Dynamics of Urban Centrality

Dynamics of Urban Centrality Master Dissertation reinstating the essence of the square as an urban condenser of the public realm

niyati mannari Katholieke Universiteit, Leuven sint lucas school of architecture, brussels 2016-17

This publication presents a combination of research and analysis to build up my project, with a reflection about the architectural project itself. It as an attempt on showing what the challenges and opportunities of the site are and how the proposed architecture utilizes these elements. Brought as a coherent story, this publication offers an insight into the progress , and outcome of my master dissertation project.

Cover image: Niyati Mannari The following people contributed and guided the development of this project and publication: Adrià Carbonell Layout & editing: Niyati Mannari Printed and bounded by: Luca School of Arts Proofreading: Adrià Carbonell All rights reserved under International Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photo-copying, recording or by any information storage retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher of specific copyright owners. Work and publication made during the course of a personal master dissertation project. © 2017 Niyati Mannari CONTACT: mannari.niyati@gmail.com KU Leuven Faculty of Architecture Campus Sint-Lucas Brussel International Master Class of 2016-2017 www.arch.kuleuven.com www.internationalmasterofarchitecture.be

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Acknowledgement

Special thanks to my mentor Adria Carbonell who has guided me through this dissertation. I am amazed to see such commitment and dedication to each one of us even at the end of the day. He has a great knack in understanding the students aspirations for the project and helps a lot to clear off the air in times of distress. To be a great motivator in the field of architecture is a skill not everyone holds. This thank you holds much more than word.

I would also like to thank all of my friends for the 2 most amazing years of masters. They have made these years smooth yet fun for me to cherish. Luka , Anna and Aaron, you have been no less than a family to me. Through thick and thin at academic and personal fronts we have been there for each other and I don't think a mere thank you can sum up what I feel for you guys. Cheers to all the craziness and more !

Finally, I would like to thank my family back in India. I am standing as a strong independent woman because they have never stopped believing in me. I haven’t talked for weeks with them when I was busy with the dissertation, but then that never meant less to them. One text from my mom asking me not to strain my back, a cheerful call from my brother and a random call from my dad telling me in his own way as to how proud he is of me were the intangible sources of support.

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urbanization and spatial structures

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centrality and urban cores

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the case of Stockholm

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Slakthusomradet - the meat district

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analyzing medieval squares

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urban insert strategy

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the square

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conclusion

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The process – 'Implosion – Explosion’ Polycentric Spatial Structures

urbanization and spatial structures

Dimensions and Dynamics of Polycentricism Integrated and Fragmented Urban Fabrics

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fig 1.1 / urbanization taking over streets

/ www.bostonglobe.com

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1.1 The process - ‘Implosion - Explosion’ The term urbanization came into existence only after the industrial revolution. Since the time of mechanization, migration into the urban framework has been long, sustained and significant. The agrarian communities diffused from the rural and condensed into the urban. The concentration of people and activities further generated a need for a network to connect the two.

Our society today can be said to be completely urbanized. The rural setups that functioned as the hub of agricultural activity have no longer that status.

The orientation of activities towards an economic uplift is always seen with regard to a progress in the urban frame. The expansion of our cities and their networks are making these traditional rural hubs a mere mesh of land spotted at intervals in the country.

To summarize this play for urbanization, Lefebvre came up with a term of 'Implosion- Explosion' from atomic physics as a metaphor to the current comprehensive play in the cities.

By this he means a 'the tremendous concentration (of people, activities, wealth, goods, objects, instruments, means and thought) of urban reality and immense explosion, the projection of numerous, disjunct fragments (peripheries, suburbs, vacation homes, satellite towns). (Brenner 2014,p.

69)

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Industrialization and urbanization form a highly complex and conflictladen unity: industrialization provides the conditions and means for urbanization, and urbanization is the consequence of industrialization and of industrial production that is spreading across the globe. Operating from this definition, Lefebvre sees urbanization as a process that is reshaping and colonizing rural areas and at the same time fundamentally transforming and partly destroying historical cities.(Brenner 2014 ,p. 69)

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fig 1.2 / global urban footprint -Berlin, Germany / www.dlr.de

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With the growing globalization, not only do we see our cities to be point of condensation for different people, but also different activities, different networks and different objects. This kind of diversity brings along a variation in the school of thought and conception of the city space. Every individual holds a different concept of the same urban space. We conceive, perceive and live in the space that we all call the city.

Perceived Space The networks of interaction and flow of information is accounted for in the perception of space. For instance the communication from work to residence or networks of production and exchange act as a means of social interaction and hold in them the potential for something new to emerge.

They are the nodes of exchange that can bring about surprises and innovation from time to time.

The mind conceives a thought before perceiving it. Construction or conceptions of space rest on social conventions that establish which elements are related to one another and which can be precluded. A conceived space therefore displays and defines a space by representing it.(Brenner 2014,p. 74) Lived space The citizens use and appropriate the space that they live in. The urban identifies the place of difference: the specific quality of urban space results from the simultaneous presence of quite distinct worlds and concepts of value, of ethnic, cultural and social groups, of activities, functions and knowledge.(Brenner 2014,p.75)

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Conceived Space

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fig 1.3 /china urban network

/ www.archinect.com

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The empirical understanding of the above theoretical concepts of production of space by Lefebvre, would give us a better insight on a practical level.

Networks

The world is being referred to as a global village due to these data cable networks that keep us connected virtually. But, unfortunately the term 'village' is a little misleading in this scenario. Like the other physical network systems such as streets, even these virtual networks have a well connected format in the urban areas than the rural ones. There is a lack of homogeneity in that regard. The degree of access is again varying as per the centrality of the urban space.

The crisscrossing networks that are strung out through urban space can be differentiated according to various qualities or features, such as their intensity or density, expansion or range and their complexity. (Brenner 2014) Intensity of exchange and variety of connections Range of interaction – local or global Complexity – Overlapping of networks (Brenner 2014)

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The urban space is all about exchange, interaction and connection.

Depending upon the function it has to perform, it is either a local or a global network. Every urban space is affected by a characteristic set of networks that has evolved over the course of its historical development. (Brenner 2014) These networks of interaction and exchange are the perceivable aspect of space. The physical manifestations of these networks are the streets, airports or nowadays even the cables carrying information from place to another.

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fig 1.4 /the bordered urban - cape town / www.postguam.com

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Borders Borders are complex contradictory elements in space. While on one hand, the borders of walled cities were broken when urbanization began, but on the other hand the urbanization also led to the borders between a city and a country to dissolve.

Urbanization transforms borders from factors of limitation, of closing off, of silence, of inactive difference into zones of exchange, of the interlocking of difference, of overlapping movements. (Brenner 2014)

Thus, it is not the lifting of borders that is an indication of urbanism, but their transformation into productive aspects of urban culture.

Differences The city is where social differences collide and become productive. The 'urban promise' lies in being able to choose one's way of life. (Brenner 2014) The migratory movements from the rural to the urban brought about a good deal of differences in terms of cultures to the urban foreground. These differences along with the contextual ones together interlock to form the urban.

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Borders not only act as slice in the continuity of the set of networks of interaction, but they also act as modes of transition. They define whether or not a space needs to cut off from the other. The permeability of this border undermines the cohesiveness of the two spaces in an urban environment. It doesn't confine itself to only the physical aspect, but also could be governed by ethnicity, tradition, language etc. It has a sense of control and order attached to it.

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fig 1.5 /polycentric urban pattern /www.ced.berkeley.edu

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1.2 Polycentric Spatial Structures Today's metropolis' around the globe have a fast moving life with the places of residence, work, leisure connected through a series of transport networks.

The multitude of interconnected spaces in our daily lives is a result of how our urban space has grown with time.

Pre Industrial Era

Industrial Revolution The mass production and consumption altered the manner in which businesses were placed in the cityscape. Distinction between manufacturing and retailing began to happen. While the major factory work was still on the outskirts of the cities, the retail had to be within the limits of consumption.

The activities in the center those were once limited to religion or politics were now turning into commercials and businesses. The CBD was beginning to grow as a new central space of interaction.

Not only this, but the emergence of the automotive technology fueled the dreams and aspirations of the affording class of people. The delimiting factor of automobiles also led to phenomenon of sub-urbanization.

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In the pre-industrial era, this growth rate was gradual and monocentric. The activities of highest order and public in nature were concentrated in one central space and rest was concentrically aligned with respect to it. The markets, church, city hall etc were the core activities of great importance to the dwellers and was the single focus point for the city. The business activities were generally closer to the waterfront. The mono centric spatial model looked inwards towards one central space holding the core activities such as the market or a church.

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fig 1.6 /contemporary era of centrality / www.coriniumintelligence.com

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The acquisition of land outside the compact historic city was a luring concept for many. This created new centers for residential zones and eventually smaller ancillary spaces that assist a residential life.

Rail networks began connecting all these different settlements that were beginning to appear. Emergence of the hubs for logistics developed a new set of central activities. The production and distribution led to an obvious connection to the core activity, but redistributed the space dynamics. The relocation of people and production spaces took place soon after the Second World War, creating a multi-nuclei or polycentric city structures.

After the Second World War, industries massively relocated away from central areas to suburban areas, leaving room to the expansion of administrative and financial activities. The CBD was thus the object of an important accumulation of financial and administrative activities, particularly in the largest cities as several corporations became multinational enterprises.

These activities were even more willing to pay higher rents than retailing, thereby pushing some retail activities out of the CBD. New retailing subcenters emerged in suburban areas because of road accessibility and because of the needs to service these new areas.

Warehousing and transportation, no longer core area activities, have also relocated to new peripheral locations close to modern terminal facilities such as container terminals and airports. The spatial structure of many cities became increasingly multi-nodal (or multicentric). (Rodrigue 1998)

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Contemporary Era

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fig 1.7 /monocentric v/s polycentric / www.geogsci.com monocentric city

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polycentricity - dominant cores

polycentricity - equal cores

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1.3 Dimensions and Dynamics of Polycentricism Around the end of the century, however, urban growth patterns began to change, as manifested in a wide variety of places: the process of urbanization has become undirected; existing urban forms are beginning to dissolve; centrality is becoming polymorphous; and eccentric urban configurations are evolving. Overarching, polycentric urban regions are taking shape. Extremely heterogeneous in structure, they include old city centers as well as once peripheral areas. (Brenner 2014,p. 67)

The 'intra-urban polycentric regions' are polycentric regions that have emerged in the course of post-industrial and post-suburban developments around previously monocentric core cities, while 'inter-urban polycentric regions' evolve due to an increase in the functional interaction between several cities in close proximity. (Schmitt 2015) Both these types of polycentric developments are different in terms of their evolutionary history and have provided advantages to at a particular period in history. Although, these two types of polycentric models can be overlapping in the same urban space depending upon specific spatial characteristics. Ÿ

Morphological dimension

Ÿ

Functional Relational dimension

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Polycentric spatial structures are categorized into two types based on the scale – 'Inter-Urban' and 'Intra- Urban'. While the former refers to the nature of spaces in reference to two or more cities/regions, the latter is mainly about a city-regional scale, which develops within the limits of one urban space.

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fig 1.8 /dimensions of spatial structures / burger,meijers(2010) morphologically monocentric

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morphologically polycentric

functionally monocentric

functionally polycentric

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Morphological dimension In many city-regions across Europe we can observe a simultaneous extension and re-concentration of urban fabrics, which results in a complex patchwork of new centralities and urban forms.(Schmitt 2015) Growth of employment opportunities and post-suburban city-regions created new centers for daily living. New business district cores emerged and an obvious polycentrality developed.

While in the past, a sharp phenomenological division between the spatial categories 'core city' and 'hinterland' could be observed, in recent years these categories are constantly merging, followed by denotations such as the 'Zwischenstadt' or 'Cities without Cities' as coined by Sieverts. the morphological reorganisation of the urban fabric and the subsequent emergence of new centres can be considered as the backbone of the development of functional-based relations between them.(Schmitt 2015)

Within this dimension, the focus lies on the level and spatial distribution of inter-dependencies between the centres. In this vein, a (city- or mega) region can be characterized as functionally polycentric if multi-directional exchanges between two or more centres occur across and/ or through the region.

The flow of commuters, shopping routes, communication and interaction within organizations etc define this dimension.

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Functional – Relational dimension

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fig 1.9 /dynamics of spatial structures / Global Metropolitan-Regional Scale in Evolution urban systems - before 1970/80s

centrifugal mode

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incorporation mode

fusion mode

blend mode

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Dynamics Depending upon the demographic factors, redistribution of economic capacities and changes in transport infrastructure, there are varied initial conditions for the polycentric urban configurations.

Centrifugal mode: starting point is a monocentric city, which is continuously growing. To counter agglomeration disadvantages like rising land prices in the inner cities, new centres in the hinterland emerge, which increasingly compete with the core city. This mode is generally seen in the intra-urban scale.

starting point is a dominant core city with independent smaller centres in the hinterland. Due to the growth of the core city, these smaller centres are increasingly under its influence. This mode is generally seen in the intraurban scale.(Schmitt 2015) Fusion mode: starting point is several centres of similar size, with spheres of influence that gradually overlap. This mode is generally seen in the inter-urban scale. (Schmitt 2015)

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Incorporation mode:

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fig 1.10/compact and fragmented tissues / www.predmet.fa.uni-lj.si

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compact tissue

fragmented tissue

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1.4 Integrated and Fragmented Fabrics The largely fragmented urban fabrics date back to the time of urban explosion post the industrial revolution. The historic cities before that time seem to be highly composite and homogenous in terms of spatiality and functionality. The compactness of spaces not only results in cohesive spaces, but also adds to a layer of experiential quality of togetherness.

Its implosion should restore this characteristic to the city through operations to transplant new tissue possessing these same qualities onto areas by-passed by the great tide of residential expansion, like craters after a blitzkrieg: wastelands, run-down or deserted areas, empty urban spaces; operations capable of structurally transforming urban areas by introducing new poles, new city centres which have the morphological and spatial qualities of the old urban centres for which there is still a demand and which are still feasible today. It requires a structural redevelopment model that one might call diffuse polycentrism. (Elio Piroddi,1991) While looking at this so-called complete urbanization, we notice two models of cities – fragmented (sectoral) city and the integrated (recomposed) city.

Integration is a term which can be broadly defined as a continuous urban landscape.

Urban sprawl has led us to more of discontinuous urban landscapes and there is a need for re-composition being felt at this moment.

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This urban explosion, or in plainer terms, this gradual dilation, has resulted in the city losing the texture, the density, the compactness of its historical tissues.

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fig 1.11/psychogeographic map / www.cityeu.wordpress.com/maps/

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The historic compact city has been an example of the integrated city format since ages. Certain characteristics when put together develop a sense of homogeneity and composition for a city. The main conditions required of the integrated city if it is to reproduce the "permanent" values of the historical city concern: urban structure, functions, public space and context.(Elio Piroddi,1991)

The urban structure of the integrated city is basically a tissue-like structure characterized by compactness, continuity, overall cohesion, close spatial relations between buildings and unbuilt public spaces, strong junctures, complexity and internal variation, which calls for street blocks and ordinary buildings to be fairly small, with the occasional exception standing out from the rest. The tissue-like structure is formed through the project by the unbuilt space: essentially a space the shape and area of which are determined by walls and natural elements.(Elio Piroddi,1991) The integration of functions concerns not only activities but also the uses to which the urban space is put; this involves the typological complexity of buildings and public spaces.(Elio Piroddi,1991) The diversity of use of the built and unbuilt creates a complex yet comprehensive space module. When we look back at the historic city centers that we have, we can see this kind of mixed use laid out strategically to cater to various user groups and in turn increase the interaction levels for the society.

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These factors are more inclined towards spatial configurations that make a cohesive compact city or neighbourhood. The difference between these morphological patterns sets the terms 'urban tissue' and 'urban fabric' more into relevance. While we understand the compactness of historic city structures with the narrow compact streets, dense built form, introverted public spaces they form a tissue like texture rather than a fabric.

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fig 1.12/defined public spaces in dense city / http://www.mistoprodeje.cz

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Public space (roads, thoroughfares, squares, public gardens and parks) is the element that gives order and structure to the tissue, the element which, through the location and sequencing of different types of space, controls the coherence of the whole and the internal juncture of the tissue.(Elio Piroddi,1991)

The historical stratification process of an urban area can partially be replaced by a specific design programme which preserves and enhances either the slightest historical traces present in the possible areas of intervention, or the morphological history of the site, the natural lie of the land and the "legible" orographic and hydrographic structure.(Elio Piroddi,1991) On the flip side, the fragmented city structure focuses on accessibility more than the sensitivity of cohesive co-existence. The streets are just the links between two spaces rather than being a part of the public realm. Although the practical approach of developing an urban space focuses on providing services and adhering to codes and parameters, we lose the identity and social aspect of public realm.

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The context is an agglomerations of the surroundings in terms of it topography, historic buildings, physical elements etc. The context could also encompass the people that make the space, their traditions, cultures etc. The identity developed by both the tangible and intangible aspects defines the language of the urban space and consequently creates the experience of a cohesive urban landscape.

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fig 1.13/suburbia - the fragmentation / www.hesselby.com

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The suburban culture that emerged in the mid 20th century is a very evident example of discontinuous urbanism. The social life of people became individualized after the industrial revolution, changing the aspirations of an 'ideal' living condition for the coming generations. Single family housing aligned along a main artery with individual amenities disrupted not only the levels of social interaction, but the idea of a cohesive compact city too.

The ever-increasing demand of more space for oneself as well as for accommodating the various means of transport has diffused the otherwise comprehensive cityscape into mere residues of infrastructure. The cities were only concentrating in meeting the demands of the generation. The pace at which the sprawl took place left us with solutions of urbanity instantaneously, without much to conceive regarding the development of spaces and its effect as a whole. The dispersed image is a consequence of haphazard development to meet up demand and supply.

While the diffused landscape is the new image of the city, the points of interaction and notion of nodes and strategic interfaces also has evolved over time at a subtle pace.

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The continuity and proximity of elements which make up a city (roads, public squares, lots, buildings etc.), their close connection and their intrinsic complementarity identify the "tissue-like fabric".(Elio Piroddi,1991)

Evolution of Centrality

centrality and urban cores

Contemporary definition of an Urban Core Loss of the Public realm

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‘

Centrality as a form implies simultaneity, and it is a result thereof: simultaneity of 'everything' that is susceptible of coming together – and thus accumulating – in an act of thinking or in a social act, at a point or around that point. The general concept of centrality connects the punc tual to the global.

‘

- Henri Lefebvre

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2.1 Evolution of Centrality We tend to look at our historic city centers as our urban cores even today. The dynamics of the organization and functioning of the city has altered four folds since the last two centuries, still the notion of our city center dates back to the early 19th century.

The concept of an urban core in its morphology and functions has tweaked over time depending upon the priority of the dwellers, authorities and the play of power. It is interesting to have a glance into this changing definition of centrality in an urban setup.

Evolution of Centrality

A historically specific pattern of social relations creates a matrix of economic, political, social, and cultural activities. These activities are intertwined through a pattern of flows, of people, goods, and messages.

Buildings and urban spaces provide shells for activities. Streets and channels the medium for flows. Activities, flows, places, and channels taken together comprise the elements of urban spatial structure. (Polydorides 1983) The relationships, interdependencies and flows of these activities determine certain spaces to be dominant over the others. The factors for this power play of spatial entities have been varying as per the period of reference. The political, economical, cultural and social agendas for ancient, medieval and contemporary periods have their influence over the landscape of the strategic junctions of interests.

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While keeping in mind that a city is a manifestation of society, it boils down to two fundamentals of social networks and spatial forms that form our urban space. Looking at an individual's life in the city, it revolves around the activities that are carried out in the spatial network around him/her.

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fig 2.1/ancient core- greek agora / www.eurosphere.uib.no

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The old compact city has been compact because of the same parameters that make the contemporary city dispersed. Webber (1963) provides a succinct statement to this effect, which is also a comprehensive summary of most tenets of location theory and is worth quoting in extenso: ‘The spatial city, with its high-destiny concentrations of people and buildings and its clustering of activity places, appears, then, as the derivative of the communications patterns of the individuals and groups that inhabit it. They have come here to gain accessibility to others and at a cost that they are willing and can afford to pay. ‘(Polydorides 1983) These spaces of highest interactions are easily incorporated in the mental maps of each individual over time and become a node prominent for all sorts of exchanges – goods and social interactions.

The ancient cities were all about the core. While the cities merely developed by this time, the core was basically the purest form of the central space in the settlement. While freedom and democracy weren't a part of the era, there was only one authority controlling the military activities, political and administrative agendas, as well as the economical and social transactions.

"Planners" are employed and "planes" formulated to fulfill the spatial needs of authoritative land use, and to translate the core into authoritative space through appropriate principles of legitimation, whether symbolicreligious, or functional.(Polydorides 1983) Due to the fact that the governing of the city functioning was in the hands of one person or one group of people, it was also manifested in the form a single urban core or node for these interactions of various kinds to happen. The position of the King was determining the urban structure and form of the settlement.

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Core in the Ancient City

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fig 2.2/medieval core- piazza navona / www.commons.wikimedia.org

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Core in the Medieval City Unlike the ambiguity of the morphology of the centre in the ancient structure, the medieval towns were clearer in terms of space and function of the core.

Core formation in the medieval city reflects an going struggle among alternative loci of authority. Elements of the medieval city center are the cathedral, the castle, the city hall, the guild-house, and the market-square.

Depending on which authority is dominant in the particular city, the core would tale an appropriate form and structure.(Polydorides 1983)

1.

The medieval city was organized along the "functional" principle of land use . (Polydorides 1983).The diversity in occupations had begun to create a separate zoning in the city form.

2.

The medieval city, contrary to the usually held perception, was not a compact city. Rather it was a "rus in urbe.(Polydorides 1983). The reason for the dense built form with the medieval towns was more for defense rather than social cohesion.

3.

The existence of several cores was the outcome of the long growth process in the cities, amidst antagonistic authority systems. As has already been stated, the original core of the medieval city was either the cathedral of the civitas or the feudal castle.(Polydorides 1983). The first point of arrival for these traders was generally outside the original core, which gradually developed to be a successful market and a sub-core.

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The idea of multi-nuclei cores had begun to sink in since the time of the medieval era. There were a few factors that led to this distribution of centers.

The characteristics of this nodal point were defined by the following

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fig 2.3/renaissance core - piazza duomo, milan / www.planetden.com

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Core formation in the medieval city followed the generally fragmented and competitive structure of authority patterns. The Church, the king, the feudal lords, and the associations of merchants and patricians, all provided the seeds for core formation and followed policies for core expansion in the medieval city. The emergent pattern is that of the multi-centred city, reflecting the realities of political authority fragmentation within and between cities, and between the cities, the feudal aristocracy, the Church, and the king.(Polydorides 1983) Core in the Renaissance City

The city center takes a conspicuous place in these abstract exercises in extreme symmetry. Its place is unequivocally defined by the strict geometry of the polygonal patterns. It is the focal point of the radiant street network leading from the geometric center to the star shaped outside walls. This strict geometry is followed even in the variations of grid-pattern streets (as in Cataneo and Scamozzi) or in the rectangular plan (as in Durer).(Polydorides 1983) Elements of the city center follow variations along a common theme.

Usually, an open space is surrounded by all important buildings, the palace, the cathedral, the guildhall, structures for market activities, a prison, or a hospital. Often the central focal point is itself an imposing building, usually the princely residence.(Polydorides 1983)

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The Renaissance, that short period in European history marked with a number of major events in the political, economic, religious, and cultural milieu, is usually treated as the turning point from the long "Dark Ages" to the beginning of the "Modern Era".(Polydorides 1983)

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‘

The basic form is two squares, one atop the other without the angles touching. . . (this results in an) octangular wall.... The gates will be in the obtuse angles. The streets will run from the gates to the centre and here will be the piazza.... At its head will be the cathedral.... at the other and will be the princely palace. . . In the middle of the piazza there will be a tower.... high enough for the countryside to be seen from it. then at each corner of the piazza I will make two other piazzas, one for the selling of domestic things, that is necessities. . . Then we shall distribute the other public and private buildings as well as the churches, where it seems best to us. then in the right angle directly behind the piazza we will leave space to make a market for animals.... behind the court we shall leave another space equally distant, in case some displays should take place, either a festival or tourney...

‘

-Filarete's description of the center of his Sforzinda

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During this period, architecture was used as a tool to express power and grandeur. The symmetry of the central space, its vastness created by massive built forms around was a symbol of the power, not only of the King, but also one city over the other. The functionality of the space was also dominated by political gatherings and military actions than for trade and social purposes.

On the other hand, establishment of the strong central power had enormous economic affects. The state guaranteed the permanence of settlements and the protection of individuals against arbitrary force, except of course its own.(Polydorides 1983)

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The rise of the secular power of the kings, originally expressed within the twin movements of Renaissance and Reformation, found its culmination in the creation of the nation-state. Two forces were instrumental in bringing this politico-economic transformation about: the gradual domination of monarchy over both feudal nobility and the universal Church, and the sovereign's alliance with the rising urban middle classes.(Polydorides 1983)

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fig 2.4/contemporary core - times square, new york / www.oneworld.com.lb

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Core in the Contemporary City The transformation of the spatial structure of cities after the industrial revolution was four folds due the major reformations in the fundamentals that geared the morphology. Political and economic equations had a drastic overturn, while a new factor of technology seeped in to affect the functionality of the urban.

To summarize the events of change that altered the outlook of the urban system from the renaissance times, it would majorly include the political and economic turnaround.

1.

With industrialization and the accelerated rate of capital formation and circulation, institutions that controlled these processes (banks, insurance agencies, stock exchange brokers etc.) greatly expanded their demand for space. (Polydorides 1983) These activities were related to the existing economic network, but were elaborate than the earlier. They not only demanded space, but it had to be in close proximity to the earlier ones. Thus the concept of the 'CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT' came into existence.

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The process of core transformation in the contemporary city has reflected the bureaucratization of authority. On the other hand, this process operated within the overall framework of political, economic, and technological changes referred to above. The particular changes that these findings followed in manifesting themselves, together with the characteristics of the form and structure of the particular core at the beginning of such process of core transformation, make each individual city unique in its contemporary core structure.(Polydorides 1983)

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fig 2.5/contemporary core - sergels torg,stockholm / www.metro.se

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2.

The political bureaucracy was also expanding. Again, new space to accommodate increasing needs was sought. Depending on the where and how traditional political authority was located, the new public administration was accommodated either within and around the traditional nucleus, or in a new core.(Polydorides 1983) 3.

The bureaucratization of both political and economic authority made it both desirable and unavoidable to separate the place of work from the place of residence. (Polydorides 1983) The increasing distribution of businesses away from the core also created an opportunity for dwellers to shift their place of residence. The new modes of communication made it easier to cut short distances in terms of time.

5.

Increasing economic activity and capital formation in the industrial city created all kinds of new business establishments in the production, distribution, and consumption sides of the economic process.(Polydorides 1983) 6.

The increase in population during this phase, majorly due to migration from rural to urban setups forced the expansion of the core as well as introduced new modes of transport and accessibility to and from the core.

7.

At some point, a reverse trend of decentralization set in.

Organizational developments in the corporate bureaucracies and their regional, national, or even international scales of operations made them relatively less depended upon "central" locations.(Polydorides 1983)

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4.

Bureaucratization and the prevailing economic principles of land allocation and utilization reduced the need for spatial symbolism. Large open gathering spaces become unnecessary when politics is depersonified administration.(Polydorides 1983)

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‘

The notion of a centre is, in fact, a sociological notion, since it e x p r e s s e s m o r e c o n t e n t t ha n f o r m .

‘

- Manuel Castells

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2.2 Contemporary definition of the Urban Core As we have seen in the earlier chapter, that the authorities determined the formation and usage of the urban core, it is interesting to have a closer look into this change in the authorities in today's terms that shape the core of the present.

The diffusion of authority in the present day has a multi fold effect on the way centrality is dealt with. The freedom of citizens and the bureaucratization of authority are tending towards a rational, effective system of everyday functioning and public interest making it a task to cater to the needs and aspirations of each individual.

While power is not only in terms of politics these days, but is also governed by the magnitude of finances. Capitalism existed in the form of market squares in the medieval era, but today it is overpowering all the other authorities in defining public spaces. Economy is the driving force behind successful civic spaces.

For Castells the centre is an organ of exchange between the process of production (economic activity) and the process of consumption (social organization) of the city (ibid. 226).(Joutsiniemi 2010) In comparison to an autocratic governing body that looked at each section of the city and controlled its form and usage, a democratic format also involves each individual to voice out their opinion on the way the city operates. This change is significant when it comes to designing and designating spaces for a particular function. The ability of the city to adapt to its dwellers hence began to be of importance after the early 20th century.

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The singular authority in the ancient times to strong multiple authorities in the medieval and renaissance period clearly defined the elements that constituted the central spaces for the city. When this very power controlling the city structure diffused into a diverse spectrum, the central place began to blur.

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fig 2.6/death of the public realm / www.marcgayle.com

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. . . In the place of the civil and social practices of earlier times, the capitalist city came to depend particularly upon the notion of the land-rent gradient. . . To secure the greyest accumulation of wealth it was necessary always to seek the "highest economic" use, which philosophically ended the idea of the ordered city and economically encouraged the segregation of uses.(Polydorides 1983) Also, the contemporary city is characterised by unprecedented patterns of change in all its aspects. This renders a constrained and highly transitory character to all urban authority, whatever its source. On the other hand, the secularisation and rationalisation of authority, has reduced the use of spatial symbolism as an effective tool for creating authoritative loci.(Polydorides 1983)

He claims that the usage of centre concepts in each of them is aiming to seize two superior features. The role of these is both integrating and symbolic (Castells 1972/1977, 222). The integrating role of the concept is clearly to define the spatial and morphological connection between a centre and its hinterland, while the symbolic role emphasises the cultural aspects of the historic formation process of the urban nucleus. This traditional point of view could be defined as spatiocultural centrality.(Joutsiniemi 2010) Castells challenges this spatiocultural duality with a more precise threefold analysis of centrality that includes economic-functional, politicoinstitutional and ideological levels. The main reason for this redefinition by Castells is that the integrating as well as the symbolic roles of centrality clearly have distinctive standpoints that cannot be adequately differentiated without an explicit notion of the social order.(Joutsiniemi 2010)

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Manuel Castells, defined the characteristics of centrality in his book - ‘The Urban Question: A Marxist Approach ‘ as both integrating and symbolic.

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‘

The belief in closeness between persons as a moral good is in fact the product of a profound dislocation which capitalism and secular belief produced in the last century. Because of this dislocation, people sought to find personal meanings in impersonal situations, in objects, and in the objective conditions of society itself.

‘

-Richard Sennett

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2.3 Loss of the Public Realm While we have looked at the notion of centrality, one very striking feature until the medieval era was the link between main public infrastructures to the core of the city life. The town square was a synonym to the centre of the city and the built form around it was of high civic importance, be it for administrative purposes or religious.

As rightly said by Richard Sennet in 'Fall of the Public Man', today's imbalance between public and private life did not exist in the eighteenth century city. The public and private were clearly distinct but complementary realms. For the person in public had an identity as an actor and a function commensurate with it. In private one acted naturally and simply.

According to Sennet, a lot changed in this regard over the next two centuries.

He came up with three major forces that altered the public life during the 19th century.

Industrial Capitalism New Secularity Public Ideology As city centres represent perhaps the last significant concentrations of public space, their diminishing significance as arenas of public life has raised concerns about the decline of the so-called democratic public realmdemocratic meaning ,in this instance, universally accessible – and of public life more generally.(Tanner Oc 1997)

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The post-industrial city evidently has detached itself from these symbolic meanings of physical spaces in the city. Blame it on technology or the societal transformations, the bottom line remains that the significance of certain type of open public spaces is tending to zero.

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fig 2.7/plan voisin- destruction of social elements / www.concepturbanization.tumblr.com

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The theatrical public life of the eighteenth century was transformed in the nineteenth century into a passive spectacle; individual personality became a social category and the image of man as an actor died; silent observation became a principle of public order in a tumultuous time: the family came to be seen as an idealized refuge from the public realm and a yardstick with which to measure public life.(Sennett 1997) Individualization over social life has been a trend that is growing over a period of time and with social life now limited to the virtual platforms, the need for a physical space for interaction is being neglected.

The public realm is, more over, a place. Traditionally, this place could be defined in terms of physical ground, which is why discussions of the public realm have been, again traditionally, linked to cities; the public realm could be identified by the squares, major streets, theatres, cafes, lecture hall, government assemblies, or stock exchanges where strangers would be likely to meet. Today, communications technologies have radically altered the sense of place; the public realm can be found in cyber-space as much as physically on the ground.(Sennett, Quant n.d)

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As Sennett says, "Each person's self has become his principal burden; to know oneself has become an end. instead of a means through which one knows the world."

This is understandable: for we live not only in the shadow of the fall of public man but in a time of secular immanence (despite the recent religious "revival") when the old gods have died.(Sennett 1997)

shaping of the city

the case of Stockholm

planning policies mapping the public sphere

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fig 3.1 / stockholm in the middle ages

/ www.wikipedia.com

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3.1 Shaping of the City Though, the core city, Stockholm, historically has been the clear leading city in terms of its size and functional dominance compared to a handful of smaller centres at the edge of Stockholm's municipal boundaries or further outside in the neighbouring municipalities.

In recent years, the normative concept of polycentricity has been heavily debated in the Stockholm city-region as an overarching response to a number of related challenges. The most prominent challenge to cope with is the, at in a European comparison, immense population growth. Between 1990 and 2002, Stockholm County grew by 13%.(Schmitt 2015) The Stockholm vision for 2030, looks at creating more polycentricity by developing 'regional urban cores' that work as 'territorial anchors' to concentrate land developments.

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'More morphological Polycentricity’ 1350's Sweden's earliest surviving urban code, the Bjärköarätten which probably applied in Stockholm towards the end of the thirteenth century, already contained various regulations about buildings; these reappeared in a systematized and extended form in the building code of Magnus Eriksson's Towns Act in the mid-fourteenth century. Perhaps most interesting in our present context is the stipulation that 'public streets' should have a width of 8 alnar (approximately 4.8 metres), 'so that it is possible to drive and ride upon them', since several of the streets in Gamla stan, the mediaeval centre of Stockholm, have just this width. (Hall 1991) At this time in the history, Sweden was a popular market for Iron. Mining was the source of foreign trade for Sweden and a means of getting in touch with the mainland Europe. The agrarian economy thus got restructured as the economics changed drastically.

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fig 3.2 / 1642 Stockholm

/ www.danishdesignreview.com

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3.2 Planning Policies 1473 The very first documentation of planning in Sweden took place in this era and was carried out by six counselors in what we know today as Gotheburg.

Until the 16th century small moves towards urban planning of cities in Sweden has been documented, but the majority began in the mid- 17th century.

1650's

Several new towns were founded, particularly along the coast of Norrland, in the mining areas of central Sweden, along the watercourses and roads to the west coast, and in the new counties acquired after 1650. At the same time efforts were made to activate the towns with the help of administrative reforms, by granting trading privileges and donating large tracts of land. (Hall 1991) After a fire in Gamla Stan, the medieval twisting streets were converted into right angled grids with rectangular building blocks. This is considered to be the most ambitious plan in Stockholm's urban history.These streets remained as they were until the second world war.

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During the first half of the seventeenth century domestic reforms and military triumphs had promoted Sweden to a leading position in northern Europe. But her towns were few and in almost all cases hardly developed at all. Seventeenth-century urban policy (for a more detailed account see Ericsson, 1975) included a variety of measures.

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fig 3.3 / 1836 Stockholm

/ www.drawingfromthearchives.wordpress.com

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1700 After the death of Karl XII in 1718, the absolute monarchy was replaced by a system whereby power was vested in the Riksdag and its institutions. Among the town dwellers there had always been strong opposition to the costs and inconveniences of planning regulations; the burghers, as one of the four Estates of the Riksdag, now had much better opportunities than before of winning support for their own interests. Thus towns damaged or destroyed by fire were generally rebuilt on their old foundations and with their old street networks. (Hall 1991) 1800-1840

At the beginning of the period in question, around the middle of the nineteenth century, Sweden had not yet been greatly affected by industrialization and all the social changes generally embraced by this concept. The economy was still predominantly agrarian, and only one-tenth of the total population lived in towns.(Hall 1991) Non-agricultural production was largely a question of crafts. The guild system had just been abolished (1846), but Sweden had to wait another eighteen years before a law granting full freedom to trade was passed in 1864. The communications system was still fairly primitive, and a journey between the capital city and the more remote parts of the country could be a matter of weeks.(Hall 1991)

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As well as the ordinary towns, pre-industrial Sweden boasted another type of community which was sometimes subjected to detailed planning, namely the bruk, the communities attached to local foundries or ironworks.(Hall 1991)

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fig 3.4/ 1900 Stockholm

/ www.in.pinterest.com/pin/11470174025402979/

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1850’s - 1910 A major factor in this context was a rise in urban in-migration, which in turn was due to a combination of push and pull effects: the abolition of trading restrictions, greater freedom to move, better communications, and a higher level of information and knowledge all encouraged greater mobility in the rural population, while at the same time more jobs became available in the towns (the greater mobility also led to extensive emigration, mainly to the United States). (Hall,1991)

Industrialization in the narrow sense of mechanized factory production did not play a significant role during the early stages of urbanization. The first two export industries to be mechanized were sawmills and iron manufacture, neither of which was town-based.

The sawmills accounted for Sweden’s most rapidly expanding export product during the second half of the nineteenth century, namely sawn timber.(Hall,1991) Around 1900 the iron industry underwent a radical structural reorganization. Many small ironworks were replaced by fewer larger units based on new production techniques (the Bessemer and open-hearth processes). These foundations, which presupposed the presence of good communications, led in many cases to the establishment of new communities.(Hall,1991) Between 1850 and 1910 the urban population increased by one million; by the end of the period 1.4 million people in Sweden were living in towns.(Hall,1991)

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Another important factor in Sweden as elsewhere was the improvement in urban sanitation and hygiene with the consequent decline in mortality rates.(Hall,1991)

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fig 3.5/ 1930 Stockholm

/www.images.gallerix.se

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1930’s In Sweden the inter-war years fall into two quite distinct periods, before and after the beginning of the 1930s. The years of international economic crisis at the beginning of the 1920s were followed by a period of economic expansion and growing foreign trade, dominated increasingly by paper and pulp, iron ore and steel, and the mechanical engineering and electronics industries, i.e. just those industries which were to become the basis for Sweden's growing prosperity. (Hall,1991)

During the 1930s industry overtook agriculture in terms of number employed, and by the end of the decade the service industries had also drawn level. There was a close connection between this development and the rapid urbanization and growth of the urban areas. (Hall,1991) 1950-1970 The 1950s and 1960s were characterized by rapid growth in productivity due to such factors as good raw material supplies, a quiet labour market with little in the way of serious conflict, the influx of cheap immigrant labour (cheap at any rate to start with), advanced industrial technology, and a continuous easing of customs duties and other barriers to trade. (Hall,1991)

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One important result of this was the political rapprochement between the Social Democrats and the Agrarian Party, which in 1936 finally gave the country a majority government. It was then possible to introduce some social reforms, helped by the continuing economic growth. There was now a strong social democratic emphasis on 'the People's Home' or Folkhemmet, marking a shift in interest away from the establishment of a socialist system towards successive improvements in living conditions.(Hall,1991)

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fig 3.6/ 1954 - construction of the metro / www.in.pinterest.com/pin/350366045995046213/

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A sketch of the milestones in the planning of Stockholm’s urban development gives us a picture of the focus of the city. Sweden was way ahead of the rest of Europe to begin planning policies for the betterment of the city and its dwellers.

Stockholm has very clearly distinguishable planning reforms in the past.

The year 1930 divided the philosophies of Stockholm’s urban management and progression.

Before 1930’s - Per Olof Hallman period was marked by large courtyard blocks and classicist idiom.

1945 - 20 year master plan for Stockholm crafted.(Nelson, n.d) This included the redevelopment of Norrmalm and the Stokcholm Metro.

1947 - Initial planning Act passed, concept of detailed development plans for key areas created(Nelson, n.d). 1947 Building Act was that plans were required for the development of any 'densely built-up area', and densely built-up areas were defined as all areas 'requiring special arrangements to provide common amenities', such as arrangements for traffic, water or sewage. (Hall,1991) 1952 - Metro network begins to be developed, new neighborhoods follow this network.(Nelson, n.d).The purpose of the master plan, as formulated in the building legislation, was to identify the land requirements for dwellings, industry, traffic, recreation etc., which were likely to follow from expected developments, and thus to provide a basis for local development planning.(Hall,1991)

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1930s - Stockholm begins planning for a radial development pattern with green “wedges” in between.(Nelson, n.d).The focus of this plan was to concentrate on public transportation and the development along those lines with wedges of green un-built area. Stockholm had sustainability in its policies much earlier than the world.

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fig 3.7/ satellite towns /www.archfondas.lt

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1960-1970 Social Democrats in power, their planning model in full effect (a focus on the right to decent housing for all) .(Nelson,n.d) The Million Housing Program was implemented from 1965-1974 which made sure that everyone had decent housing at an affordable price in the city. The ABC (Arbete-BostadCentrum or Work-Dwelling-Centre) layout was designed for the suburbs in order to give way to decentralization. The centre basically was a commercial network for each neighbourhood.

1987 Urban Planning and Building Act revised, now cities are required to create a comprehensive plan (non-binding) 1995

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Sweden joins the European Union 1999 'Build City Inwards'. Stockholm's CityPlan 99 sets forth strategies for infill development and revitalization in order to better utilize the existing urban landscape and preserve the natural elements of the city and region.

2001 'Greater Stockholm: Becoming a Polycentric Region'. Stockholm County Council approves its first spatial regional development plan for the greater Stockholm region. This polycentric model would focus new growth in seven cores connected to the public transportation system at the periphery of Stockholm.

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fig 3.10/ Vision 2030

/www.stockholm.se

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2010 This strategy included four main headings : Strengthen central Stockholm, Focus on strategic nodes, Connect city areas and Create a vibrant urban environment.

Vision 2030

People with similar backgrounds and interests tend to live close to one another, and many Stockholmers live separate lives from those who are different from themselves. Today the streets, parks and squares of the inner city function partly as shared spaces for many Stockholmers, wherever they may live. The same is true for some of the city’s larger suburban centres and public spaces, such as Kulturhuset and the larger libraries.

In order to increase social integration, it is important to develop more shared meeting places in the future, where people with different backgrounds can see and meet one another in the natural course of their day.

A glance of Stockholms planning through the 20th century revealed the negligence towards developing the public realm. The focus of all the planning was either public transport, major infrastructure of neighbourhoods, green areas or housing. The public spaces act as a puncture that need to be set in densely built areas that are democratic and meant for all.

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For 2030, the city of Stockholm looks at public interests, social integration, developing the waterfront and making the city more accessible and sustainable.

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fig 3.11/ Growth Pattern of Stockholm

1751

1899

1934

1956

2015

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1625

/by author

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3.3 Mapping Stockholm The growth pattern of Stockholm narrates a very typical urban sprawl seen in all the major cities across the world since the industrial revolution. Certain geographical positions of cities alter the pattern to a great extent. In case of this archipelago, the spread was ofcourse dependant on the available land, but was redirected by major infrastructure links and changes too.

Transportation and communication was another added layer to this myriad of spaces in the city. The shift to the suburb was a luxury at an added cost of time, space and money. Creating links between these far away single family neighbourhoods and the core in a monocentric city was a necessity that came along.

fig 3.12.1/ Distribution of industries

/Stockholm - Structure and development,W.Olsson

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With the population growing rapidly, the distribution of the industries was also changing its course. Agricultural was on a downtrend and mechanical industries were taking up shape. Apart from major factory setups, public administration was also gaining awareness and importance in the city space.

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fig 3.12/ Nodes and Networks

/by author

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As can be seen in the image below, the difference between the living and working spaces grew immediately after the industrial revolution and the suburban movement. While Stockholm was and still is a monocentric city, the concentration of work was also centered.

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Fig 3.12 is a representation of the existing transport nodes and the proposed city nodes as per the vision for the city 2030. The development of any central space from scratch needs an effective programmatic visualization as well as a thorough network.

fig 3.12.2/ Working population and total population 1950/1951 /Stockholm - Structure and development,W.Olsson

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fig 3.13/ Nolli Map for Stockholm

/by author

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Since the 1930s , modern Sweden has seen immense planning of its cities , and all of it has been in the direction of housing.

The Nordic cities aimed at creating better planning of cities and dwellings.

While the other capital cities were looking at creating monuments or icons of power and capital, nordic countries were proud of their immense planning and organization.

As the city grew further, the housing typology transformed as per the trends in the society. Suburban housing regulated the fragmentation of the tissue and led to neglect of the conventional urban public platforms.

Parks seemed to be the only breathing spaces. Isolated buildings meant incoherent urban structures.

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While mapping the public sphere through the Nolli Map for Stockholm(in fig.3.13), it was evident that the dense built environment was restricted to Greater Stockholm. The urban sprawl began at the peripheries of this central space in the city. Not only does this central segment have closely packed urban fabric, but the negative spaces in terms of the public realm are well spread throughout, acting as condensers for social acts.

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fig 3.14/ Mapping Public Squares

/by author

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Analyzing the public realm of Stockholm deeper, mapping the public squares caught my attention. Since the middle ages the squares have been a prominent expression for the city and a theatrical backdrop for the society.

As seen with most of the European cities, the concentration of these strong voids remained limited to the particular period in the spatial development.

As the dense fabric began to fragment, in the form of suburbs, these squares lost their value as too many vacant pieces of land emerged. Norrmalm, Sodermalm and Gamla stan were the only areas of the cities with remnants of this form of public space.

The need for such democratic open spaces never vanished. It is an innate human behaviour that seeks to interact socially and the city yearns to fulfill it.

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To design a square as per the needs of the hour, the level of public interaction and demand of spatial quality is the challenge I would like to take up. The essence remains the same, but the form and function evolve.

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site location and context architectural history

Slakthusomradet - the meat district

analytical site study photo story

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fig 4.1 / site location map

/ by author

04 /Slakthusomradet - the meat district

4.1 Site location and context Slakthusomradet - the meat district of Stockholm is located at the outskirts of greater Stockholm towards the south. Officially falling under the borough of Enskede-Ă…rsta-VantĂśr, this neighbourhood holds a very strategic position in the landscape of urban Stockholm.

While taking a closer look at the site and its immediate context, the diversity of its surroundings comes as an element of surprise. It is bordered by the iconic dome - Ericcson’s globe and a stadium on its east, single family housing within a dense green area on its west and an important highway on its south. This highly varied land use in such close proximity caught my attention as a first impression of this space.

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Consisting of 103 buildings related to the meat industry, this site has been in existence since 1907. The buildings in itself are an expression of the different architectural styles that prevailed through the century.

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04 /Slakthusomradet - the meat district fig 4.2 / first impressions

/ by author

i c o n i c p u b l i c

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industrial

s u b u r b a n residential

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fig 4.3 / architectural development

1912

1912

1945

1956

1971

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fig 4.4 /historical value classification /stockholmstad

04 /Slakthusomradet - the meat district

4.2 Architectural and Urban History The purpose of the establishment of this slaughterhouse area was to address the lack of hygiene in the private slaughterhouses. Since 1905, the planning of this neighbourhood had begun. Although with a little turbulence in the earlier phase of planning and authorization , the slaughterhouse started functioning fully by 1912.

Most of the architecture in the first phase was carried out by architect Gustaf Wickman. His sense of architecture involved a complex interplay of logistics and building with a sensitive look towards hygiene. During the first 6 years of building, the infrastructure also needed to be planned. The transport connections, water and sewage facilities were all resolved before the construction commenced.

Most of the buildings have undergone renovation. Based on its importance at the architectural level, Stockholm came up with a preservation strategy as shown in fig 4.4.

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Meat processing, storage and logistics were the predominant functions, but the hospitality industry too had a few academies within the neihgbourhood at a later phase.

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fig 4.5 /figure ground analysis /by author

The analysis of the site as an architectural area was restricted to the interested zone in the entire site. While looking at the magnificent architecture of the oldest building on site, observing this zone closely to understand the strategy and intervention needed became a prerequisite.

Figure - Ground : The massing on the site isnt highly variable in nature.

Except for a couple of buildings that have a height of 14m or more, the rest are at a height of not more than 10m.

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fig 4.6 /historically valuable buildings /by author

Historical Importance : The classification made by the Stockholm city clearly defines the built forms that cannot be altered in any sense while the others hold a lower stature for renovation or restoration. The ones marked in Blue hold the highest value, followed by green and then yellow.

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fig 4.7 /access and linkages /by author

Access : The masterplanning of the site since 1900’s has been very developed. A principal axis for logistics and transport runs longitudinally through the central part of the zone with smaller alleys and streets connecting to this. A ring road along the edges of the site acts as another important connector.

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fig 4.8 /architectural period/by author

Architectural Period : The architectural era of each building is not only to know the time of construction, but it also builds the character of the space in question, as for its expression as an architectural language shows diversity.

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fig 4.9/food related usage/by author

Land Use : Based on its direct relation to the meat processing, the analysis of buildings that are of importance in terms of keeping the slaughterhouse active was a critical step. Warehouses, cold storage, restaurant academies, fall under the title of indirect relations to the meat industry.

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04 /Slakthusomradet - the meat district

4.4 Photo Story fig 4.10 / aerial view/www.stockholm.se

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fig 4.11 / aerial view/www.svd.se

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fig 4.12/ on site (Nov’16)/by author

fig 4.13/ on site (Nov’16)/by author

04 /Slakthusomradet - the meat district fig 4.14/ on site (Nov’16)/by author

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fig 4.15/ on site (Nov’16)/by author

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location access size and shape community’s living room entrances and thresholds

analyzing medieval squares

surrounding built proportions facades and setbacks

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fig 5.1 /nolli map of Rome

/ www.pinterest.com

05 /Analyzing Medieval Squares

5.1 Location The importance of location for the success of a square has been seen through ages. For a square to have dynamism and vitality, certain locational criteria need to be fulfilled.

Mix of Uses The public nature of the square is always enhanced by the variety of uses and functions its supports. Offices, local shops, cultural spaces etc become attractive invitations for people to arrive to the location. Schools and libraries also add up as a feather to the cap. By doing this, we can look at a diversity of user groups in terms of age, occupation and gender.

Unless there is a considerable population residing in close proximity to the square, it cannot become a foreground for public activities. A proportion has been developed between the number of residents with easy walkable access to the square. 5000-10000 dwellers is adequate to ensure the use of the square. The diversity in the dwellers brings in a variation in the usage depending upon the lifestyle of the users.

Urban Fabric The density of urban fabric needs to dense so as to create an atmosphere that encourages public life. The square acts as a puncture in a compact dense built format and becomes a breathing space. In a fragmented setup, too many voids would negate the value of the square.

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Residential Population

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fig 5.2 /Storget, Copenhagen / www.momondo.com.br

05 /Analyzing Medieval Squares

5.2 Access The access to the square is very important since the industrial revolution.

The distances between work places and residences were minimized only by efficient transport networks.

Access by foot

A traffic free zone is one of the most sought out methods to capture the essence of publicness. Pedestrian routes leading to the square initiate usage and interaction Access by bike & car Providing access by all kinds of transport is a must these days to ensure steady flow of people. Physical barriers for separating pedestrian, bike and traffic routes ensures safety for the young and old. Private vehicles are still a very crucial part of our everyday life and providing a well developed network for the cars is a prerequisite. Adequate parking facilities too need to be provided Access by public transport The neighborhood square needs to be located adjacent to public transit to the city center. Since one needs to keep the square as free from traffic as possible, and the neighborhood square is likely to be small, it is preferable that the transit line does not run through the square, or directly along one side of the square. The ideal location would be to have the main transit junction one block away from the square. (Lennard n.d.)

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Easy pedestrian network is one of most conventional ways of social integration. As local residents walk through the square on their way to work, school, shopping, running errands, or to catch transit to the city center, their paths cross, affording the chance for a greeting or extended conversation.

When people pass each other on a regular basis in the same place, the “stranger” becomes a “familiar”, and gradually the “familiar” may become a friend, or member of one’s circle. (Lennard n.d.)

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fig 5.3 /Campo di Fiori,Rome

/ www.maps.google.com

05 /Analyzing Medieval Squares

5.3 Size and Shape Size It is important to decide on the size of the square in relation to two interdependent factors: 1) the social functions and population for which the square is designed; and 2) the height of surrounding buildings. (Lennard n.d.)

A square should be able to host daily activities as well as events from time to time. A very large or very small space could either negate the whole idea of intimacy or be too cluttered to accommodate people.

Campo di Fiori (100’ x 200’), a neighborhood square with one of the best markets in Rome, is barely large enough for all the stalls during the market, but feels spacious when the stalls are removed. Most surrounding buildings are 4 or 5 stories; a few are 6 stories above the cornice line.(Lennard n.d.)

Shape In his evaluation of European squares, Camillo Sitte argued forcefully for “the innate, instinctive aesthetic sense that worked such obvious wonders for the old masters without resort to narrow aesthetic dogma or stuffy rules.

We, on the other hand, come along afterwards, scurrying about with our Tsquare and compass, presuming to solve with clumsy geometry those fine points that are matters of pure sensitivity.”(Lennard n.d.)

We have a choice in how we shape public places. Even when we work within a grid plan of streets, a "square" does not need to be "square".(Lennard n.d.)

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As a rule of thumb, a square with a width of 100’ and a length of 150’, such as Zilverpand in Bruges, provides good proportions and sufficient space for a neighborhood with a population of up to 10,000. Around the square are shops and restaurants at street level with housing above, much of which is city-owned public housing.(Lennard n.d.)

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fig 5.4 /Piazza il Campo, Siena

/ www.commons.wikimedia.org

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5.4 Community’s Living Room The dwellers need to feel a sense of comfort, intimacy and safety within this space. Certain factors ensure this essence is retained within the space.

Architectural sensitivity would play a major role in this.

Enclosure The visual enclosure within the square can be assured by the appropriate heights of the built environment and nurtures the sense of belonging.

Visual enclosure focuses attention on people and activities within the square. This is lost if the square offers a vista into another open space, such as a park, which distracts attention from the social world, and sets up a competing destination.(Lennard n.d.)

Depending upon the climatic conditions, the provision of a comfortable sitting spaces becomes a necessity. Tropical climates demand shade while the cold northern latitudes prefer sunny areas.

For example, if it is envisioned that local residents may want to stop on the square to grab coffee and a Danish on their way to work, or to have breakfast at the weekends, then sunlight should fall in the western part of the square at 9.00am for at least half the year (i.e. at equinox, March 20, September 22).

This decision will determine the relationship between the height of buildings on the east of the square, and the E-W dimension of the square, and begin to determine the location of building uses.(Lennard n.d.)

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Sun and Shade

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fig 5.5 /Piazza San Marco, Venice

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5.5 Entrances and Thresholds The entrance into a neighborhood square is designed to create the experience that you have arrived at the heart of the community, and that you need go no further. A vista into the square from an adjacent street should reveal the life on the square, the sunlight, bright umbrellas, children playing, a couple enjoying a glass of wine, etc. It should not reveal that there is any destination beyond the square.(Lennard n.d.)

Entrances may be concealed beneath arcades, as in Salamanca’s Plaza Mayor, or beneath sottoporteghi, as in Venice. Passing through a dark arch heightens the experience of crossing the threshold and raises one’s awareness of entering the public arena. This threshold experience has been remarked upon by many urban scholars, especially in relation to Venice’s Piazza San Marco and Siena’s Piazza Il Campo.(Lennard n.d.)

The vista into the square is critical. It must provide a view of sunlight, people, and activity; it must not be a view of a blank wall. The shape of the entrance, and the way the vista is “framed” is also important: it is undoubtedly more appealing to enter through an archway with human proportions than beneath a wide, low slung horizontal slab that seems to bear down on you. The archway is uplifting; the slab is oppressive.(Lennard n.d.)

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The threshold needs to provide the sense of pause. A behavioural change is observed when a certain element emphasizes the user to stop and observe.

Like a street needs to possess the quality of movement, a square needs to say pause and enjoy.

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fig 5.6 /Campo Santo Stefano, Venice

/ www.tripadvisor.co.uk

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5.6 Surrounding Built Proportions “In ancient times public squares, or plazas, were of prime necessity, for they were theaters for the principal scenes of public life.”

- Camilo Sitte The comfort of the space is guaranteed by the proportions of the surrounding built forms. It is critical to set these in order to initiate a lively vital space.

The Golden Rule in achieving satisfactory proportions in the relationship of building heights to size of square is rooted in human physiology. When standing in the center of a square we feel comfortable when we are surrounded by buildings that are within our normal angle of vision, with a clear view of the sky above the buildings.(Lennard n.d.)

Our angle of vision is 50° - 55° above the horizontal[5]. Thus, when we stand at the edge of the “optimal island” in a 100’ x 100’ square, we feel more comfortable when the surrounding buildings are no higher than 50° above the horizontal, i.e. 54'.(Lennard n.d.)

Most of the squares during the medieval times had one building that portrayed power. This had a significant height so as to compel the user to make an effort in order to have a complete view of this particular masterpiece.

Human scale Kidder Smith showed us how “an architectural and urban setting can be created that breathes and pulsates with a very human feeling and very human scale”[10]. Surrounding buildings are scaled to human proportions and human use. Windows and balconies provide a visible human presence that allows residents to identify with the square, and that, by providing “eyes on the square”, ensures the square’s safety.(Lennard n.d.)

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Angle of vision (Gehl)

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fig 5.7 /piazza ducale, vigevano

/ www.destinomilao.com

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5.7 Facades and Setbacks The public realm is the place where this social learning process takes place.

The architecture of homes surrounding the public realm can play a role in allowing some expression of the diverse population living there. At the very least, windows, balconies, and roof terraces permit this self expression: one window may always have a vase of flowers, another a cat, one may have blinds, another curtains; on one balcony there may be a hammock and trailing vines, on another a barbecue, table and chairs – important cues to the residents’ values, and a chance for self-expression.(Lennard n.d.)

The permeability above the ground floor in terms of windows, balconies add a human eye on the square.

Balconies allow residents to become actors in the life of the square, in addition to being an audience. In a temperate climate, they should be large enough that residents can sit outside, eat a meal, and spend time on the balcony, with some protection from climatic extremes.(Lennard n.d.)

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The porosity of the ground floor is very critical to a square. The elements that are placed at that level need to be very sensitive to create the communication between the built and the open. Upto a height of 15’, the human eye appreciated the architectural elements, details and textures were keenly.

urban insert strategy

strategy and vision schematic masterplan

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existing situation

proposed demolition

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6.1 Strategy & Vision As we have seen through the research of Stockholm, its urban history and the vision for 2030, we came across the fact that the focus of planning has always been towards housing and organization of infrastructure. The public realm has been in the background for centuries now. Mapping of the squares (as in chapter 3.4) led us to conclude that majority of the public squares are located in Norrmalm.

The notion of the urban core as a reference to the medieval center needs to be redefined. As I see this neighbourhood to develop as an equivalent central space in the city, my programmatic structure and architectural expression would act towards the same. A city can be truly polycentric when varied functions and architectural space quality can co-exist. The pre-conceived thought of an industrial zone to be always located in the outskirts of the city is regressive in nature.

The sensitive co-existence of working-living conditions is the sustainable approach on the longer run. Certain trends and movements of the past have put the workplace far away from the living areas. Industries, offices and residential spaces forming a neighbourhood with a central space of public oriented activities is a step towards ensuring a sustainable future.

The choice of the location for placing the square on the site is mainly oriented towards preserving the historic character of the district. The facade of the oldest building by Gustaf Wickman stands out as a backdrop that captures the essence of industrial architecture of the early 20th century.

Apart from that facade, when we look at the surrounding built forms too, all belong to different eras of architecture. The square is of its worth when the enclosure around it has significance of some kind.

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Hence, a vision towards developing a mixed use neighbourhood in an industrial area centred towards an open democratic public square would be an instrument to integrate dwelling and public spaces together.

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fig 6.2 / schematic masterplan

An schematic masterplan depicting the potential residential zones that would activate the neighbourhood. The square as a traditional form of public space would act as a social condenser.

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fig 6.3 / location diagram

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fig 6.4/ contextual reference

/ by author

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the Square

architecture of the square proposed atmosphere

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fig 7.1 / proposed contextual reference

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7.1 Design Process Based on the analysis of successful squares, a design process was followed. / by author

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fig 7.2 / pedestrian zone

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fig 7.3 / entrances and thresholds

/experience of arrival / defined threshold /frame of view

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fig 7.4 / facades and setbacks

/permeable facade / arcades /buffered zone /

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fig 7.5 / surrounding built proportions

/eyes on the square / intimacy / human scale/

07 /the square

7.2 Architecture of the Square The square has been designed in order to generate a mixed used neighbourhood oriented towards the public. After an analysis of successful squares from the medieval times, and implying those guidelines to reinstate the essence of the public space in the contemporary world , this square holds the best of both worlds.

Mix of Uses The built form surrounding the square needs to be an activity magnet for the square. A diverse set of functions - the market, co- working space, restaurant, housing, cultural center and office spaces ensure to pool in the people to the square. This variety has been set also keeping in mind the diversity of people that would visit the square.

The size of the square has been limited to 80m x 80 m keeping in mind that the neighbourhood hosts 5000-10000 people. The heights of the surrounding buildings not only create the sens e of enclosure and belonging, but also are placed in a manner that they support maximum sunlight on the square, owing to the fact Stockholm receives only a few months of sun.

A very traditional element of architecture - the arcade has been introduced at the edge of the square to define the boundaries and a clear walkway, while also acting as a buffer between the built and th open. Covering the arcade at a height of 7 m is a flat roof that can act as a terrace especially during the summer months overlooking the square.

Sloped roofs have been designed for climatic reasons and skylights have been inserted at regular intervals to ensure adequate daylight during the peak winters.

Materiality Use of brick and metal has been a deliberate attempt to maintain the character and identity of the industrial context surrounding the square

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Architectural elements and Spatial quality

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fig 7.6 / the square - plan level 0

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07 /the square fig 7.7 / the square - plan level +1

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DN

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UP

DN

UP

DN

DN

DN

UP

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fig 7.8 / the square - plan level +2

DN

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fig 7.9 / the square - plan level +3

UP

DN

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fig 7.10 / the square - plan level roof

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fig 7.11 / the square - transverse section

07 /the square fig 7.12/ the market - plan level 0 / by author

Storage

UP

Kitchen

Fast\ Foo

Storage

Food\ Retai

Kitchen

Snacks\ and\ B

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UP

UP

Storage

Bar

Kitchen

Fast\ Foo

Storage

Food\ Retai

Kitchen

Fast\ Foo

Storage

Food\ retai

Storage

Bar

1:150

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Lounge

Lounge

1:150

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Administration

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Terrace

1:150

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07 /the square fig 7.15/ the market- plan level +3

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Pantry Admin\ -\ Ca

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Conference Room

1:150

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fig 7.14/ the market - longitudinal section / by author

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/strategy/mixed use development/public oriented/

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08 /conclusion

/spatial sequence/volumes/existing & proposed/

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/architectural quality/the square/public realm/

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/materiality/industrial character/contextual response/

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