Culture and development : a review of litterature by Agence Française de Développement

Agence Française de Développement

Working Paper

November 2007

Culture and development: a review of literature

The continuing tension between modern standards and local contexts

Hèla Yousfi, Researcher at “Gestion et société”, CNRS, Paris, France. Visiting Fellow Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, Brighton, UK. (yousfihla@yahoo.fr)

Contact: Aymeric Blanc, Research Department, AFD (blanca@afd.fr) Département de la Recherche

Agence Française de Développement 5 rue Roland Barthes 75012 Paris - France Direction de la Stratégie www.afd.fr Département de la Recherche

Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank John Humphrey, the leader of the Globalisation Team at IDS (Institute of Development Studies,

UK), for his detailed and insightful comments on earlier drafts. Special thanks are due to Philippe d’Iribarne for his intellectual contribution to this paper. Thanks also to Aymeric Blanc for his helpful comments.

Disclaimer The analysis and conclusions of this document are those of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect the official position of

the AFD or its partner institutions.

Director of the publication: Jean-Michel SEVERINO ISSN 1958-539X - Dépôt légal: november 2007 © AFD 2007

Keyboarding/layout: Anne-Elizabeth COLOMBIER

Contents

Abstract

Introduction

An everlasting controversy: the relationship between culture and development

1.2

Culture and the critics of the modernization theory of development

1.1

1.3 2. 2.1

2.2

2.3 2.4

Culture, modernization and development

Globalization and the revival of culture in development thinking

Culture and economic performance: can we break away from the best practices

6 8

mainstream discourse?

Culture and social networks

Culture and institutions

Culture and management

Changing the perspective on culture and development

Conclusion

References

Série Documents de travail / Working Papers Series

Abstract

Multiple and often competing conceptualizations of culture have offered development thinking both a framework and a vocabulary for distinguishing one group of people from another in terms of their differing systems of meaning, patterns of beha-

viour, or levels of technology. They have also offered different visions of the relationship between culture and development.

However, while these various perspectives diverge on many issues, they also share a common position. They show a persis-

tent difficulty in grasping the articulation between the role of culture (suspected of bringing back “tradition”) and individual auto-

nomy (seen as a condition for a “modern society”). This articulation is critical for the conception of effective development strategies. In this literature review, we “take stock” of the way culture has been conceptualized in development thinking, recognizing and examining the different ways in which culture is said to affect development. Throughout, we will emphasise the need

for development thinking to break away from the tradition/modernity dichotomy if more effective policies are to be designed

and implemented.

Introduction

The effect of culture on development has been a subject of

either a positive instrument for development or an obstacle

culture matters as much as economics or politics to the pro-

about development and culture that have emerged within

precisely how it matters. The absence of collective agree-

extent to which they have challenged earlier models asso-

interest for a long time. It is increasingly acknowledged that

cess of development, but some confusion remains about ment on the meaning of the terms “culture” and “develop-

ment” undermine attempts to shape a clear framework for

to overcome. Then, after considering new ways of thinking

the context of globalization, we will attempt to analyze the ciated with the tradition/modernity framework (section 3).

understanding the effect of culture on development pro-

As an illustration of these general considerations, we will

mean different things to different actors, and like the issues

performance through its ability to create and manage insti-

controversies. Consequently, over the past 50 years the

(section 2) and through its impact on organizations (section

has been, and can be viewed variously as, causal, correla-

re of the business and organizational environment, deve-

cesses.1

The concepts of culture and development may

they seek to clarify, they have been subject to various

relationship between “culture” and “economic development” tive or relatively autonomous.

This paper does not claim to be exhaustive. It offers some

emphasise in Part 2 how culture is said to affect economic

tutions (section 1), through the creation of social networks 3). In fact, as globalization drives rapid changes in the natulopment thinking is urged to provide the insights that can

facilitate both an understanding of the role of culture in eco-

nomic performance and meaningful cross-cultural compari-

Taking into account

sons. After tracing the connections that are found between

of culture on development, we seek to examine the work of

persistent difficulty in reconciling what is considered part of

critical considerations on this

theme.2

the fact that there is no single approach concerning the role

culture and economic performance, we will highlight the

some key thinkers in order to shed light on the different

tradition and culture and the universalistic assumptions

rent underlying assumptions about culture that have been

ment issues.

ways in which culture has been considered, and the diffe-

taken into consideration by development strategies. Thus,

underlying the economic literature’s approach to develop-

our focus is on whether—and how—culture matters. What are the different connections by which different culture-defi-

ning assumptions can influence diverse aspects of development?

We start, in Part 1, by critically examining how both moder-

nization theory (section 1) and its critics (section 2) have shaped the framework within which culture has been

deployed and debated in development thinking. We will

highlight how the tradition/modernity dichotomy has polarized views, leading to opposing conceptions of culture as

1 Even when agreement is achieved, the terms are so general that they become tautological or lose all applicability.

Surveys of economic development thinking can be found in Ray (1998), Basu (1997) and Haggis and Schech (2000).

1. An everlasting controversy: the relationship between culture and development

1.1

Culture, modernization and development

In the 1950s and the 1960s, the role of culture in develop-

Bauman (1973: 35) defined culture as “a self-contained

studies that were dominated by modernization theory. One

another”. This perspective views culture as a relatively

sets of pattern variables, which provided a simple binary

tudes and values. This understanding of culture assumes

ties. The intellectual portrayal of modernization was a poli-

has its own distinctive culture, which is an integrated totali-

wing World War II. It equated the intellectual, cultural and

European societies at the pinnacle of cultural achievement

ment received considerable attention within development influential study was Talcott Parsons’ formulation of five

model distinguishing between modern and traditional socie-

tical and economic proposition coming to the forefront follo-

system of traits which distinguishes one community from stable, homogenous, internally consistent system of attithat the world consists of separate societies. Each society ty, radically different from others. It places western

technological advances of the victorious nations as some-

and social development, ranking other societies at various

zed” peoples of the world. Samuel Huntington (1971: 285),

mitive” (Schech and Haggis, 2000). The differences bet-

thing that needed to be emulated by the “poorer, less civili-

one of the proponents of modernization theory, pointed out

that the concepts of modernity and tradition were central to

post-war modernization theory:

“These categories were, of course, the latest manifestations of a

“stages” of development down to the lowest level of the “priween modern and traditional societies were explained in

terms of deeply embedded cultural traits. Thus, the traditional traits of third-world societies were thought to dissolve through contact with modernity.

Great Dichotomy between more primitive and more advanced

The transition process from tradition to modernity was the

thought for the past one hundred years.”

concepts of sociology formulated by Weber (1922) and

societies which has been a common feature of Western social

The project of “modernity” began with the enlightenment

philosophers. By the mid-nineteenth century, the enlightenment shift from a religious to a secular view of human his-

tory had become entrenched in scientific models of human

core theme of 19th-century sociology. The fundamental Tönnies (1887) invented the analytical distinction between

gemeinschaft (community) and gesellschaft (society) as a way of considering different forms of social integration.3

These distinctions have largely been retained. “Society”

evolution, which fostered a definition of culture as the pro-

cess of social development. Against a background of European technological and industrial advancement and imperial expansion and aggrandizement, the idea of culture

as social development drew on scientific models of human

evolution to describe a hierarchy of cultural development across societies and social groups.

Durkheim’s notion that there are two different kinds of bonds between people, mechanical solidarity (solidarité mécanique) and organic solidarity (solidarité organique), is a similar line of reasoning (Durkheim, 1893).

1. An everlasting controversy: the relationship between culture and development

generally refers to groups held together through anony-

developed societies displayed cultural characteristics that

universalistic principles. “Community” is conventionally

contact with modern societies would accelerate progress in

tied together through tradition, interpersonal contacts and

was that the “underdeveloped” countries had to shed their

mous, rule-bound, more transparent formal contracts and used to refer to forms of collective life in which people are

informal relationships.

The model of society associated with the modernity project

focuses on the autonomy of the individual. Individuals are

supposed to defend and maximize their personals interests

by being freely involved in contractual relationships and by

setting up structures that govern their actions. In contrast,

constituted obstacles to development. They argued that

stagnant, traditional societies. The underlying assumption

own traditions and become westernized. Policymakers should promote the modern cultural traits that would enable

modernization to take place. A study by McClelland (1964)

suggested that stronger achievement motivation could be

instilled in individuals both through non-authoritarian socialization within the family and through Western-style education. Banfield (1958) focused on questions of cooperation

the second model supposes that tradition governs indivi-

and contrasted cultures that favoured more or less coope-

and their actions. From this perspective, traditional traits

lead to the destruction of the traditions that constitute the

duals, by ruling their perceptions of the world, their values

were held to be unfavourable to the expansion of the formal, distanced, rule-bound, transparent social linkages

necessary for achieving a successful market economy and industrial society (Weber, 1922).

Seen from this second perspective, the difference between developed and so-called “underdeveloped” countries is

rative attitudes. The implication is that modernization must essence of developing societies.

Along with this framework, economists characterized

modern society as consisting of optimistic, self-interes-

ted, calculative individuals, for whom modern culture pro-

vides a framework to act freely and respond to market incentives. Thus, the idea of culture as a form of collecti-

simply that the former have already travelled a historical

ve thinking, usually seen as fixed and pertaining to a par-

One of the best-known historical definitions of development

nal economic calculation. However, many societies resis-

path that the latter will eventually follow (Rostow, 1960).

ticular group or nation, is presented as a barrier to ratio-

is as a succession of stages through which all countries and

ted the identification of modernity with the West.

single model defined by the values of “Western” societies,

called “Third World” who were not interested in greater

regions must inevitably pass. “Development” is viewed as a and it is based on the assumption that the political-econo-

mic instruments used to promote economic growth are suf-

Economists started encountering poor people in the soprosperity. They were surprised that their intended bene-

ficiaries met their offers of economic development with

ficient for any country to achieve development. This argu-

indifference; they met poor people who did not want to

of a society, rather than institutions or structural conditions,

favourite explanation for economic backwardness used to

ment tends to assume that culture, viewed as the “essence”

is responsible for the failure to develop, and that Western

cultural values are superior to those of other societies.

Consequently, development theorists took for granted that

economic development proceeds along a single straight, unambiguous

line,

from

traditional

modern.

have new opportunities and who resisted change. A

be an affliction called “cultural inertia”. Culture here is the enemy: a voice from the past that inhibits societies from

functioning in the modern world. In Huntington’s “clash of

civilizations” hypothesis, poverty and low rates of growth are deeply affected by adverse rules and norms that

reduce

incentives

for

mobility

and

investment

Modernization theory, which was particularly popular in

(Huntington, 1998). The challenge for development is

ded to regard contemporary Western societies as models to

mobility-oriented perspective through education or other

W. Arthur Lewis and David C. McClelland argued that less-

This perspective was recently exemplified by Francis

American social science in the early post-war period, ten-

which developing countries should aspire. Authors such as

then to reform culture by inculcating a more growth-and

means of transforming “bad cultures”.

1. An everlasting controversy: the relationship between culture and development

Fukuyama (1995). In his book, Trust: the social virtues and

were urged to embrace modern culture, which is by defini-

the creation of prosperity, he contrasts cultures favourable

tion Western. What is puzzling here is that, on the one

Harrison and Huntington (2000) argue that traditional cul-

argue that the cultural traditions of non-western societies

to trust and cultures favourable to distrust. In the same way, tures are unsuited to market-oriented development and are

hand, many studies tend to relate culture to tradition and

must change due to the impact of development, which is

thus fundamentally hampered in their pursuit of growth.

conceived in terms of a universal modernity. On the other

and attitudes that condition individual behaviour in ways

tural roots in the European enlightenment and therefore

notion, most prominently associated with Max Weber, pos-

even if it is not expressly identified in these terms.

Here again, culture is conceived of as producing mentalities

that create obstacles to economic growth.4 A variant of this

tulates that it is the content of religious beliefs that is essen-

hand, however, this universal modernity clearly has its culeasily slips into the concept of the West or westernization,

tial to economic development through its impact on beha-

In addition, we note that the main focus of the modernist

according to their acceptance or rejection of the World: if

re and development — avoiding the difficult task of identi-

viour.5

From this perspective, religions could be classified

perspective is to seek a causal relationship between cultu-

acceptance, the presence or absence of tension toward the

fying and analysing the intricate historical and structural

transformation, adaptation or escape from the given world

development. Some authors argue that economic develop-

world; if rejection, whether they fostered an orientation of

interconnections between the many factors that influence

(Eisenstadt, 1968). For example, Guizo, Sapienza and

ment brings pervasive cultural change. Others claim that

associated with “attitudes that are conducive to growth”,

on society. In both perspectives, culture is seen as a single-

Zingales (2002) characterize Islam as being negatively

and among adherents to the world’s major religions, Muslims as being the most

“anti-market”.6

cultural values are an enduring and autonomous influence

factor explanation of the success or failure of the development process. This leads to the conclusion that we can use

a country’s culture when it favours economic development,

To summarize, the modernization approach assumes that

but ignore or repress it when it is deemed to be an obstacle.

to experience progress, people in developing countries

to the relationship between culture and development.

Third World cultures are a barrier to modernization. In order

1.2

This leads to an instrumentalist and essentialist approach

Culture and the critics of the modernization theory of development

The first critiques of the modernization theory of develop-

ce of underdevelopment. Vigorously rejecting moderniza-

the deconstructionist school. The main criticism was that

tries exploited poor countries, locking them into positions of

ment drew on dependency theory, post-colonial studies and

modernization theory had seriously neglected factors exter-

nal to societies, such as colonialism and imperialism, as

well as newer forms of economic and political domination. In this section, we will argue that valuable as this work has been in revealing the ideological premises of modernization

theory, it leaves little room to think constructively about how

culture matters in development.

The rise of neo-Marxist doctrines like dependency theory

pointed to the structure of the world economy as the sour-

tion theory, they emphasized the extent to which rich coun-

powerlessness and structural dependence. They highligh-

ted relations between “centre” and “periphery”, arguing that

4 This perspective led to the perception of “Confucianism” as unsuited for a dynamic industrial economy at the beginning of the 20th century, and to the opposite claim that industrial and economic progress, as currently illustrated by the performance of East Asia, is in large part the result of Confucian ethics.

5 Weber’s thesis on the particular suitability of the Calvinist ethic to capitalism is often evoked, incorrectly, as the distinguished progenitor of this perspective. Weber, in his celebrated Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1930), was not outlining a causal relationship between Calvinism and capitalism, but merely demonstrating that historically there was an “elective affinity” between them. 6The basic argument is that Islam preaches fatalism, which is inimical to growth. See Said (1979), Kuran (1997) and Rodinson (1973).

1. An everlasting controversy: the relationship between culture and development

the blocking of development in the latter was the fruit of

This dominance is considered to be an aspect of neo-colo-

first-world countries was, therefore, structurally linked to the

created a “mechanism of control” that led to the “creation”

imperialism in the former. The developed status of these underdevelopment of the Third World. This analysis implied

an unequal distribution of power between the industrialized

centre of the global economy and its underdeveloped per-

nialism, whereby Western ideologies and interests have

of the Third World. Economists, and through them the IMF and World Bank, are considered the primary culprits in

constructing a development discourse that sustains the dis-

iphery (Larrain, 1989; Amin, 1979; Wallerstein, 1979). It fol-

tinction between the “West” and the “Third Word”, which

seen as objects of political struggle.

Bhaba, the strategic function of such narratives is the “crea-

lows that the direction and definition of development are

had emerged during the colonial era. In the words of Homi

tion of a space for subject peoples through the production

Culture was conceptually pushed aside as development

of knowledge in terms of which surveillance is exercised”

by structuralism, Marxism and dependency theory. These

re associated with an “ideological system” can only be

thinking came to be strongly influenced, if not dominated,

analyses focused on economic processes and structure

(Babha, 1990: 75). In such a perspective, the idea of cultuindicted for masking the phenomenon of domination behind

rather than on political, social and cultural processes.

a false unanimity.

cesses of “domination” in the contemporary world; or even

Stuart Hall’s 1992 formulation “the West and the rest” is pro-

cesses. In terms of “development”, however, the objective

applied to global inequality. Hall’s phrase captures a distinc-

Culture is seen as a diversion from the supposedly real pro-

worse, it is simply a deliberate obfuscation of these proremains the same: “achieving progress”, even though the

interpretation of what is needed to reach this desirable state

bably the best-known articulation of this definition of culture

tive way of conceiving the power imbalance between deve-

loping countries and the affluent industrialized societies of

is different. In fact, regardless of whether it is couched in

Western Europe and North America. He describes this rela-

the importance of a structural transformation to achieve

non-West as inferior to the West and underpins the political

would not dispute the importance of industrialisation and

becomes the norm by which “the rest” are identified. In

terms of capitalism or socialism, what is being advocated is

development. In this regard, Marxist or socialist critiques

tionship in terms of a pervasive system that represents the

economy of underdevelopment. The West’s self-depiction

urbanisation as manifestations of progress.

development studies, the West becomes the model to be

Another important critique of modernization theory is formu-

“the rest” is held responsible for creating and extending

lated by post-colonial studies. These argue that the domi-

nance of the modernisation perspective in development thinking serves colonial domination, rather than merely

being a theoretical mistake. Defining culture as “a system of

control”, post-colonial theory revealed the ways in which a

emulated by Third World societies. This kind of approach to

existing “macro” inequalities between rich and poor coun-

tries, and “micro” inequalities between westernized and

indigenous groups within poorer countries (Mundimbe, 1980; Bessis, 2001).

politics of representation, formed within European/Western

Demonstrating how development discourse powerfully

inform contemporary Western writing and thinking about

ment, Escobar, Hall and others argue for a “post-develop-

tions of colonialism. For an example, Ferguson (1990),

global inequality — one that builds on and recognizes the

deconstruction, in the tradition of Michel Foucault, to study

resists the hegemonic Western authority embedded in

thought in the era of colonialism and empire, continues to

the Third World, replicating the stereotypes and power relaEscobar (1995) and Said (1979) apply techniques of

constructs the “Third World” as the object of develop-

ment” discourse that would inform a different politics of diversity and intrinsic worth of the “local” and actively

development as a cultural system, focusing in particular on

contemporary notions and the practice of development.

that have dominated development thinking since the 1950s.

World countries should strive for differs from capitalist

how economists shaped the modernization perspectives

However, it is not clear how the development that Third

1. An everlasting controversy: the relationship between culture and development

development. In fact, by characterizing development as a

unitary construct of power/knowledge, this line of thinking

fails to explain the alternative models of development that

overcoming the dichotomy of tradition/modernity. The binary opposition drawn in development discourse between the global/local and modern/traditional is simply reversed: the

have emerged over the past decades. Correspondingly,

local and the traditional become the valued authentic coun-

racteristics on development if culture is associated with

terms. This radical critique of development discourse has

how is it possible to conceive of the effect of cultural cha-

an “ideological system” that only expresses the interests of dominant groups?7

To sum up, the critics of modernization have argued that

development is not only an amalgam of the process of

change, but also a system of knowledge and power that produces and justifies these processes. Furthermore, they have mapped out the extent to which culture is deeply

embedded in visions of development and revealed the ideological premises of modernization theory. However, we can argue that modernization’s critics are using the same

concept of bounded culture by interpreting development

terweight to a Western modernity seen purely in negative

the great merit of challenging the superiority of Western

values, but it leaves little room for accommodating empiri-

cal evidence of the coexistence of “modern” and “traditional” traits in many developing countries, as well as in Western countries.

We can conclude that despite constant post-war efforts to

decipher the development process, it appears that little progress has been made. Many theories have been pro-

posed (some leading directly to policy), but very few

developing countries have succeeded in breaking the

bonds of underdevelopment. The ambiguities in the defi-

processes not only as the western imposition of capitalism

nition of culture and the implicit assumptions about cultu-

vocably destroying indigenous cultures and identities.

rather than culturally sensitive development policies and

on the “Third World”, but also as cultural imperialism, irreTherefore, it appears that little progress has been made in

1.3

re and development models led to a cultural blind alley, programs.

Globalization and the revival of culture in development thinking

The revival of interest in culture and economic development

has been a consequence of globalization as well as the

observation of the so-called “East Asian Miracle”. East

becomes fluid and multiple rather than a coherent, singular

endpoint — whether cast in terms of westernization or

hegemonic capitalism. Thus, globalization as a process and

Asia’s economic development has put to the test many of

as a model of social change has challenged many of the

success has challenged beliefs that high rates of economic

the modernization or dependency schools.

the assumptions underpinning development thinking. This growth and standards of living could be “realisable only

within the framework of Occidental civilization” (Hefner,

key concepts of existing development theories, whether of We will first seek to trace the way that the globalization pro-

1998: 1). It questioned the universality of the modernity pro-

cess has reshaped the understanding of culture, as well as

ce of modernization is replaced with a multiplicity of new

Then, we will conclude the section by analysing the extent

ject. As Rist (1997: 138) points out, the “theoretical sequen-

practices that spring forth at the crossroads of history and

cultures.” People are reworking their perceptions of other cultures as part of a major shift in relations between

nations, regional cultures, and cultural, ethnic and religious groups. The binary models of modern/traditional, or

core/periphery, collapse when confronted by the new patterns of interaction generated by globalization. Modernity

the building of a new framework for development thinking.

to which these new ways of thinking have overcome the

7 For example, today Muslims are considered relatively poor, both in terms of the per capita GDP of Moslem countries compared to the global average and in terms of international differences (Kuran, 1997). To explain this phenomenon, there is then an active debate between those who ascribe this state of affairs to Islam itself (Lewis 2002) and those who lay the blame at the feet of Western imperialism (Rodinson, 1973). Consequently, there is no room to think constructively about how Islamic references may interfere with “objective” constraints, such as Western economic and political domination, in impacting economic performance.

1. An everlasting controversy: the relationship between culture and development

deterministic view of the relationship between culture and development.

Globalization is calling into question conventional ways of

viewing culture. As interdependencies become more com-

and is sustained or adjusted through social interaction. More precisely, within an emergent dynamic approach to the conceptualization of culture, culture is seen as being

made up of relations, rather than as a stable system of form

plex, and simultaneously more diverse between and within

and substance (Haastrup, 1996). This leads to a greater

challenge is to seek the most appropriate way of concep-

social context and the contributions of individuals to social

nations, as well as between and within organizations, the

tualizing this new social construct. In fact, the fluidities of

acknowledgment of relational interdependence between

and cultural transformation. Through this conceptualizing of

global cultural flows undermine the concept of culture as a

culture, the aim is to balance views that privilege either

of as local, regional, national or global. Instead, “culture” is

cultural processes. This suggests that culture is reproduced

distinct, discrete and bounded entity — whether conceived more accurately conceived as complex and multidirectional

cultural interactions and re-combinations, weaving the local

and global together in myriad patterns and configurations.

Thus, the most important development in the anthropological understanding of culture is the recognition that the

social determinism or individual autonomy in understanding

and transformed not through social determinism but in a constant interaction between the individual’s actions and

the social world, as meanings are negotiated and as these

meanings change through individuals.

As Giddens (1984) points out, the resulting meaning sys-

boundaries of cultural systems are leaky, and that traffic

tems are the outcome of individual and patterned social

thought underpins some analyses of the cultural dimen-

ted social structures, which at a certain period of time deter-

and osmosis are the norm, not the exception. This trend of sions of globalization that have emphasised mixture, hete-

rogeneity, diversity and plurality as critical features of cultu-

interaction. Such a perspective attempts to reconcile inheri-

mine the way individuals construct their own perceptions of

the social world and react to it, while simultaneously

re in the era of globalization (Robertson, 1992). This implies

emphasising the role of individuals who make use of the

professional cultures are seen as symbolic practices that

According to Giddens, through this implementation indivi-

other cultural communities. The people whose social inter-

but simultaneously, they also create innovations that cause

that, for example, national cultures, corporate cultures or

only come into existence in relation to, and in contrast with,

patterns of thinking and action provided by these structures.

duals guarantee the social reproduction of these structures,

action makes up these constructs of nation and organiza-

the structures to evolve over time.

new cultural understanding that enables them to make

Along these lines, Mary Douglas (1986, 2004) highlights the

wrenching change is commonplace.

tions, as well as the role of individuals in using this social

tion draw on past cultural experience in order to create a sense of, and live in, a world in which frequent and often

In other words, people’s constructions of cultural identity

role played by the diversity of classifications in social rela-

framework. She suggests that people actively select/build

their identities, as well as their social relations, from avai-

and their social organizations of meaning are contextual.8

lable cultural elements: “Individuals, when they select from

which pays attention to the fluidity of everything, a perpetual

at the same time their allies and their enemies as well as

In this new intellectual context called “post-modernism”, renegotiation of significance is singled out for attention, and the idea of national culture is pronounced “dead”.

Consequently, it appears that a culture-based understan-

ding is no longer a static, pre-existing condition that can be seen as exerting a simple causal influence on action. It is

itself a fundamentally constructed phenomenon that arises

among natural analogies those that they believe in, select

the scheme of their future social relations”. (1986: 99)

8 Since individuals are seen as simultaneous carriers of several cultural identities, depending on the issue at hand, a different cultural identity may become salient at a given moment. The conceptualization of culture as associated with “identity” helped to emphasize “cultural change” and the role of individuals in this process. For further discussion, see Abou (1981).

1. An everlasting controversy: the relationship between culture and development

Douglas (2004) quotes Bliss (1993): “People are not simply

individuals. They live socially and their views, their values, and even their beliefs, as well as their abilities, are formed

address problems of inequality and empowerment.

Enhancing the accumulation of capital in a society and the

maximization of material well-being are no longer the sole

and sustained within social groupings, families and commu-

preconditions for development. Creating an enabling envi-

native to the methodological individualism that has been

lopment through social transformation becomes one of the

nities…Perhaps the consideration of life style offers an alterheld to be a weakness of orthodox social science”. She

ronment to move toward a culturally equitable form of devepriorities of the development agenda.10 This approach

recognizes that individuals are fundamentally socially

involves understanding how context matters in ways that

broad trends in behaviour. At the same time, she presents a

gn public action that fosters greater “equality of agency”

embedded beings and are limited in their ability to influence

method by which groups can be categorized and characteri-

zed in order to understand the nature of social interactions that provide for more effective individual

agency9.

How does this new approach to culture affect development

are conditioned by such inequalities and the need to desi-

with respect to social hierarchies. Rao and Walton (2004)

label this a shift from “equality of opportunity” to “equality of agency”.11

As culture is perceived as influencing individual aspirations,

thinking?

as well as the coordination of collective action, the challen-

A new way of thinking about culture emerged from anthropo-

natory norms in favour of the marginalised. Therefore, it is

logy. It suggests that culture, as a cement of “social organi-

zation”, can be harnessed for positive social and economic

transformation, particularly through the ways in which power

ge is to redress power inequalities and dominant discrimiwidely acknowledged that development efforts should no

longer focus solely on economic growth and poverty alleviation. Other important goals include democracy, human

relations and individual agency work within a society. By

rights, employment, literacy, health and justice (Rodrik,

vides the means for high status groups to maintain their

porting positive social and economic transformation. In this

positioning a group within the social hierarchy, culture prosuperior position, whereas for those at the low end, it can

limit aspirations, create discrimination and block mobility. Culture is, therefore, fundamentally linked to the perpetuation of inequality. Thus, the new debate in development thinking attempts to respond to the following question: “How can

1999; Sen, 1999). These goals are seen as crucial for suplight, it is worth emphasising that the linkage between culture and development no longer refers to chance historical

processes that emerge over time, but rather to the result of conscious efforts that seek specific social transformations.

interactions between diverse cultures within a society be

Along with this type of reasoning, Appadurai (2000) argues

cy?” The challenge is to help the “poor” produce a cultural

is a direct implication of a cultural perspective. The capaci-

interests in matters of wealth, equality and dignity.

qually distributed, with the rich having a greater capacity

managed in a manner that allows for more individual agenconsensus that best advances their own collective long-term

In fact, the recognition that societies consist of different

groups, often structured in hierarchies with unequal social

and cultural capital, as conceptualized by Bourdieu (1986), suggests that mechanisms of inter-group exchange and

that building the “capacity to aspire” in subordinate groups

ty to aspire is a forward-looking cultural capacity that is une-

than the poor. Equalizing the capacity to aspire, and changing the terms of recognition, involves creating an enabling

terms of recognition. It implies that development interven-

9 The debate surrounding the influence of structure and agency on human thought and behaviour is one of the central issues in sociology. In this context, “agency” refers to the capacity of individual humans to act independently and to make their own free choices. “Structure” refers to factors such as social class, religion, gender, ethnicity, customs etc., which seem to limit or influence the opportunities that individuals have.

disempowerment of weaker or subordinate groups in cultu-

deliberation need to be set up in a manner that changes the tions need to be shaped in ways that recognize the relative

ral, economic and political terms, especially when they

See the critique contained in the 2006 World Development Report, Equity and Development.

A survey of the new ways of thinking about culture and development can be found in Rao and Walton (2004).

1. An everlasting controversy: the relationship between culture and development

environment to provide the poor with the tools and the voice

personal, cultural and social experiences. Therefore, if at

development of rituals that help support social agency, such

the emphasis put on the importance of “individual agency”

to navigate their way out of poverty. This may require the as participatory budgeting, and the identification of key

agents that can facilitate the process of connecting the poor to policymakers. In the same vein, other scholars focus on

the individual — on understanding people’s “true prefe-

first sight the tradition/modernity dichotomy is overcome, is intimately rooted in the modernity project. Individuals should be ultimately autonomous and free to set up struc-

tures that govern their actions. The new emergent frame-

work, by considering culture as an ingredient of social orga-

rences” in the case of Kuran (2004) and on freeing indivi-

nization, not only allows for social transformation but also

Abraham and Platteau (2004) — to ensure “equality of

— to do away with the supposedly static and negative role

duals from the yoke of oppressive elites in the case of

seeks implicitly — in accordance with the modernity project

agency”. Similarly, Sen (1999, 2000) argues that there is no

associated with tradition. As Sen (1999) points out, the ulti-

styles or to adopt the newest fashion from abroad, but there

agency and choose in an informed and participatory way. It

particular “compulsion” either to preserve disappearing lifeis a need for people to be able to take part in these social

decisions. Thus, great importance is given to elementary capabilities, such as reading and writing through basic education, being well-informed and well-briefed through a free media, and having realistic chances of participating freely

through elections, referenda and the exercise of civil rights. To sum up, enabling development does not require any

import of “appropriate” norms and attitudes, as other cultu-

mate test is the freedom of the citizens to exercise free is the only way to overcome the conflict between tradition and modernity.

“The pointer to any real conflict between the preservation of tradi-

tion and the advantages of modernity calls for participatory resolution, not for unilateral rejection of modernity in favour of tradition

by political rulers, religious authorities or anthropological admirers of the legacy of the past”. (Sen, 1999).

ral approaches to development have claimed (Harrison and

Along these lines, the argument advocating that develop-

tion calls instead for deliberative political institutions that

tion but also on freeing poor people from traditional hierar-

Huntington, 2000). Culture as a cement of social organiza-

ment strategies should not focus solely on poverty allevia-

contain checks and balances, guaranteeing the corporation

chies, informs us on the way modern societies see develo-

cular proposal has gained ground: development projects

tion remains the same: development should help develo-

of all social groups into public decision-making. One partishould aim to transform social relations in which lack of

trust and cooperation, as well as faltering institutions, bar

ping countries, as well as themselves. The hidden assumpping countries get access to modernity. The only difference

is that modernity in this new framework is expressed in poli-

individuals from leading the lives they deem worthwhile.

tical, as well as economic, terms.

and democratic procedures (Douglas, 2004).

On the other hand, taking into account that the critics of

This, at a minimum, requires full adherence to human rights However, a question remains: to what extent has this new

line of thinking challenged earlier models?

As was noted above, the most important shift in thinking on

culture and development is the attempt to reconcile the

recognition of the existence of social structures with the

rehabilitation of the role of individuals in shaping their des-

tiny. This approach to culture consciously downplays the understanding of culture as “essence” in order to focus

explicitly on individuals embodying a unique combination of

modernization theory radically questioned the superiority of Western values, a question remains: what criteria are to be employed in supporting the “empowerment” of the weak:

French ones, British ones or American ones? Similarly, we

can ask who has the authority to decide whether a particular social practice is offensive or not, since one person’s

offensive practice may be another’s sacred belief. There

are always disagreements on such issues, and any disrup-

tion of a social equilibrium is likely to result in conflict, hard-

ship and social and economic costs. Besides, if the goal is “equality of agency”, who will be able to determine if, and

1. An everlasting controversy: the relationship between culture and development

when, this is achieved? The same objective situation can be interpreted by one culture as “equal” and by another as

completely “alienating”. “Equality of agency” is difficult to

is radically criticized at a national level, it is replicated in the

ways development thinking conceives of the challenge of

managing diverse cultures and different social hierarchies

achieve, and each culture has its own myths to manage

within a given society. More precisely, this dichotomy is

gnition in a given society, what kind of alternatives shall we

“social transformation” over the cultural continuity that sup-

unequal situations. If we have to change the terms of recochoose?

To conclude, globalization led to a new conceptualization of

culture that tends to consider culture as a “malleable fact”.

From this perspective, any cultural continuity over very long

periods of time seems harmful to development because it presupposes an absence of any kind of cultural learning or social transformation. In accordance with the modernity

project that prioritises individual autonomy, any kind of continuity is implicitly compromising the achievement of progress. Thus, although the traditional/modern dichotomy

replicated by the prioritization of “individual agency” and

posedly blocks progress. Empirically, however, we find evi-

dence of both massive cultural change and the persistence

of distinctive cultural traditions. Even though it is widely ack-

nowledged that culture is malleable, dynamic and adaptable, we still need a better understanding of how the heterogeneity of values or social groups in a given society is articulated with more stable guiding principles and more

durable cultural references. Acknowledging and understan-

ding the interdependence between the culture and indivi-

dual agency cannot be advanced without a clear conception of these relations.

2. Culture and economic performance: can we break away from the best practices mainstream discourse?

Development thinking is particularly challenged by glo-

connections found between culture and economic perfor-

balization to seek the most appropriate ways of concep-

mance, and how these illustrate the critical reflections

following section, we will shed light on some of the ways

ture is said to affect economic performance through the

tualizing the role of culture in economic growth. In the

culture has been taken into account in work that exa-

mines the different challenges posed by economic performance. Our interest lies in the nature and form of the

2.1

Culture and institutions

One of the most important challenges facing development

presented above. In particular, we will focus on how culability to create and manage institutions, through the

creation of social networks and through its impact on management.

informal constraints (sanctions, taboos, customs, traditions, and

codes of conduct), and formal rules (constitutions, laws, property

economists is to understand the sources of persistent diffe-

rights). Throughout history, institutions have been devised by

rences in economic performance have existed throughout

ge. Together with the standard constraints of economics they defi-

there was a growing interest in how institutions explain

duction costs and hence the profitability and feasibility of enga-

rences between rich and poor countries. Chronic diffe-

history, and they exist across countries today. In the 1990s,

contrasts in economic performance across countries.

“Governance reform” has come into prominence in recent

years, and the academic literature on institutions and deve-

human beings to create order and reduce uncertainty in exchan-

ne the choice set and therefore determine transaction and pro-

ging in economic activity.” (North, 1991: 97).

lopment has exploded. Today, even the World Bank and the

According to North, the sources of contrasting economic

tools, have come round to emphasising the role of “institu-

that define incentives for saving, investment, production

International Monetary Fund (IMF) put great emphasis on

and public sector organizations and rules that influence

cy laws during the 1997 Asian crisis, while two recent

tive routines, habits or conventions observable in all econo-

IMF, which used to privilege orthodox economic theory tions” in economic development. For example, the

reforming corporate governance institutions and bankruptannual reports from the World Bank (2002; 2005) focus on

institutional development. Nevertheless, development poli-

performance lie within the institutional structures of society

and trade. Institutions refer not only to the formal private how agents interact, but also to the relatively stable collecmies. These kinds of institutions vary greatly among countries and have a significant impact on economic performan-

cy has tended to focus on formal institutions, paying much

ce. While orthodox economists often seek to give rational,

North calls the “informal constraints”:

nal economists as a group are much more aware of the

less attention to the informal institutions that shape what “Institutions are the humanly devised constraints that structure

political, economic and social interaction. They consist of both

maximizing accounts of the origins of institutions, institutioimportance of history, culture, tradition and other so-called “path dependent” factors in shaping economic behaviour.

This section describes the way culture has been integrated

2. Culture and economic performance: can we break away from the best practices mainstream discourse?

into the institutional economics framework to explain eco-

roughly similar levels of wealth for their citizens, but the pre-

nomic performance. It also considers the extent to which

vailing rules of the game are very different in Japanese-

constraints advances our understanding of the relationship

within Europe, there are large differences in the institutional

the conceptualization of culture as part of institutional

between culture and economic development.

Work in institutional economics, associated in particular

with Douglass North, has the great merit of integrating the

style and American-style capitalism (Rodrik, 2003). Even

arrangements (De Rozario, 2006). The implication is that

transferring the formal political and economic rules of successful Western market economies to the developing coun-

tries is not a sufficient condition for good economic perfor-

tools of economic, historical and cultural analysis. The ana-

mance (North, 1994).

manages to reconcile anthropological observations with

Yet, a question remains: if the starting point is that an

map the whole social system and focus on the informal

determines economic performance, how are we to account

lysis operates within the rational choice framework but economics (North, 1990). North’s special contribution is to

constraints imposed on the choices made by individuals.

However, we will argue that North’s interest with institutions

and the context within which markets operate still ends up with a dichotomy between “modern” economic relations and the “cultures” that obstruct rational economic activity.

North defines culture as “communities of common ideolo-

gies and a common set of rules that all believe in” (North,

1987: 421). He treats culture as a robustly practical way of life that responds to changes in prices and costs, drawing

admixture of rules, norms and enforcement characteristics

for the evolution of institutions that create an environment for growth?

According to North, the complexity of the institutional environment increased as human beings became increasingly

interdependent, and more complex institutional structures

were necessary to capture the potential gains from trade. Such evolution required society to develop institutions that

allow for anonymous, impersonal exchange across time

and space. Thus far, the argument is similar to that of

the economic system along with it (North, 1998). Culture

modernisation theory. Institutions create the conditions for

shared norms and values. It does this by setting constraints

North, the flexibility of Western political and economic insti-

mobilizes individuals and turns them into a community with on

behaviour.12

Individuals make choices on the basis of

their mental models. These values are acquired through

experience that is “local” to a particular environment and

which therefore also varies widely across environments.

the impersonal exchanges typical of modern society. For

tutions have substituted for the traditional role of the family,

insured against the new insecurities affecting individuals, and dealt with the externalities, environmental as well as social, that accompany this economic transformation. He

Consequently, there is an immense variation in “mental

postulates that for successful reform, it is essential to chan-

1994). This diversity of experiences and learning has pro-

tal models of the actors that will shape choices

models” and perceptions of the way the world works (North,

duced increasingly differentiated societies and civilizations

with very different degrees of success in solving fundamental economic problems and “efficient” institutions.

There is increasing recognition in this literature that high-

quality institutions can take a multitude of forms, and that economic convergence need not necessarily entail conver-

ge both institutions and belief systems, since it is the men(North,1994).

While formal rules can be changed overnight, informal rules

change only gradually. Hence, North argues that the evolu-

tion of norms of behaviour that will support and legitimize

new rules is a lengthy process, and it is by the development

gence in institutional forms (North, 1994; Freeman, 2000;

Rodrik, 2003; Meisel, 2004). There is no “one best way” to

secure economic success. As an illustration, Japan, the United States and Europe have managed to generate

12 To refer to institutional constraints, North sometimes prefers to use the word “ideology”, perhaps unwisely, because it suggests too much the fashionable, over-intellectualized idea of culture to which he does not subscribe in the least (Kuper, 1999).

2. Culture and economic performance: can we break away from the best practices mainstream discourse?

of the rule of law and the protection of civil and political free-

preneurial culture — individualist, progressive and modern,

nomic growth. More recently, North et al. (2004) distinguish

rational choice. The other is corporatist and traditional, sup-

doms that developing countries can achieve long-term eco-

between modern societies marked by an “open social

order” founded on laws and impersonal relations and societies based on a “limited-access social order” based on inter-

personal ties. The key to comprehending modern social

development is understanding the transition from limited to

open-access social orders: in other words, the movement towards the formalization of rules.

Regarding the issue of the relationship between culture and economic development, the perspective described above calls for two comments:

First, these arguments reveal an inherent conflict between

culture and development. For North, the coordination pro-

blems confronting any poor country can be explained by the fact that the incentives structure works so that community

interests outweigh those of the individual (North, 1990). The

underlying assumption is that communitarian forms of

order, represented by the label “culture”, often lead to rentseeking, non-transparent behaviour, which is prone to being overwhelmed by principal-agent problems that frustrate the individual members of groups, while allowing small

almost a non-culture since it is based strictly on individual posedly an irrational impediment to economic growth

(Douglas, 2004). This displays once again an unspoken

scepticism about any such putative social glue. North’s inter-

est in the context within which markets operate still ends up

with a dichotomy between modern economic relations and the “cultures” that obstruct rational economic activity.

Second, we agree with Rodrik (2003) and Chang (2003)

that this perspective has led to an overemphasis on the role

of institutions, such as property rights and the rule of law in

enforcing the roles of competition and exit, and as a consequence has confined the role of culture to being a constraint

on development. Institutions merely reinforce the market

and economic rationality. Similarly, in the world of development agencies, it is argued that because many developing

and transition economies lack a clearly defined and secure

private property rights system, “good” policies based on

“correct” theories recommended by development economists have failed to work. In other words, the institutional

argument is being mobilised to suggest that the develop-

ment policies and theories were never wrong. They failed to

work only because the countries implementing them did not

groups with passionately held views to have undue influen-

have the right institutions for the “right” policies to work.

economic historians and political economists then argue,

In this regard, d’Iribarne (2003) emphasizes that the impor-

would be possible if market institutions predominated

tical ingredient for building good institutions able to achieve

ce over large, less-passionate majorities. These properties,

lead to sclerosis and lower levels of economic growth than

(North, 1981; Olson, 1965; Moe, 1987).

So, in order to develop from poverty to wealth an economy

tance given to the “enforcement of property rights” as a crieconomic development is far from reflecting a “universal”

criterion. He shows that this framework is rooted in the spe-

cific American conception of a “well-ordered society”, which

needs to obtain the benefits of scale, and in doing so it must

links the idea of freedom to property.13 He suggests that

confidence in the future, and since development needs to

blems. Each society develops its own ways of collective

weaken culture. Since cultural constraints protect trust and

develop impersonal and anonymous exchange, a sinister trade-off has appeared. The attempt of the “new institutional

economics” to integrate culture within economic analysis

there are different ways to resolve collective action proproblem-solving that both build its governing institutions

and affect individual incentives.

arrives at the same old-fashioned view as the other

approaches. It assumes that traditional culture is a dead hand that blocks development, and it ends up reproducing

the tradition/modernity dichotomy. It brings us back to the

previous view that only two cultures count. One is the entre-

This point will be developed in the next section.

2. Culture and economic performance: can we break away from the best practices mainstream discourse?

In spite of increasing recognition in the economic literature

that there are different high-quality institutional models, this literature does not tell us clearly whether diversity merely

loping a good understanding of the relationship between culture, institutions and economic development. The fai-

lure to overcome the dichotomy of tradition/modernity, the

reflects efficient solutions to different problems derived from

excessive focus on property-rights institutions and the fai-

efficient institutions that can be applied to solve the same

have been pointed out as the major problems in the cur-

different starting points, or whether there are many equally

problem. In addition, the empirical research on national ins-

lure to build a sophisticated theory of institutional change

rently dominant literature on institutions and economic

titutions has generally focused only on the protection of pro-

development. We can break away from the so-called best

the comparison and hindering an explanation of what is

we understand the complexity of the relationship between

perty rights and the rule of law, narrowing the spectrum of

practices prevalent in the mainstream discourse only if

happening in the real world (Rodrik, 2003; Storper, 2004).

individual agency and cultural continuity in institutional

Correspondingly, Berckowitz et al. (2003) find that countries

cultural/institutional “traditions” across societies can we

that developed their formal legal orders internally, adapted

imported codes to local conditions or had familiarity with

foreign codes, ended up with much better legal systems

than those that simply transplanted formal legal orders from

abroad. Thus, there is no need to replicate the Western-

style institutional system from scratch; it may be possible to work with such institutions as are available and build on them.14

In this section (“Culture and institutions”), we have reviewed some of the key theoretical issues involved in deve-

2.2

change. Only when we accept the existence of different begin to understand that what people believe and do matters in a real sense. An approach that is less focused on

the superiority of any particular institutional model and

more cognizant of the context-specificity of desirable ins-

titutional arrangements is needed. Instead of focusing only on “big institutions”, work toward gradual improve-

ments in institutions or small institutional practices may help to show exactly how positive institutional arrange-

ments are promoted or blocked. Such an approach may

help to open up a new way of looking at institutional

reforms.

Culture and social networks

There is today a debate as to whether large-scale, rational,

on the existence of communities that regulate complex

ephemerality and mobility they seem to call forth, have not

norms, reputation effects and mutually aligned expecta-

bureaucratic principles, along with the individualization,

gone too far, weakening forms of community necessary for

social order (Putnam, 2000; Etzioni, 1996). This type of rea-

soning has also become centrally involved with questions of

economic development. It seeks to integrate the potentially

inter-firm and firm-worker relationships through shared

tions. In other words, some constraints on behaviour and

some common values can greatly reduce transaction costs and make business more efficient.

positive effects of community with the modern economy. It

In the Asian context, certain social networks that span

improving the functioning of labour markets, generating

litating trade and deep trans-national integration. In Europe,

refers to communities, and hence cultures, as means for entrepreneurship and organizing the provision of the public

goods that alleviate both private and state burdens in the

creation of prosperity and social integration. Similarly, suc-

cess in small-firm based industrial clusters or districts, ranging from the most famous case of Italy to examples drawn from Taiwan, Brazil and China, are said to depend critically

countries are said to have played an important role in faciDei Ottati (1994) defines the “social environment of the

ideal-type industrial district” in terms of a common culture, frequent face-to-face relations and “norms of reciprocity

For a discussion on the transferability of legal systems, see Kleinfeld (2006).

2. Culture and economic performance: can we break away from the best practices mainstream discourse?

accompanied by relevant social sanctions”. Values and

Trust as a result of shared values

aspects of the economic performance of local enterprises.

The concept of trust has traditionally been taken to signify

relative prices and a host of other economic matters. In the

moral values and norms supporting collective co-operation.

social relations in the community are considered functional

Social networks propagate information on job opportunities, 1990s, the World Bank experimented with so-called ‘micro-

and represent a coordinating mechanism based on shared Casson (1997: 118) defines trust as “a warranted belief”

lending’ projects that seek to use social networks to extend

that someone else will honour his/her obligations, not mere-

regions. The success of micro-lending depends on adequa-

mitment. From this perspective, trust is offered to indivi-

very small retail loans to poor customers in Africa and other te information about creditworthiness that is best captured

through informal rather than formal information channels (Fukuyama, 2001).

In the same vein, the organizational and management

literature has explained the success of inter-firm relation-

ships in terms of the position of the cooperating partners

ly because of material incentives but also out of moral comduals and/or to organizations through the assumption that they will conform to standards of behaviour that characteri-

ze the community: honour, devotion, solidarity, etc. For

example, Ouchi (1981) suggests that clan membership is a basis for trust. It determines the members’ behaviour.

Fukuyama (1995) views trust as the expectation of regular, honest and cooperative behaviour based on commonly

in a network of relationships (Nohria and Eccles, 1992).

shared norms and values. Trust is associated with the

and the electronics industry in Japan has been explained

shared values, rather than on the basis of formal rules.

For example, the economic success of the automobile

by the establishment of close and long-term oriented

capacity to cooperate in a spontaneous way on the basis of

external relationships (Sako, 1992). Inter-firm networks of

Zucker (1986) defines such a set of shared, “taken for gran-

through the emergence of trust. As Granovetter (1985)

among certain members of society. Consequently, national

nomic development is strongly related to the building of

have a significant impact on levels of relational quality.

actors reduce the necessity of contractual commitments

has argued, the ability of social networks to enhance eco-

ted” expectations as part of a “world known in common” differences in values, social context and institutions will

trust. Actors trust each other because of their common

Many researchers have mentioned the high trust widely

effects. These stem from dense interpersonal networks.

ty as compared to low trust in the United States (Ouchi,

cultural background, shared values and strong reputation

acknowledged to be prevalent in Japanese business socie-

This notion can also be found in many other empirical

1981). Even though trust is built in different ways, its esta-

Sforzi, 2002).

guide people’s behaviour and beliefs (Hofstede, 1980).

This literature draws attention to the communities in which

ferent norms and values, the processes trustors resort to in

studies of regional economic development (Becattini and

enterprises are embedded and to the socio-cultural ties that facilitate trust. It challenges the rational choice assumption

underlying utilitarian analysis and moves to centre stage

blishment relies upon the societal norms and values that

Since each culture’s “collective programming” results in diforder to decide whether, and whom, to trust may be heavi-

ly dependent upon a society’s culture.15

the issue of trust and culture in economic development. The

question is, to what extent does culture influence the functioning of social networks and their ability to produce trustworthy relationships? The section below outlines the ambi-

guity concerning the way culture is said to affect the emer-

gence of trust as an output of social networks and an important ingredient in economic performance.

The differing impact of cultural values on networks of social relations is the basis for the concept of social capital. One of the most important headings under which the issue of culture and development has been discussed in the 1980s and 1990s has been that of “social capital” (Putnam, 1993). Social capital consists of the norms or values shared by a group of people that promote cooperation and trust among them. This, like physical and human capital, is a source of wealth. 15

2. Culture and economic performance: can we break away from the best practices mainstream discourse?

This conception of trust is based on a deterministic view of

they acknowledge the role of social networks in economic

culture understood as those customary beliefs and values

performance. They deny that these networks could be, at

unchanged from generation to generation. This view of cul-

participants could be socially “embedded” in ways important

that ethnic, religious and social groups transmit fairly

ture leads to an ambivalence in the understanding of the

role of social networks in economic performance. Some

scholars suggest that social networks are one of the ways

that market failures can be efficiently overcome in developing countries, as well as in modern economies, and they come to the conclusion that networked entrepreneurialism

is often superior to bureaucracies (Stiglitz, 1994; Piore and

Sabel, 1984). At the same time, one frequently hears criticism of “crony capitalism” in Asia. Family based production

networks — certainly a form of cronyism — work well in

Taiwan and are often cited as one aspect of the “good com-

least in part, dependent on group membership or that the to the functioning of these groups.

These authors view the development of trust as basically a

calculative process (e.g. Buckley and Casson, 1988).

Individuals are described as opportunistic and seeking to

maximize self-interest. According to these behavioural

assumptions, trust is established through a calculative pro-

cess, whereby one party calculates the costs and/or

rewards of another party cheating or cooperating in a relationship. For Dasgupta (1988), “Trusting another implicitly

means that the probability that he will perform an action that

munitarian” structures found in the Third Italy region, but

it is beneficial or at least not detrimental to us is high

Mezzogiorno (Gambetta, 1988; Leonardi, 1995).

nation with him.” From this perspective, there is no need to

they are deplored when they become clannish, as in the

Failure stories in the economic development literature

share this ambivalence. For some scholars, social networks

enough for us to consider engaging in some form of coordi-

make assumptions about a partner’s values and beliefs to understand how he/she behaves. The assumptions of ratio-

nality and opportunism are sufficient to explain the essence

can hinder economic development. According to Platteau

of this relationship – “trust” is given when the structure of

from becoming established in Africa during the post-inde-

structure of returns to both sides to transaction favours

(2007), strong ethnicity has prevented the modern state pendence period, thereby creating a perverted path of non-

development. Similarly, Knorringa (1996) argues that in the

footwear cluster of Agra (India) the economic divisions bet-

returns to the “other” make defection unattractive. When the cooperation, there is “trust”.

Williamson (1993) employs a calculative conceptualisation

ween producers and traders were heightened by the dis-

of trust. He recognises that “socialization and social appro-

cers were largely backward-caste Hindus and poor

that calculative process of trust only to the extent that he

tinct social castes to which they belonged. While the produMuslims, the traders were higher-caste Hindus (banias)

vals and sanctions are also pertinent”, but he goes beyond

sets the probabilistic calculus in an undetermined social

and rich Muslims. Knorringa suggests that the antagonistic

context. The social norms of trusting behaviour are reduced

reinforced by the distrust and social contempt that the two

basis. Social norms are useful, but they are best substitu-

exchange relationship between producers and traders was

castes had for each other, thereby weakening the prospects

to a sum of agents who all interact on a purely calculative

ted by economic rationality. In fact, trust as it is conceived

for cooperation.

of in social science, i.e. the conformity to social standards

Trust: a calculative process

society as consisting of self-interested, calculative indivi-

Most economic theory, whether in mainstream or Marxist

variants, regards social ties as obstacles to the building of effective economic relations. Along with this type of reaso-

ning, some authors strain to find the perfectly rational cha-

racter of participation in networks and governance, even if

of behaviour, is difficult to reconcile with a vision of modern

duals. Trust can enhance economic performance only if it is

built on a community of “interests”, which is distinct from a

community of values based on a spontaneous adherence to the same group. Once again, it appears difficult to reconci-

le between “social norms” implicitly considered as part of

“tradition” and the pure coordination of “individual interests”

2. Culture and economic performance: can we break away from the best practices mainstream discourse?

underlying the way that the literature considers the economic development issue.

However, another line of thinking suggests a third route

based upon trust construction through interaction. Trust is

their limitations. Fafchamps (1996) argues that trust, or

working with known associates, may be an effective way of operating in a difficult environment, but it is a second-best solution, narrowing the range of transactions and limiting

economic opportunities. Using case studies of manufactu-

achieved through communication events involving all actors

ring and trading firms, he shows that compliance with

of rituals and practices that establish shared values, norms

preserve personalized relationships based on mutual trust.

in the negotiation of shared meanings and the development and beliefs (Das and Teng, 1998). Under this alternative

view, belonging to the same community is not a prerequisi-

te for the emergence of trust. Such an approach tries to

accommodate the influence of social norms in the building

contractual obligations is mostly motivated by the desire to However, the absence of reputation mechanisms limits the extent of network construction.

Recent research on industrial clusters in developing coun-

of trust but maintains actors’ autonomy in the shaping of

tries confirms that social ties are an important basis for trust

trustworthy relationships and jointly set up norms to govern

nishes as clusters grow (Humphrey and Schmitz, 1998;

trusting relationships. Actors are freely involved in building

their actions through an interaction process. Firms learn to

trust each other over time. They experience the fact that a

and sanctions but suggests that their importance dimiSchmitz, 1999). Schmitz (1999) shows that socio-cultural

bonds facilitate trust, but their influence lessens over time

partner does not take advantage of dependencies or

as they are eroded by increasing differentiation within the

Schmitz argue:

based on conscious investment in inter-firm relationships,

constructively solves small conflicts. As Humphrey and

“This is the distinctive feature of relationships based on trust: the

risks taken expose the agent to possible losses which are greater than the advantage being sought. In Luhmann’s words, ‘trust is

only possible in a situation where the possible damage is greater than the advantage you seek’ (Luhmann, 1988: 98). The reason

for accepting this extra risk is the grounded belief that the partner

will not behave opportunistically.” (Humphrey and Schmitz 1998)

community and the key role of outsiders. The new ties are

and extended trust relies increasingly on economic and technical performance irrespective of social identity. More

than that, the ability of clusters to make a shift from a cha-

racteristic-based trust to a process-based trust is seen as critical to their ability to compete in a global market.16 Yet,

the question of whether culture is a factor in the ability to

make this shift remains open.

In one of the most explicit efforts along these lines,

This past-oriented aspect of trust, then allows for a future-

Fukuyama (1995) argues that low-trust, highly communita-

overriding consideration that partners are going to meet

enterprises than are high-trust societies, and low-trust

the future will place initial trust in the partner, because they

do high-trust ones. Intriguingly, Fukuyama holds that capa-

oriented one. A common future creates trust through the

again (Luhmann, 1979). Firms expecting to interact again in

assume that the other will not abuse their trust and jeopar-

dize future interactions. These processes are well illustra-

ted by Menkhoff’s discussion of the development of trustbased relations among Chinese traders in Singapore

(1992). To start a business in Singapore involves establishing credibility. Menkhoff describes how new traders have

to slowly build up a track record of trustworthiness through repeat transactions.

Nevertheless, such strategies of trust construction have

rian societies are less likely to generate successful large

societies typically have lower long-term rates of growth than

cities for direct, spontaneous or informal association of persons facilitate the establishment of large-scale, transparent

and bureaucratic forms of economic life, such as the large corporation.

16 Zucker (1986) makes a useful distinction between characteristic-based trust and processbased trust. In the first case, trust is based on the characteristics of the business partner, such as family, ethnic or other attributes. The second kind of trust is derived from the process of doing business directly with X or knowledge of X’s dealings with others (reputation).

2. Culture and economic performance: can we break away from the best practices mainstream discourse?

This alternative approach to trust tries to accommodate the

the increasing recognition of the importance of culture as a

influence of “social norms” by suggesting rather than the

set of “social norms” that can be used to enhance econo-

one is a precondition for the other. The underlying assump-

which social networks are said to affect economic develop-

two forms of coordination being mutually incompatible, the

mic performance, and it describes the different ways in

tion is that economic performance, in conformity with the

ment. At the same time, this section emphasizes the diffi-

known and familiar persons but more system-trust predica-

relations (suspected of bringing back “tradition”) and indivi-

This displays the implicit persistence of the utilita-

identifying the role of social networks in economic perfor-

modernization project, requires less emotional trust in

ted on the ways in which modern institutions present themselves.17

rian rational choice assumption as a prerequisite in achie-

culty of grasping the articulation between the role of social

dual autonomy (as a condition of a “modern society”) in

mance. Thus, the dichotomy of tradition/modernity leads to

ving economic progress. As an illustration, Luhmann (1988)

the perception of the two forms of coordination as juxtapo-

of the great “civilizing” processes towards greater social dif-

quence, it becomes difficult to understand the critical asso-

advocates that the conversion towards system-trust is part ferentiation and societal complexity.

This section (“Culture and social networks”) has highlighted

2.3

sed and, at best, as substitutes for each other. As a conseciation needed to enhance economic performance, as well

as to explain the differences seen among economic institutions across countries.

Culture and management

The work of Harbison and Myers (1959) and Farmer and

that inevitably arises within functionally related groups; and

tered on the relationship between management and econo-

exposed to applied scientific knowledge. The patterns first

Richman (1965) stimulated a sizeable body of research cen-

mic development, and comparisons between systems of management (Nath, 1986). In these early studies, culture

the development of a rational worldview among people appear in economic institutions and later spread to related

institutions. The application of management principles

per se was not a research issue. This work was strongly

would not only enhance economic growth but also would

and Richman (1965), who included educational/cultural,

temporarily impede these changes, eventually tradition

in their model. The research was premised on the conver-

mic management research was primarily a Western and, to

dicted the “convergence of cultures, as well as applicable

1991). It was a time of great enthusiasm for the American

multi-disciplinary in orientation, especially that of Farmer

sociological/cultural, political/legal and economic variables

gence hypothesis of socioeconomic

development.18

It pre-

management principles and practices, throughout the indus-

help to foster democracy. While traditional cultures may

must yield to the logic of industry. At the same time, acadea large degree, a U.S. enterprise (Boyacigiller and Adler,

trial world” even if “this type of universal convergence is likely to take decades, generations and even centuries in some

extreme cases” (Farmer and Richman, 1965: 394). In other words, it echoed the approach of modernization theory.

These authors emphasized that the application of scientific thinking to industrial technology would elicit predictable

consequences everywhere: a pattern of rational administration to maximize the productivity of machines and personnel; a labour force committed to an industrial way of life; a

division of labour based on technical and managerial skills

17 Luhmann (1973: 23) distinguishes between different forms of everyday trust (including personal trust) and system trust as a more impersonal form. The functioning of all complex political or economic institutions, government bureaucracies or monetary systems, depends directly upon system trust and, at least in part, on trust generated in the more intimate and cognitively accessible contexts of each human being’s everyday life.

18 In its simplest version, the convergence hypothesis states that industry would spread rapidly throughout the world, breaking down traditional loyalties and quickly producing committed industrial workers in the large enterprises, cities and government bureaucracies. Though different elites (dynastic, middle-class, revolutionary intellectuals, colonial administrators and nationalist leaders) would direct the industrialization of developing countries, the “logic”, or the demands, of industrialization would require them increasingly to share decision-making with workers, managers, scientists and others. A pattern of pluralistic industrialism would arise, and as multiparty rule-building replaced revolutionary movements and ideologies, the world would become more homogenous, prosperous and perhaps more democratic (Kerr et al., 1960).

2. Culture and economic performance: can we break away from the best practices mainstream discourse?

management model. These factors led to an implicit univer-

dimensions are individualism-collectivism, power-distance,

assumption was that the American model was not the pro-

dimension of Confucian dynamism was added later, deve-

salism in much of organization science. The unspoken

duct of a particular culture, but rather the very expression of

a universal rationality applicable across cultural bounda-

ries.

However, globalization and the relatively rapid growth of

transitional economies has, in general, created a burgeo-

ning interest in understanding the management practices of

various countries in their own context and within their own

uncertainty avoidance, and femininity-masculinity. The

loped in a subsequent study with Michael Bond and his

Chinese colleagues (Chinese Culture Connection, 1987).

These universal dimensions of culture “describe basic problems of humanity with which every society has to cope;

and the variation of country scores along these dimensions shows that different societies do cope with these problems in different ways” (Hofstede, 1980: 313).

frame of reference. As the locus of industrial energy shifted

A vast literature on a wide array of topics based on these

loping Asian countries, attention focused on the issue of

Trompenaars, 1996; Clegg and Redding, 1990; Whitley,

from the United States towards Japan and the newly deve-

dimensions

has

evolved

(Hampden-Turner

and

competitiveness. In the United States, as in many other

1999). This framework has facilitated the relatively straight-

assumption that a unique Japanese culture was contribu-

research in other management-related fields. For example,

underlay this preoccupation (Drucker, 1971; Ouchi, 1981;

mics with regard to economic growth. Franke, Hofstede and

dented interest among management scholars and practitio-

Western and Eastern perspectives, are factors in economic

countries, this meant a preoccupation with Japan. The

ting to the success of Japanese industrial organizations

Pascale and Athos, 1981). This trend prompted unpreceners in the influence of national cultures on management

practices and the consequences for economic performan-

forward inclusion of cultural variables into cross-national

a dimensions-based framework informs research in econoBond (1991) showed that cultural values, measured from performance that explain more than half the cross-national

variance in economic growth over two periods for samples

ce.

of 18 and 20 nations. Performance seems facilitated by

The central question addressed in this section is the follo-

hierarchical relatedness, but not traditions impeding inno-

wing: to what extent does the management literature, in particular that devoted to cross-national comparative

research, challenge the one “best practice” based approa-

ch to understanding the relationship between culture,

“Confucian dynamism” stressing thrift, perseverance, and

vation. Cultural “individualism” seems a liability, while the

propensity for work in cohesive groups is an asset for economic performance.

management and economic development?

This literature has the great merit of showing that all socie-

Culture as a set of values and attitudes

based approach. Nevertheless, the conceptual framework

Hofstede’s seminal book, Culture’s Consequences (1980),

ties have “culture” and of challenging the one, best-practice

presented in Culture’s Consequences has not escaped cri-

ticism. Two critical factors continue to afflict the majority of

with its focus on a readily accessible set of universal dimen-

research from this cross-national comparative perspective:

the precursor to cross-national comparative research that

the assumption that national culture expresses itself as a

sions from which measures of culture can be derived, was seeks to understand the link between cultural values and

the use of the nation state as a surrogate for culture, and

managerial attitudes and behaviours.19 Defining culture as

“the collective programming of the mind which distinguishes

members of one human group from another” (1980),

Hofstede initially found four “universal categories of culture”

around which programming occurs. The now well-known

19 Hofstede grounded his research on an extensive literature review, including the values orientation work of Kluckhohn (1951) and Kroeber and Parsons (1958), and on one of the largest databases ever analyzed (attitude surveys of 116,000 IBM employees).

2. Culture and economic performance: can we break away from the best practices mainstream discourse?

single, given and immutable characteristic expressed in

re, they do not consider it of prime interest. They argue that

regard to social variations, diversity and power relations

improve performance in developing countries.20 The “cultu-

individuals. This view of culture tends to entail blindness in

only Western management techniques may be able to

within a nation or an organization, or between nations and

ralists” see the character of organizations within these

different countries contradict the coherence of cultural

tures and come very close to saying that the organizations

organizations. Furthermore, many local case studies within

countries as rooted in their larger political and social struc-

dimensions (Tayeb, 2001; d’Iribarne, 1997).

are unreformable. From this perspective, culture is an obs-

Other critics within the context of globalization move away

persistent “traditional” aspects of life in such countries could

nymous (Lenartowicz and Roth, 2001). They advocate that

that such efficiency could be based only on the “rational”

from the assumption that culture and nation-state are synothe changing nature of the business and organizational

environment makes different demands on the type of inter-

tacle to modernization, and it is seen as self-evident that the

only be obstacles to efficient production; it seemed obvious aspects of the organization.

national cross-cultural management research that is under-

However, many examples show that adopting the “best-

ment field becomes contextually sensitive, with qualitative

nomic performance in developing countries. The manage-

taken. Thus, the study of cultural complexity in the managecase studies focusing on organizational actors’ interpretations, identity constructions and sense-making processes

(Soderberg et al., 2002; Weick, 1995). As we noted above

in Section 1.3, national specificities are considered in this

new emergent intellectual framework implicitly as traditional, and they are seen simply as hang-overs from earlier

periods.

The question here is: to what extent does this literature have an impact on development thinking?

Scholars who focus on management in developing countries are divided into two camps, which can be characterized as the organizational theorists and the culturalists. The

management practices” is not sufficient for improving ecoment tools proposed by experts do not have the desired

effects; they are often abandoned after the experts leave.

Furthermore, when some companies record substantial

technical and financial successes,21 the majority of obser-

vers, whose concern is seeing the developing countries

become part of globalization, see in these cases only the

results of universal methods. Few ask themselves about

the concrete aspects that explain these singular successes

and their effective achievement. This makes it impossible to distinguish what in so-called universal management

methods is actually universal from what in fact reflects the unique features of the particular context in which they came into being.

former hold that the theoretical principles underlying and

Culture as a framework of meaning

turalists argue that management practices in developing

Philippe d’Iribarne (1989) has directly challenged the one

can note that when it comes to formulating recommenda-

management models within the so-called “developed

explaining organizational behaviour are universal. The culcountries are rooted in local cultural values. However, we

tions for modernizing the functioning of firms in these coun-

tries, the gap between these two camps is not as large as it

might at first appear (Leonard, 1987). Both continue to advocate the best practice, or “one best way”, approach.

Organizational scholars (Austin, 1990; Jaeger and

Kanungo, 1990; Kiggundu, 1989; Womack et al., 1990)

continue to take a one best-practice based approach, and

even if some of them acknowledge the importance of cultu-

best-practice approach by showing that there are different countries”, which are largely an expression of different conceptions of interpersonal and social relations with all

20 The strongest exponent of the applicability of Western management techniques cited by Leonard 1986 is the example presented by Cornelius Dzakpasu. Dzakpasu cites the case of an African public company that was near bankruptcy and was rescued through the use of such methods. He states explicitly, though, this was feasible because the company was an “enclave”, i.e., it could be cut off from its environment. He does not tell how such isolation was achieved.

L’Afrique des entreprises, by Agence française de Développement, La Documentation française, 1998.

2. Culture and economic performance: can we break away from the best practices mainstream discourse?

their political and moral dimensions. Using an ethnogra-

rence system that enables actors to make sense of their

tory is observed closely, the organizational model that is a

1985). All cultures provide references to denote, classify,

phic approach, he showed that when the life of a U.S fac-

reference point throughout the world can be seen to be a local product. It reflects a political ideal that corresponds

own actions and of the world in which they live (Geertz, identify, evaluate, connect and order. They establish criteria

for distinguishing good from evil — the legitimate from the

to the notion of a society based on contracts freely ente-

illegitimate. If the existence of such oppositions seems uni-

ideal is associated with a great mistrust of the arbitrari-

ties. In every society, a specific network (constellation) of

as a means of avoiding this arbitrariness. One finds its

fables) highlights the principles of classification through

the form of contracts that define as precisely as possible

groups. Words are associated to these classifications such

red into by equals (Tocqueville, 1835). This contractual

ness of power and a great faith in recourse to objectivity traces in the efforts made to organize working relations in

the rights and obligations of the parties, whether it be for

versal, the form they take differs considerably across socie-

real or mythical figures and narratives (real or in the form of which society can be seen to be made up of separate

as impurity in India, witchcraft in Cameroon, the loss of free-

the relations between a superior and his subordinate, the

dom in the USA, dishonour in Algeria. They provide inter-

unionised companies, the relations between corporation

existence, presenting them as elements in a given configu-

relations between supplier and client departments, or in and union (Foner, 1998).

Similarly, d’Iribarne explains that one finds in France ano-

pretative systems that give meaning to the problems of ration that shapes the relationship between individual autonomy and collective order.

ther vision of the right way to live and work together. When

In every country that has preserved its unity beyond the

point is the rights and duties associated to a specific posi-

tions of what a well-ordered society is. These conceptions

the French speak of their work, the omnipresent reference

tion one holds in society, and to the rank associated to this

position. When speaking of hierarchical relationships, as

well as relationships with customers, the French refer to

vicissitudes of history, one finds largely convergent concepdo not merely influence the political institutions that govern

the society as a whole. They even leave their imprint on the functioning of each specific organization. They underlie the

what seems normal to do in conformity with the customs of

way members of organisations, belonging to a specific

rence to instructions from superiors or to a “contract”, these

cal functioning of the organisation, with its procedures for

the ‘métier’ (profession) that one holds. Without any refe-

traditions define how to recognize a “good” way of working,

what is “normal” to do, and what an individual cannot stoop

to if one is a production engineer, a lathe operator, accountant or in some other calling. This can usefully be regarded

as reflecting a society whose functioning is governed by a

conception of freedom, quite different from the English or German conceptions, attached to rights specific to a given

social position (Tocqueville, 1856; Montesquieu, 1748). Such a conception is already evident in medieval France

(Bloch, 1939).

society give meaning to what they live daily: the hierarchidecentralization, control and evaluation of performances; cooperation among the different departments, decisionmaking and the management of conflicts; the organisation

of relationship with customers, the quality procedures, the setting up of codes of conduct, etc. They provide references

according to which actors interpret situations and events, the taken-for-granted assumptions that form the basis for

their judgment, and the categories they employ to describe

their daily reality. Thus, words such as “partnership”,

“cooperation” or “contract” may appear to be evident and

clear but may, in fact, have different meanings from one cul-

From this perspective, culture is not defined as a set of

ture to another. The meanings given to such words influen-

do influence economic behaviour, but they do so by serving

this sense, culture is a stable framework that shapes the

values and attitudes shared by a group. National cultures

as a frame of reference that provides a framework of meaning (d’Iribarne, 2007). Culture is essentially seen as a refe-

ce people’s behaviour and expectations (Yousfi, 2006). In way actors or social groups within a given society negotiate their social interaction. One can find consensus or

2. Culture and economic performance: can we break away from the best practices mainstream discourse?

contradictions between actors within the same society, but

the negotiation game is framed and legitimated by the same guidelines.

Within the so-called “developed world”, one can find evi-

dence of differences in management practices linked to dif-

ferent conceptions of the relations between the individual

and society (d’Iribarne et al., 1998; Debony, 2003; De Rozario,

2006).

These

conceptions

make

fear that assertion of successful individuals would introduce

a competitive spirit within the community that would sooner

or later undermine its social cohesiveness (Platteau, 2007). Consequently, the CEC employees who were involved in a

social network outside the enterprise were very used to pursuing informal and personal goals rather than the collective ones that were formally proclaimed.

the

The repeated intervention of experts had changed nothing,

within firms to different ways of making sense of a difficulty,

“African cultures” to adapt to business practices. However,

tradition/modernity dichotomy totally obsolete and lead

collaboration, a sanction or a failure. Such characteristics

are difficult to replicate elsewhere because of their embed-

dedness in a national culture. However, unlike industrialized countries, the developing countries have not developed

reinforcing the ideas held by some about the inability of the decision by the director to have all company procedures

drawn up in a very detailed way, which was a priori surpri-

sing, with respect to the difficulties that needed to be resol-

ved, did produce the long-awaited improvements. At first

indigenous management traditions. Therefore, the challen-

sight, one could argue that the introduction of these proce-

local context in deciding how best to improve management

employees escape social pressures. From this perspective,

ge is how to balance general organizational theory and the practices.

In this regard, d’Iribarne (2007) show that companies —

whether subsidiaries of multinational groups or local com-

dures brings some objectivity into relationships and helps the success of this reform could only confirm the “universal”

principle of bureaucratic impersonality as the best way to combat favouritism (Crozier, 1964).

panies — that succeeded in implementing imported mana-

To explain exactly what happened, Henry (1991, 2007)

rather than suppress them. One of the most important suc-

malization of the procedures led to a greater accountability

gement tools have sought to benefit from local cultures

highlighted that beyond their universal appearance, the for-

cess factors of these firms is their ability to develop a high

of the Cameroonian members of the company because the

gerial practices in developing countries. They implemented

the local frame of meaning. He showed that the relation-

quality of co-operation that is in contrast to common manaworking methods that respected locally accepted behaviours, allowing people to feel comfortable in their work.

An illustration of the success of imported management techniques in developing countries is provided by the

example of the Cameroon Electric Company (CEC) (Henry,

1991).22

At the time of the first diagnosis, CEC, like many

sub-Saharan African companies, was suffering from excessive centralization. Highly personalized relationships were

pervasive in the company, and everybody tended to

procedures have been reinterpreted positively according to ships between employees within the Company are described in terms of individual avidity and hidden loyalties, or positively in terms of daily “mutual aid” between “friends”.

“Malice” and “jealousy”, as well as “nastiness”, are in fact

the darker side of “mutual aid” and “kindness”. These terms,

often used in the account of the Cameroonian interviewees,

form oppositions that give meaning to social relationships.

Employees at CEC used this set of interlinked categories to assess and interpret their work relationships.

constantly look at each other and to care much more about relative than absolute position. Many accounts of everyday

life in CEC thus stressed the constant harassment of suc-

cessful individuals by envious and jealous members of the

kinship group or the community. Behind such a resistance, also encountered in other sub-Saharan countries, was the

22 At

the time, the Electric Company employed 3,500 people. It had very high-level managers and technicians, some of whom had degrees from international colleges and universities. Several missions took place between 1988 and 1994, at the joint request of the company and Agence Française de Développement.

2. Culture and economic performance: can we break away from the best practices mainstream discourse?

Correspondingly, the detailed written procedures were successfully implemented because they focused not only on

elementary tasks but also on how to behave. They implicit-

ly responded to the anxieties related to these rationales:

bad faith, malice, hidden envy, sentimentalism. In fact, by

assiduously following the instructions, the Cameroonian

employees could escape the pressure from friends and

avoid making subjective concessions. At the same time, they could provide visible signs of their attachment to stan-

“There are two things in the procedure, explains an employee. A

procedure is a law. First, there is the technical aspect of the law.

A law must be respected but one should consider the procedure

not only in its disciplinary sense. A procedure has also an educational aspect. We control with a procedure to help employees, to accompany them and to free them from the ‘arbitrary’ power of

management.”

The procedures were perceived as strong guiding prin-

dards of “good behaviour” as proof of their “good inten-

ciples for managers’ actions, which allow flexibility and

along with their control, did recreate within the company a

tional context. An employee commented: “Poulina is an

tions”.23

Moreover, the respect of the detailed procedures

propensity for ritual that is fairly characteristic of African

societies. The sense of ritual leaves room for the expres-

enable employees to reconcile them with the Tunisian relaorganic group which function like a great family with written rules.” The management techniques are re-interpreted in

sion of personal feelings while limiting their excess.

connection with cultural metaphors present in the Tunisian

Far from making a trade-off between “social ties” and “rational

or the code of honour). By using the metaphor of the crafts-

organization”, the implementation of the procedures at CEC

succeeded because it echoed the way in which Cameroonian

employees interpreted social ties. One can find the same procedures everywhere, but the way people give meaning to

them may vary from one country to another, leading to different framings of their

roles.24

This case challenges those for

culture (e.g. the craftsman as an independent entrepreneur, man, employees respond to strict regulations, but in auto-

nomous ways. Though they are in a relationship of subordi-

nation, they preserve their “dignity” and independence via

the strategies they adopt to respond to the strict rules. An

executive officer explained:

whom it is self-evident that “traditional aspects” of culture can

“To work for the others is considered degrading in Tunisia.26 As

shows that culture is not a backdrop on which universal tools

his circle to work for his own account. The term ‘zoufri’, from the

be nothing more than obstacles to “efficient” production. It

can be placed. It is the “terrain”, “the grammar” that should be used for constructing and/or implementing them.

Similarly, Yousfi’s (2005) study of Poulina, a successful Tunisian

company,25

showed that although it used the

American management model, its management practices

reveal that local adaptations of these techniques had been

introduced over the years. These adaptations are, interestingly, not in contrast to local cultural practices, but rather

built on them. Indeed, it appears that the essential aspects of the imported management tools (e.g. formalisation, regu-

lation, objectives and performance) are re-interpreted

within the local cultural context and consequently wellaccepted.

Management principles are not followed as rules, even if

they constitute strict procedures. An executive officer

explained:

soon as a person starts to succeed in his work, he is pushed by

word ‘ouvrier’27 means thug in Tunisian dialect (...). That’s why I

think the craftsman is happier than a worker. The procedures help

people to save their honour: they are working with autonomy like

craftsmen, they are engaged, responsible, they do not have a

‘boss’ who controls them and who dictates to them what they have to do. At the same time, they can lose their ‘honour’ if they

do not achieve the written objectives.”

23 “Good intentions” is the expression used by the Cameroonian interviewees to comment on the role of procedures.

24 It is worth noting that according to Michel Crozier’s own analyses, the real role of rules in the functioning of the “monopole” hardly fits with its description in the French context. In addition, he extended his analysis beyond the universal role of “impersonal rules” in regulating power relationships to the kind of bureaucratic system that can develop within a given culture (1964: 167). His analysis led to his main cultural finding: in the French context, the fear of face-to-face communication requires impersonal mediation to avoid confrontation with those in authority. 25 This successful company of over 70 subsidiaries (circa 6,000 employees) differs from other Tunisian companies by its use of strict regulations and employee appraisal based on control and regulation systems directly inspired by the American management model.

26 The metaphor of slavery is often used to describe a situation of subordination. 27 The French word for “worker”.

2. Culture and economic performance: can we break away from the best practices mainstream discourse?

The ways employees talk about the management prac-

modernity, in developing countries is the best means for

them using the local Tunisian culture, not the meanings

are not universally valid in any society, but their applica-

for instance, Western Europe or the USA. The craftsman

Furthermore, we have shown how the conceptualisation

the employees as recognizable social organization

understanding how general organizational theory can

The main lesson derived from these

ment practices in developing countries. Once culture is

tices of the company indicate that they make sense of

usually associated with these management practices in, example or the metaphor of the family were mobilized by

models existing in the Tunisian context to make sense of the imported

tools.28

examples is that culture can therefore be seen as a

resource for providing local and legitimate meanings to

enhancing firms’ competitiveness. These assumptions

bility is even more limited in Africa than in the West. of culture provided by d’Iribarne offers a fruitful way of

best engage with the local context to improve manage-

perceived as a producer of meaning, the temptation to attribute mechanical effects to it, or to disregard its

management techniques, as long as they can be re-

influence on development actions, disappears. The goal

meaning.

posed to act, whatever the circumstances, in conforman-

interpreted in conformity with the local framework of This section has described how culture is said to affect

is not to know how those from a certain culture are sup-

ce with the attitudes with which they have been inculca-

ted. One the contrary, the focus shifts to the way that atti-

management and consequently economic growth. Most

tudes and behaviours change according to circumstances

improving the functioning of organizations in developing

is mostly by giving a specific meaning to management

of the contemporary streams of research involved with

countries tend to stress the need for the transfer of the

best-management practices. They look at culture as “something to which behaviours can be causally attribu-

and to the meanings granted to events and situations. It techniques and also to development policies that culture

comes into play. It is in such a framework that one goes

progressively from what is purely a matter of structure to

ted”, basing their investigations on the determination of a

what is purely a matter of agency.

(Hofstede, 1980). We have considered the limits of both

Yet, what are the implications of this discussion on culture

ting Western management, associated to the idea of

development in general?

scale of attitudes rather than on ethnographic studies

visions. They are based on the assumption that replica-

2.4

and management for the relationship between culture and

Changing the perspective on culture and development

In this literature review, we have put the accent on the wide-

nomic performance. What is rejected here is a conception of

ted with attitudes and mentality. This conception of culture

sible for creating co-operative attitudes. Having quite rightly

positive instrument, or as an obstacle to development. In

(Bayart, 2006; Womack et al., 1990), the authors ultimately

ly held view in development thinking that culture is associahas historically polarized views: culture is seen either as a

reaction to these “culturalist” approaches to development,

an opposite current of thought has sharply rejected any kind

of cultural explanation, whether in regard to business perfor-

mance or economic development.29 According to this cur-

rent, since businesses or economies perform unevenly in the same cultural environment, culture is not a factor: there

are simply good and bad universal ways of managing and building institutions that are more or less favourable to eco-

culture that sees culture as directly or automatically respon-

denounced this magical vision of the effects of culture

The interviews were conducted in Arabic and in French. The managers interviewed in this study used French and universal management vocabulary to describe the functioning of their group, but when it came to commentary on how concretely they implemented the “American model”, they switched instantly to Arabic and provided us with different insights. 28

Bayart (1996) suggests that the subject to investigate is “history” and not “culture”. He criticises the use of “culture” as a means of hiding the “true problems” that are only, and above all, “political”. It is worth pointing out that this line of thinking is particularly strong in France. In this regard, Debray (2006) argues that scepticism towards the idea of “culture” is rooted in the universalism of “the Enlightenment philosophy”. As an illustration, there is no equivalent to the field of “cultural studies” in France.

2. Culture and economic performance: can we break away from the best practices mainstream discourse?

fail to detach themselves from it. As a result, while their own

perspective on the relationship between culture and deve-

data clearly show that there are considerable variations bet-

lopment.

ture intervenes. Culture does intervene not by producing

The issue then becomes: what lessons can be learned from

ween the countries that they study, they fail to see how cul-

stereotyped behaviour, but by influencing the way in which

the power relationships, management practices and the ins-

titutions they promote are received and implemented.

In place of this polarised debate between the partisans of

the existence of successful companies in emergent coun-

tries? Do such examples mean that these countries can be

modernised despite their culture, by fighting against it or

simply by importing the so-called “universal” standards developed in the West? Or, on the contrary, do they show

culture and universal standards, we have shown that some

that there is good in each culture, even in terms of gover-

tions between the “universal” and the “local” that matters. In

raging their culture?

authors argue that it is the specific nature of the interrelafact, with the rise of globalization, there is increasing recognition that effective development is a blend of universal

processes and specific local issues. Different forms of

nance, and that these countries can be modernised by leveIn this section, drawing upon d’Iribarne’s conceptualisation

of culture discussed previously, we will seek to analyse how

connection and interrelation have been investigated in

best the universal standards of international institutions can

used to manage social inequalities within different socie-

ve development policies. First, we will seek to show how

many different fields of development, including the means

respond to the local context in order to devise more effecti-

ties, the influence of social networks and the impact of ins-

this alternative approach enables an escape from the fata-

emphasized that valuable as this work has been in advan-

Then, we will analyze how this approach articulates social

titutions in enhancing economic performance. Yet, we have

cing our way of conceiving how culture matters for develop-

ment, ambiguities remain with respect to how to conceive of the linkage between cultural continuity and change, between individual autonomy and collective order, and the

listic vision embedded in the tradition/modernity dichotomy.

change and cultural continuity, as well as diversity and homogeneity, within the same society in order to improve our understanding of development challenges.

relative preponderance of the universal and the local. The

Escaping the tradition/modernity dichotomy

really break away from the framework associated with the

As we noted above, the investigations by d’Iribarne and his

question that still remains open for debate is: how does one

tradition/modernity dichotomy in development thinking?

colleagues show that managerial behaviour in developing

In this respect, the way culture is said to affect management

who may be tempted to recommend standard administrati-

of tradition with the universal assumption underlying the

approaches to development. The investigations show that

echoes the difficulty of reconciling what is considered part way the literature considers development issues. At the

same time, the existence of successful firms in emergent

countries provides useful insights for development advisors

ve reforms as the remedy for the shortcomings of current

while successful firms in “developing” countries were affected and transformed by the acquisition of new “universal”

countries, which appear as small islands of modernity, effi-

tools, they remained profoundly “traditional” in the way

that linkages between culture and development issues

a very abstract level, there is barely a difference in different

king at the firm as a sub polity, part and parcel of an encom-

Morocco or France. To motivate people, no matter where

ciency and good governance, leads us to question the way

have been considered in development thinking. In fact, loo-

passing society rather than as a profit-maximizing “black

these tools were actually given meaning and interpreted. At

contexts. The same principles are found in Cameroon, they are or what their culture might be, one must treat them

box”, offers a remarkable laboratory for studying the rela-

well, respect them, give them responsibility, listen and

Studying the functioning of the firm can help us to renew our

feeling that they belong to a remarkable team and permit

tionship between forms of governance and cultural context.

inform them, give just rewards for their efforts, promote the

2. Culture and economic performance: can we break away from the best practices mainstream discourse?

them to trust each other. However, the empirical cases discussed above show that these general principles are imple-

mented practically in specific contexts and adapted to them.

in which these reforms have been conceived. As we discus-

sed above, the importance given to the “enforcement of property rights” as a critical ingredient to build good institu-

When deciding how people should be evaluated and rewar-

tions able to achieve economic development is far from

contribution, whether to do this formally or informally, refor-

American conception of a “well-ordered society” linking the

ded, what emphasis should be given to individual or group mers had to take into account the specific contexts in which change was being implemented.30

reflecting a “universal” criterion. It is rooted in a specific

idea of freedom to property. Similarly, the need to assess

people’s work in order to reward them is a universal principle, but its implementation may vary. While in the United

These cases highlight the fact that it was not simply a mat-

States performance assessment is ultimately about achie-

and the traditional, but creating an intimate union between

extent to which people “tried to do their best” rather than the

ter of juxtaposing, or compromising between, the modern

them. It was as if the most modern business standards

were being given substance through the intermediary of

local cultural forms. Because these standards had taken on

meaning based on local conceptions of “authority”, “cooperation”, “decision”, etc., employees adhered to them and

implemented them efficiently. These “modern” standards

ving specific results, in Jordan the criterion would be the

outcomes of these efforts (Yousfi 2007). In France, the

basis for any kind of evaluation refers to the rights and duties associated to a specific position.

The issue is not whether people share the same values, or

whether they can be expected to act in a manner consistent

thus became an effective vehicle for the organization’s suc-

with a certain “universal rationality”. Those who implement

within the local scheme of reference. In each case, the

pret the actions and attitudes of individuals and organiza-

elements of the local culture.

They have to cooperate with groups that have different

cess, because the “modern” was reinterpreted effectively

company transformed the way it operated by leveraging

In development thinking, this way of combining the traditional with the modern and the universal is somewhat foreign

to those who normally contrast these two categories. Development theory is currently struggling to find suitable

development policies in developing countries have to intertions that operate in contexts quite different from their own.

interpretations of the proposed universal “reforms”, different

methods of achieving them and different perceptions of their advisors’ behaviour.

So, the exercise that experts engage in when they try to

points of articulation between the universal and the local.

implement policies that are more or less evident within their

the universal nature of good development principles and

between two cultures. Thus, knowledge about cultural diffe-

Debates continue to rage between a majority that defends

those who emphasise their local character. The two theo-

ries are simultaneously correct and inadequate. On a high-

ly abstract level, there are certainly a considerable number of governance principles that have universal scope, whe-

ther this involves exercising authority, mobilising people,

own culture is transformed when it involves a confrontation

rences in perceiving the role of the “universal principles” of

governance is indispensable. Learning about the interpreta-

tion by different cultures of supposedly universal principles

may allow development institutions to understand just how

business ethics or reforming institutions. Yet, once we

return to the concrete realm of action and implementation, the local level must be taken into account. Certain confusions arise, however, given that development theorists tend to conflate these two levels.

Advancing principles with universal scope, experts justify what are no more than expressions of the specific cultures

30 A survey of clients’ perceptions of Agence Française de Développement (AFD) programs in eight countries showed that different meanings given to words such as “partnership”, “cooperation”, “evaluation”, “decision” led to different expectations from AFD and different interpretations of its actions (d’Iribarne, 2007)

2. Culture and economic performance: can we break away from the best practices mainstream discourse?

much “universal” development recipes owe to their cultural

tivist than the British. Such broad statements have no more

roots, with subsequent policy adjustments. An adaptive pro-

meaning than statements of the exact opposite. In every

interpret correctly what others are doing would be very useful.

vism, but the combination of the two aspects varies

cess that allows people with very different backgrounds to

In order to clearly break away from the fruitless

tradition/modernity dichotomy, it is important to distinguish

the universal from the incidental in such practices. It is

society, one can find evidence of individualism and collecti(d’Iribarne, 1997).

If culture is seen as a “universe of meaning”, then this

implies that one would seek to understand the interpretation

necessary to change the way in which development thin-

that culture proposes for particular events and situations.

people who use them. In addition, some practices are trans-

cific culture are supposed to act in all circumstances in

king conceives of the relationship between the tools and the

ferable even though they have a different meaning.31 The

task for development thinking is not to focus on the tools and disregard the people, but rather to look at how the use

The issue is not to try to find out how individuals from a specompliance with inculcated attitudes. On the contrary, the

focus will be on the fact that they change their attitudes and

behaviours according to the meaning they give to particular

of tools is integrated into the context of meanings, and

events and situations. All cultures establish criteria by which

Indigenous studies as well as cross-cultural comparisons

order.32 They define the principles of classification through

hence the cultural world, of those putting them to work.

individuals denote, classify, identify, evaluate, connect and

can thus contribute to an enhanced understanding of both

which society is viewed as being made up of separate

distinctive expression.

ning to the problems of existence, presenting them as ele-

universals and ways in which these universals find locally

groups. They provide interpretative systems that give mea-

ments that shape the relationship between individual auto-

Social transformation, diversity and cultural continuity

nomy and collective order.

One of the issues raised in this literature review is that the

Far from imposing roles on each individual from which he or

undermined our understanding of how social transformation

tion of the strategies adopted by each social group as it

persistence of the tradition/modernity framework has

and diversity in a given society are articulated with more stable guidelines and more durable reference points.

In fact, within one and the same culture, attitudes vary

she cannot escape, culture influences the particular direc-

defends both its interests and its convictions. There are neither purely “natural” interests nor a universal rationality

existing independently of the meanings attached to what-

ever is at stake. In the French case, the importance that

greatly. It is not just that individuals with a wide variety of

French culture has persistently accorded to the distinction

more radically, that the same individual can have sharply

the definition of what is noble and what is common has

attitudes are to be found, which no one would doubt. It is, contrasting attitudes according to the circumstances. For

example, Americans are commonly described as individua-

lists, as if this were a characteristic of American culture. Yet,

between what is noble and what is common (even though

varied considerably in the course of history) has led to a

certain structuring of interests. The persistent role of honour

this individualism is in fact quite unevenly developed

depending on what spheres of life are being considered.

For example, the community’s control over each member’s

loyalty to its ethical norms is much more accepted in the

United States than in Europe. We can find evidence of

these differences in both political and economic spheres. It makes no sense to say that Americans are less individua-

listic than the French, or that the Chinese are more collec-

31 The total-quality management approach, which was originally Japanese, was effectively implemented in many contexts but interpreted and adapted in different ways.

32 One can find a similar approach in Bayart (1996: 115), even though he rejects the concept of culture and speaks of essential “repertories” (repertoires essentiels) of actions that are historically constituted and mixed.

2. Culture and economic performance: can we break away from the best practices mainstream discourse?

is linked to the continuing relevance of this distinction. This

cultural continuity does not prevent the social transforma-

tions that occur successively in the same country from being different in many respects. It reflects the fact that the

ning to the instruments enabling members of a group to

exercise their role while framing their actions and preven-

ting misuse, do not change radically when passing from

one domain to another in societal life or when initiating a

frames of reference within these social changes have taken

reform process.

selves.

The examples cited above show that successful transfor-

Therefore, the question is not whether or not developing

den situations by assimilating them to situations that, in the

on meaning are much more stable than the changes them-

countries should change their culture to promote progress but rather: what is the framework of meaning in

each society that initiates an effective social transforma-

tion, which does not compromise the locally shared

mations depend on giving a positive sense to problem-rid-

framework of meaning within the given society, echo positive experiences. It is a matter of organising practices in such

a way that the transformation process authentically echoes

the local legitimate conception of a well-ordered society. It

conception of a “good” relationship between individual

is this kind of work that makes it possible to see beyond the

a combination of representations and practices that helps

imported reforms and to identify the resources offered by

autonomy and the collective order? Everywhere one finds to manage these contradictions. The historical refe-

rences, the metaphors or the narratives, which give mea-

resistance encountered in developing countries towards

each culture for the implementation of effective develop-

ment strategies.

Conclusion

This literature review has identified the many ways in which

When culture is seen as produced essentially by the actors,

have distinguished many perspectives, each with a relatively

enabling environment through which social structure is

culture has been considered in development thinking. We

distinct interpretation of the concept of culture. Throughout, we have stressed how modernization theory, by establishing

development occurs as a result of the creation of an

transformed. Any continuity over very long periods of time

seems inimical to development because it presupposes an

the tradition/modernity dichotomy, has had a big impact on

absence of any kind of cultural learning or social transfor-

ted in development thinking. The result is that culture has

tudes, development works by calling into question traditio-

the framework in which culture has been deployed and debabeen seen either as a positive instrument or as an obstacle

to development. For more than a century, culture has been

viewed as a pervasive determinant of psychological traits,

mentalities and attitudes, which in turn condition the way

people behave and confine them to the realm of tradition. On

the other hand, development has always been seen in terms

of trade-off between cultural traditions and access to progress, which is conceived of in terms of a “universal modernity”. Thus, it is hardly a surprise that culture was often seen

as opposed to development, as tradition is opposed to

mation. When culture is seen as a set of values and attinal cultures and enabling the emergence of a modern men-

tality. It is evident that this perspective offers no basis for long-term stability. It assumes away phenomena capable of engendering continuities. Any kind of continuity would

downplay individual autonomy and compromise the achievement of progress.

This review has emphasised the persistence of the tradition/modernity framework, which leads to the view that

developing countries must shed their traditional structures

modernity, and habit to rationality.

to access modernity. However, empirically we find evidence

Following this, we argued that many streams of research

tinctive cultural traditions even within “developed coun-

have offered different ways of overcoming the deterministic

relationship between culture and development. However, we emphasised that these various lines of thought have one thing

in common: they have difficulty in grasping the articulation

between the role of culture — suspected of bringing back “tradition” — and individual autonomy as a condition of a “modern

society”. In fact, in these different conceptualizations of culture, variously referred to as “ideology”, “informal institutions”,

of both massive cultural change and the persistence of distries”. Similarly, many scholars have argued that so-called “modern societies” are themselves embedded in specific

cultures, even though their institutions are following “univer-

sal” principles. They show that the existence of such cultu-

ral continuity does not prevent a succession of forms of social organization in the same country that are different from each other in many respects. Therefore, the challenge

for development thinking is still to improve our understan-

“informal rules”, “lifestyles”, “consensus ideology”, the concept

ding of how the heterogeneity of values or the transforma-

(d’Iribarne, 2007). This social order, whether inherited or

with more durable frames of reference. One possible way to

of culture is closely related to the idea of social order imposed by the dominant group, is suspect because its stable

and normative aspects are thought to downplay the creativity

of individuals and to hinder development.

tion of social organization in a given society is articulated

overcome this impasse is to recognize the “constructedness” of culture and to pay more attention to how universal

principles are understood and interpreted in local contexts.

Conclusion

In the words of Lévi-Strauss (1958): “In all cases there is

ting points for each society’s conception of a well-ordered

can gradually uncover, through a sort of filtration process

of the precise articulation between what is achievable and

something that is retained and that historical observation

that allows what might be called the lexicographical content

of institutions and customs to pass through, leaving behind

only the structural elements.”

Having traced the predominance of the dichotomy of tradi-

tion/modernity through the time, and viewed them from a number of perspectives, what are the lessons that we can

society are different. Meanwhile, the ending points, in terms what corresponds to the desires of each society, show

considerable variation. “Universal” or “modern” standards of aid donors and those who receive the aid are culturally

embedded. The objectives of reformers and the pro-

grammes of action they adopt do not exist independently of the way in which they see the world. Their actions take on meaning, in their own eyes and in those of the people they

drive from this literature review? This essay leads us to

have to rally to their cause, within a given structure of mea-

re and development in two important ways.

structure, they make the changes they advocate appear

First, the new insights presented in this literature review

those principles.

mic development is not causal but multiple and complex. It

This does not lead to complete relativism; it does help

not be instantly translated into ready-made theories of cul-

into a more grounded and realistic sociological frame-

ture as a variable that works on its own, but the integration

development discourse underpinned by solid comparati-

change the way we look at the relationship between cultu-

recognize that the connection between culture and econois widely acknowledged that the importance of culture can-

tural causation. What is needed is not the privileging of culof culture into a wider picture in which culture is seen as inti-

nings. By referring to the fundamental principles of that sensible, and in so doing they help to ensure the survival of

place the lessons from certain valuable cultural theories

work. There is an urgent need to evolve an innovative

ve methods and not by simple analogies. We cannot

mately connected to different aspects of development

continue to read the history of the South through the his-

the means of the development process, as well as its goals.

called best practices so prevalent in the mainstream dis-

issues. Culture must be seen as an element that shapes In fact, culture does not only impact social relations but also

the functioning of formal institutions and management tech-

niques. For instance, for scholars studying the issues of

tory of the North. We can only break away from the socourse if we understand the complexity of the relationship between individual agency and cultural continuity in insti-

tutional change. Only when we accept the existence of different cultural “traditions” across societies can we

inequality and poverty, such as Mary Douglass or Amartya

begin to understand that what people believe and do mat-

tures within a society need to be managed democratically

standards to local contexts. An approach that is less focu-

d’Iribarne, the question is how to shape institutions that take

cognizant of the context-specificity of desirable reforms is

Sen, the question is how interactions between diverse culand in a manner that allows for free and fair debate. For into account in each society legitimate ways of behaving

ter in the real sense, and then effectively adapt universal

sed on the superiority of any particular model and more

needed. Work on gradual improvements in institutions or

with authority, decision-making, managing inequality, etc.

in small institutional practices may help toward seeing

appropriate institutions.

gements are promoted or held back, and how universal

This is the way that culture affects the process of building

exactly and concretely how beneficial institutional arran-

standards can be adapted to the local contexts. Such an

Second, the challenge for the development thinking is how

approach may help to open up a new way of looking more

The task proposed is complicated by the fact that the star-

lenges.

to adapt “best practices” to the diversity of cultural contexts.

realistically and more effectively at development chal-

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Série Documents de travail / Working Papers Series

N° 1

A Poverty Forecasting Tool: A Case-Study of Senegal

N° 2

Les OMD et l'aide de cinquième génération

N° 3 N° 4

Thierry Latreille, AFD - Janvier 2005.

Jean-David Naudet, AFD - Mai 2005.

Biens publics mondiaux et développement : De nouveaux arbitrages pour l’aide ?

Sarah Marniesse, AFD - Septembre 2005.

Agir en faveur des acteurs et des sociétés fragiles. Pour une vision renouvelée des enjeux de l’aide

au développement dans la prévention et la gestion des crises

Beyond the Fragile State: Taking Action to Assist Fragile Actors and Societies N° 5 N° 6 N° 7 N° 8

Jean-Marc Châtaigner et François Gaulme, AFD - Septembre 2005. La filière riz au Mali : compétitivité et perspectives de marché

Pierre Baris, Jean Zaslavsky, Serge Perrin - Septembre 2005.

Turquie : Risque systémique bancaire et vulnérabilités macro-financières

François-Xavier Bellocq et Vincent Caupin, AFD - Octobre 2005. La Tunisie et le marché euro-méditerranéen du tourisme

Jean-Raphaël Chaponnière, CEPN et AFD et Marc Lautier, CARE, Université de Rouen - Septembre 2005.

Le développement, une question de chance ? A propos du rapport sur le développement dans le monde 2006

« Equité et Développement »

Development, a Question of Opportunity? A Critique of the 2006 World Development Report: Equity and Development

Jean-Pierre Cling, Denis Cogneau, Jacques Loup, Jean-David Naudet, Mireille Razafindrakoto, François Roubaud, N° 9 N° 10 N° 11 N° 12 N° 13

DIAL - Septembre 2005.

Aid Selectivity According to Augmented Criteria

Jacky Amprou, AFD, Patrick Guillaumont, Sylviane Guillaumont Jeanneney, CERDI - Novembre 2005.

Le Cambodge rural face à la pauvreté : contribution à la réflexion sur les dynamiques agraires et le changement

social

Julien Calas, AFD Phnom-Penh - Janvier 2006.

Vietnam : les vulnérabilités macro-financières associées au processus d’émergence.

Vietnam: Macro-Financial Vulnerabilities Associated with the Emergence Process

François-Xavier Bellocq et Jean-Raphaël Chaponnière, AFD - Janvier 2006. Chine : la croissance et ses déséquilibres

François-Xavier Bellocq et Jean-Raphaël Chaponnière, AFD - Janvier 2006. Legs colonial et gouvernance contemporaine (Note de synthèse)

Jean-François Bayart, Romain Bertrand, Thornike Gordadze, Béatrice Hibou et Françoise Mengin, FASOPO

(Fonds d'analyse des sociétés politiques) - Mars 2006.

Already published in the Working Papers Series

N° 14

Apprendre pour vivre et travailler : contribution du GEFOP au Rapport sur le développement dans le monde 2007 de la Banque mondiale

Learning for Life and Work : GEFOP Contibution to the World Developement Report 2007 N° 15 N° 16 N° 17 N° 18 N° 19 N° 20

Réseau GEFOP (Synthèse rédigée par R. Walther) - Mars 2006.

La formation professionnelle en secteur informel (Note de problématique)

Vocational Training in the Informal Sector - Issue Paper Richard Walther, consultant ITG - Mars 2006.

La formation professionnelle en secteur informel - Rapport sur l’enquête terrain au Maroc

Vocational Training in the Informal Sector - Report on the Morocco Field Survey

Richard Walther, consultant ITG - Juin 2006.

La formation professionnelle en secteur informel - Rapport sur l’enquête terrain au Cameroun

Vocational Training in the Informal Sector - Report on the Cameroon Field Survey

Richard Walther, consultant ITG, avec le concours d’Ewa Filipiak et de Christine Uhder, AFD - Juillet 2006. Rapport sur le risque-pays du Maroc

Jérôme Sgard, Cepii et Université de Paris-Dauphine - Juin 2006.

La formation professionnelle en secteur informel - Rapport sur l’enquête terrain au Bénin

Vocational Training in the Informal Sector - Report on the Benin Field Survey

Richard Walther, consultant ITG, avec le concours d’Ewa Filipiak et de Christine Uhder - Juillet 2006. Institutions, développement et pauvreté Institutions, Development and Poverty

Alice Sindzingre, CNRS, EconomiX, Université Paris X-Nanterre ; School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), N° 21 N° 22

Université de Londres - Juillet 2006.

La formation professionnelle en secteur informel - Rapport sur l’enquête terrain au Sénégal

Vocational Training in the Informal Sector - Report on the Senegal Field Survey

Richard Walther, consultant ITG, avec le concours d’Ewa Filipiak et de Christine Uhder - Juillet 2006.

Les fondations philanthropiques américaines, acteurs émergents de la mondialisation et piliers du dialogue trans-

atlantique.

American Philantropic Foundations: Emerging Actors of Globalization and Pillars of the Transatlantic Dialog

N° 23 N° 24 N° 25 N° 26

Benoît Chervalier, German Marshall Fund of the United States, et Joseph Zimet, AFD - Juillet 2006. L'AFD et ses partenaires : La dimension culturelle

Philippe d'Iribarne, CEREB - CNRS - Août 2006.

Secteur de l'eau au Sénégal - Un partenariat équilibré entre acteurs publics et privés pour servir les plus

démunis ?

Aymeric Blanc, département de la Recherche, AFD, et Cédric Ghesquières, consultant junior, AFD - Août 2006.

Décentralisation et politique de l'eau gratuite en Afrique du Sud: Quelle place pour le secteur privé ?

Vocational Training in the Informal Sector - Report on the Senegal Field Survey

Aymeric Blanc, département de la Recherche, AFD, et Cédric Ghesquières, consultant junior, AFD - Août 2006.

L’intégration des programmes d’aide alimentaire aux politiques de développement du Niger : le cas de la crise alimentaire 2004-2005.

The Integration of Food Aid Programmes in Niger's Development Policies: the 2004-2005 Food Crisis

N° 27

Dorothée Chen et Nicolas Meisel, département de la Recherche, AFD, en partenariat avec DIAL - Septembre 2006.

Proposition d’organisation des outils de gestion du risque de marché au bénéfice des filières cotonnières africaines Jean Cordier, Agrocampus Rennes - Septembre 2006.

Already published in the Working Papers Series

N° 28

Les privatisations en zone franc – synthèse des travaux du groupe de travail MINEFI/AFD

N° 29

Out of the financing trap? Financing post-conflict countries and LICUSs

N° 30

La formation professionnelle en secteur informel - Rapport sur l'enquête terrain en Afrique du Sud

Aymeric Blanc, département de la Recherche, AFD - Septembre 2006.

Marc Raffinot, Université-Dauphine, et Christine Rosellini, DIAL, Paris - Octobre 2006.

Vocational Training in the Informal Sector - Report on the South Africa Field Survey

Richard Walther, ITG Consultant, Ewa Filipiak, département de la Recherche, AFD, et Christine Uhder, AFD -

N° 31 N° 32 N° 33

Octobre 2006.

The Brain Drain: What Do We Know?

Frédéric Docquier, FNRS and IRES, Université Catholique de Louvain and World Bank - Khalid Sekkat, DULBEA, Université Libre de Bruxelles - Octobre 2006.

Les délocalisations françaises vers la Turquie

Julien Gourdon, CERDI, Université d'Auvergne - Décembre 2006. Capital naturel et développement durable en Afrique

Natural Capital and Sustainable Development in Africa

Pierre-Noël Giraud, CERNA, Centre de recherche en économie industrielle, Ecole nationale supérieure des Mines

N° 34 N° 35 N° 36 N° 37 N° 38 N° 39 N° 40 N° 41 N° 42

de Paris, Denis Loyer, AFD - Décembre 2006.

La formation professionnelle en secteur informel Rapport sur l’enquête terrain en Ethiopie

Vocational Training in the Informal Sector - Report on the Ethiopia Field Survey Richard Walther, Consultant ITG - Novembre 2006.

La formation professionnelle en secteur informel Rapport sur l’enquête terrain en Angola

Vocational Training in the Informal Sector - Report on the Angola Field Survey

Richard Walther, Consultant ITG - Novembre 2006.

Les accords de partenariat économique : des accompagnements nécessaires

Economic Partnerships Agreements: Accompanying Measures Are Needed

Anna Lipchitz, département de la Recherche, AFD - Janvier 2007. Energie du Mali, ou les paradoxes d’un « échec retentissant »

Béatrice Hibou, CNRS - CERI, Olivier Vallée, Consultant, AFD - Janvier 2007.

Public Private Partnerships in Water and Electricity in Africa

Emmanuelle Auriol, ARQADE and IDEI Toulouse Sciences Economiques, Aymeric Blanc, département de la

Recherche, AFD - Janvier 2007.

Economic Partnership Agreements and Regional Trade Flow Dynamics: The ECOWAS Case

Benoît Faivre Dupaigre, Vanessa Alby-Flores, Borgui Yerima, Ann Vourc’h, Anna Lipchitz, Philippe Chedanne - Mars

2007.

La Régie des eaux de Phnom Penh : un modèle de gestion publique efficace

Aymeric Blanc et Alain Riès, département de la Recherche, AFD - Mai 2007.

Répartition des gains dans les partenariats public-privé : effets comparés des modalités d’assiette d’une redevance

de concession

Olivier Ratheaux, AFD - Juin 2007.

Potential Financial Frameworks for a Sustainable UNEO

Helle Husum, COWI, Erik Brander, COWI, Suzanne A.K. Steensen, COWI, et Emmanuelle Lachaussée, AFD - Juin 2007

Already published in the Working Papers Series

N° 43

La concession des aéroports de Madagascar : une privatisation en trompe-l’œil ?

N° 44

La concession du chemin de fer du Cameroun : les paradoxes d’une réussite impopulaire

N° 45 N° 46 N° 47 N° 48 N° 49

Aymeric Blanc, département de la Recherche, AFD, et Olivier Gouirand, AFD - Août 2007.

Aymeric Blanc, département de la Recherche, AFD, et Olivier Gouirand, AFD - Août 2007. Analyse rétrospective de la crise alimentaire au Niger en 2005

Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan, LASDEL, avec la participation de M. Ali Bako, E. Guillermet, O. Hamani, Y. Issa, M. Koné et M. Moha - Septembre 2007.

Une nouvelle base de données institutionnelles : « Profils Institutionnels 2006 »

A new institutional database: « Institutional Profiles 2006 »

Nicolas Meisel, département de la Recherche, AFD et Jacques Ould Aoudia, DGTPE - Septembre 2007 Governance of Renewable Natural Resources: Concepts, Methods and Tools

Sheila Wertz-Kanounnikoff, Institut du développement durable et des relations internationales (Iddri) et

Dominique Rojat, AFD - Septembre 2007.

La crise de la filière coton : conséquences économiques et financières au Burkina Faso

François Xavier Bellocq et Arthur Silve, Département de la Recherche, AFD - Septembre 2007. Youth and labour market in Africa (DIAL)

Jean-Pierre Cling, Flore Gubert, Christophe J. Nordman, Anne-Sophie, DIAL - Octobre 2007.