Mia Stamp Media analysis

Student ID: 20013464

Module: Gender, Violence and Abuse

Due: 18th November 2022

Word Count: 2179

Critical Analysis of a Media Piece

The presence of digital feminism can be viewed as “extremely positive in generating community, connection and support for feminist views, and solidarity in calling out rape culture.” (Mendes, Ringrose and Keller, 2018, p.244), in which multiple concepts, theories and social perspectives can be represented to further social understanding of violence against women and girls (VAWG). In this specific media piece, which was posted on social media by the campaign group ‘Our Streets Now’, gendered violence is analysed through both a micro and macro lens which successfully develops such ‘connection’ between women who have been affected by male violence specifically. The main concepts viewed in the piece are Liz Kelly’s ‘Continuum of sexual violence’ (Kelly, 1987) which recognises the shared systemic characteristic of patriarchal power in all forms of VAWG. Similarly, Susan Brownmiller’s radical theory is echoed throughout the piece, in which the use of first-person writing allows for a direct reading to the male population, who are portrayed as being somewhat responsible for the current climate of gendered violence. Furthermore, the media piece addresses multiple dilemmas which revolve particularly around the treatment of women in society, rather than including specific crimes such as domestic violence, rape or street harassment. These dilemmas include the problem of police brutality, the denial of women’s experiences, the fixation on rape mythology and the normalisation of gendered violence. Consequently, the purpose of this media piece is not to raise awareness that

gendered violence is happening, rather it hopes to bring attention to how women are failed by society, the state, the family and peers. Therefore, unlike individualistic movements such as #MeToo (Rottenberg, 2019), this media piece attempts to unite women in their struggle against all forms of gendered violence, thus creating an opportunity for systematic recognition and change.

Although the media piece doesn’t outline the scale and extent of VAWG, it is still crucial to understand the prevalence of male violence in modern society and its subsequent effects. It is reported that 1/4 women will be raped or sexually assaulted at one point in their life (Rape Crisis England & Wales, 2022), with 98% of the perpetrators being male (Office for National Statistics, 2021). Despite the explicit absence of this data in the media piece, it is clear that the poem understands the circumstance and nature of gendered violence. For example, the repeated use of ‘you’ directed at the (male) reader infers, rightfully, that men are more likely to commit an act of violence against a woman. Additionally, the contrasting terminology of ‘us’ and ‘our’ is used to represent those women who are at risk of gendered violence.

This segregation of perpetrator and victim/survivor is appropriately adopted in the commentary on the role of police in gendered violence, specifically in the quotes “So you’d rather arrest a mourner, than deal with the issue at hand?” and “So you’d rather throw cuffs on our wrists, to the women who battle against you?”. In this instance, the verb ‘battle’ demonstrates the distaste that the campaign has for police enforcement as concepts surrounding police failure and corruption are represented. To provide context, the poem is

alluding to the failure of prosecution, in which only 1% of recorded rapes result in a legal charge the same year (Rape Crisis England & Wales, 2022). This failure of the police has also been viewed in the direct treatment of women. As seen at the Sarah Everard protest, officers were seen ‘aggressively grabbing’ the peaceful protesters (Independent, 2021). As the media piece suggests, those who are targeted by the police have acted “Autonomously as women” (Maynard and Hanmer, 1987), which highlights the danger for women who deviate from gender expectations of submissiveness, who are afforded the responsibility for the violence committed against them (Vera-Gray, 2018). Thus, this concept portrays police as observers of gender compliance, in addition to an institution which holds influence to reinforce patriarchal power. Although a slightly radical viewpoint, this inherent violence in the police force is also visible in the ‘private’ life of officers. From 2015-2020, there were over 800 allegations of domestic abuse against police officers or staff, of which only 5% were prosecuted (BBC, 2021), and 80% kept their jobs (Dodd and Haque, 2022). This may be conceptualised as a result of stress, in which “Men’s feelings of possible or potential loss of power in one sphere may also be acted upon in another sphere or relationship, where there may be less resistance” (Hearn, 1998, p.42). These two spheres, in this case, would be work and family life which may intersect in the output of violent masculinity. Therefore, the media piece’s assumption that women should also fear those in a supposed ‘trustworthy’ position is understandable considering the evidence provided.

Although there is such evidence and theoretical reasoning as to how the police force can be detrimental to campaigning and protesting around gender-based violence, such as officers being the enforcers of the status quo of masculinity (Maynard and Hanmer, 1987),

one mustn’t ignore the potential for change within the institution of policing. Which, is where the media piece is slightly deterministic and pessimistic in nature. For example, in recent years there has been national recognition that VAWG is an increasingly important sector to focus on, so much so that there have been new implementations which make gendered violence a priority in policing (End Violence Against Women, 2022). Subsequently, there will be more funding, resources and training provided to adequately prepare police officers to tackle VAWG. Furthermore, to override concerns of policing not accepting external criticism, there have been multiple collaborations with local charities that provide guidance and expert knowledge of gendered violence. Such as the ‘Fun Without Fear’ campaign which targets women’s safety in North East nightlife, and is run by both Northumbria Police and the organisation Rape Crisis (Northumbria PCC, 2022). Consequently, it could be argued that the media piece presents a slightly biased opinion of the police force, however, the failures of policing are currently more prevalent than the successes. Nevertheless, this conclusion may change in years to come when new implementations begin to show results.

The media piece also hints at the denial of women’s experiences paired with widespread myths around rape and gendered violence. The quote “You’d rather contradict the evidence, tell us repeatedly that it’s not all true?” can be dissected as a reference to false rape accusations and the willingness to use them in anti-feminist arguments. However, data surrounding this proves there is no reason for concern, as false rape allegations are only 3% of all allegations reported, ultimately being the same rate as all other crimes (Rape Crisis Scotland, 2021). Conversely, it may be proposed that anti-feminist men who utilise

this argument simply use false allegations as a façade for their true belief that “There is no such thing as forcible rape, and that it is the will of women to be ravished” (Brownmiller, 1975, p.663). Such arguments are furthered through modern resources such as the media, where 75% of the public gather their knowledge of crime (Lloyd and Ramon, 2017). Furthermore, as Young claims, “the media exercises its interpretive authority, sometimes deliberately and sometimes carelessly, to obstruct progressive social change” (Easteal, Holland and Judd, 2015, p.106). Subsequently, as the media piece infers, due to the sensationalization of gendered crime in the media, it is easier for male readers to engage in the ‘othering' and ‘demonisation’ of rapists and men who commit gendered violence (Carline, Gunby and Taylor, 2018), thus allowing for a social separation between a man and a criminal. Therefore, the argument ‘It’s not every man’ arises, in which an "insidious culture of doubt”, which is already present in the Criminal Justice System, is spread to societal perceptions of VAWG (Lombard, 2017, p.106). This is explicitly represented through the quote “Continue to say ‘it’s not every man’’?” which arguably adopts Brownmiller’s ideology that perceives masculinity as the root cause of rape and other sexual violence. For example, she claims “Rape is an act that men do in the name of their masculinity” (Brownmiller, 1975, p.662), ergo identifying that all men have the ability to commit violence against women, simply due to the social expectations of their gender label. Therefore, the media piece contrasts this ‘othering’, and instead directs the poem at all men.

This radical feminist theory can explain dilemmas such as the Fear of Crime Paradox, which outlines women’s heightened fear of crime despite having a lower risk of victimisation (Vera-Gray and Kelly, 2020). Bowman and Thompson summarise this by claiming “women 5

must regard every encounter as potentially dangerous” (Vera-Gray, 2015, p.14), which may be the reality for many women. Nevertheless, the media piece’s attempt to target every man may be considered problematic. Particularly, this radical argument dismisses men who identify as feminists and allies to the movement, in addition to targeting them with a blanket stereotype simply due to their gender. As Monteverde critically argues, rather than blaming all men despite their role in gendered violence, there should be a consistent focus on the institutions which enable these behaviours adopted by violent men and the inequality they reproduce within society (Schubert et al., 2021). On the other hand, it could be perceived that the media piece does not utilise only one of these arguments, and instead depicts how VAWG is both institutional and personal, meaning both the individual and the state are to blame.

Most notably, the media piece does not engage in providing definitions or terms which describe women’s experiences, for example ‘street harassment’. As Lenton et al. recognise, this avoids the issue of alienating women and the personal definitions they create for their own experiences (Vera-Gray, 2016). This concept utilised heavily relates to Liz Kelly’s ideology ‘The Continuum of Violence’, which argues all forms of male violence provide individual meaning for each victim/survivor and there should be no hierarchal organisation of events based on ‘seriousness’ or impact (Kelly, 1987). Such a theory can be applied to the media piece, portrayed in the quote “So you’d rather say we shouldn’t wear that, instead put keys between our fingers?”. Although this isn’t a form of physical violence, it can be understood as a part of the “system of structured power and oppression that constitutes patriarchy and patriarchal social relations” (Hearn, 1998, p.38). In other words,

there is still an exertion of male control and power which affects the behaviour of the woman. Furthermore, the quote “You’d rather that than explain to the boys, know it could have been your mothers or wives” highlights the male perception of violence when it affects a woman in their lives. As Brownmiller proposes, this form of violence is not seen as the victimisation of a woman, but the man who owns that woman. Or, as she phrases it, “Outrageous impudence from man to man” (Brownmiller, 1975, p.641). Overall, summarising the social attitude that men have towards female victimisation, despite whether they are an explicit perpetrator of VAWG or not. Therefore, for the media piece to endorse Brownmiller’s radicalism, it could be concluded that the poem isn’t necessarily highlighting the danger of perpetrators, but the danger of men. It may be proposed that the piece could be improved slightly in terms of documenting the experiences of women of colour. Although the images included in the media piece depict diversity, it is difficult to conclude whether the text includes intersectional accounts from women who are not heterosexual and white, which Crenshaw claims is a downfall in many feminist discourses (Crenshaw, 2006). Although these negative experiences can be shared among a range of women, Patricia Hill Collins argued it is crucial to understand that black women are dehumanised in a different way than white women, in which race and ethnicity play a vital role (Vera-Gray, 2018). Consequently, the inclusion of diverse accounts seems to be key in emerging campaigns. Nevertheless, due to the length of the piece, it would be unreasonable to disregard the other points made which accurately depict the world from a woman’s eyes.

As such, it is fair to argue the media piece adopts rather radical arguments which stem from feminist thought. Although points made in the piece could be considered slightly deterministic, as Davidson pleads for the need for radical change in the police force, it is also needed in activism surrounding VAWG (Dodd and Haque, 2022). Despite new processes being implemented to tackle gender-based violence, there are still many social inadequacies to be addressed. It could be suggested that the piece requires more diversity in terms of intersectional accounts, however, as previously stated, for such a short piece it successfully displays an overview of women’s experiences on both a macro level (interaction with the state) and micro level (gendered violence from peers). In which, the vagueness around definitions allows all women to relate and feel heard in their struggles around gendered violence. Consequently, the media piece is both efficient and effective in its message, in addition to the theories and concepts upon which it is built.

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