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Ukrainian MP Ivanna Klympush-Tsintsadze Discusses NATO PA Spring Session, Support for Ukraine, and Path to Lasting Peace
In this interview, we sit down with Ivanna Klympush-Tsintsadze, an Ukrainian MP, to discuss the recent NATO Parliamentary Assembly (NATO PA) spring session and the ongoing efforts to garner support for Ukraine from Western European countries and NATO allies. As a staunch advocate for Ukraine’s security and integration with Western institutions, Klympush-Tsintsadze shares her impressions of the NATO PA session, highlights positive developments, and outlines areas that require further improvement.
What was your impression of the NATO PA spring session? Did it meet your expectations, and what were some positive developments during those days? What areas would you like to see improvements in?
The NATO Parliamentary Assembly has shown leadership by being the first assembly to expel the Russian delegation in 2014, demonstrating a strong understanding of the ongoing conflict that has lasted over nine years. Our expectation was that this political assembly could help us achieve an ambitious agenda for the Vilnius Summit. We hoped that resolutions and reports presented during the spring session could outline additional steps to upgrade the relationship between Ukraine and NATO. The resolution although it is strong, supportive, and comprehensive, is still less ambitious than we would have preferred.
While it is a step forward, it may not be as ambitious as Ukraine requires at this moment. The key points we would have liked to see in the resolution include a clear path towards Ukraine’s future membership in NATO, as we believe this is necessary for durable and sustainable peace in Europe. We acknowledge that there is little appetite to go beyond the language agreed upon in the Bucharest summit 15 years ago, which stated that Ukraine and Georgia would become NATO members. The next logical step is granting a Membership Action Plan (MAP). However, we believe that the MAP is currently irrelevant, given the experiences of countries like Finland and hopefully Sweden. Unfortunately, there is also a lack of readiness at the political level to provide guidance to governments on upgrading the relationship between Ukraine and NATO, such as extending an invitation.
Realistically, we understand the challenges in reaching this higher point at this stage. Nonetheless, we will continue to work towards it leading up to the Vilnius summit, engaging with different countries and delegations to understand their perspectives.
During the session, there were several reports presented by different committees that provided clear explanations of Russia’s war against Ukraine. These reports highlighted the impact of the war on various aspects of Ukrainian society and different regions. It is crucial that this understanding is widely recognized, analyzed, and kept in focus. The consequences of this war extend beyond our well-being and the European continent, making it essential for the free world to address and confront it. Therefore, it was incredibly positive to see each committee addressing specific issues related to this war and emphasizing the need for further attention and action.
We have noticed that advocates for Ukraine often refer to the experiences of countries like Georgia and Eastern European nations when seeking support from Western European countries. Why do you think this is the case, and how do you propose working together with Eastern European countries to garner more support, including from the US?
It is true that advocates for Ukraine often draw attention to the experiences of countries like Georgia and other Eastern European nations when seeking support from Western European countries. This approach stems from the shared challenges and historical context that these countries have faced in dealing with Russia’s aggression and interference. By highlighting the struggles and successes of Eastern European nations, we aim to create a sense of solidarity and demonstrate that Ukraine’s fight for freedom and security is part of a broader regional context.
To work together with Eastern European countries, we need to strengthen cooperation and coordination among our nations. By aligning our efforts, sharing experiences, and supporting each other, we can present a united front to Western European countries and the international community. This solidarity will help convey the urgency and importance of supporting Ukraine in its quest for peace, stability, and integration with Western institutions.
Furthermore, it is crucial to engage Western European countries, including the United States, in a constructive dialogue. We appreciate the supportive comments we have heard from the US delegation. To garner more support, we must emphasize the significance of Ukraine’s struggle in the context of broader regional security and stability. By highlighting the potential impact on Western European countries and the free world as a whole, we can foster a better understanding and gain stronger backing for Ukraine’s aspirations.
Do you believe there has been a positive shift in the support for Ukraine from Western European countries and NATO allies?
Yes, we have seen an incredible positive evolution in the Western support for Ukraine over the past year. We deeply appreciate the increased support in military, humanitarian, financial, and sanctions areas. There has been a growing recognition of the threat that Russia poses to the security of the continent and a realization that Ukraine’s success is crucial for their own security. More representatives from Western European countries are expressing the need for Ukraine to win and for Russia to be defeated. This shift in thinking is significant and demonstrates a stronger backing for Ukraine.
What are some challenges you still face in garnering support from Western countries, and how can these challenges be addressed?
One of the challenges we face is the fear of escalation and provoking Russia. Some countries are hesitant to provide Ukraine with additional weapons, fearing it may provoke Russia further. However, it is important to understand that Russia does not need provocation to attack, and Ukraine requires the necessary defensive capabilities to protect itself. We must continue to emphasize that unity and support are essential to prevent further aggression from Russia.
Another challenge is the influence of business interests that undermine the united effort in supporting Ukraine. Some countries prioritize their economic ties with Russia over the strength of alliances and unity within NATO and the EU. It is crucial for all member states, including Western countries, to address this challenge and find solutions that prioritize the collective agenda and the security of the entire bloc.
How do you assess the current level of support from Western countries, and what more can they do to assist Ukraine?
The level of support from Western countries has shown positive tendencies, but it is too early to consider the job done. We still need further assistance, particularly in terms of additional weaponry. The decision-making and delivery processes for providing weaponry need to be expedited to address the urgent needs of protecting civilian lives and ensuring the efficiency of the Ukrainian armed forces.
There have been delays in discussions and preparations for important equipment, such as tanks and F-16s. These delays result in lost time and prevent us from adequately preparing and training our troops. To support Ukraine effectively, there needs to be an upscaling of production capabilities in the Western military industry to ensure the timely availability of necessary instruments.
Moreover, there is room for further action in terms of sanctions. Strong and unified sanctions, without exemptions or weak links, can have a significant impact. Closing loopholes, expanding sanction sectors, and increasing pressure on Russia’s nuclear power generation sector are some areas that could be explored. Additionally, lowering the price cap for oil and implementing wider sanctions beyond the G7 can exert further pressure on the Russian Federation.
In summary, Western countries can continue to enhance their support for Ukraine by expediting the delivery of weaponry, strengthening production capabilities, and implementing robust and unified sanctions to hold Russia accountable for its actions.
Everyone asks when the war will be over and what is your sense considering the current support?
We are the nation that is most interested in achieving peace as soon as possible. No other nation or politician expresses concern about ending the killing and suffering of people as deeply as we do. However, we understand that peace can only be achieved when Russia is defeated, isolated, and weakened to the point where it cannot launch another attack on any country. It’s not just about Ukraine; if Russia is not held accountable, it poses a threat to others as well. The first step would be the complete withdrawal of Russian troops from all internationally recognized Ukrainian territories. Then, hopefully, negotiations can take place to ensure Russia’s weakness and willingness to pay reparations for the destruction it caused. Only then can we expect to see an end to the war.
Regarding Georgia, there was some frustration expressed in our previous conversation about the level of support. What is your assessment of the current relationship with Georgia and the actions taken by the Ukrainian government, such as withdrawing the ambassador?
I must say that the current government of Georgia seems to be trying to balance multiple positions simultaneously, which is not a practical approach. The conflict between Russia and Ukraine is clear-cut, black and white, and a battle between good and evil. The people of Georgia and its society have shown their solidarity with Ukraine and its efforts to defend itself. However, the government needs to align with the sentiments of its people.
I do appreciate that the Georgian government consistently supports Ukraine on the international stage, and we can count on them in various fora. Yet, I believe Georgia could be more proactive in joining sanctions and countering Russian propaganda. There is an ongoing concern about Russia’s offer to reopen communication channels, and I strongly urge Georgia to reject this suggestion as it seems like a trap. Russia should withdraw its troops from South Ossetia and Abkhazia before any restoration of connections. Unfortunately, there seems to be a lack of clarity and unity within Georgia regarding priorities and decision-making. I am also concerned that the Georgian government has not taken any action to limit the stay of Russians fleeing from the conflict in Ukraine, which is causing dissatisfaction among the Georgian population. It’s crucial for the government to address these issues to prevent potential societal tensions. As for the withdrawal of the Ukrainian ambassador, I personally disagree with the decision made by the President of Ukraine. I believe Ukraine should maintain a high-level presence and continuous dialogue with Georgia, considering that Georgia is not only a strategic partner but also a dear friend to Ukraine.