NYU OPUS Vol. X Issue II

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The Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies was initiated in 2010 by undergraduate students in the Department of Applied Psychology, NYU Steinhardt. The ideas and opinions contained in this publication solely reflect those of the authors and not New York University. All work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial No Derivative Works License.

To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org

OPUS

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies Volume X Issue II | Fall 2019 Editor-in-Chief Oana Groza Associate Editor Andrew Han Layout & Design Directors Sydney Liang Grace Park Programming & Communications Directors Freya Chen Contributing Writers Mikell Bursky Sanjidah T. Chowdhury YiLin Lee Tiffany Wong

Faculty Mentor Dr. Adina R. Schick Special Thanks Rachel Lim Emilie Scott Ricco Dr. Gigliana Melzi Department of Applied Psychology NYU Steinhardt

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Contents 05 Letter from the Editors

06 Literature Reviews 07 Tiffany Wong Impact of Stigma and Social Perceptions in Parents of Children with Autism Spectrum Disorder 11 Mikell Bursky Effects of Mindfulness on Commuter Stress

17 Reseach Proposal 18 Sanjidah T. Chowdhury Self-Defense Empowerment Programs and Discrimination Stress

26 Research Article 27 YiLin Lee Fostering the Home-School Connection in Middle School Years

33 Biographies

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Letter From the Editors New York University’s Applied Psychology Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, also known as OPUS, was established in 2009. OPUS provides Applied Psychology undergraduate students with a forum for sharing their independent work. This publication is entirely written, edited, and designed by Applied Psychology undergraduates, and is one of the only undergraduate psychology journals in the United States.

We are thrilled to present our Fall 2019 issue. 2019 marks the 10-year anniversary of OPUS. The themes of the Fall 2019 issue reflect the clinical and research interests of our contributing writers and demonstrate a desire to understand the nuances of psychological phenomena in order to improve the lives of a range of groups, thus embodying the ethos of Applied Psychology.

Our issue this semester contains explorations of psychological theories with real-world applications, with Tiffany Wong exploring how stigma associated with Autism Spectrum Disorder impacts perceptions of parents and parental self-esteem. On the other hand, Mikell Burksy’s literature review focuses on an issue most - if not all - New Yorkers can relate to: commuter stress. His literature review examines the impact physical and psychological toll commuter stress has on the body and how mindfulness can be used as an effective tool to modulate these effects. Mikell closes his piece with helpful recommendations that can be utilized everyday.

Sanjidah proposes a research study that explores the potential benefits that a self-defense empowerment program can have to alleviate discrimination stress experienced by Muslim American women, a topic that has been understudied. We are also pleased to be publishing an original qualitative study conducted

by Applied Psychology student Yilin Lee, whose piece examines how academic programs can foster the home-school connection, with important implications for low-income, minority middle school students who might require extra support and collaboration from teachers and families.

Thank you so much to our enthusiastic and talented writers for their scholarly contributions, as well as Sydney Liang, Grace Park, and Freya Chen, the OPUS administrative staff for their hard work and commitment to the journal. Special thanks to Rachel Lim, a former OPUS editor who served as a peer mentor as we transitioned into our role. We are also grateful to Emilie Ricco, the OPUS advisor and Dr. Gigliana Melzi, the Director of Undergraduate Studies in Applied Psychology. Finally, we would like to thank Dr. Adina Schick, our faculty mentor, for her guidance, wit, and dedication to OPUS, without which this issue would not be possible.

Best, Oana Groza and Andrew Han

Oana Groza

Andrew Han 5

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Impact of Stigma and Social Perceptions in Parents of Children with Autism Spectrum Disorder Tiffany Wong

Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) is a developmental disorder characterized by obstacles in social communication and challenges in moderating everyday functional tasks (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Due to an increase in public awareness regarding ASD, more parents are actively seeking the help and support required for their children, creating an unprecedented demand for accurately assessing the needs of children with ASD (Stoner & Angell, 2006). Children with ASD are more likely to exhibit disruptive behaviors, such as screaming, than their neurotypical peers (Benson, 2010; Costa, Steffgen, & Ferring, 2017). These behaviors often lead to social stigma and isolation, which can be detrimental to the wellbeing of an individual with ASD and those who support them (Farrugia, 2009; Gray, 2002). For example, in public spaces, where parents’ capabilities are associated with and judged based on the behavior of the child, disruptive behavior might impact the image of a competent parent (Farrugia, 2009; Gray, 2002). In fact, stigmatized beliefs against behaviors exhibited by children with ASD can lead to greater levels of stress and loneliness among their parents, often influencing their parental self-esteem, or their feelings of self-worth as a caretaker (Farrugia, 2009; Gray, 2002; Shine & Perry, 2010; Vasilopoulou & Nisbet, 2016).

Because parents’ own emotional well-being affects their ability to invest in their child’s development, there has been an increase in interventions with direct parental involvement that can foster better parent-child relationships and reduce behavioral difficulties in children with ASD (Kasari, Gulsrud, Wong, Kwon, & Locke, 2010; Shine & Perry, 2010; Vasilopoulou & Nisbet, 2016). As a first step, it is crucial to examine factors that might affect parental self-esteem in order to provide better services for children with ASD as well as their parents. This literature review, thus, explored the impact of stigma surrounding ASD on families of ASD children by addressing the following research question: How does the stigma associated with having a child with low-functioning ASD impact social perceptions of parents and parental self-esteem?

Social Perceptions of Parents of Children with ASD

Children with ASD often experience challenges in prosocial behavior (i.e., behaviors that benefit interpersonal relationships and contribute to the formation of close knit relationships) that can lead to frustrating scenarios with parents (McStay, Trembath, & Dissanayake, 2014; Penner, Dovido, Piliavin, & Schroeder, 2005). This is particularly problematic for low functioning children with ASD who are nonverbal

and communicate through nonspeaking cues (e.g., grunting and pointing), which often provide additional challenges in communication (McStay et al., 2014; Neely-Barnes, Hal, Robert, & Graff, 2011). Self-stimulatory behaviors, including loud noises (e.g., clapping, humming), are commonly used by children with ASD (McStay et al., 2014). However, these behaviors can exacerbate challenging behavioral problems, and can provoke other children to act in an aggressive manner if the self stimulatory behaviors are perceived as a threat, which can increase stress and difficulty for parents (Hou, Stewart, Lao, & Wu, 2018; Lecavelier et al., 2005). The socially inappropriate behavior exhibited by children with ASD can, thus, lead to negative attitudes and poor acceptance by others (Alnazly & Abojedi, 2019; Sharpley, Bitsika, & Efremidis, 1997). In turn, these negative attitudes from families and friends might lead to parents feeling excluded and socially isolated (Alnazly & Abojedi, 2019; Benson, 2010). At the same time, because the behaviors might be considered a nuisance in public spaces, some parents prefer to stay at home with their children (Alnazly & Abojedi, 2019). Thus, the behaviors associated with low-functioning ASD can lead to parental feelings of isolation and exclusion, which, in turn, can contribute to greater parental stress in caring for their child.

Moreover, because some disabilities are not defined by physical characteristics, ASD is often invisible to the public (Lecavelier et al., 2005). The lack of physical characteristics fails to remind people about invisible disabilities, thus making public spheres unaccommodating for children with ASD and their parents (Neely-Barnes et al., 2011). Although outbursts and self-soothing behaviors (e.g., tapping, covering one’s ears) are common in children with ASD who have difficulties with selfregulation in environments with excess sensory stimuli, these outbursts might not appear any different from neurotypical children when having tantrums, contributing to the stigma associated with ASD (Gray, 2002; Lecavelier et al., 2005).

Additionally, stigma is reflective in insensitive comments and crude jokes about ASD, which poke fun at people who act in a peculiar manner (Benson, 2010). The misconceptions and stigmatization of children with ASD and their caregivers are a result of the lack of understanding of ASD as neurotypical people are often unaccommodating to those with disabilities (Hou et al., 2018; Lecavelier et al., 2005).

Overall, the behaviors of children with ASD might lead to stigmatization of parents for not having ‘proper’ parenting skills (Neely-Barnes et al., 2011; Stoner & Angell, Literature Reviews | 7

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2006) and lacking discipline over their child (Gray, 2002).

Further, some suggest that parents might have caused their child’s ASD through vaccination, which is an unfounded fear that perpetuates the stigmatization towards children with ASD and leaves parents feeling ostracized (Doja & Roberts, 2006).

Ultimately, the feelings of isolation and ostracization can lead to an internalized stigmatization of their competence as a parent, which can dramatically contribute to the stress of the parent as well as their parental self-esteem (Gray, 2002; Levalier et al., 2013; Sharpley et al., 1997). In other words, parents might feel that they themselves are at fault for exacerbating their child’s developmental disabilities (Hou et al., 2018). Such negative perceptions might lead to self-stigmatization among parents of children with ASD, in which parents internalize public stereotypes about their child and feel that they are being rejected by others (Corrigan, Larson, & Rüsch, 2009).

Role of Parental Stress and Self Esteem

Self-stigmatization often leads parents to not seek social support, such as emotional advice from other parents who have children with ASD or outside resources (e.g., daycare centers, specialized schools) that would otherwise alleviate their stress. Due to internalization of these stigmatized beliefs, parents might further isolate themselves from the community in fear of social rejection (Benson, 2010; Stoner & Angell, 2006).

Moreover, parents might feel that they do not have the support they require in institutional settings, such as schools or childcare centers (Costa et al., 2017; Stoner & Angell, 2006). Because many large institutions are unaccommodating to the needs of children with ASD who require extra resources, parents often feel un-welcomed, with the lack of support resulting in lower self-esteem (Benson, 2010; Stoner & Angell, 2006). Due to the internalization of stigma, parents might also be unwilling to disclose their child’s diagnosis, which not only contributes to barriers in receiving services that would meet the family’s needs, but also further increases their stress (Farrugia, 2009; Gray, 2002). Parents also face greater financial burden due to the dearth of social support and services for children with ASD (Alnazly & Abojedi, 2019; Costa et al., 2017). In fact, adequate treatment and support for children with ASD typically require families to spend extra money and resources (Alnazly & Abojedi, 2019). Within the special needs community, families who do not have the financial resources to support their child might also be stigmatized for not putting enough effort to help their child (Gray, 2002).

Overall, parents often feel blamed for their child’s behavior and prognosis, which undermines their confidence and parental self-esteem as a result (Neely-Barnes et al., 2011).

Because it is difficult to balance self-care and care for their child due to the overwhelming amount of time and resources, parents of children with ASD often have anxiety and other mood disorders (Benson, 2010; Costa et. al, 2017). Research shows that a parent’s well-being and mental health are linked to an ASD child’s emotional and behavioral problems (Osborne, 8 | Literature Reviews

McHugh, Saunders, & Reed, 2008; Sharpley et al., 1997; Shine & Perry, 2010). The relation between parental stress and intervention outcome of children with autism shows a need for improving parental self esteem and stress (Shine & Perry, 2010).

When parents experience greater self-esteem in their abilities as a caretaker, they are better equipped to meet the needs of their children (Shine & Perry, 2010; Stoner & Angell, 2006).

However, stigma related to autism, as well as the higher levels of stress associated with these stigmatized beliefs, can dramatically impact the parent’s stress levels and their self-esteem (Costa et al., 2017; Neely-Barnes et al., 2011; Osborne et al., 2008). Higher self-esteem is associated with greater motivation and ability to maintain relationships, and the internalization of stigma can negatively impact the way parents regard themselves as a parent and caretaker (Corrigan et al., 2009; Shine & Perry, 2010).

When parents believe that they are unfit to care for their child with ASD, they will internalize these notions (Sharpley et al., 1997; Vasilopoulou & Nisbet, 2016). Parental well-being is also a strong indicator of how children with ASD can learn to tolerate distress and other unfamiliar situations, which are the usual triggers for public outbursts (Shine & Perry, 2010; Vasilopoulou & Nisbet, 2016). When the demands of parenting become overwhelming, parents have a difficult time lowering their stress levels. Additionally, when parents are aware that their own wellbeing might also affect their child, parents may feel that they are unable to be a stress-free parent for their child and, in turn, reduce their feelings of self worth (Costa et. al, 2017; Gray, 2002). Thus, parental outcomes, such as their self-esteem, are important to consider when examining children with ASD as parents are often the ones providing the most support.

Conclusion

Parents of children with ASD often experience feelings of stress and isolation due to the negative perception of ASD in public spaces, leading to internalization of these stigmatized beliefs that contributes to their lower self-esteem (Gray, 2002; Lecavelier et al., 2005). Thus, these feelings of distress and seclusion can prevent parents from seeking the support they require to effectively provide for their children’s needs (Benson, 2010). Taking action to improve parental quality of life might enhance their ability to provide stronger intervention plans for their children and promote cohesivity within families that face difficulties (Vasilopoulou & Nisbet, 2016). Given the role of parental self esteem in providing quality care for their children, future research should examine the relationship of self esteem and stigma between authority figures that surround the child’s development such as educators and community members. By strengthening partnerships between families, schools, and community organizations, stronger policy plans and community efforts can be established for a multidimensional approach in supporting children with ASD by ensuring that parents are being supported, as well. In the same vein, by identifying the significance of the stigma of ASD, communities can offer outlets for parents to improve their well-being by decreasing their overall

Impact of Stigma and Social Perceptions on Parents

stress and increasing their self-esteem (Alnazly & Abojedi, 2019; Costa et. al, 2017; McStay et al., 2014). Systematically examining can allow parents to feel more competent in their parenting capabilities and thus provide better care for their children.

Literature Reviews | 9

OPUS (2019) 10:2 References Alnazly, E. K., & Abojedi A. (2019). Psychological distress and

perceived burden in caregivers of persons with autism

spectrum disorder. Perspectives in Psychiatric Care, 55, 501-508.

American Psychiatric Association (2013). Diagnostic and

statistical manual of mental disorders (5th ed.).

Arlington, VA. Benson R. P., (2010). Coping, distress, and well-being in mothers

of children with autism. Research in Autism Spectrum

Disorders, 4(2), 217-228.

Corrigan, P. W., Larson, J. E., & Rüsch, N. (2009). Self-stigma

and the “why try” effect: Impact on life goals and

evidence-based practices. World Psychiatry: Official

Journal of the World Psychiatric Association (WPA), 8(2), 75–81.

Costa, P. A., Steffgen, G., & Ferring, D. (2017). Contributors to

well-being and stress in parents of children with autism

spectrum disorder. Research in Autism Spectrum

Disorders, 37(1), 61–72.

Doja, A., & Roberts, W. (2006). Immunizations and Autism: A

review of the literature. Canadian Journal of

Neurological Sciences, 33(4), 341-346.

Farrugia, D. (2009). Exploring stigma: Medical knowledge and

the stigmatisation of parents of children diagnosed

with autism spectrum disorder. Sociology of Health and

Illness, 31(7), 1011-1027.

Gray, D. (2002). Everybody just freezes. Everybody is just

embarrassed: Felt and enacted stigma among parents

of children with high functioning autism. Sociology of

Health and Illness, 24(6), 734-749.

Kasari, C., Gulsrud, A. C., Wong, S., Kwon, J., & Locke, J. (2010).

Randomized controlled caregiver mediated joint

engagement intervention for toddlers with autism.

Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 40(9), 1045-1056.

Lecavelier, L., Leone, S., & Wiltz, J. (2005). The impact of

behaviour problems on caregiver stress in young people

with autism spectrum disorders. Journal of Intellectual

Disability Research, 50(3), 172-183.

McStay, L. R., Trembath, D., & Dissanayake, C. (2014). Maternal

stress and family quality of life in response to raising a

child with autism: From preschool to adolescence.

Research in Developmental Disabilities, 35(5), 3119– 3130.

Neely-Barnes, S. L. Hall H. R., Roberts R. J., & Graff J. C. (2011).

Parenting a child with an autism spectrum disorder:

Public perceptions and parental conceptualisation.

Journal of Family Social Work, 14(3), 208–225.

Osborne, L. A., McHugh, L., Saunders, J., & Reed, P. (2008).

Parenting stress reduces the effectiveness of early

teaching interventions for autistic spectrum disorders.

Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 38(6), 1092–1103.

10 | Literature Reviews

Penner, L. A., Dovidio, J. F., Piliavin, J. A., & Schroeder, D. A.

(2005). Prosocial behavior: Multilevel perspectives.

Annual Review of Psychology, 56, 365–392. Sharpley, F. C., Bitsika, V., & Efremidis, B. (1997). Influence of

gender, parental health, and perceived expertise of

assistance upon stress, anxiety, and depression among

parents of children with autism. Journal of Intellectual

and Developmental Disability, 22(1), 19-28.

Shine, R. & Perry, A. (2010). The relationship between parental

stress and intervention outcome of children with autism. Journal on Developmental Disabilities, 16(2), 64–66.

Stoner, J. B., & Angell, M. E. (2006). Parent perspectives on role

engagement: An investigation of parents of children

with ASD and their self-reported roles with education professionals. Focus on Autism and Other Developmental

Disabilities, 21(3), 177-189.

Vasilopoulou, E., & Nisbet, J. (2016). The quality of life of parents

of children with autism spectrum disorder: A

systematic review. Research in Autism Spectrum

Disorders, 23(1), 36-49.

Effects of Mindfulness on Commuter Stress Mikell Bursky

Everyday, hundreds of millions of people around the world commute to and from work using various forms of transportation, such as automobiles, buses, and trains (U.S. Department of Transportation, 2018). Regardless of the form, commuters are exposed to an array of psychophysiological stressors along with a multitude of unpleasant environmental stimuli, such as fatigue, pollution, overcrowding, and vehicular accidents (Chillrud et al., 2004; Gottholmseder, Nowotny, Pruckner, & Theurl, 2009; Karlsson, Nilsson, & Möller, 2005; Martell & Dietz, 1992). When these factors interplay with an individual’s genetic susceptibility towards developing a maladaptive stress response, these conditions may lead to the manifestation of various pathologies (Evan, 2003; Ma, Li, Kwan, & Chai, 2003; McEwen & Stellar, 1993). A primary way in which individuals attempt to cope with these high levels of commuter stress is by distracting themselves through the frequent use of their cellular phones (Elhai, Dvorak, Levine, & Hall, 2017; Johansson, Nordin, Heiden, & Sandström, 2010; Thomee, 2018). Although this may temporarily alleviate feelings elicited by stressful commutes, the use of a cellular phone as a coping mechanism may be maladaptive in the long run. Research shows that overuse of phones has been linked to abnormalities in the brain which are associated with increased feelings of stress, decreased emotional regulation abilities, and sleep issues (Hu, Long, Lyu, Zhou, & Chen, 2017; Sansone & Sansone, 2013). A potential alternative option for alleviating commuter stress can be found in the practice of mindfulness, a method of attentional cultivation that has been shown to influence stress response towards a plethora of difficult psychological and physical circumstances (Brand, Holsboer-Trachsler, Naranjo & Schmidt, 2012; Lindsay, Young, Smyth, Brown, & Creswell, 2018). Mindfulness is a non-judgmental, open-awareness of the present moment (Bishop et al., 2004; Kabat‐Zinn, 2003; Ludwig & Kabat-Zinn, 2008). This state of being relaxed, yet awake and present, has been found to increase subjective experiences of one’s personal well-being, while simultaneously regulating and enhancing physiological functioning in the form of an increased immune response and decreased cortisol levels (Brand et al., 2012; Davidson et al., 2003; Lindsay et al., 2018).

Thus, this review sought to explore the following question: How can mindfulness modulate stress response in order to facilitate a more adaptive commuter experience?

Commuting and Psychophysiological Stress

Commuting is often unpredictable and uncontrollable due to a multiplicity of factors, such as traffic and accidents.

The different elements faced during a commute are perceived as psychologically and physically stressful by commuters

who cannot cope with the journey, with longer durations of commutes associated with increased stress levels (GimenezNadal & Molina, 2019; Gottholmseder et al., 2009). Commuter stress is defined as any self-reported psychological or objectively measured psychophysiological changes that are experienced as a form of stress attributable to commuting (Fleige et al., 2005; Wener, Evans, & Boately, 2005). Individuals who experience more difficulties during their commute demonstrate higher levels of psychophysiological stress (Gottholmseder et al., 2009; Novaco, Stokols, & Milanesi, 1990). Psychological stress taxes the commuter by influencing their physiological functioning, which subsequently leads to a build up upon the original psychological stress, eventually leading to an increased risk for various pathologies (DeMorrow, 2018). As such, it is essential to understand the neurobiological processes involved in the activation of commuter stress, in order to figure out how to mitigate this process using mindfulness.

Commuting takes a physical toll on the body as a byproduct of psychological stress and anxiety via the activation of the Hypothalamic-Pituitary-Adrenal (HPA) Axis, a network of brain regions and neuroendocrine glands that play a crucial role in the release of stress hormones (DeMorrow, 2018; Joseph & Whirledge, 2017). During stressful experiences, such as commuting, the HPA Axis responds through an increased secretion of cortisol. This hormone is meant to help an individual’s body rapidly adapt, with higher levels of cortisol showing elevation in overly stressed individuals (Choi et al., 2014; Levine, Zagoory-Sharon, Feldman, Lewis, & Weller, 2007; Sapolsky, 2000). Over time, these hormones act as selfcreated neurotoxins which have been shown to degenerate brain regions vital for healthy cognitive and emotional functioning (Leonard, 2006). By maintaining elevated stress hormones in a dysregulated fashion, the psychophysiological system is transformed into a negative feedback loop, leading to an increase in anxiety, depression, and cognitive deficits amongst commuters who are not equipped to effectively counteract this (DeMorrow, 2018; Leonard, 2006). The over-stimulation of the HPA Axis places their psychophysiology in a state of constant overdrive which subsequently weakens this system (DeMorrow, 2018; Malpas, 2010; McCorry, 2007). Without the appropriate amount of time for rest and recovery, individuals might develop chronic conditions, including heart disease, hypertension, hypoglycemia, anxiety, and depression (DeMorrow, 2018; Malpas, 2010). These conditions affect commuter health, quality of life, well-being, and functional productivity, which highlights the importance of maintaining a well-regulated HPA Axis free from overstimulation.

A key component involved in the triggering of the Literature Reviews | 11

OPUS (2019) 10:2

HPA Axis is the amygdala, which is involved in the detection of emotionally arousing, threatening, fear inducing, stressful and socially relevant stimuli (Delgado, Nearing, LeDoux, & Phelps, 2008; Freeman, Stolier, Ingbretsen, & Hehman, 2014; LeDoux, 2007; Morgane, 2005). Activation in the amygdala triggers the brain’s hypothalamus, which, in turn, activates the aforementioned HPA Axis in order to prepare the body for the perceived threatening situation (Flandreau, Ressler, Owens, & Nemeroff, 2012; Herman & Cullinan, 1997). When the amygdala is overstimulated as a result of a stressful situation, like commuting, the HPA Axis triggers the Sympathetic Nervous System, which activates and sustains this high intensity mode of arousal for too long (Åhs et al., 2009). In this way, the amygdala’s reactivity and vigilance towards detecting stressful situations is one of the crucial determining factors as to whether a commuter will experience chronic forms of stress, leading to dire pathophysiological outcomes (Davis & Whalen, 2001; DeMorrow, 2018). As such, the importance of finding a neurocognitive mechanism which can be used to decrease the amygdala’s reactivity during a commute is essential. A less reactive amygdala would decrease the overactivation of the HPA Axis, mitigating its subsequent negative consequences on commuter health (Delgado et al., 2008). These health negative outcomes demonstrate the importance for Metropolitan Planning Organizations (MPOs), responsible for the issue of public health and commuter transportation, to find and implement an effective method that can help commuters decrease their stress response (Raynault & Christopher, 2013).

Mindfulness has been shown to be one such mechanism with the capability of decreasing the amygdala’s reactivity, which, in turn, alleviates commuter stress and its negative outcomes (Hölzel et al., 2010; Taren et al., 2015) .

Mindfulness Modulates Stress Response

Mindfulness is a 2,600 year old Buddhist meditative tradition stemming from Northern India (Baumann, 1997).

Originally, mindfulness was used as a method to help a practitioner develop self-discipline, cultivate meditative equipoise, and ultimately lead to the culmination of perfect wisdom (Choong, 1999; Samuel, 2015). This wisdom generates a profound meditative insight into the true selfless nature of reality, which allows for total freedom from all forms of suffering, while also attaining a state of embodied peace and loving-kindness towards all beings (Thubten, 2009). Around the midpoint of the 20th century, the practice of mindfulness spread into the western hemisphere, eventually establishing itself in various secular forms (Baumann, 1997). One form was MindfulnessBased Stress Reduction (MBSR), as a secular method using various mindfulness practices for helping individuals alleviate physical pain and psychological stress brought on by various maladies (Kabat-Zinn, 2003).

Although various forms of mindfulness based practices and philosophies exist, mindfulness more generally is defined as a non-judgemental, spacious, relaxed, non-attached, awareness 12 | Literature Reviews

of all the thoughts, feelings, and perceptions experienced in the present moment (Bishop et al., 2004; Kabat‐Zinn, 2003; Ludwig & Kabat-Zinn, 2008). Studies have found that individuals practicing mindfulness are able to decrease feelings of pain, anxiety, various stressors and even increase their immune responses (Brand et al., 2012; Davidson et al., 2003; Lindsay et al., 2018). While commuting through polluted and stressful environments, the ability of mindfulness to buffer against these various stressors and boost the immune system would make it all the more beneficial for commuters. As previously mentioned, a dysregulated HPA Axis response leads to pathological outcomes; however, mindfulness has been shown to decrease cortisol levels and improve HPA Axis regulation (Carlson, Speca, Patel, & Goodey, 2004). This occurs is through the ability of mindfulness to modulate the amygdala’s response through alterations in attentional focus, which in turn decreases the HPA Axis stress response (Taren et al., 2015). On a busy subway train or while stuck in heavy traffic, the ability of a commuter to modulate their amygdala’s response to the stressful situation using their own volition would be an essential health tool. This modulation of the amygdala’s response is brought about by an increase of neural activity in the lateral prefrontal cortex, an area associated with increased cognitive control (Delgado et al., 2008; Farb et al., 2010; Tomasino & Fabbro, 2016). Through the development of attentional capacities and executive functions enhanced through mindfulness, the neural tracks (which form the connections) between the amygdala and the prefrontal cortex, are modulated to the point where actual neuroplastic alterations (physiological brain changes) are observed in the form of decreased grey matter in the amygdala (Hölzel et al., 2010; Leung et al., 2018).

This correlates with decreased subjective feelings of stress and increased emotional regulation (Hölzel et al., 2010; Leung et al., 2018). These alterations in the HPA Axis and amygdala response, via the modulating effects of mindfulness, may in turn allow for a commute that less severely impacts the psychological and physical health of commuters (Taren et al., 2015; Tomasino & Fabbro, 2016).

Applying Mindfulness During Commutes

Practically speaking, how can the theory and research supporting the psychophysiological health benefits of mindfulness be applied to real world commuter settings?

Although the following suggestions will not alter the physical situations that commuters find themselves in, they can help alleviate the subjective feelings of stress arising in relation to the situation. While commuting via different means, a commuter can practice mindfulness by following these recommendations: •

If you are on a crowded train or bus and are feeling stressed and uncomfortable, focus your attention on your inand-out-breaths using the method of mindful breathing.

This technique is utilized by becoming conscientious of your breathing. Focus on your breath as you inhale and exhale, feeling the breath flow through your nostrils and

Effects of Mindfulness on Commuter Stress

•

attention back to the sensations of the breath using this simple technique every time your mind wanders off onto stressful perceptions, thoughts and feelings (Bhikkhu, 1996). In this way, you may feel more calm, focused, and in less discomfort for the remainder of the commute (Arch & Craske, 2006).

•

While facing other passengers who may be belligerent or frightening and whom you may not feel comfortable confronting, become aware of the tension in your body, breath more calmly and relax (Thubten, 2009). Whatever appears before your eyes or is experienced by your senses, maintain a non-judgemental, open, spacious, and accepting awareness of the present moment by allowing all thoughts, feelings and sensations to arise and pass away naturally, as if you are observing a dream (Urgyen, 2000). This will allow you to feel more relaxed, peaceful and less alarmed by the situation, helping to maintain a more balanced psychophysiological state (Taren et al., 2015).

•

Traffic and delays are a common occurrence while commuting. When they occur, you can use them as an opportunity to cultivate mindfulness by paying attention to your bodily sensations which are arising as an anchor to the present moment (Kerr, Sacchet, Lazar, Moore, & Jones, 2013). After your mind wanders to thoughts of the past or future (which normally occurs through habituation and lack of mindfulness practice), return your awareness back to the present sensations throughout your body (Ditto, Eclache, & Goldman, 2006). Through focused awareness of the empty nature of bodily sensations, you can begin to relax and release physical tension which is being generated through any habituated stress responses (Choong, 1999; Haase, Stewart et al., 2016). This bodily relaxation through awareness of the present sensations might help decrease your stress levels and facilitate a more adaptive commute (Ditto et al., 2006; Haase, Thom et al., 2016).

•

Commuting via airplanes often triggers feelings of fear, anxiety, panic, and physiological stress (McNally & Louro, 1992). In this situation, you can practice mindfulness of thoughts, allowing yourself to become aware of any fearful thoughts while passively observing them and allowing them to naturally pass and subside, similar to the clouds passing by the airplane outside (Urygen, 2000). Through the cultivation of this spacious and open state of mind, any fears and anxieties can begin to dissolve, which in turn may help decrease your stress levels (Greeson & Brantley, 2009; Taren et al., 2015).

•

For those commuters who must walk long distances against your body or the sun on your face (Hanh, 2011). Being fully engaged with the process of walking will put you in touch with the present moment and begin to disengage you from the incessant stream of negative thoughts about

•

the experience which trigger the stress response (Kabat‐ Zinn, 2003). By being mindful of your movements rather than being caught up in negative thought patterns, a more peaceful, aware and stress free commute can be facilitated (Hanh, 2011).

Conclusion

Commuters face daily assaults from a litany of environmental, psychological and physiological factors which interact in ways that unfortunately often lead to pathophysiology and psychopathology (Evan, 2003; Ma et al., 2003). Mindfulness practice has been shown through research to act as an effective mechanism for the alleviation and mitigation of stress, as is often encountered by commuters (Brand et al., 2012; Lindsay et al., 2018). Although no known negative side effects exist, the practice is only effective if effectively implemented by the individual, and maintained over time,and not remaining as only an intellectual understanding isolated to the realm of abstract theory (Kabat‐Zinn, 2003). Despite this limitation, the potential for using mindfulness to mitigate stress during commutes is tremendous. If commuters can implement these simple principles, there is likely to be an increase in their executive functioning, enhanced cognitive control over their attention and emotions, along with a decreased stress response (Farb et al., 2010; Tomasino & Fabbro, 2016). Studies thus far have not examined the effects of mindfulness while commuting.

The majority of studies either focus exclusively on stress and commuting, or how mindfulness affects stress (Arch & Craske, 2006; Brand et al., 2012; Chillrud et al., 2004; Davidson et al., 2003; Gottholmseder et al., 2009; Karlsson et al., 2005; Lindsay et al., 2018; Martell & Dietz, 1992). Future research may seek to investigate how different forms of mindfulness practice alter the commuter stress response and which methods of mindfulness are most efficacious for different types of commutes. Given that a large majority of individuals across the globe commute on a regular basis, it would be beneficial to investigate how mindfulness can decrease commuter stress, a global public health concern that impacts the lives of millions.

Literature Reviews | 13

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16 | Literature Reviews

OPUS (2019) 10:2

Research Proposal

16 | Literature Reviews

Self-Defense Empowerment Programs and Discrimination Stress Sanjidah T. Chowdhury

The three and half million Muslim American population includes individuals of diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds, with a significant portion being immigrants from regions across the globe, such as South Asia, Middle East, and North Africa (Mohamed & Diamant 2019; Pew Research Center, 2015a, 2017, 2018). Muslims hold a religious minority status in the United States, which is predominantly Christian (Pew Research Center, 2015b), and are often the target of hatebased violence, which includes hate crimes and discrimination through the use of violence due to their religious, cultural, and social background (Amnesty International, n.d.; Pew Research Center, 2018; The United States Department of Justice, n.d.).

Following the terrorist attacks on 9/11, hate crimes increased against Muslim Americans; there was an additonal increase in hate crimes after the 2016 presidential election, due to the discriminatory language perpetuated by the media and government about Muslims (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2000, 2001, 2016; Smith, 2013). In addition to the high levels of hate-based violence, the Trump Administration brought on an onslaught of institutionalized discriminatory policies, such as the immigration ban, which forbade individuals from nine Muslim majority countries to come to the United States (ACLU Washington, 2018). These events affected the Muslim population differently (Moagahed & Chouhoud, 2017; Pew Research Center, 2018). In particular, Muslim women in the United States face institutional discrimination through implementation of policies and practices targeting their religious expression as a woman (Demby, 2015). For instance, an example of gender discrimination includes young Muslim women who are rejected from jobs because wearing a hijab opposes workplace dress codes (Demby, 2015).

Muslim American women are not only targets of hatebased violence, but of gender-based violence, as well (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2000, 2001, 2016; Pew Research Center, 2017). Gender-based violence encompasses physical and psychological violence, which is the result of two societal structures: (1) the unequal power relationships between men and women, where females are the predominant target; and (2) the binary normative role expectations, commonly understood as gender stereotypes, such as men are the financial provider, whereas women are the caretakers (World Health Organization, 2017). Due to the intersection of gender and religious identity, Muslim American women face more experiences of hate attacks, are more likely to fear for their safety, and report greater religious discrimination in comparison to Muslim American men (Moagahed & Chouhoud, 2017; Pew Research Center, 2017) and hijab wearing women face higher levels of threat than 18 | Research Proposal

non-hijab wearers (Pew Research Center, 2017). Notably, one in five Muslim American women seek the assistance of mental health professionals in order to cope with the stress and anxiety of the current political climate (Mogahed & Chouhoud, 2017).

In fact, being under constant threat due to minority status can cause high levels of stress, a phenomenon commonly labeled as discrimination stress (American Psychological Association, n.d.). However, to date, research has not explored how interventions might support the mental health of Muslim Americans; instead, the focus of interventions has been on physical health, for example, adapting the space in the mosque to increase physical activity, or on Muslim women outside of the United States (see, for example, Banerjee et al., 2017; Guerin, Diiriye, Corrigan, & Guerin, 2003; Kalter-Leibovici et al., 2010).

Despite the lack of research regarding discrimination stress experienced by Muslim American women, there are a number of community-oriented grassroots organizations in the United States - like Malikah - that seek to provide protective spaces to help Muslim American women cope with discrimination through programming and services with the goal of increasing feelings of empowerment (Malikah, 2018). Although these organizations utilize empowerments programs, these programs have not been investigated to see whether it is effective among the Muslim American women population.

Women Empowerment Programs

The Empowerment Program Model is understood as a redefining of power relations through addressing and changing unequal power dynamics (Rappaport, 1984; Zimmerman, 1990). This model is utilized in a communitylevel setting to empower marginalized and vulnerable groups to increase collective power, knowledge, skills, self-efficacy, and control (Ackerly, 1995; Cattaneo & Goodman, 2015, Kim, Crutchfield, Williams, & Hepler, 1998; Zimmerman, 1990). The mechanisms underlying the model focus on building critical consciousness, i.e., the ability to understand the structural and group contexts that impact groups and individuals’ lives, build community support, and serve as a resource to aid in collective action (Rappaport, 1984; Zimmerman, 1990). At the same time, building community support is important, as it provides individuals in the community the opportunity to work together and help each other to overcome structural challenges (Rappaport, 1984; Zimmerman, 1990).

This model has been the framework for interventions for various populations to address their needs such as: substance abuse prevention for adolescents, coping strategies for domestic violence survivors, and self-management skills for diabetes

Self Empowerment Programs

patients (Arnold, Butler, Anderson, Funnell, & Feste, 1995; Kasturirangan, 2008; Kim et al., 1998). Ultimately, the goal of women empowerment programs is to work to adjust the unequal gender power dynamic (Cattaneo & Goodman, 2015). For women in Muslim majority, non-Western countries, empowerment programs are utilized to increase financial independence to improve living conditions for women (Ackerly, 1995; Steele, Amin, & Naved, 1998). These microfinance and loan borrowing programs provide education on financial resources and increase feelings of empowerment and financial involvement (Ackerly, 1995; Steele et al., 1998). Although it is evident that there is research on empowerment programs for Muslim women, it has primarily focused on financial empowerment (Ackerly, 1995; Steele et al., 1998). Moreover, there is a lack of research on the use of empowerment programs for Muslim American women in the United States to combat discrimination.

Feminist Self-Defense Empowerment Programs

In addition to the education-focused Empowerment Program Model, self-defense empowerment programs have emerged in the United States, in hopes of reducing the incidences of assault through national conversations about gender-based violence (Rape, Abuse, & Incest National Network, n.d.; Starheim, 2019). Self-defense is commonly understood as a tool for protection from an attack in a physical sense, but the concept also encompasses psychological protection, given that the program model focuses on helping women become physically and mentally prepared for potential attacks (Cummings, 1992; Hollander, 2004; Searles & Follansbee, 1984; Weitlauf, Smith, & Cervone, 2000). The primary goal is to educate participants about the ways to identify high-risk situations, risk of sexual assault, and their legal rights if assaulted (Cummings, 1992; Gidycz & Dardis, 2014). The physical activity of self-defense encourages women to practice self-protective strategies in a controlled program setting with trained leaders through roleplay attack scenarios (Cummings, 1992; Gidycz & Dardis, 2014; Ozer & Bandura, 1990).

Research has demonstrated that self defense empowerment programs have positively impacted participants’ behavioral and psychological outcomes, such as increased physical competence and decreased avoidant behavior (Searles & Follansbee, 1984; Weitlauf et al., 2000). Women who participate in self-defense programs are able to skillfully utilize self-defense techniques (i.e., physical competence) and no longer use avoidant behaviors to feel safe in their daily lives, demonstrating increased assertiveness and self-efficacy and decreased fear of sexual assault (Hollander, 2004; Ozer & Bandura, 1990; Weitlauf et al., 2000).

Proposed Study

The Empowerment Program Model has been shown to effectively empower marginalized and vulnerable populations and help them overcome structural challenges.

However, research on empowerment programs for Muslim

women is limited, and has focused on non-Western contexts (Ackerly, 1995; Steele et al., 1998). Similarly, feminist selfdefense programs have also demonstrated a positive impact among participants, such as decreased avoidant behaviors and increased physical competence (Searles & Follansbee, 1984; Weitlauf et al., 2000). To date, however, feminist empowerment programs have not focused specifically on Muslim American women, who experience additional threats to their identity from various systems in society (e.g., Muslim American women targets of governmental policy; ACLU Washington, 2018). Yet, examining the potential benefits empowerment programs might have for Muslim American women is needed, as these programs can reduce the discrimination stress they experience. Recently, in response to the challenges Muslim American women face, Malikah, a grassroots movement, has utilized the Self-Defense Program Model and incorporated additional principles of empowerment programming to help Muslim women cope with their life stressors (Malikah, 2018). Malikah is focused on community-building by providing marginalized women with the tools and education to feel empowered, through a variety of capacities like financial literacy, self-defense, and organizing (Malikah, 2018). The program, however, has not been studied empirically to see if it is effective in reducing the discrimination stress (i.e, gender-based, hate-based, and institutional-based violence) Muslim American women experience in the United States. Thus, through a quantitative approach, the proposed study seeks to work in collaboration with Malikah to investigate the question: To what extent does a self-defense empowerment program impact Muslim American women’s discrimination stress levels?

Proposed Method Participants

Participants will be recruited through the active chapters of Malikah in Dallas and New York City. The goal will be to recruit a total of 400 individuals ranging from the age of 18 to 25, who identify as a Muslim American born women to participate in a 2-week summer intensive retreat. Within each region (i.e., New York City and Dallas), 100 participants will be randomly assigned to a discussion-based program and 100 will be randomly assigned to a self-defense-based program.

Measures

In order to understand intragroup differences in the pop-ulation of interest, demographic information will be collected along with the participant’s attendance in the intervention program. In addition to background surveys, a modified scale of discrimination stress will be administered.

Demographic questionnaire. Participants will complete an online questionnaire regarding their age (in years), ethnicity, place of birth, whether they currently wear a hijab and if so, for how many years have they have worn it, level of religious identification, and their generational status, as well as prior participation in other empowerment or self-defense Research Proposal | 19

OPUS (2019) 10:2

programs. In addition, participants will be asked to provide their regional locations (i.e., Dallas vs New York City) and their contact information.

Participation in empowerment program. Participants will only get credit for having participated in their assigned intervention program if they attended at least 10 of the 14 days of the allotted intervention. This will ensure that the participant experienced the majority of the lessons and practice sessions taught in the intervention.

Discrimination stress. Discrimination stress for the pur-pose of this proposal refers to the psychological fear of being discriminated against on the basis of religious and gender. Due to the lack of standardized scales applicable to the population of interest, two scales will be adapted. The first scale, developed

by Flores et al., (2008), explores the experiences of perceived discrimination, as well as mental and physical health. The adapted scale for discrimination stress will allow for an understanding of discriminatory experiences (e.g., treated unfairly on the basis of race, gender or religion and will have items adapted to include experiences of religious persecution and sexism (See Appendix A; Flores et al., 2008). An adaptation of the Violence Sensitivity Scale (Davey, Forster, & Mayhew, 1993a) will be also be used to measure discrimination stress. This scale was originally used to understand the fear participants associate with various violent events (e.g., probability of being attacked by a partner), and will be adapted to include experiences of violence related to the Muslim American women experience (e.g., having a hijab removed during attack; see Appendix B) which contributes to future psychological fear of being discrimination against on the basis of religion and gender.

Procedure

All participants will first participate in an orientation to the program, at which time they will sign consent forms, meet program leaders, and complete baseline questionnaires.

They will then be randomly assigned to one of two programs, a discussion-based program or a self-defense program. Both the curriculum and self-defense programs plan are already created and in use by Malikah (see Appendix C for a sample program session). The program will be administered as a two-week intensive day retreat (9 am-4 pm; 10 minutes breaks every hour and lunch provided). The program will consist of 84 sessions in total, with six 1-hour sessions each day. Each intervention program will be administered by a group of four trained Malikah’s women staff, whose ages range from 18 to 25 years.

Discussion-based program. The participants who are randomly assigned to the discussion-based program will participate in Amin, which means safe and secure in Arabic.

This intervention program will be considered as the control group, and will focus on topics of gender-based violence, mental well-being, media representation of body image, oppression, and discrimination through discussion and reflections (see Appendix C). The curriculum will follow the Empowerment Model by first providing education on the topics, guiding participants to 20 | Research Proposal

share their knowledge and experiences, and then providing time for group and self-reflection. Intervention leaders facilitating these groups will define terminology (e.g., oppression) and present theoretical frameworks to understand concepts (e.g., cycle of oppression, anti-oppression framework and levels of oppression; see Appendix C). This discussion-based curriculum will promote participants’ critical consciousness of the power systems that impact their social identities (Zimmerman, 1990).

Self-defense program. The second intervention program, the self-defense curriculum, will incorporate two activity components: discussion and physical activity. The discussions will focus on three areas: (1) providing education on purposes of self-defense and rights during and after attack, (2) giving participants the opportunity to speak about their thoughts and feelings of situations they have been in, and (3) encouraging participants to react to hypothetical scenarios posed to them. Additionally, the discussions will provide time for the participants to verbally and mentally process the information provided in a safe space. The second activity component, physical activity, will focus on practicing key selfdefense techniques (e.g., pressure points, basic strikes) that the organization founder developed from her martial arts training (Malikah, 2018). The self-defense curriculum will consist of trained instructors modeling movements to utilize for protection, with participants subsequently practicing the moves themselves (with padded shields and floor mats to reduce the risk of injury; see Appendix C). Moreover, the curriculum will allow participants to build their physical competence and increase psychological mindset of the power the individuals possess (Hollander, 2004; Ozer & Bandura, 1990).

Participants will complete the two scales used to assess discrimination stress at three times: (1) at orientation, before the intervention begins, (2) immediately after, and (3) six months following the end of intervention. The first time-point serves as a baseline measure to ensure that there are no betweengroup differences at the start of the intervention. Immediately after the intervention, the goal will be to see if discrimination stress decreased since orientation, which would indicate that participants have less psychological fear of being discriminated against on the basis of their religion and gender. Assessing discrimination stress six months after the intervention will highlight whether the intervention was effective and had a lasting impact on the participants. Following the six-month assessment, participants will be debriefed and provided with information on and potential benefits of both programs, and those not in the self-defense program will be provided an opportunity to receive self-defense training.

Data Analytic Plan

In order to investigate the proposed research question, a 2x2 between-group experimental time series design is proposed. The scores from both scales (see Appendix A and B) will be averaged together to get the mean discrimination stress of each of the participants. A series of two-way analysis of

Self Empowerment Programs

variance (ANOVA) will be conducted to determine if there is a difference in discrimination stress for participants in discussionbased program or the self-defense program immediatley after the intervention and 6-months later, controlling for scores at the start of the intervention. Output will be assessed for two main effects. If there is a significant main effect for program type, then it can be concluded that there is a difference in the mean discrimination stress between the two different program types (discussion-based and self-defense).

Potential Implications

The current proposal seeks to extend the literature on the effectiveness of self-defense and empowerment models for supporting Muslim American women, a population facing more than one threat to their identity. In addition, the proposal seeks to explore how the models compare, and if is more effective model to combine an explicit empowerment programming with the self-defense model. Findings have the potential to highlight how the Malikah intervention can provide Muslim American women with effective strategies to cope with discrimination stress, and will allow for a more holistic exploration of the Muslim American women population: what challenges they face, ways to cope, and what future research should build upon.

Research Proposal | 21

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Research Proposal | 23

OPUS (2019) 10:2

APPENDIX A Adapted Discrimination Stress Scale These questions are about experiences that people of Muslim identity sometimes have in this country (response options: 0=never, 1=sometimes, 2=often, 3=very often).

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

Do you currently feel you are treated rudely or unfairly because of your race, ethnicity, or religion?

Do you currently feel you are discriminated against because of your race, ethnicity, or religion?

Do you currently feel others lack respect for you because of your race, ethnicity, or religion?

Do you currently feel you have to prove your abilities to others because of your race, ethnicity, or religion?

Do you currently feel racism is a problem in your life?

Do you currently feel islamophobia is a problem in your life?

Do you currently feel sexism is a problem in your life?

Do you currently find it difficult to find work you want because of your race, ethnicity, or religion?

Do you currently feel people dislike you because of your race, ethnicity, or religion?

Do you currently feel you have friends that are treated badly because of their race, ethnicity, or religion?

Do you currently feel you have more barriers to overcome than most people because of your race, ethnicity, or religion?

Do you currently feel rejected by others due to your race, ethnicity, or religion?

Do you currently feel your race, ethnicity, or religion is a limitation when looking for a job?

Do you currently feel people seem to have stereotypes about your race, ethnicity, or religious group?

Do you currently feel people try to stop you from succeeding because of your race, ethnicity, or religion?

Do you currently feel you do not get as much recognition as you deserve for the work you do, just because of your race, ethnicity, or religion?

APPENDIX B Adapted Violence Sensitivity Scale

Subjects were asked to rate on a 5-point scale (from 0=not at all to 4=very much) how frightened they were of the events happening to them.

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

Being knocked down by a drunk driver Being mugged and robbed in the street Being attacked in your own home by burglars Being caught in a terrorist bomb attack Getting caught up in a riot while innocently walking in the street Being bullied Being attacked by football hooligans Being the victim of an unprovoked attack by drunks Being sexually molested or raped Being physically attacked by spouse/boyfriend/girlfriend/family member Being physically attacked during an argument Being physically attacked by a weapon Getting hijab taken off

24 | Research Proposal

Self Empowerment Programs

Appendix C1 Sample curriculum: Empowerment program discussion/ activities Discussing issues faced by Muslim Women in America (Time: 30 minutes): • After defining Imperialism, explore how these issues and histories impact Muslim women in the United States.

• In a big group discussion allow girls to reflect on various situations that they face as Muslim women in America.

• Debrief/Purpose: This is an overview discussion on issues that particularly face Muslim Women in the West. It allows girls to address more nuanced issues of race and Islamophobia particularly pertaining to their identities. You may also want to bring up a discussion on the burqa/hijab bans and find information on these online. Where do stereotypes around women come from? Why do we focus so much on breaking stereotypes rather than actually addressing female oppression in the Muslim world. It does exist.

Are Muslim Women Oppressed? (Time: 20 minutes) • With everything we hear in the media and see in our communities, are Muslim women oppressed?

• Where do you think this oppression comes from?

• Debrief/Purpose: Islamically, women have rights. However, many women are not aware of them and are more knowledgeable of a manipulated version of Islam. What can we do to better equip ourselves with this knowledge? How can we educate others?

Why are women oppressed when we do have these rights?

Female Empowerment and Islam (Time: 30 minutes) • What does Islam say about female empowerment? What can we take from this?

• Debrief/Purpose: These articles are pretty powerful in that they convey a very unique message for female empowerment and male identity. Girls can either disagree or agree with these ideas. However, this is a good place for more complex discussions about the issues that these articles try to address.

Evaluation: Roses & Thorns: Anti-Oppression in Combating Gender Based Violence • Goals: To discuss gender based issues from anti-oppression lens and understand why this framework is necessary to liberate us from all forms of oppression • Activity One: Why Anti-Oppression? (10 minutes) • Activity Two: Oppression (20 minutes) Self Defense Sample Curriculum: Basic Strikes and Kicks • Introduction to Self-defense (10 minutes).

• Pressure Points (5 minutes): • Basic Strikes (30 minutes):

• Basic defensive posture:

• Body Posture

• Fighting Stance

• Basic Strikes should be demonstrated and then practiced* (With Fighting Stance):

• Four-fingered strike (jab) to eyes (if super serious) or nose – demonstrate and practice at least ten times with

each hand

• Double Strike: (Strike with dominant hand, bring back, then follow with strike from other hand) Close fisted • Kicks (30 minutes):

• Knee Kick • Sidekick

• Roundhouse Kick • Defense Against Grabs (30 minutes):

• Grab #1: What to do when being grabbed from the front, when the hand your attacker is using is on the same side as the

hand he is grabbing.

• Grab #2: What to do when being grabbed from the front, both hands

• Grab #3: What to do when being grabbed from the wrist

• Hijab Grab _____________________ 1

This is an abbreviated version of the previous Malikah training, not for public distribution

Research Proposal | 25

OPUS (2019) 10:2

26 | Research Article

Fostering the Home-School Connection in Middle School Years YiLin Lee

The ecological systems theory posits that different environmental contexts play a significant role in children’s development (Bronfenbrenner, 1986). One of these environments, the mesosystem, encompasses the interactions between different figures in a child’s life, such as parents and teachers (Bronfenbrenner, 1986). The home-school connection emphasizes a collaboration between two prominent contexts in a student’s life: the school and the home (Bronfenbrenner, 1986; Hill & Tyson, 2009; Martin & Hagan-Burke, 2002). Utilizing the ecological systems framework, a strong relationship between the school environment (e.g., teachers and administration) and the home context (e.g., parents and caregivers) should greatly support children’s development (Bronfenbrenner, 1986; Hill & Tyson, 2009; Martin & Hagan-Burke, 2002). Current literature examines the relation between families and schools as a factor in supporting students’ academic abilities (Adams & Christenson, 2000; Boonk, Gijselaers, Ritzen, & Brand-Gruwel, 2018; Hill & Tyson, 2009). Specifically, the home-school connection is the degree to which schools and families take on the joint responsibility of fostering open communication, cooperation, and collaboration for the purpose of supporting students’ development (Adams & Christenson, 2000; Grolnick, Benjet, Kurowski, & Apostoleris, 1997; Kohl, Lengua, & McMahon, 2000; Young, Austin, & Growe, 2013).

A strong home-school connection is associated with increased GPA, student attendance, and positive attitudes towards school (Gutman & Midgley, 2000; Hill & Tyson, 2009).

Parents who are in constant communication with teachers are believed to promote academic success through the creation and supervision of expectations of academic achievement in both the school and home contexts (Broussard, 2003; Hill & Tyson, 2009). The collaboration between teachers and parents creates consistent expectations for the student’s educational development across contexts, ensuring that both adult figures support a common goal (Knopf & Swick, 2008; Kohl et al., 2000).

In fact, research has found that parents are more likely to participate in their child’s education if they see themselves as one of their child’s teachers, and not just as a parent (Adams & Christenson, 2000; Grolnick et al., 1997). While teachers are responsible for supporting academic material in the formal school context, it is important that parents also take on an active role in supplementing children’s course material throughout the home (Adams & Christenson, 2000; Grolnick et al., 1997; Kohl et al., 2000). Fostering the home-school connection builds more trust in the relationship between parents and school officials through frequent and consistent communication about the student’s progress and family’s goals for education, an open

effort for cultural competence, and increased opportunities for parents to be actively involved in the learning environment (Knopf & Swick, 2008; Lareau, 1987; Martin & Hagen-Burke, 2002). However, in current research, parent participation is measured through the amount of time spent at school events (e.g., parent-teacher conferences, parent-teacher association meetings) or facilitating at-home conversations related to the school curriculum (Hill & Tyson, 2009; Knopf & Swick, 2008; Lareau, 1987). This operationalization of the home-school connection places the role of fostering the relation on parents, often disregarding parent circumstances that could inhibit involvement in their child’s academics.

Students with highly involved parents are more likely to develop educational aspirations, but it is typically high-income parents who are more likely to be involved in their child’s academic progress, due to parental education level or access to resources (e.g., books; Adams & Christenson, 2000; Barber & Olsen, 2004; Hill & Tyson, 2009). Low-income minority parents, in comparison, are found to strongly value involvement in students’ learning, but are less likely to be directly involved in the school setting due to feelings of inadequacy with regards to supporting their child’s academic development (Boonk et al., 2018; Drummond & Stipek, 2004). Yet low-income minority parents have higher academic expectations for their children compared to other socioeconomic classes, thus fostering more educational aspirations in their children outside the school environment (Berzin, 2010; Mello, 2009). Furthermore, minority parents have strong beliefs in the utility of education, and see education as a means for economic mobility (Fuligni & Hardway, 2004; Strand & Winstron, 2008). The gap between low-income minority parents’ beliefs about the importance of education and their presumed lack of involvement in the home-school connection must be bridged. The home-school connection for low-income minority parents should also take into account the interactions between parents and children within the home context, rather than simply the school environment.

Although the home-school connection is believed to be influential on children’s development, research is typically focused on early childhood education and does not address the middle school years; however the home-school connection is still influential during the early adolescent period (Adams & Christenson, 2000; Broussard, 2003; Grolnick et al., 1997; Gutman & Midgley, 2000; Jeynes, 2007). The middle school years are characterized by rapid biological, social, and cognitive development as students experience the onset of puberty, undergo changes in relationships with parents, teachers, and peers, and advance their skills in problem-solving and selfResearch Article | 27

OPUS (2019) 10:2

regulation (Gutman & Midgley, 2000; Hill & Tyson, 2009; Stormshak, Connel, & Dishion, 2009). In addition, the middle school context is drastically different than that of elementary school, with large classes and specialized subject teachers and the responsibility of transitioning between classrooms, both of which are departures from the elementary school experience where students often stay with a single teacher in one classroom (Barber & Olsen, 2004; Hill & Tyson, 2009; Stormshak et al., 2009). Because middle school students also have multiple teachers who each have large amounts of students, it is more difficult for teachers and students, as well as teachers and parents, to form close relationships (Adams & Christenson, 2000; Gutman & Midgley, 2000; Hill & Tyson, 2009). Due to substantial developmental changes compounded with the contextual shift, middle school students often experience a dip in academic achievement not found in elementary or high school students (Barber & Olsen, 2004; Gutman & Midgley, 2000; Hill & Tyson, 2009). Thus, low-income minority students might experience a stronger decline in academic performance during the middle school years (Berzin, 2010; Boonk et al., 2018; Drummond & Stipek, 2004).

The home-school connection needs to be studied in the middle school population in order to examine the academic dip typically experienced by not only middle school students, but also low-income minority students (Barber & Olsen, 2004; Gutman & Midgley, 2000; Hill & Tyson, 2009; Martin & HagenBurke, 2002). Because the middle school experience, with specialized subject teachers and increased autonomy, is vastly different than that of elementary school, methods to foster the home-school connection during the middle school years must be specific to the context (i.e., strategies to improve the relation in middle school must take into account the middle school context; Barber & Olsen, 2004; Hill & Tyson, 2009; Stormshak et al., 2009). Since low-income families are more likely to harbor strong educational aspirations for their children but less likely to be involved in the school context, it is vital that low-income middle school students are properly supported by schools.

Therefore, this study sought to answer the question: How can academic programs foster home-school connections with lowincome, minority families of middle-school students?

Method Participants

All interview participants were employees at the summer program of a nonprofit organization that provides academic and socioemotional support for academically-struggling, underresourced students. Interviews were conducted at the middle school campus specifically, which serves a 97% racial minority and 79% low-income population (GO Project, 2019). Interview participants were coworkers of the researcher.

For the purpose of this study, pseudonyms will be used to ensure confidentiality of participants’ identity. The interviews were conducted with three staff members associated with the summer program. Kevin is a white male in his forties, and 28 | Research Article

was the head teacher of an English Language Arts (ELA) class.

This participant had just graduated from a master’s program in education, and was preparing to begin a full-time teaching position in a charter network. He was the head teacher of a middle school class at the organization for the past year, and has prior teaching experience at a public high school. Alicia is an African American female in her forties, who had been teaching low-income middle school children for the past ten years at a public school. In this summer program, she served as an ELA teacher. Matt is an African American male in his late twenties, who served as the Director of Campus Instruction for this summer program. He had been teaching middle school in a charter network for the past three years, and, at the time of the study, was serving as a 7th grade social studies teacher.

Procedure

The summer program is a total of five weeks, beginning at 8:00 am and ending at 4:45 pm. Participants were approached by the researcher after class, and asked for consent to be interviewed. All interviews were conducted during the participants’ lunch break. Interviews were conducted in the fourth week of program, immediately following a company mandated period of parent teacher conferences.

Prior to the interview, all participants were told that the study was about understanding the home-school connection in middle school. A semi-structured interview format was used with five questions prepared by the researcher (see Appendix A).

The researcher followed the lead of the interviewee during the conversation. Interviews were conducted in an empty classroom, and lasted an average of 12.5 minutes. All interviewees were audio recorded and were later transcribed by the researcher.

Coding

Thematic content analysis was utilized, with the coding themes developed from patterns identified in the interview transcripts. The interviews were content coded on the sentence level based upon their alignment to the two main themes identified in the overall analysis of the three interviews: (1) importance of home-school connections in the actual functions of a school, and (2) barriers to the home-school connection.

In constructing the first coding theme of the importance of home-school connections, the researcher sought to understand what school staff saw as the practical advantages of this relation. This was in order to step away from theory, and operationalize the importance of home-school connections through the lens of faculty who work with low-income minority middle school students. The researcher coded for this theme if the participant mentioned educational aspirations or reenrollment in the program.

The second coding theme, barriers to the home-school connection, was split into two sub-themes: (1) barriers for parents and (2) barriers for schools. First, the researcher utilized current literature to identify common barriers for parents in establishing the home-school connection: (1) parent education

Home-School Connection

status, and (2) socioeconomic class (Boonk et al., 2018; Drummond & Stipek, 2004). Next, the researcher coded for barriers for schools in establishing the home-school connection if the participant mentioned parents being non-English speakers or the assignment of blame and responsibility.

Results

To gain a practical understanding of the importance of the home-school connection in the functions of academic programs, the researcher explored the advantages that participants attributed to a strengthened relationship with parents. Two main advantages emerged, students’ development of educational aspirations, and parents’ willingness to re-enroll students in the program.

First, in accordance with current literature on the correlation between the strength of home-school connections with students’ educational aspirations, interviewees credited a strong home-school connection with helping to “fuel [students’] desire to want to do well in school” (Adams & Christenson, 2000; Fuligni & Hardway, 2004). For example, Kevin, a head teacher, stated that the involvement of parents in the school is often “reflected in students’ behavior and [academic] performance.”

Matt, as acting Director of Campus Instruction, argued that highly involved parents often help their children “want to become lifelong learners.”

Findings regarding parents’ willingness to re-enroll students in the program were consistent with literature on the positive relation between home-school connections and students continued attendance (Broussard, 2003; Gutman & Midgley, 2000). Matt claimed that a strong home-school connection “helps parents feel more comfortable” with leaving their children at the program, resulting in parents being more willing to re-enroll students annually. Matt clarified that the home-school relation must be “intentional,” that both parents and teachers should be constantly communicating throughout the year, rather than simply attending “surface level award nights and talent shows.” Alicia, a head teacher, believed that a strong home-school connection allows parents to “trust you,” that parents “respect” and “appreciate” the teacher more for making the effort to establish the connection.

With the second coding theme, the researcher sought to understand the barriers to the home-school connection, first focusing on barriers that parents might experience, then to barriers for teachers in establishing the relationship. Parental education status and family socioeconomic class were the two main barriers discussed by the interviewees. Participants highlighted that some parents “are intimidated because they may not have the education” that lets them feel confident in being traditionally involved in the school context. Essentially, parents’ own educational levels might prevent them from taking on active roles in their child’s academics. Parents with lower educational levels might not feel adequate in assisting their child’s academic development. Other times, parents simply “don’t know about our education system.” Socioeconomic status is also

a large barrier for low-income families, with Alicia highlighting that the home-school connection is “difficult” to establish when parents are working full-time jobs. Kevin and Matt echoed that statement, discussing “how hard it is for parents to set aside that time,” especially for “parents who work a bunch of jobs.”

Finally, the barriers that teachers face in establishing the home-school connection fell into two categories: (1) parents not speaking English, and (2) the assignment of blame and responsibility in creating the connection. Interviewees believe that the parents who do not speak English are “less likely to come in” to the school or ask to speak to teachers. While sending translated notes home to parents, Matt found that parents do “respect the attempt” to communicate with them, but noted that he often receives “little to no response” with regards to the actual content of the message. Kevin also believed the lack of response is not necessarily because parents do not wish to be involved in the school, but because “parents are limited” in how they send communication back. Essentially, Kevin claimed that parents do not have the resources to send feedback to teachers either due to language barriers or parents’ written abilities.

For the theme of assignment of blame and responsibility, participants mentioned the role of professional development activities and training. Kevin, after just having completed a master’s program in education, found that he had “limited training” on methods to establish the home-school connection, and that the topic was “underplayed a lot” by his professors. Matt stated that during his professional development session before the start of the academic year, he is “essentially told to reach out to parents,” but not supported by the school administration and leadership team in maintaining relationships with parents as the school year progresses. All participants also mentioned the idea of “blame” and “liability,” that there is a cycle of blame regarding who is responsible for creating but also continuing the home-school connection, with “parents blaming schools, schools blaming parents, teachers blaming administration, administration blaming teachers.” Thus, the barriers for parents and schools must first be addressed before students can reap the benefits of having strong home-school connections.

Discussion

While the home-school connection is associated with academic achievement in low-income minority students, parents of those individuals are often less able to be engaged in the school context (Adams & Christenson, 2000; Barber & Olsen, 2004; Hill & Tyson, 2009; Martin & Hagan-Burke, 2002).

The interviewees established the importance of the home-school connection by discussing how strong-home school connections promote educational aspirations in students and foster higher reenrollment in academic programs. This finding is in accordance with the literature that claims a strong home-school connection is associated with students’ increased desire to perform well in school and improved school attendance (Adams & Christenson, 2000; Broussard, 2003; Fuligni & Hardway, 2004).

Next, in the interviews with educators, two barriers for Research Article | 29

OPUS (2019) 10:2 parents that emerged from are parents’ education level and family socioeconomic class. Low-income minority parents can often feel disenfranchised by the education system and lack belief in their ability to support students’ academic achievement (Berzin, 2010; Drummond & Stipek, 2004). Parents not only need to be informed about their child’s academic progress, but also should be supported in navigating the school system. Furthermore, low-income minority parents who lack confidence in formally supporting their child’s academics (e.g., through helping with homework) should be made aware of other ways to support educational development, such as reading with the student at home.

Family socioeconomic class is also a prominent barrier for parents in maintaining the home-school connection. Lowincome minority parents often work shift jobs or have multiple jobs, resulting in irregular work hours and a lack of time outside the workplace (Lareau, 1987; Mello, 2009). Parents who fall into this category are unlikely to be able to attend parent teacher conferences or parent teacher association meetings, thus putting them at a disadvantage in terms of getting to know their child’s teacher. While scheduling conflicts are difficult to circumvent, it is important that teachers and academic programs are aware of the parents’ situations. On a macro-level, this finding highlights the need to provide some sort of protection for low-income minority parents from work or salary penalties when trying to be actively involved in their child’s school environment.

Finally, two barriers for teachers that emerged from the interviews are the difficulty in communicating with parents who do not speak English and the place of blame and responsibility for establishing and maintaining the home-school connection.

Firstly, communication with parents who speak limited or no English while difficult, is not impossible on teachers’ or schools’ parts. Many schools have translators to assist with parent communication, and some teachers employ the use of online translation programs. However, the main barrier is the way parents reply to the communication they receive. In the interviews, it was mentioned that parents do not appear to be feel comfortable responding back to the messages; this could be because parents are unable to reply in English and instead choose not to, or that parents do not believe the teacher wants a response. It is important that parents communicate with schools in their home language, through having explicit requests for parent responses and translators available at the school to ensure teachers can understand the communication. These explicit requests can help ensure that non-English speaking families are still heard and valued within the school system, and parents are aware that the school intends for bidirectional communication about the child. The emphasis on having parents’ express their values about their child’s academic development ensures that developing the child’s academics is a collaboration between schools and homes, rather than schools simply telling parents what is being done.

The idea of blame and responsibility in fostering the home-school connection, while not often mentioned in literature, is a vital factor in maintaining strong home-school 30 | Research Proposal

relations. In the interviews, participants mentioned that while teachers are expected to build relationships with parents, they are not supported in maintaining that relationship. Teachers need to receive training in methods to bridge possible cultural gaps between themselves and their students’ families, and also in having effective and efficient communication with low-income families on irregular work schedules.

Overall, the literature on home-school connections and findings from the interviews agree on the importance of the home-school connection. However, this study categorizes barriers into two main areas, those that parents face and those that educators face; those barriers were presented from the educators’ perspectives. This study does have limitations, the first being that only three interviews were conducted due to the limited time frame of the summer program. Furthermore, interviews were only conducted with staff and not parents, partially due to the convenience of staff participants. Scheduling interviews with parents proved to be extremely difficult due to parents’ lack of availability during the work day.Nevertheless, these findings have implications for future practice and policy.

Low-income parents need to be protected from negative work consequences when trying to be involved with the school setting, and require support when feeling disenfranchised by their child’s academic system. Workplace policy should take into account parent responsibilities and obligations for children’s academic development, without penalizing parents who require time off work to be actively involved within their child’s school.

Teachers, on the other hand, need further support in receiving communication from parents, and require proper training in order to create and foster meaningful relationships with their students’ parents. School administration should also place an emphasis on further supporting teachers with the home-school connection, rather than leaving the obligation to teachers.

The current study serves as an important contribution to the extensive literature on the home-school connection by utilizing the educator perspective and focusing on middle-school aged children and low-income parents, which can aid future school systems and education policy in fostering more effective homeschool connections.

Home-School Connection References Adams, K. S., & Christenson, S. L. (2000). Trust and the family–

school relationship examination of parent–teacher

differences in elementary and secondary grades.

Journal of School Psychology, 38(5), 477-497.

Barber, B. K., & Olsen, J. A. (2004). Assessing the transitions to

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Research Article | 31

OPUS (2019) 10:2

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Appendix A Semi-Structured Interview Questions Could you start by first describing your experience with teaching middle school?

What do you think is the home-school connection?

What is the role of parents/teachers/leadership in building this relation?

What do you think are some strengths of what’s currently being done to foster the home-school connection?

What would you like to see happening in relation to building the home-school connection?

32 | Research Proposal

Oana Groza

Editor-in-Chief oana.groza@nyu.edu Oana Groza is a senior majoring in Applied Psychology and Global Public Health. Since her freshman year, Oana has been a research assistant for the Social Inequality and Intergroup Relations (SIIR) team in the Department of Applied Psychology. As a sophomore, she joined the Public Health Policy team in the College of Global Public Health. More recently, she joined HealthCorps - a nonprofit aimed to provide school-based health education and outreach to children and adolescents - as a Monitoring & Evaluation intern. Oana is interested in investigating and evaluating policy and programming that fosters and improves health outcomes for vulnerable populations. When she is not doing research or work for OPUS, you can find her catching up with friends in front of the Tompkins Square dog park. After graduation, she plans to work in the field of health and social policy and, in the near future, she intends to pursue a Masters in Public Health.

34 | Biographies

Andrew Han

Associate Editor han.andrew@nyu.edu Andrew Han is a senior majoring in Applied Psychology and Global Public Health with a minor in Sociology. Throughout his undergraduate career, Andrew has engaged in several research experiences, including the RISE (Researching Inequity in Society) Team and beELL Lab. Currently, he is a research assistant for the Play and Language Lab, where he codes and analyzes naturalistic video data on how culture, children’s social partners, and features of families’ home environments impact infant learning and development. Under the mentorship of Dr. Catherine Tamis-LeMonda, Andrew is conducting an honors thesis on the influence of noise in the home environment on infant language outcomes. In addition, he is an Editorial Assistant for the Journal of Social Work Practice in the Addictions in the Silver School of Social Work. Andrew is interested in the intersection of education, research and policy and intends to pursue graduate school to further examine culturally-competent practices that can foster high-quality education among underserved communities.

Freya Chen

Director of Communications yc3244@nyu.edu Freya Chen is the Director of Communications and is currently a sophomore in the Applied Psychology program, with a secondary major in Economics. She previously worked with local charity organizations that help children in poverty in underdeveloped areas in China and advocate for social justice for underrepresented groups. She is interested in women’s mental health, as well as organizational psychology, and hopes to conduct research in the related areas.

Sydney Liang

Layout and Design Director syl569@nyu.edu Sydney Liang is one of the Layout and Design Directors of OPUS and a sophomore in the Applied Psychology program, with a minor in Media, Culture, and Communications. She has previously done volunteer work to provide aid to the refugee community in Hong Kong and enjoys utilizing her graphic design skills in issues pertaining to social justice.

Sydney hopes to explore industrial-organizational psychology and further immerse herself in psychological research.

Grace Park

Layout and Design Director hjp332@nyu.edu Grace Park is one of the Layout and Design Directors of OPUS as well as the OPUSzines Creative Director. She is a sophomore in the Applied Psychology program hoping to minor in Nutrition and Studio Art. Grace enjoys using her graphic and creative design skills to spread awareness of global issues in Mental Health and Psychology. She hopes to continue exploring different fields at NYU while chasing creatively stimulating ideas.

Biographies | 35

Tiffany Wong Contributing Writer tw1517@nyu.edu

Tiffany is a senior in Applied Psychology with a minor in Nutrition. She is currently a research intern at the Coalition for Asian American Children and Families (CACF), a policy advocacy organization aimed specifically to address the needs of Asian families and children.

In addition, she is a research assistant at the Culture, Emotion and Health lab, where she has worked with Chinese speaking cancer patients to learn about the role of emotional disclosure and cognitive changes in writing. Tiffany has a vested interest in understanding how different cultural adaptations can be made to enhance the quality of life amongst individuals with special needs. In the future, Tiffany hopes to explore the intersections of research and clinical experience in the field of occupational therapy.

36 | Biographies

Mikell Bursky Contributing Writer mb7073@nyu.edu

Mikell Bursky is a senior in his final semester in the Applied Psychology program. Mikell’s interest in psychology began with his early studies of Buddhist philosophy and meditation. In 2008, he traveled through India, Nepal, China and Mongolia, and then lived in a monastery in upstate New York from 2014-2016. In 2016, Mikell entered CUNY Queensborough College with the intention of integrating his mindfulness-based studies with modern psychological theory, research and practice. After completing his Associates Degree, Mikell received a scholarship to complete his B.S. at NYU’s Department of Applied Psychology. At NYU he has been a research assistant in NYU’s Mindful Education Lab, where he has been involved in the development of a mindfulness intervention for college students, as well as the Families and Children Experiencing Success (FACES) Lab, where he has been involved in a study investigating the lived experience of minority adolescents with ADHD. Most recently, Mikell was brought on board as a Project Coordinator for the Nikulina Lab at CUNY Queens College. Mikell intends to pursue a PhD in Clinical Psychology in order to expand his knowledge, contribute to the field of psychological science, and make a positive impact in the world.

Sandijah Chowdhury

YiLin Lee

Contributing Writer stc369@nyu.edu

Contributing Writer yilin.lee@nyu.edu

Sanjidah Chowdhury is a senior in her final semester in the Applied Psychology program.

She is a research assistant in the Adolescent Language Lab, and currently is heading the development of the coding guide for their boys’ focused project. Sanjidah is excited to publish her first paper in this journal. Sanjidah is interested in how and why individuals utilize mental health and community services. She is also interested in the ideology development of individuals of different generational statuses, due to her own first-generation United States born status.

This paper is a proposal for a research project seekng to understand the psychological impact of an empowerment program developed by a non-profit Muslim-American women-focused organization, at which Sanjidah interned. She aspires to become a counselor to better serve the mental health needs of women, Muslims, and the South Asian community living in the United States.

YiLin is a senior in her final semester in the Applied Psychology program, with a minor in Sociology. She is a member of the Latino Family Engagement and Language Development (L-FELD) lab, as both a kindergarten classroom volunteer and research assistant. YiLin is excited to publish her second paper in this journal. She is extremely interested in early childhood education, specifically in ways to enhance the academic experience for disenfranchised communities.

YiLin is also interested in international education, due to her own experiences as an international student throughout her academic life. This paper is a study conducted over the summer as part of an independent research project with Dr. Adina Schick, and draws on interviews with faculty members of a nonprofit educational organization where YiLin worked as a Program Assistant. In the future, YiLin plans to pursue international education policy in order to better inform education systems in an increasingly globalized world.

Biographies | 37