towards sustainable knowledge diasporas: implementing an equitable brain circulation

Scientific and Intellectual Diaspora in Europe: South-North Mobility of Highly Qualified Persons A symposium organized by RAMSES 2, Network of Excellence on the Mediterranean In collaboration with the University of Joensuu and the Academy of Finland (June 4-6, 2007, Joensuu, Finland)

Towards sustainable knowledge diasporas : Implementing an equitable brain circulation1 Jean-Baptiste Meyer Institute of Research for Development Abstract: During the mid-1990s, the diaspora option – i.e. the connection of the highly skilled expatriates with their country of origin in order to contribute to its development- emerged as a possible mitigation of the brain drain and of the shortage of adequate S&T human resources in the South. As a paradigmatic shift and revolutionnary policy option it has come under scrutiny and has naturally faced a number of critiques. These critiques questionned the magnitude of the phenomenon, the sustainability of diasporic initiatives and their impact on the countries developments.

Since the beginning of this decade, systematic studies have been conducted by different teams, bringing converging evidence. Today, the highly skilled diasporas can no longer be minimised and they even appear as a more consistent and powerful developmental trend than it had initially been thought. To highlight this phenomenon has required new investigative techniques and methods, due to the particular characteristics of the research object : virtual (in)visibility and worldwide dispersion. It is a fact, now, that the existence of numerous expatriate associations is fully established and verifiable.

Searching for explanations of both successes and failures of diaspora knowledge network leads to a complex picture. There are no management general recipes since networks, countries, conditions and development processes are multiple and diverse. But there are lessons about effective ways of getting home and host countries as well as diaspora actors associated in productive manners. This requires a clear understanding of the networks dynamics and of the mediation instruments or institutions that connect heterogeneous entities together.

Sociological concepts may be used in order to understand these dynamics and mediation processes. The logics at work show that a mix of technological as well as organisational devices may create the necessary mediators for actions to be realised. In fact, these associative techniques are action related, much distinct from passive artefacts or administrative procedures. The presentation will deal with all these aspects sequentially, drawing on case studies in Africa, Asia and Latin America.

Keywords: diaspora knowledge networks - brain gain - S&T cooperation - development policies – high skilled mobility 1

This presenation draws on my work “Towards sustainable knowledge diasporas: the ra tionale for an appropriate techno-policy”, of the UNESCO Diaspora Knowledge Networks project. Information on this project and the list of networks referred to in this paper may be found on the website: http://www.dk-network.org/

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I- The controversial development of the diaspora option In the early 1990s the mobility of highly skilled people was neither in the academic nor in the policy agendas. After the 1970s and 1980s broad and multidisciplinary concerns about the brain drain, only few econometric studies were still dealing with some modeling exercises about losses of human capital experienced by some countries. However, the issue was pragmatically adressed on the field, by governmental and civil society’s actors. In a few countries, these actors started to develop the reconnection of highly qualified expatriates.

These original atttemps were soon discovered by scholars and thus followed, observed, analysed and commented by them. The first descriptions of these networks happened to coincide with the emergence of the so called new global economy and the significant acceleration of skills circulation worldwide that it spured, in the late 1990s. The findings of these studies came under scrutiny and, in the follwing years, a number of doubts and critiques appeared with regards to the materials collected, the interpretations given and the policy suggestions eventually proposed. This part briefly presents terms of this scientific debate, recalling the initial case studies and the arguments to which they gave birth.

I-1- Initial case studies and preliminary findings The diaspora option – using networks of highly skilled expatriates to foster development in their home countries – originally emerged in Latin America. It was in this part of the world that such experiments gained political credit most rapidly. A brief list of them is given below: -

AFUDEST (the Franco-Uruguayan association for scientific and technical development), which lasted from 1985 to 1994;

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ALAS (the Latin American Association of Scientists), which was founded in 1987 and gave rise to DATALAC (a database of Latin American researchers resident in OECD countries) and IRNLAC (Inter-regional Network of Latin American and Caribbean scientists) which was behind programmes (such as ECOMED in the field of medical biology) directly supported by UNESCO;

-

Various experimental Argentinean networks (Cre@r, Prociar, Setcip) that were promoted by ALAS in the second half of the 1990s but suffered from the subsequent crisis in Argentina;

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TALVEN (Talentos para Venezuela);

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Caldas (Colombian Network of Researchers and Engineers abroad) from 1991 to the present day.

Of all the Latin-American networks, the Caldas network is probably the best known, having been the focus of various studies since its inception 15 years ago. It was the outcome of a combination of factors, namely a spontaneous initiative on the part of Colombian expatriates to form local associations (mainly in the United States, Spain, France, Britain, Switzerland, Belgium and Germany) and their decision to link up via the Internet, which was booming at the time, just as Colombia was launching its own proper science and technology system, backed up by a policy to promote international co-operation (Meyer et al. 1997). The Caldas network was a model of its kind owing to its rapid growth, but its subsequent development has been marked by numerous problems. These featured in a recent evaluation report, which looked back over its history and highlighted issues such as resource-allocation weaknesses, poor organisation and technical management on the communication front, a mismatch between administrative structures in Colombia and in the host countries, and the failure to develop the network and its skills in Colombia itself (Chaparro et al, 2004).

A broader historical review of all the Latin-American networks highlights a crucial lack of professionalism. Run by voluntary members with enthusiastic personal commitment but too little time to devote to such work, they are subject to the vagaries of organisations whose staff cannot ensure the regular continuity of projects and activities (Lema 2003). This lack of follow-up obviously undermines any scope for sustainable development. The problem has apparently been overcome by some networks whose expatriates are from a part of the world where government or business can take over from volunteers where necessary, namely Asia (see 3rd part, below) .

In Africa, the South African Network of Skills Abroad (SANSA) was created in 1998 and constituted a case study also thoroughly investigated. Before the end of the millenium it managed to gather more than 2000 members in 65 countries, with a very high level of qualification and senior positions in all sorts of professionnal fields (Brown 2003). As a highly successfull mobilisation process like the Colombian Red Caldas though in a different manner, it also faced problems in subsequent developments. A recent evaluation of its activities emphasises the fact that in spite of a sophisticated internet infrastructure, it is underutilised and dormant (National Research Foundation 2005).

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In spite of their limitations, Red Caldas and SANSA proved the feasibility of a diaspora option, i.e. the real existence of off shore extensive human resources that could be mobilised by the country of origin. Some of the activities in which these contributions have been observed during these case studies as well as in other instances, are summarised in the list below: •

Exchange

of

scientific,

technical,

administrative

or

political

information

(contribution to the creation of the new Colombian National S&T system in the early 1990s, by prominent expatriates); •

Specialist knowledge transfer (waste management procedures from the Ecole Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne-Switzerland, with the Universidad del Valle, Cali-Colombia);

•

“Scientific or technological diplomacy” or promoting the home country in the R&D and business community of the host country (South African medical research in England, Indian IT entrepreneurs in Silicon Valley);

•

Joint projects, partly on a virtual basis (distant working, simulations);

•

Training: attending home-country sessions and meeting/mentoring students abroad (a feature shared by most networks of that sort);

•

Enterprise creation (including multinational subsidiaries) to assist the possible return of expatriates on a part-time or permanent basis (Chinese high tech firms with returnees in science parks);

•

Ad hoc consultations, for example on research/development projects (peer review, job recruitment, technology assessment).

The question of the theoretical challenges and policy changes that these case studies brought to traditional migrations’ approaches has been dealt with elsewhere (Meyer 2001; Meyer, Kaplan and Charum 2001, Barré et al. 2003). But the mixed results of these experiences as well as the lack of historical depth and comparative materials led to legitimate concerns about the real significance and feasibility of diaspora options.

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I-2- The time of doubts and critiques Reviewing the evidence about the networks, various authors from different areas of studies or disciplines (migration, science policy, economics) have questionned the diaspora option (Gaillard and Gaillard 2003, Lowell and Gerova 2004, Lucas 2004). Their interrogations can be classified in the following categories: •

Those dealing with the magnitude of the phenomenon: how many networks are there in the world? Are those already identified and studied isolated events or representative sample? Do these examples of strong identification from expatriate talents feature a general dynamic or simply an exceptional form of international socialisation ?

•

Those puting into question the sustainability of the expatriate associations : are they technically equiped to last more than a few years? As temporary groupings of highly mobile individuals can they keep a membership stable enough to manage a necessary continuity? Can we actually check on a big enough sample of networks their average life expectancy ?

•

Those criticising the consistency and extrapolation of activities from internet visibility: are websites really picturing associations with a true social and productive life ? Aren’t they often short lived individual attempts left as remnants on the cyberspace, dead stars sending light of anterior existence ? Would the networks not be simply cosmetic communication realisations responding to the hunger of agencies desperately looking for attractive solutions to the brain drain?

•

Those expressing strong skepticism about the actual impact of the networks on the home countries S&T or economic developments: can they really contribute to local scientific communities when these are almost inexistent (in Africa for instance)? Can they compensate virtually the lack of physical resources in laboratories or enterprises? Can we attibute high tech or IT developments to these diasporas when the combination of local factors and conditions seems to potentially explain the determinants of change (in India for instance)?

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When several of these arguments are taken into account together, the object of research and of policy - the very diasporic associations – is disolving in the air. If a group of highly skilled expatriates officially working to the development of their country of origin is an exception, with a very low probability of survival, with an internet window becoming a pretext for inflated international projections and expectations but whose real impact on the country of origin is simply an illusion, then there is nothing substantial left to the diaspora option.

In fact, many of the doubts mentioned in the former paragraphs got credibility from the limited evidence about the networks that existed until recent years. These networks are, indeed, new and elusive research objects whose systematic observation poses real challenges and requires innovative investigative methods. Parts of the critiques raised before may thus be adressed and answered through a deeper analysis. Today, with new evidence, the suspicions that highly skilled diasporic initiatives might have been a short lived post modern fantasy in social sciences and a fashionable tool for policy makers impatient of quick fix solutions may be discarded. Part II describes this evidence sustaining DKN importance while part III analytically combines it with the reports on several networks shortcomings, in order to draw lessons on the best ways to manage the diaspora option for brain gain.

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II - Confirming the diaspora option with new evidence Today, the data collected about highly skilled diaspora networks overcomes most of the limitations pointed at by the authors previously mentionned. These data come partly from a systematic analysis of hundreds of websites on the one hand, and from specific studies of Asian diaspora networks on the other hand, to which we refer in the last section. In this section, the rigorous methodology used to search internet will be first described before showing the robust results that were thus produced.

II – 1- Worldwide growth of diaspora knowledge networks 5 census of diasporic highly skilled networks have been made at different times by various teams, aiming at grasping the magnitude of the phenomenon, beyond isolated case studies.

-

41 expatriate networks of ‘developed’ and ‘developing’ countries were identified at the occasion of the June 1999 Unesco World Science Conference (Meyer and Brown 1999)

-

106 networks referring exclusively at developing countries, in a state of the art about scientific diasporas, made by a panel of international experts in 2002 and published in September 2003 (Barré et al. 2003),

-

61 expatriate networks of ‘developed’ and ‘developing’ countries, in a report prepared for the World Bank, “Diasporas and Economic Development: State of Knowledge” (Lowell and Gerova) in September 20042;

-

158 networks referring exclusively at developing countries, in 2005, (Meyer and Wattiaux 2006) ;

-

191 networks of both developed and developing countries, in 2006 (Tobin and Sallee 2006)

There is an overwhelming evidence on the current existence and activity of DKN. This can be seen looking successively at 2 aspects: network census figures, current activity checked by effective contact.

2

A new and not yet published report by the same authors expands these findings to 97 “e-diasporas” organisations.

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a) A high number of networks and always increasing The Lowell – Gerova report of September 2004 questionning the actual number of networks and minimising the size of the phenomenon refers to old figures from the 1999 1 st census (Meyer and Brown 1999) and ignores those produced in 2002, published and widely disseminated in 2003 (Barré et al. 2003). In the latter, the number passed from 41 identified networks refering to all kinds of countries of origin –‘developed’ as well as ‘developing’- to 106 exclusively selected for their link with and orientation to development of so-called third world countries. This increase was due to the systematic search techniques used and presented in section 2. The results were made available as an appendix to the state of the art on scientific diasporas with URL available for further enquiry (Barré et al. 2003). A new effort in 2005 increased the number to 158 identified diaspora knowledge networks (DKN, listed in appendix 2). If the Lowell – Gerova own search figures are added to these - droping the few duplicated networks - the total of identified DKN amounts to 173 and concerns 40 different developing nations plus 4 specific regional groupings. The fact that few duplications occured among several enquiries, made at different times by different teams, with different techniques, as well as the ever increasing list pleads in favour of a likelihood to find even more networks in the future. Considering that some areas with high diasporic potential remained so far rather in the shadow (Carribean, Middle East, China) it would not be surprising that the exhaustive number of DKN would be over 350 and covering a majority of non-OECD countries. The case of China presented below confirms this with striking evidence.

When looking exclusively at DKN associated to developing countries and actually involved in development strategies with these countries of origin, the increase of the networks identified through successive and partly cumulative studies is the following (figure 1): Figure 1: DKN identified through websearch at different times by different studies:

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400 350 300 250 200 150 100 50 0 1999

2003

2004

2005

2006 (est.)

b) A fragile though durable activity The last census exercise, in 2005, has checked the activity of every single network. This was done by systematically collecting trace of very recent events (under 1 month) or, in absence of such a trace, calling the coordinators, administrators or webmasters. In case no sign at all was emited by the DKN and received by the research team, the network was not included in the confirmed active list. The result thus does not leave place for any doubt: at least 101 of the 158 networks are definitely active today, representing almost 2/3 of the total (corresponding letter ‘Y’, in appendix 2). Their life span varies considerably from one network to another but is roughly of 10 years in average, for what their reported history is. Some are old associations that decided to go on air (have a website) and others are just pure and fresh emanations from the internet.

More than half of the DKN identified in 1999 (and relevant in the following lists) are still active today even if and when they reported difficulties (see supra, first section, the evaluation processes of Caldas and SANSA). These percentages are not far from those of the Lowell – Gerova study but the interpretation naturally differs considering the modest size of their sample, compared to the one here. There is not a slow erosion of a small stock of DKN but rather a lively forest of sometimes precarious, sometimes durable organisms. In any case, this normal mortality rate should be considered in light of the corresponding high tech background. For instance, in the United States, on average, 3 out of 5 new business start-ups fail within their first 5 years. No one would, however, infer from this figure that investing in 9

technological innovation is a mistake... Nonetheless, the question of the networks viability should certainly be examined through a comparative analysis of failures and success stories, in order to understand their conditions of realisation. The list provided in appendix 2 offers a big sample for such sociological and historical enquiries.

As explained in section 2, all the 158 identified DKN have an internet window, since their existence has been pointed at essentially through this medium. For some of these networks (12 of them, classified “type A”, in appendix 1) their very existence is on the internet, as they are pools of human resources mainly tied by the website artefact. The more general networks (38, classified “type B”, in appendix 1) are large associations for which only a part of their activities are explicitly turned towards knowledge and development issues with the country of origin. The specialised networks (48, classified “type C”, in appendix 1) focus on such actions, often in a pretty similar fashion as the Caldas or SANSA networks.

II – 2- A closer look at booming Asian cases Some countries of Asia have had early attempts to mobilise their offshore human capital when noone thought of it. India, for instance, had inscribed the option of occasionally calling on the NRI (non-resident indians) experts to offset brain drain effects, as early as the 1960s and 1970s (UNCTAD-CSIR 1977). However, the expatriate associations concerning the region mainly become visible in the late 1990s. Since then, they have come to the forefront and become some sort of a model. This section describes the place of these diasporas as it appears through the internet study exposed before and it mobilises the recent findings of another study to give a comparative and more precise picture. a) Asia and highly skilled expatriate associations Of the major areas of the world, the Asian region is the one which counts the highest number of registered highly skilled expatriate associations and of home countries concerned by these.

57% of all the confirmed active networks refer to asian diasporas though non-asian countries may also have high numbers of networks (see table 1 and figure 2 and 3).

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Figure 2: identified networks per region of origin

AMERICA LATINA; 25 AFRICA; 51

ASIA; 82

Figure 4: Major countries of origin for identified and active DKN Total networks

Active 2005

16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2

Ar ge nt in a

Ch in a

Ko re a

Th ai la nd

Ne pa l

In di a

Et h

io pi a M or oc co Tu ni Ba sia ng la de sh

0

There is a significant concentration of networks per country of origin. Especifically from Asia, India, China and Bangladesh represent half of the identified active networks.

Unsurprisingly, these countries with diasporic links traditionally, have the highest numbers of highly skilled expatriate associations.

If these figures give a general picture illustrative of the relative importance of Asia and of some countries within this region, they cannot, however, be taken as definite indicators. A

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recent study led by the Asian Development Bank shows indeed that many networks are not easily visible on the internet. For instance, many Chinese networks, with websites in Chinese languages, have escaped the scope of the study presented above. This confirms the hypothesis that the number of networks is much superior to the one extracted in 2005 and may specifically tend to show that China’s highly skilled expatriate associations have been underestimated. For 9 identified through websearch, the OCAO (Overseas Chinese Associations Office) pointed to 200 (Xiang Biao 2005). The case of China may be exceptional in size. However, it does point to the fact that the visible part of the DKN iceberg may reflect just a small part of the exact volume of such populations involved.

If it is unlikely that the total number of actual DKN be 20 times higher than the one of the globally visible (identified through the web) networks, like in the Chines case, an estimate of twice this number is a reasonable hypothesis to work with (see figure 1). It obviously gives a substantial set of potential users of DKN techno-organisational tools such as the ones described in the following sections. b) Some preliminary lessons from the case of China and India The case of China and India are among those most developed and a few lessons may already be extracted of their detailed description (Xiang Biao 2006, Leclerc and Meyer 2006).

However, this ADB study deserves more analysis and comments as it brings a wealth of interesting materials and perspectives, to be compared with other studies on other countries in Asia as well as in other parts of the world. Among the points more specific to the Chinese case which explain the magnitude and success of its highly skilled diaspora mobilisation, the following may be emphasised: -

estimate of the population of OCPs (Overseas Chinese Professionals) in the world is about 1 million with high concentration in North America;

-

there are more than 200 registered associations of these OCPs registered by the OCAO (Council for Overesas Chinese Abroad Office);

-

a definite policy (wei guo fuwu) has been set up in the late 1990s promoting linkages with talents in the diaspora;

-

5 ministries and a high number of provincial governments agencies as well as para statal entities are involved in programmes and activities with highly skilled expatriates;

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-

short term visits, collaborative projects between OCPs and home academic communities, senior expatriate scientists lectures in China, occasional technical advice, local recruitments through big fairs or more selective encounters are part of the many activities displayed by the diaspora and counterparts in China.

The role of the associations of OCPs, whose number has increased during recent years, seems a key factor in the expansion of links between formal and informal networks. The internet happens to be the major media used by OCPs to stay connected with the country and among themselves.

Summarising the major conclusions of this study, it appears that the Chinese case strongly confirms the great number and current expansion of highly skilled expatriate associations, their real intensity of activity as well as their responsiveness to policy factors. The question that remains to be solved is more on the transformations it generates in the countries of origin, on the developments of which it may -or not- be the impulse. Contradictory explanations have so far been given, on the case of India and China.

The role of the diaspora in the Indian IT industry’s developments has been particularly discussed during the past few years. Scholars unanimously think this role has been important, especially in lowering reputation barriers to trade, but divergences are recorded with regards to the priority given. Some authors (Lucas 2004, Kapur and Mac Hale 2005) subordinates the expatriates’ input to local factors in India (mainly cheap highly skilled labour), while others see the intervention of prominent NRI and associations in the United States as crucial and determining (Saxenian 2002, Khadria and Leclerc 2006). However, as in the case of the underestimated numbers of diaspora networks, the evidence tends to increasingly prove the key role of diaspora entities. Anecdotal evidence of NRI IT executives and entrepreneurs in America shows, indeed, their direct involvement and original contribution in high level activities development in Bangalore and other industrial places (Pandey et al. 2006). Strategic transformation in the field in India with the branch moving up the value chain from low to high skilled activities appears to be directly related to diaspora initiatives combined with the return of well trained IT employees after the slow down of activities in the USA in the early 2000s (Warrier 2006). Micro level and historical records of Indian IT firms reveal that a real transfer of technology has taken place, with India capturing knowledge intensive and competitive parts of the production process from expats (Leclerc and Meyer 2006).

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The Indian high tech sector’s development is correlated to the impressive expansion and intensity of professionnal associations of NRI IT specialists and engineers in the United States and in California in particular. As mentionned above (see figure 4) India ranks first among the countries with Diaspora Knowledge Networks working for the developement of origin countries. Moreover, to these DKN with clear transfer and development purposes, should be added the many professional associations serving the careers, entrepreneurial, business endeavours and networking activities of Asian/Indian community members in the US. The profusion of actors and intermediaries makes this milieu extremely dense and fertile. This situation is matched in India where national and local governments as well as universities, technology institutes, professionnal associations, federations, commissions, and chambers of commerce are very present and active. Between India and America, continuous circulation of human and material agents feeds both poles with complementary tasks and objects.

Interactivity in this multiple and dispersed milieu is ensured by a systematic and creative use of computer mediated communication. It is such a basic existential attribute that the absence of personnal blog is, for instance, sacarstically described as a prehistoric situation.

Conclusion – Systematic analysis of DKN dynamics The increasing evidence about diaspora knowledge networks has gradually made possible more precise analysis of their results or shortcomings. A number of academic research or cooperation agencies’ works have brought a diverse set of case studies useful for assesssing the strengths and weaknesses of the brain gain diaspora option: on the Colombian Caldas network (Meyer et al. 1997, Charum and Meyer 1998 and 2000, Chaparro et al. 2004), on the South African Network of Skills Abroad as well as the South African Diaspora Network (Brown 2003, NRF 2005, Castro Sardi 2006, Marks 2006), on the Latin American early experiences (Lema 2003), on Argentina’s various attempts (Kuznetsov, Nemirovsky and Yoguel 2006), on the Indian numerous examples (Khadria 2003, Leclerc and Meyer 2006, Pandey et al. 2006), on the Philippines (Opiniano and Castro 2006) and Afghanistan (Hanifi 2006), on Armenia (Minoian and Freinkman 2006), on the huge Chinese diasporas (Yugui Guo 2003, Xiang Biao 2006) and on synthesis compiling various of these contributions and others (Barré et al., Institut de Recherche pour le Développement, 2003; Westcott, Asian Development Bank, 2005 and 2006; Kuznetsov, World Bank Institute 2006).

It is time to capitalise on this harvest of case studies, not only in an evaluation perspective through comparative analysis of individual experiences with successes and failures but also 14

by drawing systematic lessons from these many stories and conceptualising the general dynamics at work in this diasporic scheme. With this overall understanding of particular situations we might be equiped to think about proper networks configurations and modalities3.

Finally, mediterrean inititiatives in DKN have not much been observed though they are numerous and very interesting. There is no doubt that much good research could be done in that direction.

3

We have started such an effort with the UNESCO DKN project (see “Towards sustainable knowledge diasporas: the rationale for an appropriate techno-policy�); new reasearch could capitalise on this and expand information and analysis.

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