved in less unequal countries â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the lower the level of inequality, the larger the share of the benefits of growth that accrue to the poor.â&#x20AC;?

UK Government, 2000

Inequalities, both between rural and urban areas and within them, have reached an alarming level. Innovation solutions either economic, or social, or urban or architectural, are urgently needed. Rather than demolishing the traditional building stock and relocating the existing urban communities, priority should be given to the improvement of infrastructures in traditional areas.

39

OBJECTIVE 40

Much like other East Asian cities, Shanghai has been formed by urban villages. These urban villages form intense, socially connected communities. As described in the first chapters, driven by demographic and economic forces since the start of the second millennium, these cities are rapidly changing. The old urban patterns are suffering from a massive â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;block invasionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. These alien buildings are scraping away urban villages destroying communities and relocating the inhabitants in the suburbs. Is there a better way to develop housing? Can we increase housing density without sacrificing the features of urban villages and avoiding segregation?

Can we find a new housing typology adapted to traditional urban pattern?

There will be no doubt the city will grow, but how can they grow more equitably?

The objective is to identify a new urban strategy that could be applied in most Chinese cities considering Shanghai as a place of experimentation due to its historical background and the extent of encountered problems which are emblematic of the Chinese situation.

41

PART II SHANGHAI: A CITY FOR EXPERIMENTATION 42

In the 1950s, art deco theatres, modern towers, and electric tram marked the contrast between the city of Shanghai and its environment that hasnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t changed for centuries. Its industrial and economic development transformed the small fishermen town into a hook between China and the World. Chinese cities are often misunderstood and considered inhuman urban agglomerations in terms of size and scale. However, Shanghai, with 16,5 million inhabitants is similar to New York or London despite their political and urban differences.

Because 20 per cent of its population is temporary migrant, Shanghai is a highly representative of the frenzied urban growth in China (Sudjic, 2005). At a regional level, Shanghai has a central position on the Yangtze Delta. On a national level, it is competing with Hong Kong and Tokyo. Contrary to popular belief, Shanghai is not an exception in China, and can be considered as a laboratory for political, social, urban, or architectural innovations.

43

Beijing

Shangh

Shenzhen

44

hai

45

1. URBAN STRUCTURE

Shanghai has always distinguished itself from all other Chinese mainland cities. It was founded in 1000 AD and inhabited by fisherman benefiting from the Huangpu River. The harbor developed during the Ming and Qing dynasties and made the area one of the richest regions of the country. The city became a center of handcrafts and textiles in China.

Located at the river mouth of the Yangzi, Shanghai has always been a commercial city. Established in a geographical area of marsh, it was, till the 19 century, a small prosperous town structured by channels and hidden behind walls that were built in 1553.

Since the opening of the harbor to the western countries, it became one of the most important of the world. Today, its central location on the east coast of China enables connection with distant provinces, coastal regions and large cities through an important road, rail and river network.

Like in many non-capital Chinese cities, the old town was protected by a circular enclosure which is still clearly visible on the Shanghai map due to its irregular pattern. The urban pattern of Shanghai has been largely influenced by its colonial history as well. Originally located on agricultural land and wetlands, concessions have been extended several times. During the same period new neighbourhoods appeared to the north and west of concessions territory under Chinese jurisdiction. These traditional cores originally surrounding the city have been gradually assimilated in the city and are now traceable in the shanghai urban fabric. Foreign concessions became the true heart of the city, while the walled city, with the destrucFig 18: Previous page : Shanghai location Fig 19: Right : Map of the principal disctricts of Shanghai

46

HUANGPU RIVER

LUJIAZUI INTERNATIONAL CONCESSION

OLD TOWN

FRENCH CONCESSION

47

tion of the fortification in 1912, was marginalized and reduced to the rank of district.38 In the 1990â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s, Lujiazui, located in Pudong on the East side of the Huangpu river , became the financial trade district of Shanghai. Landmark towers, as the Jinmao tower, the Oriental Pearl tower , the Shanghai World Financial Centre are located in this district.35

Since then Shanghai has always been a strategic area for trading in South East of Asia and one of the biggest metropolises in the world due to its international aspect

However Shanghai remains a predilection place for Chinese literature and art. Many writers are found of its colourful atmosphere and its tension. Many remarkable movies like Song of the Fishermen (1934), Crossroads (1937), and Street Angel (1937) have been shot in the narrow streets of the city.

Fig 20: Right : Photo of the old town of shanghai and lujiazui district

48

49

9 towns

From 1949 to 1979, during the Maoist period, the general layout of the city changed little, with the exception of its margins, with the erection of blocks clustered for new proletarians. As discussed in the previous chapter, Shanghai belongs to the category of large coastal cities with a relatively small zone of work units and a fast development during the market period.

One of the main current features of Shanghai is its phenomenal speed of development during the last years. While only 7 m² of living space per person was available in the 1990s, it reached 15 m². During the same period, new roads have been built, a new business district has been established on the west side of the Huangpu river, and 9 satellite towns have been designed around the city. These nine new towns contain a total population of 5.4 million people and are accompanied by 60 other smaller towns with a population of around 50,000 each.39 They are developed as self-sufficient satellite cities where people can live, work and shop without having to commute with central Shanghai. Unfortunately, for most of them, it was a failure. Only few permanent residents occupy the towns giving the impression of a ghost town during the week.

Fig 21: Right : Map of Shanghai municipality, metro lines and the 9 satelite towns

50

Chen Jia Zhen

Luo Dian

Gao Qiao An Ting

Zhu jia jiao Pu Jiang

Feng jing

Feng cheng

Lin gang

metro Shanghai ccentre Shanghai municipality 10 km51

The pace of construction, resulting from the new economic system, is a feature of China. Architects in China design the largest volume of building in the shortest time as illustrated in the figure 21 and 22.36

â&#x20AC;&#x153;After New York, Shanghai was the second in the Urban Age investigation of cities. It provided a chance to learn from a city in the midst of a spasm of change so violent that it questions the extent of human resilience to explore the meaning of speed and frictionâ&#x20AC;?

Burdett & Sudijc, 2008

This momentum allows us to understand the effect of theory on the city.

52

percentage of architect in the population

0.06 0.05 0.04 0.03 0.02 0.01 0

UK

France

Spain

US

China

Total construction per architect (millions m²)

Fig 22: Comparaison of the number of architects in 5 different countries

1200 1000 800 600 400 200 0

UK

France

Spain

US

China

Fig 23: Comparaison of the number of construction per architect in 5 different countries

53

IMPACT ON HOUSING

Facing a population growth, the municipality decided to promote vertical expansion of the city to solve overcrowding problems and to avoid urban staggering. Nowadays, the urban landscape is characterized by the international influence and desires of modernization. Shanghai has impressive road infrastructures and modern equipment

The rush to triple the amount of living space per person in a city of 17 million people in addition to the need to accommodate the migrants from rural area induced a massive housing boom in Shanghai.37 High density and high rise residential blocks invaded the territory with obviously a strong impact on existing urban pattern. Skyscrapers have been used in a less iconic way in China than in Western countries (excluding Pudong in Shanghai which is the financial district) where tall buildings are considered as monuments. High rises have usually been spread on Chinese urban territories in a more continuous manner conversely to New York for example.

Residential high rises have been totally adopted in the inner-city land. Tokyo has followed a different strategy by concentrating their high buildings where transportation is optimal structuring the city into ‘sub-cities’.

Shanghai’s landscape has therefore undergone a more dramatic spatial transformation than any other city. This massive buildup turned the fisherman’s and later colonial city made of traditional Longtang into a booming district filled with modern skyscrapers and factories provoking a massive destruction of the urban villages [fig 23]. Almost 4,000 buildings of 20 storeys or more have been built since the 1990s, doubling Shanghai the housing stock and resulting in more than twice the number of building than in New York.40 Large section of Shanghai’s traditional low-rise housing areas are being demolished as the city makes space for new structures [fig 24-26].

54

florr area number of buildings

5000

4000

3000

2000

1000

0

1978

1980

1990

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

Fig 24: Construction situation of the buildings over 8 stories in Shanghai

55

Shanghai 1924 - map of urban villages and tower invasion Fig 25: Shanghai 1924 - map of urban villages and tower invasion

Urban villages tower invasion

56

Shanghai 2010 - map of urban villages and tower invasion Fig 26: Shanghai 2010 - map of urban villages and tower invasion

Urban villages tower invasion

57

58

59

DENSITY

Currently, 16 million people live in Shanghai with a density of 3631 inhabitants / km². Since the last 20 years, Shanghai has been the target of a large urban redevelopment program. Its strategic position attracts many foreigners and different Chinese social classes. Therefore a lot of rural immigrants are found in the city and have to deal with the usual problems of large cities: high price of life, lack of housing...

The most densely populated central city area in China, located in the Huangpu district in Shanghai have a whopping 126,000 people per square kilometre, corresponding to less than 8 meters square for each person [fig 27].41 Furthermore, housing prices are four times higher than in the areas away from the centre, which makes this zone very challenging but with potentials for new housing/urban strategies. The nine satellite cities have been planned to reduce the pressure in the Huangpu area. As the growing population pressure calls for 200,000 new housing units a year in Shanghai42 , the city seems to be doomed to extend and might end up with a suburban sprawl that characterize American metropolitan development.

Nevertheless, the residential density in the core of the city is still increasing with taller housing towers.

Despite the significant increase of the density, the gentrification that occurs in the centre driven by the market economy forces the low-income residents to purchase low-cost housing away from the centre or beyond.

The blazing speed of its growth makes Shanghai a living laboratory for Urban Age project.

Fig 27: Previous page : Aerial view of Shanghai Fig 28: Right : Density map of Shanghai municipality 60

61

2. QUALITY OF URBAN VILLAGES

Human settlements around the world all share particular qualities creating communities with specific features. In this chapter, the qualities of these communities will be identified.

Collectivity â&#x20AC;&#x201C; graduation of privacy

The urban villages in Shanghai, called â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;longtangâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; in Chinese, provide rich and vibrant street life and can be compared to an ecosystem where all activities are provided. The graduation of privacy from the main public street to the courtyard of the house establishes a secure and pleasant place to live. A dynamic sequence of space structures the area; from the main Public Street to smaller semi-public lanes (a place encouraging social interactions and small scale businesses), then to semi-private courtyards, and lastly to the heart of the house. These lanes act as connecting elements between the houses and the city. The figure 29 illustrates the satisfaction of urban village inhabitants.

Public spaces

Free and open communities provide a space for social activities, collective debates and even dissent. Well-considered public spaces carry the power to reinforce the democratic values of an open society43, even in the face of less tolerant political systems.

62

Percentage of satisfied and very satisfied

m²

House and room structure

12%

Housing floor surface

31%

Area security

37%

Health Care service

39%

School

40%

Transport

41%

Vegetables and food market

71%

Relationship with neighbours

72%

Fig 29: Percentage of satisfied people in Urban villages in Shanghai

63

Flexibility

Urban villages provide opportunities for different uses of the buildings and thus strengthen the diversity and dynamism of street life.

In addition, the absence of planning regulations allows easy modification and extension of the existing urban fabric by a continual adaptation to the needs of the moment.

These villages are favourable to small-scale commercial development and the production of money. Work and house are often linked together, almost merging in accordance with the meaning of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;jiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; in Chinese that characterize the house44, the family and the place generating wealth for the family.

Density

The high density within the urban villages induces liveliness and vibrancy coming from the variety of functions and the large amount of people confined into restricted area. The inhabitants do not experience the negative effects of density because of the well optimized design.

Human-scaled

Unlike the new typology of block that invades the Chinese cities, communities are human-scaled, offering a special intimacy appropriate for dwelling and daily life [fig 29]. This feature facilitates social gathering, the foundation of a healthy civic sphere.

These features are useful tools to evaluate the quality of potential solutions.

Fig 30: right : Photo of Tianzifang street in Shanghai 64

65

PART III AN ALTERNATIVE FOR SHANGHAI 66

In this chapter, i will give my vision about growing Chinese cities and the strategy that could be adopted. The urban project will then be introduced and discussed.

67

1. GROWING STRATEGY

In my opinion, urban growth is a much more complicated phenomenon than simply wiping out the existing and replacing it [Fig 30]. As Richard Sennett mentions, it’s a matter of evolution rather than renewal.45 The vibrant street life is disappearing because of the massive aggression of shopping malls, blocks, and towers built as isolated objects in the existing urban pattern. As in Le Corbusier’s model public life, the ground level is totally eliminated due to the absence of the street forcing people to live and work in an isolated way46. This strategy denies evolution of the city and literally freezes the city in time. Growth needs a relation with the past in order to make it evolve rather than destroy.

The idea of an open city has been suggested by Jane Jacobs in her argument against Le Corbusier’s vision. She tried to understand the consequences of the densification and diversification of space. At a time when both common and inspired wisdom called for bulldozing slums and opening up city space, Ms. Jacobs’s prescription was ever more diversity, density and dynamism – in effect, to crowd people and activities together in a jumping, joyous urban jumble.47 Density

Urban strategies aiming to release the density pressure in the center of the city might damage the social quality of the city and more specifically the urban villages. A lack of density could result in a social separation due to the spread of the city in the suburbs and thus car-dependent inhabitants overusing the land. Today, 84 per cent of the constructions in Chinese cities are located in the suburbs which result in a dramatic destruction of fields that are already lacking. Therefore the decision to create 9 towns around Shanghai turned out to be a failure in terms of decreasing the inequalities and lowering the density in the Huangpu district. The Shanghai 68

urban village

new Chinese city

step I

step II

step III

step IV

Fig 31: Typical urban development of Chinese cities

69

suburb is highly divided between districts of poor relocated migrants and high end villas used as weekend dwelling or by rich expats.

Density is the consequence and the reason to a wealthy city due to the human interaction it creates. The spreading strategy is not a problem until the city has to face to inequality, energy and land problems.

Equity / rehabilitation

Avoiding social exclusion is one of the biggest challenges for globalizing cities as economic growth enhances social inequalities. A frequent reason to inequality is the division of the area into several municipalities.

Wealthier citizens occupy few of these while the poor end up somewhere else. Market forces create situation where high-end constructions attract similar high-income people around them; this results in an endless increase in prices.

The main problem of the renewal of urban villages occurring in Shanghai and other Chinese cities is the brutal shift from an extremely poor district to a very high-end environment, commonly known as gentrification. By bringing wealthier inhabitant to poor districts without relocating the original inhabitants, low income communities will benefit from the social diversity and start to recover as long as supply of affordable housing is still maintained.

Jane Jacobs argues that renovation of existing houses, thus attracting a wealthier population in it, will be favourable for the urban poor as well. However, this strategy has proven to be a failure in the case of Xintiandi . Gentrification is increasing faster and faster attracting other investments for high-end structures transforming Xintiandi into a shopping district. Furthermore, although this approach might be adapted to the European city such as the 16th Arrondissement or the Bois de Boulogne in Paris, it canâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t solve the density need in the centre of Chinese cities. The Huangpu district with a density of 126,000 people per square kilometre is urgently demanding innovative solutions in order to maintain the social 70

quality of the traditional pattern and to avoid gentrification and relocation.

Preserving patches of traditional houses through the city would, in my opinion, reinforce the iconic features of these patterns. The juxtaposition of the old pattern with an innovative and adapted urban form would reinforce their respective status and qualities. Rather than to excessively preserve or demolish, it might be judicious to encourage the object to be integrated in a new structure. It might be appropriate to be in a balanced situation where both typologies end up undefeated.

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Learning from the existing landscape is a way of being revolutionary for an architect. Not the obvious way, which is to tear down Paris and begin again, as Le Corbusier suggested in the 1920s, but another more tolerant way; that is, to question how we look at things.â&#x20AC;?48 Scott Brown, Robert Venturi, Steven Izenour

Why not make reference to the rich heritage of Chinese architecture and urban structure. China must save its urban villages and learn from them. Being focused on the growth of wealth and high rises, development in cities should pay attention to community stability, street life, and social services. Taking advantage of existing urban structure, dialoguing with the context, and integrating existing social structures is absolutely necessary in the renewal process.

Porous Boarders

For many years, frontiers were seen as remote; today, the frontiers have entered the heart of the city. The city itself is already a frontier for a disadvantaged outsider due mainly to the Hukou system. Their presence within the city, either visible or invisible, has a strong impact on social life.

The city should provide to its inhabitants experience of walking through different areas without walls, either physical or social, which is usually forgotten by urban town planners and architects. The city needs to be made 71

of small entities with blurry borders creating a porous territory.

New opportunities for investments

As the high rise demands a considerable investment, it is often linked to the global economic system and foreign investments, avoiding investment from people with a lower budget. By considering the development of the city not as massive entities but as evolving, adaptable and flexible structures, investments become accessible to a larger part of the population.

Urban village development

It is crucial that the development of those settlements is based on strategies and principles accepted by the entire population of the area to ensure the growth when economic and social conditions are involved. I believe the area can grow into a strong economic entity while maintaining its living qualities.

The example of Tianzifang demonstrates the feasibility of this strategy. Tianzifang is an area of three hectares, consisting of the typical 1930â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Lilong and former industrial buildings renovated in 1999. This area has benefited from a self-rehabilitation process. The first level of the shikumen is occupied by artistâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s studios, restaurants, art galleries, coffee shops while maintaining the original purpose: housing on the upper levels. This operation differs from the previous development, because no architect is involved and no help of the government is provided. While the authorities, developers and media continued to transmit an image of obsolescence and overcrowded traditional urban pattern, Tianzifangâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s inhabitants tried to prove that a Lilong could also be a great place of life. They managed this challenge by upgrading and developing the Lilong into an attractive area.

72

Multi-cultural centres

To solve the undefined current urban structure of Shanghai, the city is structured with multiple cultural centres always at walking distance from each other. In order to develop these centres, urban villages at these specific location indicated on the map (next page) have to be preserved and renovated as explained earlier.

73

XINTIANDI

TIANZIFANG

XUJIAHUI

74

OLD TOWN

Current ÂŤstableÂť urban villages Cultural centres to be preserved Areas to be developed based on juxaposition of typologies renewal (absence of urban villages) 75

2. PROJECT SITE

The chosen site is located between the old town and the Hungpu river, which is a perfect area to start experimentation on new urban strategies. The high density and the massive tower invasion in this disctrict makes the project also very challenging.

Lujiazui

International concession

OLD TOWN french concession

76

77

78

79

3. Density analysis

80

3.1 - FAR 60m - AVERGAGE HIGH housing - TYPOLOGY

81

82

3.5 - FAR 60m - AVERGAGE HIGH housing - TYPOLOGY

83

84

1.4 - FAR 60m - AVERGAGE HIGH housing - TYPOLOGY

85

4. Density experimentations F.A.R. 4,3

This first experimentation was developed with elements of 4 floors high allowing the area to grow through time. The evolving structure, being formed by small entities, allows lower budget investments. Even if this solution reaches a plot ratio of 4.3, It might be difficult to realize due to the number of cores and the thinness of the towers that could accommodate only luxury apartments.

86

87

88

89

Density experimentations F.A.R. 2,3

Following the Chinese traditional fengshui orientation, the two stories long elements were stacked and rotated of an angle of 30째 maximum. The typology has not the ambitions to continue the urban fabric, but to propose a solution based on the features of urban villages described earlier with a strong identity.

90

91

92

93

Density experimentations F.A.R. 3,2

To solve the increasing price of the land, empty slabs are initially build to increase the land area. The slabs are still considered as public space and not as floor. This strategy allows anyone to buy a cheap piece of artificial land and build his house. This strategy promote variety and democracy. However, the connection with the slabs and the rest of the city might be very challenging. The area might be very isolated and badly connected ending up with a vertical slum as the famous example in Caracas where an unfinished tower is used by poor people as a structure to accommodate their home.

94

95

96

97

Density experimentations F.A.R. 2,2

This experimentation was developed with elements of 2 floors high allowing the area to grow through time. The area would follow an â&#x20AC;&#x153;anarchistâ&#x20AC;? development similar to the walled city of Kowloon. The evolving structure, being formed by small entities, allows lower budget investments.

The buildings provide a gradation of privacy from the main street to the heart of the plot. These streets are also extended vertically using roofs and bridges.

98

99

100

101

Density experimentations F.A.R. 2,3

This strategy providing similar features than the previous one, aims to use a similar urban pattern than the existing urban villages. Indeed, the small entities used create a semi-public free zone between buildings without any configuration based on the street.

102

103

104

105

5. Project Strategy

The project aims to determinate a new housing typology that could be an alternative to develop housing in China by learning from the urban villages.

The project is based on the juxtaposition of typologies. Patches of traditional buildings in good conditions are identified and renovated. The new pattern can be considered as an extension of the existing by using stacked small entities. The project is organized through a gradation of density with a transition from pedestrian streets linked with the existing fabric to free and flexible space between the entities allowing vibrant street life and encouraging good relationships in the neighbourhood. Furthermore, the presence of this flexible area is crucial for the development of small businesses benefiting to both migrants and local people.

Different size of entities are used to provide a diversity of housing typologies in order to accommodate a large part of the population, from the poor migrants to the successful business man.

To address the need of density due to the massive urban migration, the vibrant street life animating traditional housing is developed horizontally and vertically.

106

Urban villages typology

Tower invasion

New housing typology based on urban villages features

107

High density F.A.R. 4,5

Existing buildings F.A.R. 2,2

Existing buildings F.A.R. 2,1

Existing buildings F.A.R. 2,0

High density F.A.R. 4,4

Gradation of density average density - F.A.R. 3,2

108

Gradation of privacy

Main cores distributings units

109

Dwelling Shops / Restaurant Storage

248.400 m² 13.500 m² 8100 m²

92 % 5% 3%

Studio / apartment 1-3R Family house

Small scale business

2R duplex

110

Cafe / restaurant

Storage

Studio / dupex 3R

111

112

113

114

115

116

117

Vehicules circulation

118

Pedestrian circulation

119

120

121

122

123

124

125

CONCLUSION 140

Shanghai is now one of the largest construction site in the world where profitability, speculation and destruction are the key words. New towers, higher and higher, continue to add a modern touch to the panorama every day by interfering on the old fabric, mainly composed of urban villages.

Due to Population growth and habitat degradation, results of the past policies and urban anarchy, improving the quality of life and urban condition is getting urgent.

The project is introducing an urban strategy regarding to the preservation of existing urban fabric through a multi historical centre allowing.

District are developed allowing smaller economy to develop necessary for the integration of new rural migrants. Urban Growth is orchestrated in relation with its past, renewing the identity of the Chinese city.

The densification of the city is developed in a more equitable way based on the features of urban villages aiming also to reduce the relocation of existing inhabitants and to decrease urban sprawl. By densifying more, the social quality of the city is improved 141

REFERENCES 1. Wang & Hague, The planning and development of Xiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;an since 1949, 1992.

2. Vernon Henderson, J. (2009). Urbanization in China: Policy Issues and Options. Brown University and NBER. 3. Wang, Urban Poverty, Housing and Social Change in China, 2004 4. Bray, D. (2005). Social Space and governance in urban China.

Stanford: Stanford University Press.

5. Wang, Urban Poverty, Housing and Social Change in China, 2004 6. Xuefei, R. (2011). Building globalization. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press 7. Chen, J.Y. & Chen, J.J., 1993. Socio-economic Changes of Chinaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Rural Areas: 1949-1989. Shanxi: Shanxi Economic Press.

8. Chow, G. C. (2004). Economic Reform and Growth in China.

Princeton University: Peking University Press. Retrieved from http://down.aefweb.net/aefarticles/aef050107.pdf 9. Banister, J., Bloom, D., & Rosenberg, L. (2010, March). Population Aging and Economic Growth in China. Program on the Global Demography of Aging. Retrieved from https://www.hsph.harvard.edu/ pgda/WorkingPapers/2010/PGDA_WP_53.pdf 10. Laczko, F., & Pinto-Dobernig, I. (2005). Migration, Development anf Poverty Reduction in Asia. Geneva: International Organization for Migration. Retrieved from http://www.iom.int/jahia/webdav/ site/myjahiasite/shared/shared/mainsite/published_docs/books/mi142

gration_development.pdf 11. Weiping, W. (2013). The Chinese city . London: Routledge.

12. Wu, H. X., & Zhou, L. (1996). Reasearch on Rural to Urban Labour, Migration in the Post-Reform China: a Survey. ADELAIDE. Retrieved from https://www.adelaide.edu.au/cies/papers/ CERCwp/96_4.pdf 13. State statistic bureau, 2001. China statistical yearbook. Beijing: China statistic press.

14. Gianotten, D., 2014. AD Interviews: David Gianotten / OMA. [Online] Plataforma Networks (1) Available at: ÂŤhttp://www.archdaily.com/475842/ad-interviews-david-gianotten-oma/Âť http:// www.archdaily.com/475842/ad-interviews-david-gianotten-oma/ [Accessed 12 February 2014].

15. Wang, Urban Poverty, Housing and Social Change in China, 2004.

16. Zhang, L. (2009). Reform of the Hukou System and Rural-Urban Migration in China: the Challenges Ahead. Retrieved from https://www.google.be/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=4&ved=0CEkQFjAD&url=http%3A%2F%2Fmumford. albany.edu%2Fchinanet%2Fevents%2Fpast_conferences%2Fconferences%2FZhang.doc&ei=agFdU-3IL6biywO_t4DwAQ&usg=AFQjCNFcpy4iGT0H0agU0ooALl1ayetv-A&sig2=3Ym_0vV 17. State statistic bureau, 2001. China statistical yearbook. Beijing: China statistic press.

18. Ross, J. (2013, Novembre 25). China accounts for 100% of the 143

reduction in the number of the world’s people living in poverty.

Retrieved from Socialist Economic Bulletin: http://socialisteconomicbulletin.blogspot.fi/2013/11/china-accounts-for-100-of-reduction-in.html 19. Bray, D. (2005). Social Space and governance in urban China.

Stanford: Stanford University Press.

20. Wang, Y.P., 2004. Urban Poverty, Housing and Social Change in China. New York: Routledge.

21. G.O. Yeh , A., & Jiang, X. (2009). China’s Post-Reform Urbanization: Trends and Policies. London: IIED‐UNFPA RESEARCHONPOPULATIONAND. 22. Douady, C.-N. (2011). Espace Chinois urbain et culturel. Neuilly: l’Harmattan.

23. Liu, Y., & Awotona, A. (n.d.). The Traditional Courtyard House in China: Its Formation and Transition. Retrieved from http:// iaps.architexturez.net/: http://iaps.architexturez.net/system/files/ pdf/1202bm1029.content.pdf 24. Xuefei, R. (2011). Building globalization. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

25. Hui, X., 2013. Housing, Urban Renewal and Socio-Spatial Integration: A Study on Rehabilitating the Former Socialistic Public Housing Areas in Beijing. 1st ed. Delft: TU Delft.

26. Wang, Urban Poverty, Housing and Social Change in China, 2004 27. Wang, Urban Poverty, Housing and Social Change in China, 2004 28. Wu, J., Gyourko, J., & Deng, Y. (2010). Evaluating Conditions in Major Chinese Housing Markets. Retrieved from http://realestate. wharton.upenn.edu/news/newsletter/pdf/680-Deng-Gyourko-Wu. pdf 144

29. Liu, Y., & Awotona, A. (n.d.). The Traditional Courtyard House in China: Its Formation and Transition. Retrieved from http:// iaps.architexturez.net/: http://iaps.architexturez.net/system/files/ pdf/1202bm1029.content.pdf 30. Minimum Standard of Living System in China: An interview.

(2001, August 14). Retrieved from http://www.china.org.cn/: http://www.china.org.cn/english/2001/Aug/17444.htm 31. Hussain, A., 2003. Urban Poverty in China. Geneva: International Labour Office.

32. Wang, Urban Poverty, Housing and Social Change in China, 2004 33. Xuefei, R. (2011). Building globalization. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

34. Wang, R.-T. (2010). Social Mix in Central Post-Reform Shanghai.

London: Bartlett School of Planning of London.

35. Xue, C., Zhai, H., & Mitchenere, B. (2011, May). Shaping Lujiazui: The Formation and Building of the CBD in Pudong, Shanghai.

Journal of Urban Design, Vol. 16. No.2, pp. 209-232. Retrieved from http://isites.harvard.edu/fs/docs/icb.topic1387864.files/Articles/2011.%20Xue.%20Shaping%20Lujiazui..pdf 36. Chung, C., Inaba, J., Koolhaas, R., & Leong , S. (2002). Great Leap Forward / Harvard Design School Project on the City. Cambridge: Taschen.

37. Burdett, R., & Sudijc, D. (Eds.). (2008). The Endless City. Phaidon Press Inc. 38. Bergère, M.-C. (2002). Histoire de Shanghai. Fayard 39. Douady, C.-N. (2011). Espace Chinois urbain et culturel. Neuilly: lâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Harmattan.

145

40. Burdett, R., & Sudijc, D. (Éds.). (2008). The Endless City. Phaidon Press Inc. 41. Burdett, R., & Sudijc, D. (Éds.). (2008). The Endless City. Phaidon Press Inc. 42. Douady, C.-N. (2011). Espace Chinois urbain et culturel. Neuilly: l’Harmattan.

43. Brillembourg, A., Klumpner, H., & De Cautier, L. (2012). The Vertical Village: Individual, Informal, Intense. (W. Maas, Ed.) Rotterdam: NAi Publishers.

44. Hui, X. (2013). Housing, Urban Renewal and Socio-Spatial Integration: A Study on Rehabilitating the Former Socialistic Public Housing Areas in Beijing (1e ed.). Delft: TU Delft.

45. Sennett, R. (2006). The Open City: Housing and Urban Neighbourhoods. Urban Age. 46. Rowe, C., & Fred, K. (1984). Collage city. Cambridge: MIT Press.

47. Jacobs, J. (1992). The Death and Life of Great American Cities.

Vintage.

48. Venturi, R., Izenour, S., & Scott Brown, D. (1977). Learning from Las Vegas. Cambridge: MIT Press.

146

147

PICTURES SOURCES pp. 17 Plan of a Danwei Showing the various functions with a working unit (source : Bray, D. (2005). Social Space and governance in urban China. Stanford: Stanford University Press.) pp. 19 People’s Republic of China’s Nominal Gross Domestic Product (GDP) between 1952 to 2005 (source : https://figures.boundless. com/4251/full/prc1952-2005gdp.gif ) pp. 19 Population in China between 1970 and 2030 (source : State statistic bureau, 2001. China statistical yearbook. Beijing: China statistic press.) pp. 20 World urbanization rate in 2008 (source : http://www.globalchange.umich.edu/globalchange2/current/workspace/Sect007/ s7g4/findings.htm ) pp. 23 Distribution of the cities in China by size (source : Weiping, W. (2013). The Chinese city . London: Routledge. ) pp. 23 Right bellow: Flow of migration betwween 1995 and 2000 (source : Weiping, W. (2013). The Chinese city . London: Routledge. ) pp. 24 Number of cities in China between 1952 and 2000 (source : Wang & Hague, The planning and development of Xi’an since 1949, 1992.) pp. 25 China’s planned population mix (source : http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/ shared/spl/hi/in_depth/china_modern/html/2.stm) pp. 25 Percentage share of the world’s 1m + cities (source : Burdett, R., & Sudijc, D. (Eds.). (2008). The Endless City. Phaidon Press Inc.)

148

pp. 27 The process of rural to urban migration in China (source : Wang, Y. P. (2004). Urban Poverty, Housing and Social Change in China.

New York: Routledge) pp. 28 Number of people living on expenditure of $1.25 a day or less (source : http://socialisteconomicbulletin.blogspot.fi/2013/11/ china-accounts-for-100-of-reduction-in.html) pp. 29 Income in China ( source : http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-13945072) pp. 29 Annual personal income in Shanghai, 1990 - 2002 (source: Wang, Y. P. (2004). Urban Poverty, Housing and Social Change in China.

New York: Routledge .) pp. 31 Typical housing towers in Hong Kong (source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Home_Ownership_Scheme) pp. 31 Typical small housing blocks in Shanghai (source: http://architectureofdoom.tumblr.com/page/774) pp. 33 Urabn structure of the typical Chinese city (source: Wang, Y. P. (2004). Urban Poverty, Housing and Social Change in China.

New York: Routledge .) pp. 33 Different varations of the chinese city typology (source: Wang, Y. P. (2004). Urban Poverty, Housing and Social Change in China.

New York: Routledge .) pp. 44 Previous page : Shanghai location pp. 47 Right : Map of the principal disctricts of Shanghai 149

pp. 49 Right: Photo of the old town of Shanghai with Lujiazui disctrict in the background pp. 51 Right : Map of Shanghai municipality, metro lines and the 9 satelite towns pp. 53 Comparaison of the number of architects in 5 different countries (source: Chung, C., Inaba, J., Koolhaas, R., & Leong , S. (2002).

Great Leap Forward / Harvard Design School Project on the City.

Cambridge: Taschen.) pp. 53 Comparaison of the number of construction per architect in 5 different countries (source: Chung, C., Inaba, J., Koolhaas, R., & Leong , S. (2002). Great Leap Forward / Harvard Design School Project on the City. Cambridge: Taschen.) pp. 55 Construction situation of the buildings over 8 stories in Shanghai (source: http://chinahousing.mit.edu/english/china/specific/ shanghai/) pp. 56 Shanghai 1924 - map of urban villages and tower invasion (source : Brillembourg, A., Klumpner, H., & De Cautier, L. (2012). The Vertical Village: Individual, Informal, Intense. (W. Maas, Ed.) Rotterdam: NAi Publishers. pp. 57 Shanghai 2010 - map of urban villages and tower invasion (source: Brillembourg, A., Klumpner, H., & De Cautier, L. (2012). The Vertical Village: Individual, Informal, Intense. (W. Maas, Ed.) Rotterdam: NAi Publishers.) pp. 58 Aerial view of Shanghai (source: personal picture) pp. 61 Density map of Shanghai municipality (source: Burdett, R., & Sudijc, D. (Eds.). (2008). The Endless City. Phaidon Press Inc.) pp. 63 Percentage of satisfied people in Urban villages in Shanghai (source: Wang, Y. P. (2004). Urban Poverty, Housing and Social 150

Change in China. New York: Routledge .) pp. 65 Photo of Tianzifang street in Shanghai (source: http://www.yangtzeriver.org/yzgallery/shanghai-pictures/tianzi-fang/) pp. 69 Typical urban development of Chinese cities

151

152