3.1. Different forms of educationand training

Nevertheless, with the reduction in the availability of resources or migration opportunities, the presence of NGOs and the challenges of the multifaceted crises experienced, we notice a greater contribution of women in the family economy as well as their greater visibility in public spaces (in shops, income-generating activities, tontines, market gardening groups, women's organisations and municipal councils). As a result, as we argue in Section 2.3, young women today manage to contribute more financially to children’s care (clothing, school fees, and health expenses) and to improving the quality of family meals. Some empowerment is achieved as a natural evolution of young women seeking to cater for novel needs when entering a new family life (negotiating and modifying intergenerational norms) and the world of work (to alleviate the economic precariousness of a household dependent only on the husband). Young women show a strategic interest in acquiring more autonomy and in increasing their participation in intra-household decisions thanks to the acquisition of worker status (compared to previous generations that were expected solely to take care of the household). However, the patrilineal management of capital or rights customary to Niger is not up for discussion in the process (the father, the husband or the brother decide officially on relevant household matters, whilst others can informally advise them).

3.1. Different forms of education and training

Quality of education, quality of livelihoods, and changes in gender and generational norms each shape the quality of youth inclusion in labour markets and poverty dynamics. According to nationally representative data, Nigeriens experience severe deprivations in health, education, and income. In 2019, Niger ranked lowest out of the 189 counties in the Human Development Index (HDI) (HDR, technical report, Niger, 2019), with education the lowest performing component of the index. Moreover, there are significant gender disparities in educational achievement, with 64% of women in Niger aged 15–19 never having been to school compared to 37% of men in the same age group in 2012 (INS, 2012). Enrolment in education without achieving literacy is also a widespread problem (Giovetti, 2019) and some of the KI interviews revealed that there is a structural inadequacy in current pedagogic curricula to help realise the desire for ‘entrepreneurial solutions’ for the youth proposed by national entrepreneurship action plans.

While there are many forms of learning complementary to formal public education, the focus in this analysis is on formal and Quranic education, due to their identification in the survey data and common references made to these modes of learning in the fieldwork. Specifically, in the study areas of Tahoua and Zinder, we examined youth participation in religious education and found a greater number of youth reporting qualitatively attending,

of the family and the woman, mother and wife’ (Republic of Niger, 2008a: 18).

or having attended, Quranic schools (informal religious schools or religious centres; see Mohamed-Abdi, 2003) than the other forms of Arab-Islamic educational institutions that are present in the country (Dia et al., 2016; 2021; and for Niger, Assane Igodoe and Salao, 2021). The panel data reveals that a high share of the population has never attended school. Amongst adults who had accessed some form of learning over their lives, the share of the population with a Quranic education is constant across generations. In the qualitative data, a Quranic education is seen an important mode of continuing education in Tahoua and Zinder, particularly in the event of dropping out of state school. In the quantitative data, however, shares of people with a Quranic education are lower among youth than other adults in all trajectories except in impoverished households, where 32% of youth attended Quranic education compared to 26% of other adults. In terms of gender, women have slightly more recourse to Quranic education and vocational education but less non-formal education.7

In both the quantitative and qualitative data, there is an increase in access to state education among youth compared to other adults(Figure 3). Amongst young adults, rates of formal education tend to be higher across trajectories, from 17–18% for youth in households that have been in poverty in at least one survey year up to 40% for youth in never-poor households. Most of the interviewees who dropped out of education early attended literacy classes. In terms of gender, while more young women have some form of education compared to women of other ages, their shares are much lower than young men. For example, 25% of chronically poor young women have attended school, compared to 55% of chronically poor young men. Even amongst households that escape poverty, only 31% of young women compared to 62% of young men have attended school.

Figure 3. Type of school ever attended by poverty trajectory, baseline panel survey year

100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0%

Other adults Youth Other adults Youth Other adults Youth Other adults Youth

Chronic poor

Impoverished Poverty escapes Formal Koranic Literacy course None Never poor

Source: Analysis of LSMS-ECVMA pooled data.

7 ‘Non-formal education’ in the qualitative data refers to individuals learning a trade or skills from someone they know (such as business skills from an uncle or father or some carpentry or construction, but without any certificates).

However, there are important barriers to inclusion in primary school that can account for Niger’s low ranking for schoolingrelative to the rest of SSA and in the Human Development Index (HDI). This is particularly pronounced amongst chronically poor households where, as expected, rates of young men and women without any education are particularly high (Figure 3). According to respondents, education costs particularly at secondary level, such as some informal fees associated to the COGES fees, have been introduced recently and represent a significant barrier to inclusion, such that even those who are neither rich nor poor (i.e. wellbeing level 4) find it difficult to meet school costs:

In our time, we only paid for the bag, everything was given by the school... Now there is the COGES (=school management committee) to pay, they only give a few notebooks and a blue and red pen. The rest of the materials are paid by the parents. The teachers also ask for money to pay for sweepers, duster and even chalk (Interview 29, Escape, Bambeye). SA and her husband (wellbeing level 4) did not experience formal schooling but are sending their own children to school. They have 5 children: 3 boys and 2 girls all in school except the last one... The children do the tala tala (street trading) of bread during weekends and holidays to earn money to support their school fees and other costs. Nevertheless… the eldest son was temporarily expelled from school for not paying the COGES (school management committee) contribution of XOF2,000 per year (Interview 21, Escape, Karakara).

These fees reflect low levels of state financial aid to schools that particularly affect the capacity to retain children from poorest households, thus contributing to school expulsions. Furthermore, it is clear from our analysis that the level of information and accountability of education institutions about the fee rises and rates applied in the schooling system is perceived as opaque, as no respondent was able to identify what these fees were used for.8 Even if the substantive modifications to the education system have been picking up on structural adjustment needs over the last 10 years9, the perception of actors in Tahoua and Zinder appears still of a mixed protection towards vulnerable school children. For example, State financial aid in the form of a quarterly scholarship is perceived as only a partial solution. Parent respondents complain that the amount received is generally insignificant compared to school fees. Furthermore, students report often receiving it with a big delay and that a part of the scholarship is often reserved for parents.

8 COGES fees are the only means to secure resource accumulation directly at the secondary school establishment level (used for example to repair benches, rebuild straw huts, and cover costs of some equipment for students and teachers). The national government contributes to this operation by paying subsidies to some

COGES committees, but to date it does not exist any other mean than primary fees collection to decentralise funding directly towards local schools. 9 For instance, as new education policy orientations applied since 2011, key informants (KIs) on education (Appendix A) note: the purchase in bulk of school equipment and supplies to support the effectiveness of free education by the Ministry of Primary Education, Literacy, Promotion of National Languages and Civic Education (equivalent to 3billion FCFA per year on average between 2011 and 2016); the abolition of the first degree (primary) school leaving certificate in 2014; the launch of a curriculum reform including the introduction of national languages for the first cycle of apprenticeships; a decree emanated in December 2017 about the protection and support for young adolescent girls.

In this context, especially amongst the extreme poor, formal education access and

provision are hampered by a confluence of interlocking factors, including long distances to school, some practices of corporal punishment, poor academic performance, hunger

and humiliation, poor infrastructure and teaching quality. According to the KIs, only canteen schools in public primary education in Niger provide lunch, and these meet very specific criteria in nomadic areas tailored to the population’s needs. In the qualitative data, the majority of the sample started primary education but dropped out after only a few years of study. For girls, early marriage and family responsibilities are additional reasons for dropping out(see Section 4.1.1).

For those who do not drop out, engagement in informal work or training alongside studies

is the norm. After receiving primary education, young workers may engage in a variety of professions, with spells of studying (at a specialised level) while at the same time engaging in informal employment to both finance studies and further specialisations, as well as to contribute to the maintenance of the household. Secondary education is often beyond the reach of people in poverty. Descriptively, the panel data from the baseline year of 2011 indicated that fewer than 3% of adults living in poverty had completed education beyond the primary level. In the qualitative data, the need to feed and support themselves and their families often competes with the need to finance studies. The mixed methods analysis shows that acquiring vocational skills is a common form of learning in the datasets, through training by I-NGOs independently or through partnerships with vocational training centres (VTCs), by joining an apprenticeship, by becoming a trainer, or learning-by-doing by observing skilled workers or business ideas. Among youth who had recorded some years of secondary education as their highest level of learning in the panel data, 14% attended technical and professional school cycles rather than the general secondary cycle. The qualitative data reveals that most VTC programme participants were in fact better-off youth rather than poor ones, as participation generally implies a certain degree of preacquired skills, the availability of working materials and some fee payment, all of which prevent access for the most vulnerable.

Many local and international NGOs are mobilised through partnership frameworks with the government to implement programmes aimed at improving the livelihoods of vulnerable populations living in poverty. Job training is often proposed in the form of second chance education and encounters serious limitations in its financing. I-NGOs tend to substitute the state for this type of service provision, often either financing part of a programme or offering training directly using their own agents as trainers, or through a partnership with VTCs. Skills training10 in several fields may be offered, including home economics and sewing, knitting, mechanics, metal construction, agroforestry, processing

10 Examples of vocational training include a Support Fund for Vocational Training and Learning (FAFPA training), milk processing and literacy classes (Adaltchi group), electricity installation training (AJPANI Project), and food processing and moringa processing (soap making) (Guidan Ider).

and marketing of agricultural products and carpentry. The duration of the training ranges from one week to two years.

The skills acquired give learners the ability to develop or start an income-generating activity and thus to bring a real change in the course of life because they make it possible

to meet daily needs and earn more if they find a stable market access for their activity. ‘[T]wo years of training and certification in sewing has enabled her to earn money through this activity. She manages the money she earns and buys loincloths, earrings; she can contribute to ceremonies (baptism, marriage) and cover the transport costs to attend the ceremonies or funerals outside the village. Also, she buys nice clothing, biscuits and beanbased food for her son’ (Interviewee 9, TE, Dogo).

While most participants use the money from apprenticeships for family food expenses, education or social obligations (e.g. participating in social ceremonies), some may also redistribute money received within their close entourage. This allows women to engage in forms of mutual aid within the family (Attané, 2009). Interviewee 17 (CP, Karakara) ‘received training on how to collect plastic bags for sale. She earned 80,000 FCFA11 from the sale of plastic bags. She gave 20,000 FCFA to her husband, 10,000 FCFA to her mother and 5,000 FCFA to her sister. The rest of the money she bought clothes and shoes for her children.’ By offering varied access to training, I-NGOs also give some people the opportunity to become trainers for their peers, which provides a source of income. We notice that most of the professionals chosen to become trainers have been educated.

However, in spite of these provisions, two challenges arise: starting up an activity and

ensuring the continuity of the activity. A key challenge when starting up an activity is accessing the comprehensive interventions by NGOs, which are sometimes perceived as more effective than cash transfers or other, less-supportive training schemes. For instance, comprehensive interventions enable skills training, combined with asset grants, organised credit groupings or tontine development or financial literacy training. Such interventions can enable youth to engage in the labour market successfully by developing a system of professional relations that will endure after the cessation of their training and thus reduce their vulnerability to, or allow them to escape from, poverty.

There is a risk found in the qualitative data that some comprehensive apprenticeships may be targeted to those who already have a certain level of education or stronger social networks, and thus do not necessarily benefit the poorest. In the sewing, embroidery and knitting sector, for example, when joining an apprenticeship it is common to collaborate with people already well established in the business. Most of the time this is with men, who have their own workshops as tailors. The strategy is to work in the workshop as an apprentice

11 Franc of the Financial Community of Africa.