FORGOTTEN PUBLIC SPACES by nina vidic

FORGOTTEN PUBLIC SPACES

NINA VIDIČ IVANČIČ - SN: 12080338 - TUTORS: JONATHAN KENDALL, Hannah Corlett, Peter Besley MArch Urban Design 2012/13 - Bartlett School of Architecture UCL 1

PART 1 : research

POSITIONED BETWEEN AFRICA AND EUROPE SPACE OF TRANSITION HISTORY / population / economy MIGRATION TO EUROPE / REMITTANCE INTERNAL MIGRATION / history of URBAN GROWTH SITE PHOTOGRAPHS MAPS: GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CITY NON REGULATORY NEIGHBOURHOOD

POSITIONED BETWEEN AFRICA AND EUROPE

The identity of Tanger has been determined by its geographical position on one of the Worlds most important strategic points, the Straight of Gibraltar. The straight does not only represent a physical division between the African and European continent, but also a social and economic turn point and a transit zone between two different worlds; the African and European, Muslim and Christian, modern and traditional. The Gibraltar Straight represents the epitome of a border space described by Natalia RibasMateos in her book, The Mediterranean in The Age of Globalisation. According to her border spaces hold a geo-strategic position that makes them symbolic bridges of mobility, both of people and goods. Their role is to control the transition of both. Her research focuses on two cities, one in Albania and the other in Morocco which she identifies as peripheries areas of the European Union.

“The “periphery produces cheap, clandestine workers, prostitutes for the unsatisfied libido of rich countries, drug dealers, domestic helpers, children for adoption when fertility rates collapse, hard working people, and caretakers for the elderly. A periphery offers its best products to the international market at low prices while their inhabitants eat EU products past their expiration date: a periphery that, in turn produces and “under-periphery,” namely “the periphery of the periphery” - in other words, the urban world of the peasants, the retired, and the sick.” (Ribas-Mateos, 2002) TEXT REFERENCES: Ribas-Mateos, N. 2005. The Mediterranean in the age of globalization : migration, welfare & borders. London : Transaction Publishers IMAGE: Satelite photo of the Gibralta Strait - NASA 2004

are culturally connected to the other side through the media culture it is difficult for them to physically cross the border. They continue however to hope for the possibility of passage in a wish for a better living condition showed to them through the media. When they succeed they provide the essential work force for the richer part to sustain their way of life. Cheap labour and production costs are also the incentive for investors to come to the border areas to outsource their production. The main characteristics of the border cities is the emergence of an elite that is connected with the privatization of capital and the sprouting of peripheral neighbourhoods deriving from internal migration. Thes border areas form a cross border control system that enables one side to control and regulate the flux of the unskilled workers. Although the Southern countries of Europe have previously taken the responsibility of controlling this influx on their borders it has with the solidification of the European Union this task has been outsourced to the countries of Northern Africa. The migration policies can be used for political negotiation between countries and are also source of financial revenue.

These cities are subject to an ambiguous border condition created by the different levels of the freedom of mobility from one side of the border to the other. Although the inhabitants of these areas

SPACE OF TRANSITION

“One of the most complex consequences of globalization is renewed border restriction on the movement of people. These restrictions are symbols of a dominant blockade, and they exist in marked contrast to the mobility that people actually desire and the movement of goods across the borders.” (Roibos-Mateus, 2002) Until the unification of the European Union the role of “protectors” from illegal immigrants coming from Africa was held by the countries of Southern Europe. Greece, Italy, France and Spain struggle to cope with the influx of unskilled labour, which has gradually transformed their societies. With the construction of a common anti-immigration strategy the European Union has shifted some of the burden onto the Southern part of the Mediterranean, the North African countries that have in a sense become the periphery of Europe. The Spanish cities on Moroccan territory Ceuta and Melilla are defined as enclaves that receive immigrants in a restricted area and so defend Spain and the European Union from the illegal immigration. The position of Tanger is similar. Perceived as a passing place (a gateway to Africa or to Europe), a place with a cultural mix once present in the international Tanger that during the 1960s attracted people from all over the world in search for freedom and exoticism, have after the independence of Morocco became a place of waiting for passage. In her photographs the artist Yto Barrada tries to represent the Tangerine this state of waiting. This phenomena was so strong that Tangere there is even has a square overlooking the sea horizon where the inhabitants would sit and observe the other side of the straight called Lazy wall. For the Sub Saharan migrants awaiting a permit or opportunity to cross the Strait, the wait can last even to nine months.

The passage of goods on the other is organized in a way to enable the fastest possible transition of products and services. In the late 1050s, an industrial free trade area was created in the city that made Tanger the country’s second most developed industrial area after Casablanca. The main industry is the textile production, and is made in big part by Spanish companies outsourcing their factories to a place of cheaper labour. The tendency of using cheep labour force, which is constructed by mostly women, has been highly debated in the media. Historically the garment industry has been one of the sectors where capitalism has made the most blatant use of patriarchal structures to lower the labour cost of women. The industrial development let to new constructions on the outskirts of Tanger to host the Moroccan migrants from the rural areas, especially from the Riff. The growth was concentrated mostly in the peripheries districts of Beni Makada and Charf. The peripheries condition of the border city has also the force to attract investments and people from the opposite direction. The result of its position on the edge is that it is an area that is easily accessible to the inhabitants from the richer part but at the same time an area where rules present in that part do not apply. Tanger is described in historical book as the place where artists and musicians came in search of peace and a touch of something prohibited. The richness of Tanger has a lot to do with the profitable production of cannabis in the mountains. Morocco is statistically also one of the leading countries in prostitution including child prostitution.

IMAGE: Transport connection on the Gibralta Straight.

History The city of Tanger has been one of the main points of interest of the Mediterranean and maybe in the world, because of its strategic position and its climate. Its character was forged by its multiple rulers, making it one of the oldest still existing cities in the world. Founded by the Carthaginian colonists in the early 5th century BC, it came under Roman rule in the 1st century BC, in the 5th century AD Vandals swept across North Africa, a century later it became part of the Byzantine empire, and eventually came under Arab control in 702. It was held by the Portuguese from 1471 to 1580, then by Spain, then by Portugal again, until in 1661 it was given to Charles II of England as part of the dowry of the Portuguese Infanta Catherine of Braganza. In 1679 Sultan Moulay Ismail of Morocco imposed a crippling blockade on the city forcing the English to withdraw in 1684, but not before they destroyed the town and its harbour facilities. The whole country came increasingly under French influence and in 1912 was effectively partitioned between France and Spain, Spain largely occupying the north, and thus also Tangier Morocco. Tangier was made an international zone in 1923 under the joint administration of Spain, France and Britain, joined by Italy in 1928. After a period of Spanish control until the end of World War II in 1945, Tangier was reunited with the rest of Morocco, which regained full sovereignty in 1956. After 20 years of economic stagnation due to the exodus of the foreign inhabitants the investment into industrial and free zones paid off and the city started to grow again. In the last decade the Tanger-Tetouan region is undergoing dramatic changes with the recent construction of the port Tanger Med, planned railway connection to the South Moroccan cities and the extensive economic free zones attracting business because of its strategic vicinity to Europe. The geographic situation of Tanger gives the city its specific character and makes it attractive to foreign investors and human flux. But the same situation however makes it dependent upon its surrounding. In fact, the main economic activities of the city are related to its position: the harbour, the industry and touristic activity.

IMAGES: Postcards showing historical photographs of Tanger. Available from: http://yacine.org/photo-albums/old-postcards-of-tangier/ [Accessed 20.05.2013]

Economy As a political long therm plan after the Moroccan independence, the city invested into the creation of the industrial zone that is located on the road leading to Tetouan. The investment started to pay off in the last decade of the 20th. Today the industrial sector is positioned as the second biggest of the country. Tanger concentrates 61% of industrial establishments and 81% of the industrial workers of the region, most of which work in the textile industry. Clothing and textiles are the leading industrial sector in Morocco and account for around a third of the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s exports. The factories and workshops in the sector employ 40% of the workers in the industry and generate 66% of female jobs (Lopez-Mancisidor and Urcelay, 2007). In the sector, 70% of the workers are women. Spain has been the most important customer of Moroccan clothing exports since 2006, the year in which their volume reached 950 million euros. Some 35% of Moroccan garment exports in 2006 were for Spain. Manufacturing production in Morocco, and specifically in the city of Tangier, is structured over three levels of work place. Firstly, there are the front-line factories, where production is for export for international brands. A large part of these factories produce garments for Spanish brands such as Inditex, Mango and Cortefiel, and they are audited regularly with the aim of ensuring their international customers that they comply with current legislation and with the standards that fashion firms regard as essential. At a second level, we can identify smaller workshops throughout the peripheral suburbs of the city of Tangier. It is very difficult to determine the number of irregular factories in Tangier exactly, as the nature of their being irregular and the difficulty in identifying them complicates the task of carrying out an approximate census.

SOURCE: Setem NGO, Made in Morocco. June 2011. NetworkWear

The other rapidly growing sector is the car industry. The plan to construct a new Renault factory and an adjoincet city that would connect Tanger, Tetuan and the port Tanger Med is likely to change the focus of the city.

Population With 850.000 if inhabitans Tanger ranks on the 5th place compared to the other cities of Morocco. The population of the city is relatively young. In 2004 28% of the inhabitants were younger than 14 of which 33 % were based in Beni Makada. The same district also has the smallest number of people aged over 60 years (5,4%) The active population in Tanger is higher that the one of the region Tanger-Tetouan. As for Morocco in general one of the main problems is the high rate of illiteracy within the population, which was due to the last statistiques 27% with the peak of 35,7% in the district of Beni Makada. For the last 10 year the unemployment rate has been stable at around 10%. The main part of the population works in the industry sector with the emphasis on the textile industry. Most of the inhabitants of Tangier speak Darija, a variety of Moroccan Arabic. About 25% of the city inhabitants speak Tarifit Berber in their daily lives. Written Arabic is used in government documentation and on road signs together with French. French is used in universities and large businesses.

Sector

jan + feb 2009

jan + feb 2010

Car var %

1.335,6

1.843,8 +38.1%

Electronics var %

705,3

820,8 +16,4%

Marime products var %

1.751,3

2.290,6 +30,8%

Textile and clothing var %

3.346,3

2.322,9 -30,6%

Knitwear var %

1.202,7

Footwear var %

532,3

919,2 +23,6% 820,8 -19,3%

Aeronautics var %

444,2

202,5 -31,7%

Moroccan exports by sector in million of MDH Comparison January-February 2009 to January-February 2010 SOURCE: Office de Changes, 29 March 2009

Migration to Europe / REMITTANCE

Although the main Moroccan emigration towards Europe started in the time of the Moroccan protectorates between 1912 and 1956, the first recruitment of workers to Europe dates already to the 1909. During the first and second World War Moroccan solders were also recruited to fight on the front. After the war Moroccans were employed in European industry, agriculture and mining. After the Moroccan independence European countries like Belgium, France and The Netherlands signed agreements with Morocco to regulate the first flows of Moroccan migrants in the post-war to Western Europe. These countries remained the main destinations for the Moroccan emigrants up until the 1980s, when that the migration gradually expanded to other countries and continents. The current largest concentration of Moroccans outside Morocco is in France and forms a community over 1.9 million Moroccans. Both in Belgium and the Netherlands Moroccans form the largest group of non Western immigrants. There are also large Moroccan communities in Spain, Italy, Sweden and Switzerland. Many Moroccans have also settled for quite a long time in the United States, Canada, Brazil and other Arab countries, most notably Libya while other have immigrated to other parts of Africa where they have prospered financially. Because of the economic opportunities, an increasing number of Moroccans decide to search for work in the Arab World, most notably in Persian Gulf countries like Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Kuwait amongst others. The majority of the Moroccan diaspore is Muslim, with sizeable minorities of Moroccan Jews and Moroccan Christians. According to preliminary estimates, roughly half of the 800,000 Moroccan migrants (mostly from the north of Morocco) who work in Spain have lost their jobs after the European economic crises, and are considering a permanent return to their home country.

Due to the history of emigration to Europe, the MRE - Marocains Residents a lâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;etranger (Moroccans residents abroad) - represent a strong social group in Morocco. According to the World Bank the MRE remittance in 2011 amounted to 7.3 percent of Moroccan GDP, which is 58.3 billion dirham ($6.8 billion).

SOURCE: REMITTANCE: Khachani,M., 2011. Departs et returns des migrants international ay Maroc. AMERM MIGRATION: http://peoplemov.in/

The biggest procent came from France, followed by Spain and Italy. 70% of MRE remittance comes from European countries. Receipts from Moroccans living in the US reached 3 billion dirham. Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Qatar brought in 1.77 billion, 422 million, and 300 million dirham, respectively. Statistics show that 38,6% of the money earned by living abroad is invested into the acquisition or construction of a house while another 12,6% in the acquisition of the land to build it.

58.630 60000

55.126

50000

36.858

40000

30000

20000

10000

2000

2002

2004

2006

2008

Remittances and migrants transfers mil. MDH SOURCE: Ministere Charge par les Maroccains residents a Lâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;etrangere Available from: http://http://www.service-public.ma/ [Accessed 12.03.2013]

2010

5,5% 3,5% 5,7%

27,8%

15,7%

25,8% Population: Emigrants:

31.627.428 3.016.631

Migrant destinations FRANCE SPAIN ITALY ISRAEL BELGIUM NETHERLANDS GERMANY USA CANADA SAUDI ARABIA

840.985 778.451 475.783 245.574 172.682 167.355 108.442 84.496 45.465 20.584

INTERNAL MIGRATION / HISTORY OF URBAN GROWTH

The growth of Tanger was marked by two main phases. The first occurred in the first half of the 20th century during the Tanger Independent and the second after the reconnection of Tangier to Morocco in 1956. At the beginning of the 20th century the political and social context in Tanger was quite unique and differed in many ways from other cities in Morocco. The population of the Medina was multicultural and of many religions. The city offered a dynamic and flexible image and was equipped with sophisticated services such as post offices, telegraph, and several newspapers. Already at the time of the Independent Tanger the adjacent area around the city was partitioned and sold to private investors and companies. These peripheral acquisitions had a major impact on the future development of the city. The French architect Prost planned a new city that surrounded the Medina and expanded along the coast. This central expansion however did not take in consideration the needs of the rapidly growing Tangierian population. As a result many new informal areas developed on the margins of the municipal perimeter, on the other side of the privately owned areas reserved for the further expansion of the city centre. There were some exceptions where the Tangerians entered further into the city. One of these is the Emssallah neighbourhood, an area in the centre owed by the Riffians, that eluded the speculators. There were also or pockets of slums in the very city centre inhabited by the builders of the modern city part. The situation of the city produced by the administration of the international city takes account of the segregative urbanisation that organized the growth of the city in the absence of an urbanistic plan, and territory owned by a few. The intense speculation caused a big part of the Tangerian population to be rejected to the outskirts. The city has so have been

broken into several small pieces and lacked a sense of coherence. These broken pieces, formed by fragments of urban fabric disseminated on the municipal area characterized the international city. The centre is presented without a compact form, but completely serviced as the result of the speculation fever from the 1940s. The east and west sides from the centre were covered with new villas situated in the wood areas all equipped with basic services such as water, heating and electricity. Outside of the ring there ware several areas of social neighbourhoods that grew at the time. These areas lack services and infrastructure. The homes were accessible only by trails. The level of equipment was still very low. The separation of the city was also visible in the urban documents of the city. Different countries reserved different roles in the future plans. (Spanish : residential habitations; French, centre and administrative city; Italians: industrial zone; English, social council housing) The status of the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;international cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; attracted big numbers of people. Statistics show the drastic increase of population; 88.000-161.000 between 1940 and 1952. Because of the crises in Spain in the 1930 and 1940s there is a big number of Spanish emigrants that escaped the misery and the persecutions of the French regime. Often people from the lower class would occupy the same popular neighbourhoods as the Muslim population. They make up 20% of the inhabitants of the Medina and the Emssallah neighbourhood and more than a quarter in the areas of social housing. Since the reintegration of the city in 1956 the urban space has undergone vast transformations. Land owners, old and new extended their estates. The remaining unbuilt areas present in the international period of Tangier found buyers and were being urbanized. One of many bigger transformations can be seen in the peripheral areas in the south.

Tanger Tetuan

Larache Chauen Alhucemas

Nador

Kentra

Casablanca

Internal migration to Tanger region (people per year) 1.200 800 400 200 Tanger region

Period of rest The end of the international period resulted in the collapse of the economy of the city, which was itself constructed on an artificial basis (gold commerce and currency changes, all kind of speculations and free import) The prosperity of the city could not survive the disappearance of the status that allowed the exercise of these activities. The massive depart of the foreign community liberated an important barrier of the real estate business. The growth of the population was made in situ. The new arrivals, Moroccan Muslims installed themselves naturally in the housing once owned by the Spanish inhabitants living in social neighbourhoods. The population growth in the period between 1960 and 1971 is the lowest of all the big Moroccan cities 2,59% This period was taken advantage of to finally make an urban document, the Zoning plan of 1963. This showed most of the discrepancy between the numbers housing for the mass population and the small amount of land reserved for them. The mass housing made 68% of the constructions but only took over 12% of land. In contrast the villas which made 32% of the whole construction took over 88% of land. The new socioeconomic situation that characterises the space of Tanger from the beginning of the 1960s will lead to an explosion of demand for building land, mainly by lower classes.

Period of recovery During this period the city regains its breath with different building sites. The population growth rate doubles from 1971-1982. The new zoning plan and the increased value of land opened to development zones previously kept empty. This produced a rapid urbanization of these areas but without an official urban plan. The sector of the South is the main space of the expression of the Tangerian urbanisation. The periphery is mostly a space of private investments. The main actor is the individual, the animator of the rural exodus is the one that finds in these areas the solution for its living problems. Although the periphery offers the possibility to the already urban inhabitants to become owners of a home, the big majority come from the old urban cores of Morocco. 36,4% of the inhabitant were immigrants or born in the area, only 13% came from the centre. The peripheral area also played an important role of transition of the population after living their rural homes. The new cores of habitation which progressively solidified. In the second half of the 1980s Tanger was also undergoing another urban movement. The filling of the areas that were left empty after the departure of foreign inhabitants of the International city. This has largely damaged the bases of the patrimonial heritage of the first phase of the urbanisation of the modern city. The types of new buildings constructed also underwent a profound transformation. Until the 1988 the basic Moroccan house constituted the majority of the new built. From that date the Tangerians discovered the apartment. However the new built did not seem at all to reflect the numbers of need of the inhabitants not in social structure or demand.

SITE photographs

The photographic material plays an important role in understand the phenomena of the non regulatory neighbourhoods and the extent of the urban sprawl of single family dwellings in Tanger. The aim of the following photographs is to present the contrast between the city center and the pherypheral areas of the city and establish a visual connection to the studied areas before the following cartographic material. If not stated separately, all of the photographs have been taken by the author of this study on two separate trips to Tanger in 2013.

3 : Aerial view of the city (by Abdelouahid Zammouri) 18

2 : Roofrops of the Ancient Medina 20

3 : Ville Nouvelle, the city centre of Tanger 22

4 : View of the Tanger Medina from the industrial zone located on the road to Tetouan 24

5 : Planned neighbourhood in the Beni Makada district 26

6 : Rooftops of the Moghogha, and unplanned neighbourhood on the West 28

7 : Single housing settlements growing from the top of the hills. 30

8 : Housing on the edge of Bir Chifa. 32

9: Aerial view of the Tanger peripheral areas from above showing the two types of 34 housing - the individual dwelling and apartment blocks.

10 : The photo of the neighbourhood Siddi Idriss shows the still existing traces of the rural 36 way of life in the area.

11 : The infrastructure base layed down in a new development in the Southeastern part of 38 the city. The single plots will be sold to individuals to build their own dwellings.

12 : Areal view of the Southwest part of the Beni Makada district that shows the offer neighbourhood of Bir Chifa on the right top corner, the growing douar in the lower centre and a 40 new planned development on the bottom left.

MAPS: GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CITY The following maps have been made in order to analyse specific aspects of Tanger such as the topography, areas of different types of neighbourhoods, distribution of facilities and infrastructure. By comparing the maps on the same scale we can see the way they interconnect and understand better the reasons behind why the city has developed in a certain way. By comparing the map of the topography and non-regulated areas for example we can see that the non-regulated houses have grown in the part of the city that due to a difficult topography was left with no official owner. The maps of public transport and public facilities show us that the areas of the non regulatory neighbourhoods has been left largely underequipt.

TOPOGRAPHY

The development of the city of Tanger is closely related to its topography. The old Medina is situated on the hill on corner which was both a point of best control and in the proximity of the sea. The new city, designed by Prost was placed along the coast of the Tangerian bay and up the hill to surround the old Medina. Private villas, belonging to the wealthier class of the city are scattered along the hills on the east and west side of the city, while the areas of mass housing have developed further into the land. The industrial area was developed in the lowest part of the city in the proximity of a flooding area. The neighbourhood of Beni Makada, that grew during the time of the International city, grew in the hilly area in the suburban areas. Situated on the hill this land was not interesting for the real estate speculators that bought huge portions of land predicting the expansion of the Independent city.

URBAN GROWTH

As already mentioned it the chapter History of urban growth the city has undergone two periods of urban expansion. The first one during the time of Tanger Independent and the second one in the last decades of the 20th century. The new industrial zone established in the 1960s has attracted a substantial influx of the rural workers. In the contrary to Casablanca (see appendix, History and theory essay) the local urban agencies were not able to develop an urban plan and focused more on the provision of plans for private investors. Up until recently the question of the non regulatory neighbourhoods has been avoided all together. In the last 20 years the built area of Tanger has almost doubled in size. However, many of the areas on the border of the city are in a constant state of construction. Some of the areas feel like ghost towns with red brick houses populating the hills. The Moroccan sees a family house as a long term investment. The house is constructed gradually throughout the years. Many of the buildings were financed by the money sent by the Moroccans living abroad. Nonetheless the growth of these areas is rapid.

0,5

1 KM

Urban growth 1919-2011 1919 1948 1980 2002 2011

Tanger neighbourhoods

This map shows the different types of built areas in Tanger. It is obvious that the more wealthy areas such as the Ville Nouvelle and the areas with villas are situated in better areas along the coast while the areas of mass housing was pushed to the periphery. As explained in the chapter of the history of urban growth it was because of the acquisition of vast areas of land by few individuals or companies that the areas around the newly built colonial city in the time of the Independent Tanger, were left unbuilt. The owners were expecting a second planned expansion to sell their land and make a profit. The Tangerian population started to build their individual houses on the periphery in the orange areas of the non regulatory houses. With time they gradually connected to the city and started expanding to the south. Many of these neighbourhoods have since been regulated. The construction of the non regulatory areas continues in the border areas along the industrial zone although the future expansion of Tanger is predicted on the axis Tanger-Rabat, to wars the airport and the new free zone.

MAP OF FACILITIES DISTRIBUTION

The map shows that most of the facilities connected to the cultural and civic functions are concetrated in the central parts of Tanger, especially the Nouvelle vile. The peripheral districts do contain the basic facilities related to the educational and religious and health activities, such as primary and secondary schools, mosques and pharmacies. Every Moroccan neighbourhood historicly contains the following commercial services: a basic grocery shop, a traditional Moroccan oven, a butchery, a pharmacy, a bakery, a shoemaker, a mosque and a local cafe. They lack however facilities that would additionally stimulate especialy the youner generation that without proper means of transport cannot reach the cultural and socially more active areas of the city.

MAP OF PUBLIC TRANSPORT

Although existing, the Belgium owned public bus system is not commonly used in Tanger. This is because of the condition of vehicles and bad line routes. This mean of public transport is however the most practical way of connecting the topographically difficult neighbourhoods of Tanger. The map shows that the souther suburban areas are not covered well by the existing system which means that the inhabitants of these areas need to rely on private transport or more expensive taxis. The lack of public transport, connected to the lack of cultural and social facilities in the district of Beni Makada further accents the separation between the city centre and the peripheric areas, that results in social segregation of these areas.

MAPS: NON REGULATORY NEIGHBOURHOODS The following maps focus on the non regulatory neighbourhoods of the district of Beni Makada. These areas have been largely neglected by the urbanists of the city. However these areas represent one of the most specific parts of the city. The inhabitants moved into the city through lines of family and kinship which made so that they still retained a strong connection to their home villages. The assimilation into the city way of life is slowed even further by the very traditional values and wish for privacy of the inhabitants. When entering these neighbourhoods as foreigners, which includes Moroccans coming from another part of the street, you are observed and kept under control. The hierarchy of accessible and inaccessible spaces reminds more of the organization of the Medina than of new urban areas.

Non-regulated growth of the suburbs

After its industrialization, the suburbs of Tanger have been expanding rapidly and more importantly without a plan. Until the establishment of the Urban Agency of Tanger in 1997, the management of propriety has been subject of economic and political speculations, resulting in a chaotic but not illegal spread of generic housing. The neighbourhoods are tightly connected to the Tanger industrial zone. Most of the women working in the textile factories come from these areas. They take public transport in forms of small busses every day which results in road congestions during the change of shifts. The transport is paid by the employers.

Non-regulated NEIGHBOURHOODS ON TOPOGRAPHY

The non regulatory neighbourhoods have been rowing from old douars on the top of the hills in the suburbs of Tanger. Since there was no master plan for the suburbs they took over the land that was available, leaving empty belts at their edges in the valleys.

MAP OF OPEN SPACES

100

200

400 M

Map of open spaces in between the built areas

NEIGHBOURHOODS OF BENI MAKADA DISTRICT

BRANES

HAY ZAOUDIA BNI MAKADA

ENNASR BEN DIBANE AZIB HAJ KADOUR

JIRANI

BEAUSEJOUR

HAJ MOKHTAR

EL-KHAIR 3

KARIMA

RGAIA I AND II

BNI OURIAGHEL BIR CHIFA EL-KHAIR 2 BNI MAKADA LAKDIMA

GOURIZANE

CHAABI

EL-MERS 2

RGAIA III AND IY DHAR KHANFEUD

MERS ACHENNAD

BOUHOUT

EL-MERS 1

MOUBARIKA

JAMAA BENI MOHAMED SIDI DRISS

JAMILA HANAE 1

DEHAR EL-KANFOUD

100

200

HANAE 3

ANDALOUS

400 M

Neighbourhoods boundry

HANAE 2

OPEN SPACES IN BETWEEN BENI MAKADA DISTRICT

100

200

400 M

Map of open areas

PART 2 : PROPOSALS

DEsign problem : the limits of self building

PROPOSAL 1: in between spaces / Unclaimed areas as space of connection

PROPOSAL 2: NEW CENTRALITIES

FINAL DESIGN PROPOSAL : FORGOTTEN PUBLIC SPACES

DESIGN proBLEM THE LIMITS OF SELF BUILDING The proposed projects tackle the problem of the non-regulatory neighbourhoods of Tanger that have grown without control mostly in the last 30 years. Its growth has been mainly organized by private investments and political and economic speculation. The system developed by the small builders has been shaped in a way that enables the most practical and economical way of construction, both financially and specially. At the same time the role of the houses is not limited only to the provision of shelter but they serve as a long term investment for the future of the families. Moroccans that prefer to invest in material assets instead of into banks (most of the deals in the area are dealt in cash and 50% of the inhabitants still do not have a bank account). For this reason there are several areas of the fast growing outskirts of Tanger resemble ghost towns: half built houses, most of them empty and abandoned or neglected open spaces. This phenomena is present as much in single family houses as in bigger private developments.

The segregation of these areas works both ways. These neighbourhoods are hardly accessible to anyone not living in them both form a mobility and a social point of view. This creates a sense of isolation and further emphasises the division between different classes, people coming from different areas of Morocco and creates social tension. The small houses and narrow streets are the opposite to the rural way of life. In the end the economic investment might be feasible, but it comes at the price of quality of life. How does one deal with an area created directly by the inhabitants of the area themselves, and largely avoided by public institutions? While traditionally urban planners base the position of housing fabric to the proximity of facilities and accessibility, these areas might need a diametrically opposite approach.

This type of development is characteristic in places with a week level of belief in the efficiency of the authorities. Architects however have always been fascinated by the ability of these areas to adapt to every inconvenience. During the construction time the neighbours support each other which creates a strong community bond. Although there are positive aspects of this type of urban development as stated above there is also a limit to self organization. In Tanger is visible in the lack of public spaces and spacial leftovers at the dissolved edges of the neighbourhoods as well in between buildings. Furthermore there is a big lack of basic facilities and infrastructure.

PROPOSAL 1 in between spaces / Unclaimed areas as space of connection If we look at the growth of Tanger through time we can see two distinctive patters that shaped the city since the beginning of the 19th century that are almost diametrically opposite. The first one was planned by the French architect Henry Prost that in 1920 designed the grid for the part of the city called â&#x20AC;&#x153;Ville nouvelleâ&#x20AC;? (see addition xx). His plan for the new neighbourhood shows roads that would connect public facilities and public spaces. The in between will be filled up by housing. On the South part of Tanger however, the suburbs have followed a different way of growth. Private single houses have been developed through illegal distribution of land and political speculation in the last 30 years which resulted in and uncontrolled urban sprawl and overly densified neighbourhoods. Only recently roads and public facilities are being added by patching up the left over space. Most of the of these areas developed from douars (Moroccan villages) on the top of the hills of the vibrant topography. With the fast population growth in the 1980s, the new inhabitants often followed family members from the countryside and bought land in the same locations. Consequently the villages started to grow, but they continued to be introverted and self sufficient. At the same time the inhabitants retained their rural habits. Since each neighbourhood provides the basic material for the life of the inhabitants, most of them do no need to travel often to other parts of the city. There are several things however, that the neighbourhoods lack, such as administrative, cultural centres as well as public spaces and spaces to socialise. This is especially hard for the younger generations that in the absence of efficient public transport are unable to access the cultural and social events that the city offers. This state of things further enhances the strong social division between the inhabitants of the city centre and the suburbs and divides the city in half.

STRATEGY 1 REDIRECTION OF FOCUS

If we look at the growth of Tanger through time we can see two distinctive patters that shaped the city since the beginning of the 19th century that are almost diametrically opposite. The first one was planned by the French architect Henry Prost that in 1920 designed the grid for the part of the city called â&#x20AC;&#x153;Ville nouvelleâ&#x20AC;?. His plan for the new neighbourhood shows roads that would connect public facilities and public spaces. The in between will be filled up by housing. On the South part of Tanger however, the suburbs have followed a different way of growth. Private single houses have been developed through illegal distribution of land and political speculation in the last 30 years which resulted in and uncontrolled urban sprawl and overly densified neighbourhoods. Only recently roads and public facilities are being added by patching up the left over space. Most of the of these areas developed from douars (Moroccan villages) on the top of the hills of the vibrant topography. With the fast population growth in the 1980s, the new inhabitants often followed family members from the countryside and bought land in the same locations. Consequently the villages started to grow, but they continued to be introverted and self sufficient. At the same time the inhabitants retained their rural habits. Since each neighbourhood provides the basic material for the life of the inhabitants, most of them do no need to travel often to other parts of the city. There are several things however, that the neighbourhoods lack, such as administrative, cultural centres as well as public spaces and spaces to socialise. This is especially hard for the younger generations that in the absence of efficient public transport are unable to access the cultural and social events that the city offers. This state of things further enhances the strong social division between the inhabitants of the city centre and the suburbs and divides the city in half. If we look at the map of unused spaces of Tanger we can clearly see the planned and unplanned parts of the city. The outskirt areas are made of individual private houses built on singular plots as well as small private developments that organise buildings around a planned street. Although the free market system allows for the

provision of a sufficient amount of housing it at the same time not have an interest in providing common space. With the governmental institutions ignoring the area for the past 30 years these areas have grown schizophrenically creating a pattern of extremely dense housing areas on one side and empty forgotten spaces on the other.

In the project iteration I propose a new bus connection in the non regulatory areas that would connect new public squares that were created in the empty areas. The forgotten empty spaces are used as an advantage to reconnect the city in a common network and open up new public spaces in offer to create new centralities in the suburban areas. A new bus connection in the non regulatory areas that would also facilitate the mobility of women, that already migrate daily to the industrial areas. Young people would be so able to reach schools and other facilities in different social areas which would break the social segregation of the area.

case study: The Ribbon City

SECTION model 1:100

In 1929, the sociologist Mikhail Okhitovich, part of the radical Constructivist architectural group OSA created a plan for a city that was not as a series of concentric rings radiating out from a central hub, but as a series of rhythms, a distribution of resources, functions and occupancies. The idea of rhythms could be applied to a more organic line that would pass trough the city, which would delocalize public programs and connect communities without invading the safety zone that they offer to their inhabitants.

The section models were used to represent the points along the way that would further influence the areas around them. The act of organizing a platform that would run along the hilly topography of the periphery neighbourhoods was an attempt to use the existing topographic conditions of the areas to enable the transition of the inhabitants.

PROPOSAL 2 NEW CENTRALITIES If the first project iteration focused on discovering the wider strategy to connect the nonregulatory areas in the South with the central areas of Tanger the second project iteration explores the possibilities of developing a more focused strategy for the design of new public spaces that could serve as new centralities in the suburbs. The traditional Moroccan house is oriented on the internal courtyard which can be connected to the importance of privacy and family in their everyday life. This introversion is reflected in their use of open spaces that on the other side are largely neglected. The reason for it also derives from the trade society based on private propriety. The current open spaces are used as junk yards and pastors for cattle which is a marker of the still ongoing transition from the rural to the urban way of life.

Comparing the open spaces in the city centre to the empty ones in the suburbs from an urban perspective we can see that they are much bigger and unfocused. While the public spaces in the city centre are determined by the commercial, civic and cultural functions around surrounding them, the houses surrounding the empty spaces in the suburbs do not have the potential to accommodate public facilities. In order to create new centres in the suburb a clearer boundary needs to be determined to support the new public activity. However it needs to be kept in mind the new centralities cannot hold central city functions that are already placed in the other part of the city. The boundary will serve to protect the new public space from being taken over by the urban sprawl.

To the contrast to that the in the city centre of Tanger the public spaces are well used and taken care of. On my visit to Tanger during the days of Ramadan may man were sitting in the squares or laying in the parks, waiting for the evening hours. Parks are especially used by woman and children in the afternoons, as the place where to spend time with your children after coming home from work.

100

200

Proposed new centraliti

400 M 0

100

200

ies in the suburbs

400 M

Proposed new centralities in the suburbs

STRATEGY 2 NEW NEIGBOURHOOD BORDERS

The second strategy is based on the filling of empty areas by following the natural growth of the neighbourhoods related to the private market. The proposal is based on determining the central public space and its boundary by assuming that the open areas would have been naturally built on in time. The designed new boundary will determine the extent to which the existing neighbourhood can extend, protecting thus the public square but still retaining the specific identities that are characteristic for the non regulatory neighbourhoods. In this strategy the state plays only the role of the organizer and coordinator, taking advantage of the already established system of neighbourhood development.

THE SQUARE

In the example below we can see that the traditional urban grid of Fez has a close interrelation between mosques, souks and residential buildings. They create a network of public but legally private spaces that connects streets and buildings. In the contrary of public spaces in Europe, the ones in Morocco has always been connected to public facilities as the mosque and the souk. These private spaces serve as places of encounter for the inhabitants and potential trading possibilities more than for leisure, which is more a domain of the home. The public space in the Arab world is closely connected to the activity in it and not so much to the space itself. The city centre of Tanger already has many open spaces that do not have a specific program besides being just a meeting place, due to its different cultural influences, the inhabitants of the suburb areas however are more traditional.

Traditional city centre of Fez SOURCE: Bianca, S., Urban form of the Arab world. 2000. Zurich: vdf, ETH Zurich

In the second project iteration I proposed a closed square that would be a hybrid between a private public space as the souk and a open public square. By entering the square you would step into public space that would mimic the system of entering a private building. The facade represents the official public image of the city that as in the example below shows off its richness to the visitors The idea of the square was consecutively omitted. In the final proposal I decided on the completely opposite approach of the fluid outside space. Since the inhabitants of the non regulatory areas already live in a very confined space of small size homes and narrow street it was more reasonable to think about spaces that would inspire a sense of liberty.

The european square SOURCE: imag available online at //http:www.livablecities.org / [Accessed 10.06.2013]

REPETITIVE building element

reinforced concrete arch element

concrete roof element

concrete base water and electrical infrastructure

paving

staircase accessible from the external part of the square

housing unit

commercial unit

The squares in the areas would be terminated by one central modular element which design was guided by the minimal possible intervention and investment that the state could execute to encourage the evolution of a new centralities in a free market driven system of urban development. If the centrally driven urban development lack flexibility and the liberal driven one does not provide common space, this proposal tries to combine the two. 1. The basic element is an arch spanning over two columns that connected in the first step create a shaded that can support different activities. Running along the side are electrical and water services that allow future development. The mail elements can be industrially produced, loaded on trucks and transported to the locations. 2. The investment into the construction of the basic element is returned by the rent or selling of the commercial ground floor units and building area on the roof. The staircase leading to the upper floor is located on the outer side of the square, thus creating a side street that can connect to the housing area on the outside. 3. The housing units on the concrete roof form a continuous facade that determines the character of the square. Depending on the location the city has the possibility of reserving plots for special buildings of civic or cultural use.

housing development on the outer side of the square

housing unit commercial unit

NEW DEVELOPMENT

GREEN AREA

NEW DEVELOPMENT

CAFE

WORKSHOPS AND RESIDENCE FOR ARTISTS

MULTI PURPOSE ROOM / THEATRE LOCAL LIBRARY COMMUNITY ROOM

ADMINISTRATTIVE ANNEX LOCAL CRAFTS SHOPS AND WORKSHOPS

BUS STATION

TEMPORARY MARKET CONNECTED TO THE LOCAL SOUK

NEW DEVELOPMENT

PARKING NEW BUS ROUTE 1:500 Development of new centralities in the suburbs of Tanger

FINAL DESIGN PROPOSAL FORGOTTEN PUBLIC SPACES

The final design proposal builds further upon on the research and ideas developed in the first and second iteration projects. If the first iteration developed a strategy that to redirected the focus of the public life in the neighbourhoods to its border areas in order to create a network of public spaces in the city and the second strategy moved the existing borders of the neighbourhood and created a repetitive element to protect the new public square from the urban sprawl, the final project tries to connect the previous two.

1. Reorient the focus of the neighbourhoods

However instead of using the border element to protect the new public spaces, it uses the same principle to limit the expansion of the existing neighbourhoods. This creates a fluid public space that runs around the neighbourhoods and marks a â&#x20AC;&#x153;neutral territoryâ&#x20AC;?. It the space at the edges where inhabitants of different neighbourhoods can meet without invading the privacy of the closed communities. The new public spaces vary in regard to the possible border situation. If two adjacent neighbourhoods form a street while three and more neighbourhoods can form a square, however the with of the street or the size of the square derives from the specificity of the site. In case of an existing public facility as a souk, sports ground or park, this facility is incorporated in the new open space to enhance its function. The new limits provide the space for all the basic commercial activities that we can find in the neighbourhoods plus a possibility to incorporate specific cultural, administrative and social functions, that will determine the nature of each new centrality and shape its character.

2. Create new neigbourhood borders

2. Organize new centralities

Analysis of the existing building types in the district of beni makada

Home for several families related to belonging ti the same family

Single family home

Multy-apartment building - owned by a developer

Home for several families non - often owned by a Moroccan living abroad

building modules

The new neighbourhood limits are created using three additive modules. All of them are based on the prevailing existing housing type that can be found in the district of Beni Makada. This type has evolved by trying and fulfils the needs of the inhabitants of the area. In order to be successful, the new public spaces in between neighbourhoods need to create different types of public space along the network. By using the three modules we can provide different levels of privacy and interaction with the street or square, depending of the specific situation.

MODULE 1:

BASIC MODULE / MODULE 0 MODULE 2

SPECIAL BUILDING:

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MODULE 0

MODULE 1

MODULE 2

This module is a typological copy of the houses commonly being built in the peripheries areas of Tanger. The basic grid of approximately 3x3m enables is made of reinforced concrete columns and slabs that are later infield with brickwork and covered with a concrete plate. The fundaments are excavated deep enough to achieve stability on the sloppy terrain. The ground floor has a higher ceiling height and a small overhang above the entrance area. The ground floor is often used by the owner of the building for commercial activities or rents it out. The rooftop is used as a terrace and can be used almost all year around due to the warm climate. The module is entirely owned by the inhabitant of the house.

The cantilever above the commercial space is extended to provide shading for the activities taking place along the street. The ground floor can be rented or bought. It is meant to be used for the basic activities present in each Moroccan neighbourhood like the grocery shop, shoemaker, butchery, bakery pharmacy and traditional Moroccan oven. By facing two rows of this module we can create a covered street with commercial activity under the arches.

The second variation has an increase of spaces for public purposes. Uses can include activities as restaurants, cafes, youth centres, galleries etc. The functions in these modules determine the nature of the public space in front of them weather it is an administrative square, souk, park or others.

SPECIAL BUILDING Besides the three modules the square should include specific buildings as administrative buildings, cinemas, theatres, sport centres or any others.

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CINEMA / LIBRARY

Example of the proposed strategy

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FORGOTEN PUBLIC SPAVES 105

Bibliography

Amzil, L., Debbi, F., and Le Tellier, J. 2009. La Mobilité Urbaine dans L’Agglomération de Tanger: Evolutions et Perspectives. Sophia Antipolis: Plan Bleu. Ribas-Mateos, N. 2005. The Mediterranean in the age of globalization : migration, welfare & borders. London : Transaction Publishers Khallouki Tamsamani, M., Hillali, M. 1996. Tanger:developpement urbain d’une ville particuliere. Tanger: Institut Superieur International de Tourisme. Bekkari, H. Tanger Post Internationale, article in Urban generations : post-colonial cities / ed. by David Richards, Taoufik Agoumy, Taeib Belghazi. - Rabat : Faculty of Letters of Rabat, 2005. - 471 p. : ill., krt. ; 24 cm. - (Publications de la Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines, Rabat Série: Colloques et séminaires, ISSN 1113-0377 ; 126) De Haas, H., International migration and regional development in Morocco. Workshop New Moroccan Migrations, Institute of Development Studies, Sussex Centre for Migration Research, University of Sussex, 13 July 2005. Le Tellier J., Les Recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord. 2006. Doctoral thesis of geography, Aix-Marseille University. Le Tellier, J., Relations sociales et lieux de sociabilité urbaine autour des bornes-fontaines publiques à Tanger (Maroc), in Les lieux de sociabilité urbaine dans la longue durée en Afrique, Fourchard Laurent, Goerg Odile, Gomez-Perez Muriel (éd.), Paris, L’Harmattan, 2009. Programme des Nations Unies pour les Etablissements Humains –ONU-HABITAT. Evaluation du programme national “Villes sans Bidonvilles” Rabat, 2011. [Accessed 24 May 2013]; Available at http:// www.unhabitat.org/downloads/docs/11592_4_594598.pdf

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APPENDIX

HISTORY AND THEORY ESSAY : THE CHANCE OF GETTING IT RIGHT

HORIZONTAL STUDIO: DRAWING AS CONJECTURE / THE MEDITERRANEAN LAND

ELIA WORKSHOP: CAIRO CRACK

CAIRO RESEARCH : HUMAN RESOURCES

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THE CHANCE OF GETTING IT RIGHT

About Modernism, Orientalism and our ability to plan for another society.

MArch Urban Design 2012/13 Tangier unit History and Theory Essay 26th May 2013

Nina Vidič Ivančič SN:12080338

ABSTRACT

CONTENTS

After the Second World War Morocco, came under the influence of France and became a laboratory for European avant‐garde architects and urban planners. While politicians used architecture and urban planning to strengthen their positions in the new territories, the Modernists seized the opportunity to finally try out their ideas in practice. However at the IX CIAM conference the younger generation of architects presented a new vision for the development of cities, the idea of Habitat.

1 Introduction 2 Modernist playfields 3 Problems of translation 4 Appropriation 5 Epilogue

The GAMMA group (CIAM-Morocco) based its work methodology on the specificities and knowledge about social and physical characteristics of the local context that relied on sociological and building surveys as well as on cartographic and statistical analyses in order to shed light on the population dwelling habits. Their theory was put in practice in Casablanca.

This paper aims to analyze the project of the Carrières Centrales trough design and current situation. By this it will try to analyze the ability of Western architects to engage in social housing developments in the Third World Countries. Are they able to understand the social groups they are working for?

Keywords: Colonialism, Orientalism, Morocco, Modernism, Michel Ecochard, GAMMA 111

INTRODUCTION The following essay is a reflection on the practice of Western architects to lead community oriented architectural and urban projects in the so-called Third World countries.1 The question I am posing is whether we, as foreigners, are capable of finding the right architectural solutions for a way of life that is based on values and social norms that are different from our own, and which can only be completely understood by people that grew up in that environment. Are we able to base community specific design projects on our understanding of the accumulated knowledge of this community, or does our cultural background pose a limit to our understanding of the community and consequently our design? I will try to illustrate my point by looking at the architectural practice in Casablanca during the times of the French protectorate. This was the time when the Moroccan division of CIAM called GAMMA, started to look at the indigenous population as a base point for their projects for the greater number in Morocco.2 After the Second World War European architect, most of which followed the modernist movement, were given the chance to try out new typologies and urban schemes on the grounds of their colonies in Northern Africa. This part of the world became a laboratory for architectural experiments that searched for new solutions of living for the society after the War. The interest here does not lie in the role that modernism had, and still has, on the development of cities today, but in the importance of the impact that these experiments had on the architectural practice today. The work in non-European countries brought back into the architectural discourse the notions of vernacular architecture and specificity of context, and how these were implemented in Morocco at the time of the French protectorate. These new views of the Modernist movement were first presented at the IX CIAM convention in Aix-en-Provence in 1953. The convention was organized by the young generation of CIAM architects, which later formed the group TEAM 10. The new vision for the development of cities, the idea of Habitat, presented by the GAMMA group and other African sections of CIAM, pushed for a different methodology in the architectural production in colonial cities, which was not in tune with the older CIAM generation. The different points of view eventually led to the dissolving of CIAM.

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In Morocco the GAMMA group, guided by Michel Écochard, opted for a more user-oriented way of designing homes, but fifty years later, the results on site do not reflect their ideas on paper. The analysed project called Carrières Centrales is one of the larger neighbourhood development projects in Casablanca and one of the main projects that GAMMA realized in practice. After it was built in 1952 it appeared on covers of the major architecture magazines in Europe as the Architecture d’aujourd’hui and Architectural Design. Today the same project is hardly recognizable on site since it has been largely transformed and adapted by the inhabitants. Due to the extensive application of these types of neighbourhoods in Casablanca this way of appropriation even resulted in a new building typology that became characteristic for the city suburbs (von Osten 2010).

The project of the Carrières Centrales proved flexible enough to be adapted to the needs of its inhabitants. What I find problematic however, is that even though the intention of the GAMMA Group was to design the Habitat that would fulfil all the needs of the Moroccan population, the built result on site was materialized as a classical Modernist scheme that did not suit these needs.3 As a response the inhabitants appropriate their buildings without a formal permission. What I am interested in is how much this is a consequence of the architects inability to understand the future user of his scheme and how much the result of him being part of a system that was built on the idea of modernism as developmentalism or in other words the idea of linear development according to which the colonized countries and its inhabitants still need help to become developed.

MODERNIST PLAY FIELDS After the Second World War Tunis Algiers and most of Morocco, came under the influence of France and became laboratories for European avant‐garde architects and urban planners. As large-scale technical developments have been first tested on colonial grounds and then reflected back to Europe trough public housing projects we cannot ignore the influence that the social and political situation in these countries had on the modernists architects. These projects were repeated in Europe in the post war social housing developments in cities like Marseilles and Paris. While politicians used architecture and urban planning to strengthen their positions in the new territories, the Modernists seized the opportunity to finally try out their ideas in practice. During the war period they were exchanging ideas at the biannual meetings called CIAM. These hosted some of the most prominent architect of the time as Le Corbusier, Walter Gropius, Siegfried Giedion and many others. The conferences focused on themes like the Minimum Subsistence Dwelling (1929), the Low-, Mid- or High-Rise Building? (1930), and the Functional City (1933) (Mumford 2002). In the 1950s however, influenced by the work in North Africa, the interest of the CIAM shifted to a less universalising architecture that took inspiration from the shantytowns of Casablanca and Algiers. The IX CIAM conference at the Aix-en-Provence (1953), led by a younger generation of architects, was titled The Charted of Habitat and focused on a proposal for a new CIAM Grid. If Le Corbusier saw the Grid as a tool for comparing different modern design solutions to find universal solutions for the future city, the ones presented at the IX CIAM focused and learnt from specific urban environments. The Mahieddine Grid presented by the CIAM-Algiers analysed the shantytowns in Algers, while the GAMMA grid or the Habitat for the Greater Number Grid by CIAMMorocco investigated the daily life of Moroccans in Casablanca. All of them focused on the so-called bidonvilles that grew on the outskirts of the French colonial towns. The bidonville played an important role in the definition of these new architectural

1 The “Third World” has been an important addition to the political vocabulary of the past century. First coined by the French demographer Alfred Sauvy in 1952, the phrase gradually gained popularity as a classification describing the emerging arena of the global politics associated with neither Western capitalism nor Soviet socialism in the early 1960s. The arena included developing nations of Africa, Asia and Latin America which shared broad historical, economic, cultural and ideological commonalities; a history of colonization, relatively low per capita incomes, culturally non-Western, and agricultural-based economies. (Duanfang 2011)

CIAM (International Congresses of Modern Architecture) was an organization that during the period of 1928 and 1956 produced a series of conferences and exhibitions with the most prominent architects at the time that influenced fundamentally the architecture world. (Von Osten 2010) 2

4 HABITAT “The members of CIAM IXwere unable to define precisely what they meant by habitat, however, they generally agreed that it referred to an environment that could accommodate the ‘total and harmonious spiritual, intellectual, and physical fulfillment’ of its inhabitants. The very use of the term habitat, according to Candilis, represented an important change in thinking within CIAM, which he was unable to express at the time but which would develop over the course of the next congresses to represent a set of values that the younger members associated with a ‘more humane approach’ to modern architecture. The meeting ended with a reiteration by Candilis that CIAM ought to create a ‘Charte de l’Habitat’ that would, as the Athens Charter had, guide the future development of modern urbanism.” source: http://www.team10online.org/team10/ meetings/1953-Aix.htm

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approaches. Besides being the place where most of the rural exodus arrived in the city it was also and most importantly the physical and special result of a non- planned way of organizing an urban environment. The European architects proposed that they should learn from these self-built settlements, thus acknowledging the importance of learning from every day life conditions and local specificities. (See figure 1)

4 HAY MOHAMMADI is a district of West Casablanca that covers an area of 26,7 km² and has a population of 407892 habitants. It is one of the poorest neighbourhoods in Casablanca (La Préfecture de Casablanca. Available from: http:// www.casablanca.ma/index/html/html/prefecture-casa. html [Accessed 20.05.2013] 5 MODERNISM AS DEVELOPMENTALISM “After the independence, despite the end of direct colonial rule, the modernist vision of a rationally progressing universal history persisted, which considered that all nations were heading for the same destination; some arrived earlier than others.“ (Duanfang 2011)

GAMMA (Groupe d’Architectes Modernes Marocains), The Moroccan section of CIAM 1953, consisted of Michel Écochard and a group of young architects, among them Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods, who worked with him on the housing estates in Casablanca. They presented an image of the modern city of Casablanca that shocked the older modernists of the CIAM and caused heated discussions among the younger generation of architects. Instead of pure modern architecture, they presented an analysis of the shantytowns in the periphery of Casablanca, an area that was hitherto not considered of any relevance to modern planning, and instead treated as misery that was to be eliminated. (Von Osten 2011) 6

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The GAMMA group materialized their ideas in the outskirts of Casablanca. “The project of Carrières Centrales reflected a shift of thought in post-war modernism towards the recognition of everyday practices as a basis for planning methodologies.” (Avermaete 2010). This shift to local actors was not accidental. It happened in the space and time of anti-colonial struggles, when the idea of independence was becoming stronger within the Moroccan population. Their deteriorating living conditions in urban areas were one of the main reasons for protest. Due to the increased influx of rural workers in the period of the French protectorate, Casablanca began to spread outwards. Shantytown houses that grew on the city borders caused tension between the formal and informal that eventually resulted in social unrest. In the attempt to keep control of the situation, the French rule invested in social housing projects that would organize the peripheral areas of the city. The fast growing Moroccan population could not be ignored anymore. The project of the Carrières Centrales marked the first time that the French designed for the Moroccan part of society. The neighbourhood of Hay Mohammadi, where the project is located, holds a special place in Moroccan history. During the time of the protectorate its inhabitants actively opposed the French occupation of Morocco and played a decisive role in the battle for the Moroccan independence.4 Architecture and urbanism were tools of public control employed by the colonizers to control the population and preserve the power structure of the few. Écochard’s extensive urban plan for the Moroccan workers in peripheral areas of Casablanca was legitimized in 1952, which coincides with the time when the bidonvilles were the centres of riots against the colonial power (Chaouni, 2011). The development of the periphery zone of Casablanca emerged from a need of organization of the until then ignored working class, and the silent acknowledgement of their importance and power. At the same time however, in keeping with the idea of linear development the non-European population was left at the outskirts to wait until they became developed enough.5 Modern architecture thus assumed the vital mission in the Third world nation building plan. (Lu 2011) During 1946 and 1952, Écochard was the director of the Town Planning Department of the French Protectorate in Morocco. Encouraged by the European CIAM members he formed the Moroccan CIAM section called GAMMA.6 The group had fifteen members, which included famous architects as Pierre Mass, Georges Candillis and Elie Azagury, as well as geographers and sociologists (Mumford 2002). Diverting from the standard CIAM teachings, GAMMA based its work methodology on the specificities and knowledge about social and physical characteristics of the local context that relied on sociological and building surveys as well as on cartographic and statistical analyses in order to shed light on the population dwelling habits (von Osten 2010).

These anthropological research techniques were applied in order to produce detailed information about Moroccan traditional dwellings, living habits and social structures, which formed the basis for the later architectural design. 7 Écochard’s set himself to solve the eminent problem of the uncontrolled urban growth of Casablanca. In his book Casablanca; le roman d’une ville (novel of a city) he describes that the city is a ville champignon sans urbanisme (boomtown without urbanism) and criticizes the French authorities to not have previewed its growth, which in his opinion they could have done if they compared it to the European city growth in the 1850 (Écochard 1955). In his writings we can detect a feeling of obligation to improve the living conditions of the Moroccan proletarian population. However, he sees this condition not as a problem of social inequality, but as a failure to guide the subaltern on the path of evolution towards a modern society.8 To solve the problem of housing the rapidly growing demographics Écochard proposed to one, act on the peripheries of Casablanca, where most of the bidonvilles were already located, and two, establish a new connection between Casablanca and the neighbouring city Fedala, which would open new areas for industrial and housing developments along the coastline. (Figure 2) The urban plan, backed up with precise demographic statistics that showed growth and predictions of population numbers. These were then used to determine the exact size of the dwelling unit and their needed amount to host the future rural exodus. The dwelling units were grouped into neighbourhood unit that were planned as self-contained and self-sufficient urban entities that included all the basic amenities as educational, health and leisure facilities. Écochard took local practices as a departure point to design specific neighbourhoods and dwellings for different types of inhabitants. (Figure 3) The project for the Carrières Centrales neighbourhood was composed of the citté horizontalle and citté verticalle.9 The horizontal city was an agglomeration of one-storey patio houses, which Écochard deemed to be more suitable for the Moroccan inhabitants.10 The dwelling was based on the studies of the traditional Moroccan houses as well as on the Grid for the greater numbers. (Figure 4) The construction price and the economy of space dictated that the best size for a minimum dwelling was 8mx 8m.11 The affordable dwellings were connected by alleys leading to cul-de-sacs, which referred to the traditional housing typology. This organization of houses was called la trame d’habitation. The floor plan consisted of a kitchen, toilet and two rooms that opened on a courtyard. The house could be easily divided into two parts as a possibility of and additional income for the family. A similar floor plan was used vertically by Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods in order to make the vertical city. The multistorey buildings were built to illustrate the different stages of the project. (Figure 12) Écochard viewed the carpet development more as a temporary solution than a final result. By putting in place a grid structure he wanted to organize the ground for the future city. The low-rise houses could be later demolished and replaced by more modern buildings. The dwellings would evolve with the economic and social evolution of its inhabitants (Écochard 1955). He called it l’habitat évolutif. (Figure 13)

ECOCHARD’S APPROACH First: take existing structures into account. For Ecochard, knowledge of the social and physical characteristics of the field was prerequisite to any plan: ‘the art of urban planning’ laid in ‘fitting into the reality’. Therefore, he recommended two types of field studies: on one hand, sociological and building surveys, used to shed light on the ‘human groups’ in ‘all of their daily realities, be they pleasant or toilsome’; on the other, cartographic and statistical analyses, used to identify ‘the city’s fundamental tendencies’, its vital fiber which ‘never loses either its strength or its rights’.

The second aspect of Ecochard’s ethic is his consideration for history and time. The architect distilled his approach as follows: ‘seize a passing opportunity, take advantage of a fleeting moment of support. Then, waste time arguing’. This position led to an urban planning dialectic: on one hand, ‘touch [the existing city] as little as possible’ by ‘limiting development to the large arteries vital to the city’s life and growth’; on the other, define ‘the size and armature’ and study ‘in the greatest detail’ the housing projects in zones glazed for development. 8 “Et si l’habitant des bidonvilles est excusable de n’avoir pas conscience du salut collectif quand il se débat dans sa misère individuelle et anarchique, il est grave que les responsables “éclairés” d’une ville aient attendu si tard et se soient laissé aussi facilement distancer par les événements. / And if the slum dweller could be excused to not be aware of the collective salvation when he struggles in his personal misery and anarchy, it is serious that “enlightened” officials of a city have waited so long and have so easily been left behind by the events.” (Écochard 1955) 9 CITTE HORIZONTALE - horizontal city - patio houses CITTE VERTICALE - vertical city - housing blocks 10 “Les Marocain ne s’habituent que difficilement aux immeubles a étages et leurs condition de vie excluant au mois provisoirement l’usage des ascenseurs qui seuls permettent les formidables bloques économiques de la construction moderne. / The Moroccons do not easily get used to multi storey buildings and their way of life excludes at least for now, the use of elevators that allow the construction of the amazing social housing blocks of modern construction.” (Écochard 1955)

“Touts nos études sur la rentabilité et le pouvoir d’achat de la classe la moins favorisée, nous ont conduis a prévoir comme élément minimum un carre de 8mx8m, permettant et de construire une maison de trois pièces avec un cour selon les principes traditionnels, et par des combinassions variées. / All our studies on the profitability and the purchasing power of the least favored class, were driving us to a minimum element of 8mx8m, which allows us to build a three-room house with a courtyard based on traditional principles and have various combinations.” (Écochard 1955)

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PRODUCTION OF KNOWLEDGE AND PROBLEM OF TRANSLATION “ For it is true that no production of knowledge in the human sciences can ever ignore or disclaim its author’s involvement as a human subject in his own circumstances, then it must also be true that for a European or American studying the Orient there can be no disclaiming the main circumstances of his actuality; that he comes up against the Orient as an European or American first, as an individual second.” (Said 1977)

The GAMMA’s concepts of observing everyday dwelling related uncritically to already existing ethnological and anthropological studies and Orientalist narratives of African space and they ironically still influence the architectural production in Morocco today.12

12 “... the growth of knowledge is a process of selective accumulation, displacement, deletion, rearrangement, and insistence within what has been called a research consensus. (Said 1977).

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Their vision of the Moroccan way of life was based on information that they acquired trough their studies and their own understanding of this information. The problem of translating your personal interpretation of a foreign culture as knowledge is best explained by quoting Edward Said talking about the scholars of Orientalism: “The problems with the former were its impersonal Western confidence that descriptions of general, collective phenomena were possible, and its tendency to make realities not so much out of the Orient as out if its own observations.” (Said 1977) The modernist vision itself was based on a progressing universal history, which meant that all nations were heading for the same direction and would eventually reach the same destination (Lu 2011). Écochard himself often compares the urbanisation of Morocco to the one in France of the XIX century (Écochard 1955). Although GAMMA tried to design project that would create a wholesome habitat for the Moroccan inhabitants he was still influenced by the modernist if not colonialist view that the subaltern needs help with its transition to become developed. “The double role of learning from the vernacular, on the one hand, and of abstracting it from the everyday context and translating it into aesthetic models on the other is grounded in colonial perceptions and narratives.” (von Osten 2011) Through their extensive analyses GAMMA tried to categorize their understanding of the Moroccan society. What proved difficult was to understand the unwritten cultural aspects of everyday life that are interiorized trough experience and transmitted within the community, knowledge that would come naturally to a native architect. As with the Oriental studies in the 19th century, the Object of their study, The Other, was consciously or not, analysed trough a mist of new experiences, prejudice and misunderstanding. Hidden behind the general consensus that true knowledge is fundamentally non-political, the scholars of Orientalism as well as modernist would present their research as objective truth, ignoring the fact that their knowledge was produced within very specific political circumstances.

During the 1950s GAMMA group became the translator between the Moroccan and the European population. Their projects landed on covers of architectural magazines in Europe that presented their projects as the new threshold in architectural thinking about the city, its spaces and typology. (Figure 11) In the essay published in the Architectural Design in 1955, Alison and Peter Smithson praised the project of the Carrières Centrales with these words: “We regard these buildings in Morocco as the greatest achievement since Le Corbusier’s Unite d’habitation at Marseilles. Whereas the Unite was the summation of a technique of thinking about habitat, which started forty years ago, the importance of the Moroccan buildings is that they are the first manifestation of a new way of thinking. For this reason they are presented as ideas: but in their realization in built form that convinces us that here is a new universal.” (Smithson 1955) However, while the French architects assumed that the bidonvilles grew in the way they did as a result of the rural character of its inhabitants and not as a way of coping with the city life under the colonial subordination. It is ironic that the same settlements that inspired the work of GAMMA architects, with its self and non-planned ways of organizing the urban environment, were for the large part of the Moroccan population the epitome of the effects that colonial modernity had on their everyday life.

APPROPRIATION The Carrières Centrales project that was actively advertised in the European architectural journals of the time can be hardly recognized on site today. The idea of l’habitat évolutif eventually was applied by the inhabitants themselves. This did not occur however trough the replacement of the low-cost housing as Écochard imagined, but through their appropriation instead. The one-storey modernist patio houses have been built upon and elevated to house a growing family or provide renting space for additional income. The appropriation happened slowly, with the gradual inflow of money of the owners of the houses. The adaptation proved so successful that the upgraded carpet settlement became the major urban fabric of today’s Casablanca (von Osten 2011). (Figures 20,21) Besides the obvious need for additional living space and economic logic, there are several other reasons for the appropriation of the buildings that derive from the Moroccan culture itself. The wish for intimacy, the notion of propriety, the understanding and use of public space, the resistance to the state and the importance of religion might have been obvious to local inhabitants, but could not necessarily be captured trough sociological and building surveys that were used by GAMMA. The dwellings designed by GAMMA were inspired by the Moroccan traditional houses in the rural villages. Ecochard consciously ignored the Medina and its extremely dense environment. The reality however is that the rural population has a very different view about propriety from the urban inhabitants. While a peasant owning the land would adapt the dwelling according to its family changes, when confronted with a lack of space, the city dweller would rather search for another accommodation. For this reason

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it is normal for people coming from rural areas to build their own huts themselves when they move into the shantytowns. The importance of building and owning your own house is still strong today and can be found in the suburbs of mayor towns in Morocco. The opposite happens with the notion of co-propriety of public space. As the interest of the efforts of the inhabitants are mostly oriented towards the interior of the house, there is no valorisation of public gardens and squares. On the contrary, there are regarded as places where people would hide to do illegal or not decent things.13

“Despite this, he adores the neighbourhood; he was born here and all needs of the family can be covered here: employment, the souk, the proximity to the centre of Casablanca, and foremost the social networks render HH a dear neighbourhood to be. “Yes everything is close; the pharmacy, the qessariah [non-alimentary commerce], the soukh [alimentary market], everything you want, even late at night you find everything” (interview 15)” (Kurzbein 2011). 13

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In the Carrières Centrales the inhabitants took over the role of architects and extended to the original houses in height but still preserved the plot size. (Figures 14) The local saying Every Moroccan is an architect is practiced here to the fullest (Kurzbein 2011). The single-floor mass-built modernist patio houses have been altered so significantly that one can no longer distinguish the original base structure from the additions (von Osten 2010). To gain more living space the patio has been closed and the original structure used as a base for additional three or four floors. Also, since traditionally the Muslim culture does not allow the visitor to have a direct sight into the sleeping room, the inhabitants had to change the floor plan to separate the common and private rooms. The prefabricated base offered the possibility to start a private business on the ground floor. This proved to be economically sustainable, especially for inhabitants with a limited amount of money that could gradually invest into the development of their house. The big patio balconies of the vertical city have also been built up and only small windows were left. This is a reaction to the the lack of privacy that resulted from the high density of population. Traditionally, the Moroccan woman should not be seen without a veil by a man that she could theoretically marry. Another reason is, that due to the relatively warm climate, the Moroccans prefer to stay in a cooler and shaded room with small windows.(Kurzbein 2011) The idea of the patio works only with a lower density of population as it is in the villages. According to the interviews conducted by Andrea Kurzbein, a similar neighbourhood Hay Hassani, functions as a self-sufficient neighbourhood that covers all of the family daily needs - employment, the souk, the proximity to the city centre, and social network (Kurzbein 2011). The grid designed by GAMMA was not altered until today. This is most likely due to the culture of ownership we can find between the Moroccan people but also due to the practicality of a clear grid. While the gardens are left unused, the streets on the other hand used as shared spaces between vehicles, pedestrians and street vendors. In contrary to the design of the patio houses, the organization of the streets and public spaces was almost unaltered by the inhabitants. At a bigger scale, the zoning of Casablanca resulted in a social separation between the French and Moroccan population, which is still evident today in the segregation of social classes. As Marion Van Osten explains “The new housing complexes of Carrières Centrales, El Hank, Sidi Othman, and others were decided both racially and religiously into developments for Muslims, Jews and Europeans, the estates for Muslims were built farther away from the colonial European city centre, on the edge of an empty intermediate zone known as the zone sanitaire.” (von Osten 2010). Zoning was one of the main ideas behind Écochard proposal for a road to Rabat. Through zoning he wanted

to connect the industries and the worker so that the rural imigrants could find imediately work when moving to the city. However this division of inhabitants was confined to existing definitions of cultural and racial differences, thus discouraging cultural and social interaction and finally creating a economic distinction from which the neighbourhood suffers still today.

CONCLUSION The example of the Carrières Centrales showed that though housing programs since the 1950s/1960s took into account certain specific local, regional, and cultural conditions, these conditions turned out to be much more complex than previously thought. The project itself shows a duality between the intention of the architects and the result on site, which was caused by both; its position within the specific political context of colonial and post colonial Morocco, and a humanistic approach to modernism led by the GAMMA group. It awkwardly stands at the same time as an example of a top-down as well as a bottom-up approach to city design, which was materialized as a meticulously planned, state sponsored street grid on which the self-built privately managed settlements could evolve. By constructing a solid base Ecochard and the GAMMA group created a building perfect for appropriation, a real habitat evolutif. We cannot really know weather the resulting situation in the Carrières Centrales is more a consequence of the modernist ideology that Ecochard belonged to or his actual inability to understand the real needs of the local inhabitants because of his different Western cultural background. If in his project he envisioned environment that could create a perfect habitat for the Moroccan inhabitant. Would it have been any different if he tried to engage more with the local community and got to know it better trough personal experience? It is already clear from his writings presented in this paper that he regarded the local inhabitants as the Other, while at the same time felt a sense of duty towards them. As Westerners we are brought up in a similar way. Throughout the years we have grown to know the Third World as a part of the globe that is in constant state of urgency. Charities as UNICEF Médecins Sans Frontières and many others remind us every day that the Third World needs help. Is it possible for any one of us to completely let go of the thoughts of Western superiority that have been unconsciously transmitted to us? In a colonial frame, was it even possible for Ecochard to design according to the Other’s whishes, or was it his duty to try to set a structure for a growing city and impose it upon the Moroccan inhabitants? In the end, rebuilding the suburbs of Casablanca was also a project set to control the fast growing Moroccan urban population. Many architects have proposed to go into the opposite direction. In his book the Three R’s for housing John Habraker argued for a diametrically opposite position of the architect. For him housing is first and foremost a social process and only secondarily a problem of technical organization, which makes the community the determinant factor within the building process and not the architect. Habraker stated that the architect

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needed to acknowledge the fact, that throughout the ages millions of people have been housed without his mediation. So what is the architectâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s position? According to Habreaker the architect must not try to design homes, as home is not a thing that you can design, but needs to be create the basis on which the home can be built. (Habraken 1966) Throughout the essay I have been trying to identify the border between the two opposing forces that shape the city. Weather it is the case the modern vs. vernacular, top-down vs. bottom-up or controlling vs. controlled, how does and architect decide to partner with on or the other. In the case of Ecochard and the GAMMA group, due to their position in the colonizing apparatus, their ideological believes and their weak connection with the Other, they did in the end opt for the controlling side. However, they did set the basis for the many ways of appropriating space in the city, which can lead to think that the colonial government never managed to assume complete power over the population.

There is much to learn from the example of Casablanca. With the ever increasing number of rural exodus into the world cities today and the fast growing non-regulatory housing at the peripheries of the mega cities in Africa, Asia and South America there is a need for new urban strategies to organize the urban sprawl while at the same time include the incomers in the decision-making. The peripheral areas function as a buffer zone between the lower and higher social classes of the city. These zones are a source of work force but are at the same time left marginalized with bad transport connections and public facilities. Under the demographic and economic pressure the limits of architecture without architects becomes evident. The example of Casablanca shows us that in a spectrum of knowledge that defines a culture, only parts of it that can be seen trough research. However, there are many other factors that determine an urban project. As there is a limit to previewing and understanding the Other there is also a limit to its self organization. The further away we are from being able to design for a specific culture or social group within a city, the more space there needs to be left for the inhabitants to model it around themselves. However, they will only be able to build upon a clear and consistent grid.

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REFERENCES Avermaete, T., 2010. CIAM, TEAM X,and the rediscovery of African settlements. In: Lejeune, J.-F. and Sabatino, M., eds. Modern Architecture and the Mediterranean. Oxton: Routledge. p251-264. Chaouni, A., 2011. Depoliticizing Group GAMMA: contesting modernism in Morocco. In: Lu, D., eds. Third World Modernism. Oxton: Routledge. p57-84. Écochard, M., 1955. Casablanca: le roman d’une ville. Paris: Editions de Paris. Eleb, M., 2010. The Concept of Habitat: Écochard in Morocco. In: Avermate, T., Karakayali, S. and von Osten, M., eds. Colonial Modern, Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the Future. London: Black Dog Publishing. p153-160. Habraken, J., 1966. Three R’s for Housing. Forum, vol. XX, no 1 Kurzbein, A., 2011. The Inhabitants’ Reinterpretation of Spatial Structures in Hay Hassani, Casablanca. Thesis, (MA). University of Stockholm. Lu, D., 2011. Introduction: architecture, modernity and identity in the Third World. In: Lu, D. Thirld World Modernism. Oxton: Routledge. p1-28. Mumford, E., 2000. The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960. London: MIT Press. p225-258. Von Osten, M., 2010. In Colonial Modern Words. In: Avermate, T., Karakayali, S. and Von Osten, M., eds. Colonial Modern. London: Black Dog Publishing. p19-37. Said, E., 1977. Orientalism. London: Penguin. Smithson, A. and Smithson, P., 1955. Collective housing in Morocco. Architectural Design. Spivak, G.C.,1988. Can the Subaltern Speak?. Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture. p271–313

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ARCHIVE Figure 1: SOME GRIDS PRESENTED AT THE CIAM IX AIX-EN-PROVENCE 1953 Figure 2: MICHEL ÉCOCHARD’S PLAN FOR THE NEW NEIGHBOURHOODS OF CASABLANCA Figure 3: ÉCOCHARD - SCHEME FOR A NEIGHBOURHOOD Figure 4: ÉCOCHARD -STUDY GRIDS Figure 5: ÉCOCHARD - TRAME HORIZONTALE Figure 6: ÉCOCHARD - JUSTAPOSITION OF UNITS Figure 7: ÉCOCHARD - THE HOUSING UNIT Figure 8: ALBRECHT DÜRER’S 1515 RHINOCEROS WOODCUT / DRAWING FROM IMAGINATION Figure 9: SPECTRUM OF KNOWLEDGE Figure 10: EUROPEAN ARCHITECTURAL JOURNALS FIGURING MOROCCAN PROJECTS Figure 11: NID D’ABEILLE / BEEHIVE - VERTICAL CITY, 1953 / CANDILIS, WOODS Figure 12: HABITAT ÉVOLUTIF ACCORDING TO ÉCOCHARD Figure 13: SCHEME OF THE EVOLUTION OF HOUSES IN THE CARRIÈRES CENTRALES Figure 14: COMPARISON OF AREAL PHOTOS 1952 AND 2012 Figure 15: HORIZONTAL CITY - ORIGINAL BUILDING Figure 16: A NEW BUILDING FOLLOWING ÉCOCHARD’S TYPOLOGY

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MAHIEDDINE GRID - CIAM-ALGIERS

URBAN REIDENTIFICATION GRID - ALISON AND PETER SMITHSON

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THE HABITAT FOR THE GREATER NUMBER GRID - GAMMA

Figure 1: SOME GRIDS PRESENTED AT THE CIAM IX AIX-EN-PROVENCE 1953 “The goal was to produce a “GRID OF LIVING”, and to do this “It is essential to study the function of Living before one can deduce elements that comprise a formal Grid.” For uniform presentation the work program mandated that all material be presented in a CIAM Grid forma of 21x33cm panels, color-coded by function. The rigidly mounted panels were to contain a 6 cm vertical band on the right for title, a numerical key within the grid, and an explanatory caption. The drawings were to use standard colors, yellow for dwelling and footpaths, green for open space, blue for social services, and red for commercial services and main roads. Approximately forty grids were displayed at CIAM 9.” (Source: Mumford, E., 2000. The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960. London: MIT Press. p226.) 125

Figure 2: MICHEL ÉCOCHARD’S PLAN FOR THE NEW NEIGHBOURHOODS OF CASABLANCA The new neighbourhoods were situated at the perihery of Casablanca. By proposing a new connection between Casablanca and Rabat to the North West Écochard wanted to open new industrial and housing areas alond the coast. (Source: Écochard, M., 1955. Casablanca: le roman d’une ville. Paris: Editions de Paris.)

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Figure 3: SCHEME FOR A NEIGHBOURHOOD / ÉCOCHARD The new neighbourhood would be self-sufficient with education, recreation, culture, commerce and socio-administrative facilities. The central living area of 9000 inhabitants would be sourounded by 5 neighbouring units of 1800 inhabitants each. (Source: Écochard, M., 1955. Casablanca: le roman d’une ville. Paris: Editions de Paris.)

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Figure 4: STUDY GRIDS / ÉCOCHARD Écochard used study grids to analize diferent scales and areas within the city. Implemented in 1984, the Ecochard grid has been the most prevalent planning structure used in Casablanca’s suburbs until today. It has been implemented in other cities in North Africa and the Middle East as well. (von Osten 2010) (Source: Écochard, M., 1955. Casablanca: le roman d’une ville. Paris: Editions de Paris.)

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Figure 5: TRAME HORIZONTALE / ÉCOCHARD This organization of houses was called la trame d’habitation.The construction price and the economy of space dictated that the best size for a minimum dwelling was 8mx 8m. (Source: Écochard, M., 1955. Casablanca: le roman d’une ville. Paris: Editions de Paris.)

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Figure 6: JUSTAPOSITION OF UNITS / ÉCOCHARD The affordable dwellings were connected by alleys leading to cul-de-sacs, which referred to the traditional Moroccan housing typology. (Source: Écochard, M., 1955. Casablanca: le roman d’une ville. Paris: Editions de Paris.)

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Figure 7: THE HOUSING UNIT / ÉCOCHARD The floor plan consisted of a kitchen, toilet and two rooms that opened on a courtyard. The house could be easily divided into two parts as a possibility of and additional income for the family. (Source: Écochard, M., 1955. Casablanca: le roman d’une ville. Paris: Editions de Paris.) 131

Figure 8: ALBRECHT DÜRER’S 1515 RHINOCEROS WOODCUT / DRAWING FROM IMAGINATION The ruler of Gujarat, Sultan Muzafar II (1511-26) had presented it to Alfonso d’Albuquerque, the governor of Portuguese India. Albuquerque passed the gift on to Dom Manuel I, the king of Portugal. The rhinoceros travelled in a ship full of spices. On arrival in Lisbon, Dom Manuel arranged for the rhinoceros to fight one of his elephants (according to Pliny the Elder’s Historia Naturalis (‘Natural History’) (AD 77), the elephant and rhinoceros are bitter enemies). The elephant apparently turned and fled. A description of the rhinoceros soon reached Nuremberg, presumably with sketches, from which Dürer prepared this drawing and woodcut. No rhinoceros had been seen in Europe for over 1000 years, so Dürer had to work solely from these reports. He has covered the creature’s legs with scales and the body with hard, patterned plates. Perhaps these features interpret lost sketches, or even the text, which states, ‘[The rhinoceros] has the colour of a speckled tortoise and it is covered with thick scales’. So convincing was Dürer’s fanciful creation that for the next 300 years European illustrators borrowed from his woodcut, even after they had seen living rhinoceroses without plates and scales. (British museum website: Albrecht Dürer’s Rhinoceros, a drawing and woodcut. Available from: http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/ highlight_objects/pd/a/albrecht_dürers_rhinoceros.aspx [Accessed 02.04.2013])

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Figure 9: SPECTRUM OF KNOWLEDGE If we rapresent knowledge as beams of projected light we can illustrate the realtion between the scolar studying another individual, social group or culture. A scolar studying can only cover a fragment of the wole spectrum of knowledge the studied subject posseses.

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Figure 10: EUROPEAN ARCHITECTURAL JOURNALS FIGURING MOROCCO Their projects landed on covers of architectural magazines in Europe that presented their projects as the new threshold in architectural thinking about the city, (Source: Available from: http://www.transculturalmodernism.org/page/35 â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;[Accessed 01.05.2013] )

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Figure 11: NID D’ABEILLE / BEEHIVE - VERTICAL CITY 1953 / CANDILIS WOODS (Source: “Nid d’abeille”, la experimentación con el patio en altura de Candilis y Woods. Available from: http://at1patios.files.wordpress.com/2011/12 ‘[Accessed 01.05.2013] )

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Figure 12: HABITAT ÉVOLUTIF ACCORDING TO ÉCOCHARD Ecochard viewed the carpet development more as a temporary solution than a final result. By putting in place a grid structure he wanted to organize the ground for the future city. The low-rise houses could be later demolished and replaced by more modern buildings. The dwellings would evolve with the economic and social evolution of its inhabitants (Écochard 1955). He called it l’habitat évolutif. (Aource: Écochard, M., 1955. Casablanca: le roman d’une ville. Paris: Editions de Paris.)

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Figure 13: SCHEME OF THE EVOLUTION OF HOUSES IN THE CARRIĂ&#x2C6;RES CENTRALES This did not occur however by the replacement of the low-cost housing as Ecochard imagined, but through their appropriation instead. The one-storey modernist patio houses have been built upon and elevated to house a growing family or provide renting space for additional income. (Source : Learning from Casablanca exhibition, 4-26 November 2011; The 5th African Perspective Conference )

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AREAL PHOTO OF THE AREA. 1952 (Source: Photothèque, École Nationale d’Architecture de Rabat, Marokko)

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AREAL PHOTO OF THE AREA. 2012 (Source: Available from: https://maps.google.com, â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;[Accesed 15.04.2013] )

Figure 14: COMPARISON OF AREAL PHOTOS BETWEEN 1952 ADN 2012 During the last 60 years the patio houses have been built upon to the extent that we cannot recognize the original structure from the added. However, roads, public spaces and housing grid has not been altered.

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Figure 15: HORIZONTAL CITY - ORIGINAL BUILDING The one-storey modernist patio houses have been built upon and elevated to house a growing family or provide renting space for additional income. The adaptation proved so successful that the upgraded carpet settlement became the major urban fabric of todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Casablanca (Photography: Annick Meiers) 140

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abbi234 - Sid Al Khadir, Casablanca, Terrain de foot hay hassani

Figure 16: A NEW BUILDING TYPOLOGY FOR NEW DEVELOPMENTS (Photography: Annick Meiers)

ww.panoramio.com/photo_explorer#view=photo&position=6225&with_photo_id=51822564&order=date_desc&user=1613365

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Horizontal drawing workshop DRAWING AS CONJECTURE: THE MEDITERRANEAN LAND Collaborators: Fan Chen, Lilin Chen, Di Feng, Mercedes E Araya Garcia, Antonios Lalos, Shengwen Huan, Lirong Wang, Xiaoying Wan, Qingmin Ye, Jiaqi Zheng, Tutors: Platon Issaias, Camila Sotomayor

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agricultural land informal settlements

Cairo urban sprawl

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desert gated communities

Workshop with Elia Zenghelis THE CAIRO CRACK in collaboration with Annick Meiers

points of densification

mountain where social classes collide

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Nina Vidic_12080338

Annick Meiers_12089686

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Cairo Research: Nina Vidič Ivančič Shengwen Huang

Human resources

Egypt is one of the most populated countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and has the fourth largest economy in the region. The country has been struggling with structural unemployment especially among its educated youth and women. The public sector continues to be a major employer absorbing over 30% of Egypt’s total labor force. On the other hand, local private firms experience difficulty in recruiting personnel and lack human resources managements skills. (Ghada, 2010) The chapter od Human resources tries to look into some basic statistics of demographics, economics and politics in order to see beyond the numbers and start to comprehend the complexity the Egyptian society.

Source: Ghada Ahmed. Employment and human resource services in Egypt. USA: Duke University, Sanford School of Public Policy. 6 Egypt revolution / photo by: Hassan

Comparing economics

The economy of Egypt was highly centralized under President Gamal Abdel Nasser. Egypt has a stable economy enjoying continuous growth, averaging 4%â&#x20AC;&#x201C;5% in the past quarter-century. The economy embarked on various stages of development during which the public and private sectors played roles varying in relative importance. The unemployment problem is augmented by a lack of market mechanisms and institutions that facilitate the transition from education to work, effectively link labor supply to demand and provide career training, guidance and job market information.

. World bank database [online] Available at: <www.database. worldbank.com> [Accessed 10 Nov. 2012] Portrait 1 / photo by: Philippe Rouchaleou-Sestre Portrait 2 / photo by: pickled_newt Portrait 3 / photo by: Elyes Bouzid Portrait 4 / photo by: Alkan de Beaumont Chaglar

Comparing economics

Egypt in numbers Although many regard Egypt as a wealthy nation, no doubt based on Hollywood images of pyramids and ancient riches beyond measure, the truth is that unemployment and poverty cripple the nation. The fact that large percentages of its population are young people who are grappling with that joblessness, destitution, and ballooning food prices adds fuel to the volatile mixture of political and personal discontent that exploded against the government in Cairo. Egypt is predominantly Muslim, with Muslims accounting for between 90% of a population of around 83 million Egyptians. The vast majority of Muslims in Egypt are part of the Sunni Islam. A significant number of Muslim Egyptians also follow native Sufi orders, and there is a minority of Muâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;tazila and Shiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ite Twelvers and Ismailism numbering a few thousands.

World bank database [online] Available at: <www.database. worldbank.com> [Accessed 10 Nov. 2012]. IMF government ginance statistics [online] Available at: <http:// sima> [Accessed 23 Nov. 2012].

Population density of Egypt

The Egypt 83 million population is located almost exclusively around the river Nile. Most of the people live on 4 % of the countries land.

Photo: NASA photos / [online] Available at: <http://http://egyptonward.tumblr.com//> [Accessed 20 Nov 2012 ].

56% of people live in in rural areas Urban and rural

Pictures 1,2: Rural and Urban / [online] Available at: <http://http:// egyptonward.tumblr.com//> [Accessed 20 Nov 2012 ].

Urban and rural density

This map is an overlap of the Egypt densty map and the Rural and Urban division. By overlaying the maps we can see that the cities located by the river Nile in the upper Egypt, while the more fertile Nile delta there is dedicated to farm lands.

Pictures 1,2: Rural and Urban / [online] Available at: <http://http:// egyptonward.tumblr.com//> [Accessed 20 Nov 2012 ].

Unemployment

According to CAPMAS, the total number of unemployed Egyptians currently stands at 3.395 million, more than a quarter of whom have recently lost their jobs. Although exact numbers vary the unemployment rate for women is almost triple that for men.In 2010 the unemployment in urban areas was 16.2%. Joblessness rates stand at 9.8 per cent in rural areas, where agriculture and fishing â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the main economic activities â&#x20AC;&#x201C; absorb almost one third of the total labour force. From 2011 Egypt will for the first time have Minimum wage. The pre-revolution law stated that there is an intention to develop a minimum wage but it never took place until after the revolution. Currently there is only one national minimum wage, it is less than a year old so it has not been finalized or implemented yet. There are no sectoral rates or occupation-based rates. Only one national rate: EGP 700.

World bank database [online] Available at: <www.database. worldbank.com> [Accessed 10 Nov. 2012]. Ahramonline [online] Available at: <http://english.ahram.org.eg> [Accessed 10 Nov. 2012]. Wageindicator [online] Available at: <http://www.wageindicator. org> [Accessed 10 Nov. 2012].

Literacy

World bank database [online] Available at: <www.database.worldbank.com> [Accessed 10 Nov. 2012]. Woman reading / photo by: Michael Gross Man reading / photo by: Ane Bele

Marriage and divorce

MALE

only42%

marry before they are 30

FEMALE

over 80% of women wmarry before

A Muslim marriage gives a wife the unconditional right to economic support from her husband regardless of her own financial resources. She also remains in control of her property, including inheritance or earned income. However, in case of divorce, the ex-wife is only entitled to three monthsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; alimony and to those possessions that she brought with her at the beginning of her marriage or those that she acquired with her own income, as well as any portion of her mahr that is due her. Mahr is a sum of money or durable property that, according to Islamic practice, a husband agrees to pay to his bride at any time prior to or during the marriage or upon divorce.

they are 30s, only 1% divorce

30%

in rurar areas marry before they are 18

Survey of Young People in Egypt - final report CIA DATABASE / [online] Available at: <http://www.cia.com> [Accessed 10 Nov. 2012]. WORLD BANK DATABASE / [online] Available at: <www.database.worldbank.com> [Accessed 10 Nov. 2012]. JRank Articles / [online] Available at: <http://family.jrank.org/ pages/440/Egypt-Marriage> [Accessed 10 Nov. 2012].

ECONOMIC INDEPENDENCE

MARRIAGE

10%

of women between 15-19 already had a chold or are pregnant

43/1000 Abortion in Egipt

adolescence fertility rate

is illegal

Women beaten by husband, forat least one reason when argues with him when burns food when refuses to have sex

50% 38% 19% 34%

37% 8%

Illiteracy rate

University level and above

19% Unemployment rate Female Employers 3% (% of employment, 2007) 0.6% Officer Rate

Egypt woman

From the earliest preserved archaeological records, women in Egypt have been thought to be considered nearly equal to men in Egyptian society, regardless of marital status but “women’s rights law” has been introduced in an attempt to improve the status of women. Despite this equality, women were expected to avoid contact with men who were not kind and to veil themselves in public. Woman today are fighting an increasing religious conservatism. “The attempts of males is to control their female relatives’ access to public spaces…control women’s access to the workplace..control the female body and female sexuality…There is also a strong desire to control women’s minds” (Farha Ghannam, 2002)

Curiosity, women in Cairo / photo by: Anja.egypt [online] Available at: <http://www.flickr.com/photos/kronikiegipskie/>

Woman in the city

Let’s face it, if your work took you away from your fundamental duties at home and if your success came at the cost of your family life and the stability of your children, then you are the one who stands to lose,” Omaima Kamel a medical professor at Cairo University and Muslim Brotherhood member “There is an absence of a well-defined vision, so they use words like ‘religious restrictions’, so what exactly are those restrictions, so we can know them and figure out how to deal with them? As long as we don’t define what those limits are, then we can expand them to the point where women, practically speaking, cannot work.” Ibrahim el-Houdaiby, a researcher of Islamic movements and former member of the brotherhood

. WORLD BANK DATABASE [online] Available at: <www.database. worldbank.com> [Accessed 10 Nov. 2012] Picture 1: Women / photo by: Eric Lafforgue Picture 2: Balcony / photo by: Eric Lafforgue Picture 3: Activist Mona Seif tweeting from Tahrir square / photo by: Jonathan Rashad Picture 4: Women protest in Tahrir / photo by: madmonk [online] Available at: <www.flickr.com> [Accessed 23 Nov. 2012].

al-Marg-Khusus

Cairo - Population density (inh/km2) 0

4 KM

100000 < 50000 - 100000 30000 - 50000 10000 - 30000 600-10000 < 600

20.5 million* inhabitants Population density of Cairo

Cairo, Egyptâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s capital, has long had some of the highest neighborhood population densities in the world. In the 1960s it was reported that one neighborhood had a density of 353,000 people per square mile (136,000 per square kilometer). The most recent data from the Egyptâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s statistical authority (the Central Agency for Public Mobilisation and Statistics or CAPMAS) indicates that within the Cairo governate (the province in which the municipality of Cairo is located), the overall urban population density is 117,000 per square mile, or 45,000 per square kilometer. This means that urbanization in the Cairo governate is more than 1.5 times the population density of Manhattan (in New York city) and the ville de Paris.

* according to a CAPMAS 2012 estimate / Cox, W., THE EVOLVING URBAN FORM: CAIRO , 2012, [online] Available at: <http:// www.newgeography.com/content/002901-the-evolving-urbanform-cairor> [Accessed 23 Nov 2012 ]. Photo: Cairo from space / NASA Pictures

Marg

AlMatariyya

Shubra El-Kheima

Cairo International Airport

Zatoun

Boulaq

Imbaba

Shubra

El Kitkat

Faggala Azbakeya

Gezira

Nasser City

Downtown

Garden City

Islamic Cairo

Necropolis City of the Dead New Cairo

Mania Oild Cairo

Kafr Tuhmous Giza

Rhoda

Mukattam Ein El-Sirah

al-â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Umraniya

Haram

Abbassia

Sakakini

Agouza

Kerdassa

Sheraton Residence Heliopolis

Boulaq Aboul-Ela

Mohandesin Zamalek

Dokki

EI-Quba

Monib

Maadi

Zahraâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;a Al-Maadi

Turah

Masarra

Cairo - Formal / Informal areas 0

Heikastep (Military)

Ain Shams

4 KM

Formal Informal Fifteenth of May

p City

60% of people live in in informal areas* Cairo formal and informal

According to a population census conducted in 2009, informal Cairo constitutes approximately two-thirds of Greater Cairoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s total population, as opposed to being practically nonexistent in 1950, demonstrating its ability to absorb significant population growth.

* Cities Alliance / [online] Available at: <http://www.citiesalliance. org/> [Accessed 23 Nov. 2012]. Picture 1: People at Fishawi, bazaar of Khan al-Khalili / by Frans Lemmens Picture 2:: Coptic Christian slum in Cairo / by Spyros Petrogiannis

Cairo - Division into Governorates 0

4 KM

Cairo Governorate Giza Governorate Kalyoubia Governorate

Division by governorates

Cairo Population by Governorate 1937-2012

The governate of Cairo (Al Qāhirah) is the largest of these jurisdictions.The Cairo governate is located on the east bank of the Nile River, and spreads many kilometers, especially to the East and South. This area includes the Cairo international airport and Heliopolisand “New Cairo,” This area includes a number of university campuses, multi-story condominium buildings and detached housing. The governate of Giza (Al Jīzah) is located on the west bank of the Nile River. Giza is home the Great Pyramids and also to considerable informal housing development much different than generally found in other megacities. Much of the development is high rise, with concrete block buildings rising seven and more stories from the extremely narrow streets. The governate of Kalyoubia (Al Qalyūbīyah) is located to the north of the Cairo and Giza governates. Unlike Cairo and Giza, Kalyoubia has a majority of its population living in rural areas.

Photo 1,2,3: Street view Cairo, Giza and Kalyoubia governorates [online] / Available at: <http://yearincairo.com/about/> [Accessed 23 Nov 2012 ] Graph: Cairo Population by Governorate / Cox, W., THE EVOLVING URBAN FORM: CAIRO , 2012, [online] Available at: <http:// www.newgeography.com/content/002901-the-evolving-urbanform-cairor> [Accessed 23 Nov 2012 ].

Marg

AlMatariyya

Shubra El-Kheima

Cairo International Airport

Zatoun

Boulaq

Shubra

EI-Quba

Faggala Azbakeya

Kerdassa

Abbassia

Nasser City

Sakakini

Agouza Dokki

Sheraton Residence Heliopolis

Imbaba Mohandesin

Downtown

Islamic Cairo

Necropolis City of the Dead New Cairo

Oild Cairo

Kafr Tuhmous Giza

Mukattam Ein El-Sirah

al-â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Umraniya

Haram

Monib Maadi

Zahraâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;a Al-Maadi

Turah

Masarra

Heikastep (Military)

Ain Shams

4 KM

Cairo - Governorates + Formal - Informal Fifteenth of May

Marg

AlMatariyya

Shubra El-Kheima

Boulaq

Imbaba

Shubra

El Kitkat

Cairo International Airport

Agouza

Kerdassa

Faggala Azbakeya

Abbassia

Nasser City

Sakakini Downtown

Garden City

Islamic Cairo

Necropolis City of the Dead New Cairo

Mania Oild Cairo

Kafr Tuhmous Giza

Rhoda

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Mukattam Ein El-Sirah

al-â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Umraniya

Haram

Gezira

Sheraton Residence Heliopolis

Boulaq Aboul-Ela

Mohandesin Zamalek

Dokki

EI-Quba

Heikastep City (Military)

Ain Shams

Zatoun

Division plus formal and informal

Monib Maadi

Zahraâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;a Al-Maadi

Turah

Masarra

Fifteenth of May

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Map: Cairo formal and informal areas / Sims,D., 2012. Understanding Cairo: The Logic of a City Out of Control. Reprint edition. The American University in Cairo Press. Map: Cairo in governorates /The official site of the Presidential elections in Egypt 2012 [online] Available at: <http://www.elections.rg> [Accessed 06 Nov 2012 ].

Presidential election in 2012

A presidential election was held in Egypt on 23 and 24 May 2012. The main election was held on 16 and 17 June. The Muslim Brotherhood declared early 18 June 2012, that its candidate, Mohammed Morsi, won Egypt’s presidential election, which would be the first victory of an Islamist as head of state in the Arab world. It was the second presidential election in Egypt’s history with more than one candidate, following the 2005 election, and the first presidential election after the 2011 Egyptian revolution during the Arab Spring. On 24 June 2012, Egypt’s election commission announced that Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohammed Morsi has won Egypt’s presidential runoff by a narrow margin over Ahmed Shafik, the last prime minister under deposed leader Hosni Mubarak. The commission said Morsi took 51.7% of the vote versus 48.3% for Shafik.

Photo 1: Men waiting in line to vote Photo 2: Woman castic her vote / by Reuters Map: Presidential election results 2nd round /The official site of the Presidential elections in Egypt 2012 [online] Available at: <http://www.elections.rg> [Accessed 06 Nov 2012 ].

Population growth

Like many of the developing world’s megacities, Cairo has experienced its strongest growth in the half century after World War II. In 1937, the metropolitan area had a population of under 3 million. This more than doubled to 7 million by 1966, and again to 14 million by 1996. From 1996 to 2012, the metropolitan area added 5.5 million people. However, more recently, the growth rate has slowed considerably. Between 1996 and 2006, metropolitan Cairo added 28 percent to its population (an increase of more than 4,000,000). However the 2006 to 2012 rate would indicate that by 2016, Cairo is likely to add only 13 percent to its population (approximately 2,000,000 people). Even so, the governate of Cairo accounted for only 19 percent of the metropolitan area’s growth from 2006 to 2012, down from 34 percent in the 1996 to 2006 period. The governate of Giza had the greatest growth between 2006 and 2012, at 47 percent of metropolitan growth, an increase from the 39 percent of 1996 to 2016. The governate of Kalyoubia accounted for 34 percent of the growth from 2006 to 2012, an increase from 26 percent between 1996 and 2016.

Map: Model of Greater Cairo’s recent and projected development / Sutton, K., and Fahmi., W., Cairo’s urban growth and strategic master plans in the light of Egypt’s 1996 population census results.Article. Cities. June 2001.

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NINA VIDIČ IVANČIČ- SN: 12080338 - TUTORS: JONATHAN KENDALL, Hannah Corlett, Peter Besley MArch Urban Design 2012/13 - Bartlett School of Architecture UCL