Defence and Security Alert Magazine (DSA) September 2017 Edition by Ocean Media

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Porous Borders and the Extreme Security Climate of India

september 2017 Volume 8 issue 12

editor’s note

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as it is ours!

orders are making big news currently. Whether it is the matter of firings across the Line of Control with Pakistan, the more pressing Doklam standoff with China or even the lesser Indo-Nepal issue. Borders have a tendency to make headlines, especially in a region like South Asia, and in the neighbourhood that India lives in. The types and varieties of borders that India has responsibility for, are mind boggling indeed. It takes enormous assets, manpower as well as material, to manage such a myriad variety. And the issue of borders is essentially that of management. The Line of Control (LoC), dividing Jammu and Kashmir between India and Pakistan is alive with terrorist crossing, firing and the occasional assault on posts scattered in the gullies and mountain tops. It is a live border in that sense, except that it is not a border in the legal way, but a militarily adjusted ceasefire line. India and Pakistan agreed to the contours of the LoC once the 1971 War negotiations were completed, whilst renaming it from its

original Ceasefire Line. Whatever the labels, the LoC has remained as porous and vulnerable as ever. More so since terrorism began in the Kashmir Valley in late 1989. The Line of Actual Control between India and China, and Chinese administered Tibet, is a relic of the Raj, in a real sense of the word. Originally known as the MacMahon Line, its legitimacy has been questioned by the neo-imperialist authorities in Beijing. Their position on the MacMahon Line has shifted according to changing political and military conditions. Much as the Chinese position on nuclear and missile proliferation has shifted over the years, so has its border posture. Just as positions change, so Beijing also keeps shifting its goalposts. The rivals must always know where the new goalposts are placed before shooting a kick at it. All of India’s other borders, including its maritime ones, are delineated and largely respected. Where they are not respected is in the sphere of smuggling, contraband and narcotics, as well as human trafficking. This is a

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crime for which the world is yet to find a workable solution. There is another violation too, and that involves fishermen transgressing into another country’s waters. While the case of Indian and Pakistani fishermen off the Gujarat coast is common reading, the case of illegal shipping in Sri Lankan waters is not so well known. At least not it India. Increasingly, large trawlers are wiping out the island nation’s precious stocks. It is a sore point in Sri Lanka and the local fishermen sometimes resort to violence against the Indian intruders. Which gets much publicised in India as Sri Lankan Navy brutality but is in fact, terrain conflict between two sets of fishermen which brings to the fore about the nature of borders. There are those that should be encouraged for trade, which means making them more open and amenable to travel. And then there are those that need to be tightened, like the two ‘Lines’ that cause nightmares.

Manvendra Singh

Defence AND security alert

publisherâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s view

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Volume 8 | Issue 12 | Septmber 2017 Chairman Shyam Sunder Publisher and ceo Pawan Agrawal President Urvashi J Agrawal Director Shishir Bhushan Editorial Editor-in-Chief Manvendra Singh Associate Editor Supriya Aggarwal Assistant Editor Diana Mehra

Porous Borders

Manager- Sales & Marketing Vishal Kishore Corporate Communications Natasha Creative Senior Graphic Designers Manish Kumar Alka Sharma Representative (J&K) Salil Sharma Correspondent (Europe) Dominika Cosic Production Dilshad and Dabeer Webmaster Sundar Rawat IT Operations Sonia Shaw Abhishek Bhargava Photographer Subhash Circulation and Distribution Prem Kumar E-mail: (first name)@dsalert.org info: info@dsalert.org articles: articles@dsalert.org subscription: subscription@dsalert.org online edition: online@dsalert.org advertisement: advt@dsalert.org Editorial and Corporate Office Prabhat Prakashan Tower 4/19, Asaf Ali Road New Delhi-110002 (India) +91-011-23243999, 23287999, 9958382999 info@dsalert.org | www.dsalert.org Disclaimer All rights reserved. Reproduction and translation in any language in whole or in part by any means without permission from Defence and Security Alert is prohibited. Opinions expressed are those of the individual writers and do not necessarily reflect those of the publisher and/or editors. All disputes are subject to jurisdiction of Delhi Courts. Defence and Security Alert is printed, published and owned by Pawan Agrawal and printed at Graphic World, 1686, Kucha Dakhini Rai, Daryaganj, New Delhi-110002 and published at 4/19, Asaf Ali Road, New Delhi (India). Editor: Manvendra Singh

and the Extreme Security Climate of India

orders are a hallmark of a nation-State. The concept of borders grew out of a human urge in primitive man (and even animal instincts) for secure territorial control. It was out of this innate urge that civilisations within territorial limits and clear jurisdiction were born and flourished.

Over the millennia, nation-States and civilisations have evolved methodology to secure borders with neighbouring states through the concept of delineation (identifying the location of a mutually accepted border on maps) and demarcation (marking with border posts, barbedwire fence, etc. on the ground). This is done through the internationally accepted principles of border marking like the watershed (the crest of the local mountain range), median line in a river or waterway, or possession through custom and usage. This line is then to be protected through the deployment of border guards. The difficulty that India faces in making its borders sacrosanct is the long length of land borders. Some like Pakistan and China are extremely inimical to India and are involved in instigating cross-border terrorism. Myanmar cooperates in maintaining pressure on insurgents operating from its side of the border in the north-east India. With Nepal, we have an open border which is being used for anti-India activities by the Pakistan Army Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). With Bangladesh, we have the largest land border and we are lucky that the current ruler Sheikh Hasina Wazed does not tolerate any anti-India activity. With Bhutan, the close rapport was demonstrated during the Doklam crisis in which China tried to browbeat the peace-loving nation to sever strategic relations with India. It is this wide canvas of threats that this edition addresses. Next month, DSA will be completing eight years of its existence and I promise to provide a collectorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s edition to mark the occasion. Also, there will be an Air Force Special on the occasion of the Indian Air Force Day in October. Happy reading! Jai Hind!

Pawan Agrawal

Cover Image Courtesy: BSF

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contents

An ISO 9001:2015 Certified Magazine

Message From The Force Pawan Agrawal, CEO & Publisher

Foreign Inspired Insurgencies, Terrorism And Smuggling Lt Gen Vijay Oberoi (Retd)

The Doklam Crisis Ends Causes And Future Perspectives Ashok Sajjanhar

The ‘Half War’ That Was Predicted Prakash Singh

Wounded But Not Disabled Aarti Kapur Singh

Tri-Nation Endeavour Military Messaging Cmde Ranjit B Rai (Retd)

Many Imponderables In Procurement Amit Cowshish

Remove Contradictions Spread The Net Wider Col KV Kuber (Retd)

New Era In Strategic Thinking Anu Sharma

India-Russia Committed To Future Technologies 44 DSA Team From Electronics To High-Calibre Artillery Rahul Chaudhry

Future Is Problematic Rohan Nyayadhish

India-China Relations Politics Of Resources, Identity And Authority In A Multipolar World Order Mrittika Guha Sarkar

September 2017

Defence AND security alert

interview

Message from the Force

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Border Security Force (BSF) is fully prepared in every manner and committed to perform any task whatever be assigned to the force,â&#x20AC;? says BSF Director General Krishna Kumar Sharma.

the role of the Indian Border Security Force is a crucial aspect of nation building as much as it is crucial to protect the borders. Their role lends effectiveness in bringing peace and security to the country. The BSF DG KK Sharma, talks to DSA about the challenges faced by the BSF as also what are the changes that are likely to be brought forward for the men in uniform. Below are the excerpts from the candid conversation.

DSA: The Indian Border Security Force is the largest Border Guarding Force in the world. As Director General of such an elite force, what are your everyday challenges and how do you meet them? BSF DG: Border guarding is a dynamic phenomenon and this dynamism makes it enterprising and challenging. Difficult terrain and hostile adversaries are the

Pawan Agrawal CEO & Publisher

interview

major challenges. In the eastern segment, our men have to check the influx of Bangladeshi nationals and upto some extent smuggling activities. Whereas, in the western part, our men on border have to foil infiltration bid of militants, to keep close surveillance on the activities of counterpart and to check drug smuggling. To address the above challenges, proper and effective domination of the International Boundary all along the border are being done by the means of physical domination as well as by optimum use of surveillance equipments. Re-distribution of manpower and resources as per changing threat perceptions are always being exercised. Moreover, keeping in view of the present and emerging needs of border management and national security, we are working on â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Comprehensive Integrated Border Management Systemâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (CIBMS). The concept of this system is basically integration of manpower, sensors, network, intelligence and command and control solutions to improve situational awareness at different levels of hierarchy to facilitate prompt and informed decision making and quick response to emerging situation.

DSA: Your brevity in terms of performance and strategy especially to be omni prepared for a war or war-like situation has been lauded. In such a scenario, what plans have you opted for the jawans and the

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The BSF DG, KK Sharma with the CEO and publisher of DSA, Pawan Agrawal

stock of ammunitions so that they are not exhausted and are able to perform when needed? BSF DG: We keep on interacting with our field commanders periodically to review the preparation for any unforeseen situation. Operation preparedness is an ongoing process and we keep on evaluating the preparation as per the situation. Moreover, the BSF is fully prepared in every manner and committed to perform any task whatever be assigned to the force.

DSA: In the wake of attacks against the force in disturbed places like Kashmir, Chhattisgarh or the North-east, what are the precaution measures being taken to thwart future aggressions? BSF DG: In the wake of recent attacks on security forces by the militants or the ANEs in Kashmir, we have strengthened our defences to give a befitting reply to the

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enemy or the militants. Troops are also being sensitised to adopt the method of lie low to avoid any misadventure during a cross border firing with Pakistan. Review and rationalisation of resources are being done as per the requirement. In North-East, the same exercise is being adopted to tackle any untoward incident during CI (Ops) duties and all along the Indo-Bangladesh border in the Eastern Theatre. Apart from the above, 16 battalions of the BSF are deployed in naxal affected areas of Chhattisgarh and Odisha. The deployment of the BSF in Anti-Naxal Operations are purely to assist the State administration as well as the State Police to maintain Law and order. Penetration among local villagers is a challenge and we are strengthening our local intelligence network. Purpose of this is solely to extract actionable information as well as to thwart any unforeseen incident. Operations

like the LRP (Long Range Patrol), CASO (Cordan and Search Operations) and the ROP (Road Opening) are being carried out with co-ordination of local police to check any untoward incident. Due to intensive domination in the area, infrastructural development has increased and in the future, we will witness changes in the mindset of people and their co-operation with security agencies.

DSA: How does the BSF work and co-operate with the police force of different states to bring down terrorists, cases of human trafficking or even smugglers of arms and drugs? BSF DG: With co-operation of the State Police, following ways are being adopted to curb crimes: • Monthly coordination meeting with SPs of bordering districts of West Bengal Police. • Regular meetings between the IGs of the concerned frontiers of the BSF and the DGPs of the concerned states in eastern segment along the Indo-Bangladesh Border for indentifying the crime syndicate and to take action against them. • Launching of intelligence based joint ops with local police even in depth areas to curb the attempt of border crimes.

DSA: Since some time, talks on the role of women in combat role have been doing the rounds. The BSF has already inducted and deployed women patrolling

personnel, would you agree to the fact that the BSF is a lead runner in dispelling age-old myths and misconceptions about women in combat? BSF DG: The BSF is providing a platform to women to be a part of the national security system. By and large, we are following the guidelines of the Government of India for induction. Women are performing all sort of duties along with men in a professional manner.

DSA: What are the modernisation and upgradation plans for the BSF in terms of strength and ammunition? BSF DG: The primary issue being considered under modernisation plan is the integration of technology with manpower to enhance the operational capabilities as per the laid down procedures. The force is going to procure weaponry, ammunitions, surveillance equipment and other smart equipments as per the modernisation plan.

DSA: The Indian Border Security Force has been known for its welfare measures. What additions have been made in the recent times in terms of the measures for the personnel and their families? BSF DG: The BSF has taken various welfare measures for the troops and their families, some of them are: • Regular Yoga has recently been introduced in the BSF by

September 2017

qualified instructors for better health and stress management. • Financial literacy programmes introduced. • Free help lines installed at Force HQ level. • Free guidance to the wards of the BSF personnel through ‘prepmantra’ app for all competitive exams for Engineering, Medical, Law entrance, Management entrance and the UPSC exams. • Regular interaction between Commanders and jawans is being ensured to reduce the stress level by counseling and addressing grievances. • For stress management, an MoU has been signed with the ISHA foundation. Group of officers and jawans are being sent for the workshop regularly. • Post retirement employability is a major concern in the CAPFs. To deal with the issue, an MoU between the BSF and the National Skill Development Corporation (NSDC) has been signed with a view to make our jawans financially sound. • An MoU has been signed between the BSF and the Santhigiri Healthcare and Research Organisation for providing concessional rate packages of Panchakarma treatment.

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Foreign inspired insurgencies, terrorism and Smuggling

Threats and challenges to be focussed on include increased cross-border terrorism; infiltration and ex-filtration of armed militants including non-State actors; nexus between narcotics traffickers and arms smugglers; left-wing extremism; separatist movements aided and abetted by external powers; and the establishment of madrasas.

ndia is in a strategically vulnerable geographical situation, as it has two adversarial neighbours â&#x20AC;&#x201C; China and Pakistan. The borders with these two countries are vast and our border management in many areas lends itself to inadequate guarding of borders. The entire border with China is unresolved, as is the case with l e n g t h y segments

of the border with Pakistan, especially in Jammu and Kashmir. The goal of Pakistan-promoted cross-border terrorism is to adversely affect Indiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s national integrity. Its larger design is to ultimately work for the disintegration of India through terrorism. Towards this objective, the Pakistan Army InterServices Intelligence (ISI) is fully supporting secessionist groups within India and outside. Although we have major border problems with it, China has not indulged in any terrorist activity against India in recent years.Cross border terrorism gets an impetus when at least three factors are

September 2017 dsalert.org

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present. These are porous border; an adversary that has deliberately adopted a policy of ‘state terrorism’ and lack of political will in the target country. In the case of India and Pakistan, all three are present in varying degrees. India’s Land Borders India’s land frontiers exceed 15,000km covering seven neighbouring countries, including Afghanistan but the small border with Afghanistan in the Wakhan area, which is 106km long, is only notional at present as Pakistan is in illegal possession of Gilgit-Baltistan. The land borders are of various categories, which include delineated borders that are clearly defined; temporary borders that were accepted after wars, which are clearly marked on maps and ground, like the Line of Control

(LoC) in J&K that is about 779km long; other temporary borders – the delineation of which is in dispute, both on maps and ground (like the Line of Actual Control or the LAC with China); and small stretches that are under dispute but under negotiations (like some pockets with Bangladesh and Nepal). The complexities of guarding our borders are compounded due to varying terrain and the different nomenclatures in use, like ‘Actual Ground Position Line (AGPL)’ in Siachen Glacier; ‘LoC’ in J&K; ‘IB’ with Pakistan from J&K to Gujarat; and ‘LAC’ with China. The border in the state of J&K is perpetually active, even when a mutually agreed cease-fire is

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Lt Gen Vijay Oberoi PVSM, AVSM, VSM (Retd) The writer is a former Vice Chief of Army Staff (VCOAS) and Founder Director of the Centre for Land Warfare Studies (CLAWS).

The most widely accepted strategy for coping with terrorism is deterrence

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in force! Pakistan is in adverse possession of large areas of this state. It has tried to wrest the rest of the state by force from India but all such attempts have been thwarted. Pakistan continues to wage a proxy war in the state. The India-China border, which is 3,380km long, is ‘disputed and not demarcated’. China continues to be in adverse possession of 40,000 sq km of Indian territory in Ladakh and claims the whole of Arunachal Pradesh. Clashes between opposing forces occur from time to time because of differing perceptions. Recently, a major face-off in the Chumbi Valley took place in the area of Doklam Plateau that is claimed by both Bhutan and China. India would like to resolve the border issue with China at the earliest. However, China does not seem to be anxious to resolve it, as it perceives it as a major pressure point for India. The border with China is divided into three segments – western, central and eastern. Of these, the eastern border is likely to take the maximum time for a resolution, as the claims of China are considerable. Ultimately, only a give and take ‘package’ approach will resolve this intractable issue. Currently, many ‘Confidence

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Building Measures’ (CBM’s) are in place but tensions do arise on account of patrolling activity by both sides up to their perceived locations of the LAC. Other Neighbours In the north, India also has borders with two other countries – Nepal and Bhutan and in the east with Bangladesh and Myanmar. The border with Nepal is 1,751km in length and is demarcated. There is a small area in the western portion that is disputed but it is being resolved amicably through negotiations. The India-Nepal border is an open border and citizens of both countries can cross the border without going through passport control. The Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB) is the Border Guarding Force at the Indo-Nepal Border. India shares a 699km long border with Bhutan. The SSB is also the Border Guarding Force at Indo-Bhutan Border. The India-Bhutan Border is also demarcated and there are no disputes relating to this border. India shares 4,096.7km of its land border with Bangladesh. The entire stretch consists of plains, riverine and hilly or jungle terrain. The area is heavily populated and at many stretches

the cultivation is carried out till the last inch of the border. This border is manned by the Border Security Force (BSF). India shares a 1,643km long border with Myanmar, most of which is demarcated. Assam Rifles is the Border Guarding Force on this border. Coastal or Airspace Borders The peninsular nature of India has given it a coastline, which is 5,422km long. In addition, it has a total of 1,197 islands accounting for 2,094km of additional coastline off both coasts and an Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of over two million square kilometres. India shares sea boundaries with five neighbours. Border security must also include the growing vulnerability of our airspace. Foreign support to insurgent groups; illegal infiltration; and smuggling of arms and explosives, narcotics and counterfeit currency; are all pressing problems. Border Management Reforms The Madhav Godbole Task Force on border management

that was constituted in 2001 had made several far-reaching recommendations. It had recommended that the BSF and Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) should be deployed on their primary role of border management. It had also recommended that all the CAPFâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s managing â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;unsettled bordersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; should operate directly under the control of the Army and that there should be lateral induction from the Army to these forces so as to enhance their operational effectiveness. It had also suggested measures for better inter-agency and inter-ministerial intelligence coordination. The Task Force had also suggested measures for appropriate force structures and procedures to deal with entry of narcotics; illegal migrants; terrorists and small arms. It had also examined measures to establish closer linkages with the border population to protect them from subversive propaganda; to prevent unauthorised settlements; and to initiate special developmental programmes. While some actions have been taken, much more needs to be

September 2017

Defence AND security alert

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Problem is that India’s borders are manned by different forces and different types of central armed police forces Narcotics are seized as a result of trans-national organised crimes

done to make border management more effective. Department Of Border Management The Department of Border Management was created in the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) in January 2004, to pay focussed attention to the issues relating to the management of our borders, including strengthening of border policing and guarding; creation of infrastructure like roads; fencing and flood lighting on the borders and implementation of Border Area Development Programme. Ideally, border management should be the responsibility of the Home Ministry during peacetime. While the BSF should be responsible for all settled borders, the responsibility for unsettled and disputed borders, such as the LoC in J&K and the LAC on the India-China border, should be that of the Indian Army. The principle of ‘single point control’ must be followed if the borders are to be effectively managed. Divided responsibilities never result in effective control.

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Advances in surveillance technology, like satellite and aerial imagery, can reduce physical deployment. Similarly, larger number of helicopters and drones will enhance the quality of aerial surveillance and the ability to move forces to quickly move forward.

cut response mechanisms and issues of command and control. The border management policy must take into account the peculiarities of each border and evolve a comprehensive strategy to amalgamate all available resources for effective border management.

Another major lacuna is the lack of well-articulated doctrinal concepts. The current deployment and management appears to be in a ‘fire-fighting’ mode, whereas it should be in a ‘fire prevention’ or pro-active mode. In other words, it is based on a strategy of ‘reaction and retaliation’ rather than on a holistic response to the prevailing environment. These result in delayed decision making and leads to wastage of energy and efforts. All these drawbacks reflect adversely on national interests.

The management of ‘disputed’ and ‘unresolved borders’ must be the responsibility of Indian Army functioning under the Ministry of Defence (MoD). The management of ‘other borders’ must be with the CAPFs, functioning under the MHA.

Border Management Policy India’s border management policy needs to be refined and promulgated periodically. The policy must enunciate clear

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Involvement of Stakeholders Stakeholders in border areas are the people living in border areas, the State administration, border guarding forces and Central Agencies involved in border development. At present, little coordination exists between them. Actions need to be taken against neighbours engaged in terrorism must be clear, explicit, and consistent.

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The Doklam Crisis Ends

Causes And Future Perspectives Ashok Sajjanhar

The Doklam crisis has far-reaching implications for the future of India-China relations. It has brought into sharp relief the thinking about India of Chinaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s decision and policy making party and government functionaries.

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The writer, a postgraduate in Physics from Delhi University and a career diplomat, has served as the Ambassador of India to Kazakhstan, Sweden and Latvia. He has also held several significant positions in Indian Embassies in Moscow, Tehran, Geneva, Dhaka, Bangkok, Washington and Brussels. He negotiated for India in the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations. He has been an active participant in many of the International Seminars organised by the UNCTAD and the WTO.

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he 73-day old eyeball to eyeball confrontation between the Indian and Chinese soldiers atop the cold, deserted Doklam plateau, claimed both by Bhutan and China, ended on 28 August 2017 with both sides agreeing to withdraw their soldiers to pre-crisis positions. The deadlock was precipitated when Chinese soldiers moved in with bulldozers and heavy earthmoving equipment to construct a road which would have provided them a highway access to the tri-junction between India, Bhutan and China. This would have significantly altered the status quo and provided a strategic advantage to China with adverse security implications for India. They were stopped in carrying out their activities by Indian soldiers on 16 June 2017. The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) on 28 August issued two statements, with the second one saying, “expeditious disengagement of border personnel of India and China at the face-off site at Doklam was ongoing” and “has been almost completed under verification”. Prior to the second statement, there was ambiguity over the issue, as China had initially said that the Indian troops had withdrawn and asserted that Chinese forces will continue to patrol the Doklam region. All doubts were cleared when the ministry came out with the second statement. On the question of

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An injured soldier in the India-China war of 1962

Escalation of the standoff into a military conflict is unlikely to deliver significant gains for China road construction, China has been trying to obfuscate the issue in order to save face in front of its domestic audience. The Standoff Saga The standoff started with vituperative and apocalyptic denunciations by the Global Times and official spokespersons of several Chinese Ministries and Agencies accusing India of

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harbouring hegemonic ambitions and of having trespassed into the Chinese territory. They threatened India to withdraw or face another humiliating defeat worse than 1962. India’s Ministry of External Affairs responded with a measured and balanced statement on 30 June that Doklam is a disputed territory between Bhutan and China, and India was forced to intervene at

the request of and in pursuance of its Treaty understanding with Bhutan. It stated that construction of the road by China represented a change in status quo and entailed serious implications for India’s security. The External Affairs Minister, Sushma Swaraj, spoke on the issue twice in the Parliament to brief members about India’s position. She along with the Defence Minister and Home Minister briefed representatives of different political parties on India’s stand. The Chinese media went to the extent of calling Sushma Swaraj a “liar’’ because of her statement that the world is with India on this issue. The Chinese foreign office rubbished Rajnath Singh on 22 August for expressing the hope that China will make a positive move soon and termed India’s reasons for stopping China to build the road as “ridiculous’’. India had consistently maintained that both the sides should go back to positions prior to 16 June. The Force Majeure On China China had virulently accused India of going against the 1890 Treaty that was signed between Britain and China demarcating the border between Sikkim and Tibet. China stated, quite inaccurately, that India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru had acknowledged the applicability of this Treaty to the boundary between Sikkim and China. Nehru had on the contrary categorically conveyed that the 1890 Treaty did not define the southern borders

between Sikkim and Tibet and the tri-junction which needed to be discussed with Bhutan and Sikkim. An important difference from the earlier border discords between India and China, notwithstanding Foreign Secretary Jaishankar’s contention in Singapore at the Lecture organised by Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy and the Indian High Commission in July 2017 that this faceoff will be sorted out amicably like the earlier incidents, was that a third country viz Bhutan was involved in this crisis. All earlier standoffs had been between India and China. It was for the first time that Bhutan, the only other country in addition to India with which China has not settled its boundary, was a party to this dispute. The harsh and shrill rhetoric emanating from China was apparently because it did not expect India to quickly move in and take a strong, unrelenting stand to defend the rights and interest of a small country like Bhutan. China had mistakenly thought that it would be able to swiftly construct the road on the plateau which would bring it strikingly close to the Siliguri Corridor, otherwise known as the Chicken’s Neck. This would put its forces in a commanding position to cut off all contact, when required, between India’s mainland and its North-eastern states including Arunachal Pradesh. It was imperative for India to stand up and resist China in

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It will take considerable time, if at all, for threats issued by China’s foreign office spokespersons to recede from public or official memory order to safeguard not only its own security and economic wellbeing but also the security and strategic interests of Bhutan. India’s stand was also important for the message it conveyed to India’s neighbours where its position as a friendly and reliable partner is sought to be diminished and discredited by China reaching out extravagantly and engaging with them in projects which are detrimental to India’s security interests. An important factor that seems to have contributed to China’s bluster and self-righteous behaviour is the week-kneed and ineffectual response by the USA and the ASEAN countries to China’s claims over most of the 3.5 million sq km of South China Sea, notwithstanding the comprehensive verdict against it by the United Nations. Bhutan – A Steadfast Rider Bhutan conducted itself in an exemplary manner. It stood

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steadfast with India. This support should not be taken for granted. India needs to engage with Bhutan at every level on a continuing basis. This seems to be happening. One of China’s objectives seems to be to disrupt the special relations between India and Bhutan. To this end, senior officials from Chinese Embassy visited Thimphu and met leaders and officials at all levels. Elections next year to the Bhutanese Parliament also need to be watched carefully. China will try to get a Parliament elected which is more favourably inclined towards it than towards India. It is understandable that Bhutan does not wish to get embroiled in a muscular tussle between two neighbouring giants. But it also realises that its interests – political, security, economic, cultural, civilisational – are more intimately tied with India. If it is accepted that India needed to behave in a circumspect and non-provocative but firm manner, then it was equally if not more true for Bhutan. After all, it is a small country of around 38,000 sq km facing a mighty behemoth of 9.4 million sq km. As against the Chinese population of more than 1.3 billion, Bhutan has only 7,42,000 citizens. Bhutan’s total GDP is US$ 2.3 billion as compared to US$ 11 trillion of China. China issued a long 15-page document on 2 August explaining its side of the story and saying

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that it had informed India in advance as a gesture of “good will’’ that it would be constructing the road on its side of the border. Although this contention was not rebutted directly by the Indian authorities, it appears highly unlikely that China would have done so. China’s “good will’’ has been evident more by its absence than the other way around! The nadir of China’s public outreach was registered on 16 August when its official news agency Xinhua released a racist, sloppily and amateurishly

and arrogant behaviour. China rebuffed Japan’s statement as being “uninformed’’ and admonished it ‘saying “not to randomly make comments before clarifying relevant facts’’. China looks upon India as the only power that can challenge its unbridled march to supremacy in Asia. India’s growing proximity with the USA, its refusal to attend the Belt and Road Forum in Beijing in May 2017, and the visit of HH Dalai Lama to Arunachal Pradesh appear to have antagonised China. On its

India should be prepared to withstand attacks by it from different sides produced video seeking to parody Indians to project its point of view on the ongoing impasse. It does more harm to China than advance its position in any way. The MEA official spokesperson, when queried about it, responded tersely: “I do not wish to dignify the video with a comment’’. Japan was the first country to come out openly in favour of India’s stand although positive voices were also heard from across the Atlantic also. It is understandable that no country wished to take a definitive stand. Moreover, most countries are intertwined intimately with China in economic and trade ties. No country would like to put these at risk notwithstanding the discomfort and anxiety they might feel at China’s increasingly assertive, belligerent

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part, India has found China’s stance on its membership of the UNSC and the NSG, on action by the UN on Masood Azhar and China’s “string of pearls’’ strategy to stifle India’s growth, have contributed to India’s suspicions and anxieties about China’s intentions. While China was demanding a multi-polar world sometime ago (this refrain seems to have decreased considerably in recent times) it is not willing to countenance a multi-polar Asia. While it might speak of peace, goodwill and global good, what it seeks to achieve is hegemony and unambiguous acknowledgement of its pre-eminent status by all countries in the region. Future Perspectives Although the crisis has been averted for the time, India needs to be fully prepared and be ready

to respond to any adventurist or reckless confrontation that China might impose upon it in the future. India will have to depend solely on its own resources and assets both in terms of equipment and even more importantly, in terms of its soldiers and manpower. India can be certain that with its strong and inspiring leadership at the national level, the clash will be anything but a repeat of 1962. The Chinese troops have not seen any action since the last many decades while the Indian forces are in full readiness, not having received any respite over these years from the incessant low intensity conflict imposed on it on its Western border. A conflict could provide a welcome opportunity to India to redeem some of the honour it lost in 1962. Escalation of the standoff into a military conflict was unlikely to deliver significant gains for China, and a wider conflict carried

the risk of heavy casualties tilting the odds in favour of diplomacy. A stalemate in a conflict could have proved to be a huge embarrassment for China, domestically and globally. The forthcoming BRICS Summit in Xiamen, China on 3-4 September has played a big role in the climb-down by China. In its current trajectory to big power status, China wishes to project the image of a responsible world leader. If there was no satisfactory resolution of the Doklam issue, there was a real possibility that Modi would not have attended the Summit. This would have been a huge blow to China’s prestige as the Summit would have had to be cancelled. Conclusion Going forward, while India may make all the efforts to promote positive, mutually beneficial ties with China, it should be

prepared to withstand attacks by it from different sides. Several intrusive actions designed to cause pain to India like stopping the Kailash Mansarovar yatra through the Nathula pass in Sikkim, “shallow intervention’’ at Pangong Tso in Ladakh on 15 August which was first denied by China and then blamed on India, failure to provide hydrological data for Brahmaputra and Sutlej rivers, have been recently taken by China. It could resort to additional incursions like the one it undertook in Depsang in 2013 and in Chumar in 2014. These could take place in Ladakh, in Uttarakhand or in Arunachal Pradesh. India is well placed in the Sikkim sector because of the heights occupied by it. China may launch offensives in sectors where it enjoys an advantage. The Doklam crisis has farreaching implications for the future of India-China relations. It has brought into sharp relief the thinking about India of China’s decision and policy making party and government functionaries. It will take considerable time, if at all, for threats issued by China’s foreign office spokespersons, think tanks and official media to recede from public or official memory. Relations with China will never be the same again. China will try to impede India’s growth and rise at every step. India will need to take cognizance of this new reality to relentlessly pursue and promote its security, prosperity and economic growth.

Nathula Pass: Gateway to Kailash-Mansarovar Pilgrimage

September 2017

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Indian security forces

The ‘Half War’

That Was Predicted It is time that we have a sound border management policy. It is time that we deal firmly with the countries exporting terrorists to our land and trying to give us a thousand cuts. It is time that we stand up to China and say, “enough is enough”.

September 2017 dsalert.org

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ndia has land borders with China, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Nepal and Bhutan running over 15,106km. Besides, there is a coastline of 7,516.6km. including island territories. We have, unfortunately, serious border disputes with China and Pakistan.

The India-Pakistan border has a total length of 3,323km out of which 778km in J&K, categorised as the Line of Control, has been live.

Lately,

the

international

border has lost its sanctity and there are ceasefire violations by Pakistan all along the border. There are incidents of firing and shelling and regular infiltration

The India-China border starts from the north-western tip of the state of Jammu and Kashmir and goes on to the north-eastern part of Arunachal Pradesh. China illegally occupies 38,000 sq km of the Indian territory in Kashmir besides the 5,180km ceded to it by Pakistan. Of even greater concern for the future is the fact that China lays claim over 90,000 sq km of territory in Arunachal Pradesh.

terrorists

from

across

the border.

There is no border dispute with the remaining countries, though there are security related problems. Along the Myanmar border, there are movements of insurgents and drug trafficking from the Golden Triangle area.

September 2017

Prakash Singh The author has been a very distinguished police officer of the country. He was the Police Chief of two of the largest states of India â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Uttar Pradesh and Assam. He also commanded Indiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s premier paramilitary outfit, the Border Security Force. The Government of India, in recognition of his contribution to national security, awarded him Padmashri in 1991.

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Indian security forces

The Bhutan border is transgressed now and then by the Bodo militants. The Nepal border is exploited by the ISI for pushing in all kinds of contraband items and also promoting fundamentalist activities on either side. The Bangladesh border, by virtue of its being very porous, has seen large scale illegal migration of people coming to India in search of a better livelihood. India-China Border The India-China border has three well-defined sectors – the western sector, the middle sector and the eastern sector. The western sector has Ladakh, a land of high mountains. The middle sector comprises of Lahaul, Spiti and Kinnaur districts of Himachal Pradesh and Uttarkashi, Chamoli and Pithoragarh districts of Uttaranchal. The eastern sector has Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh. India’s relations with China were very cordial in the initial stages. In fact, India was one of the first countries to extend diplomatic recognition to the People’s Republic of China. The souring of relations started with the Chinese annexation of Tibet in 1950. Later, HH Dalai Lama’s flight to India in 1959 and India’s sympathetic response to the plight of Tibetans queered the pitch. In 1962, the Chinese committed aggression and occupied large chunks of the Indian territory in the western and eastern sectors. There have been several rounds of talks between the special representatives of India and China

September 2017 dsalert.org

to resolve the border dispute, but there has been no progress on the substantive issues. The undefined Himalayan frontier fits well into the Chinese scheme of things in the sense that the status quo keeps India under strategic pressure, pins down hundreds of thousands of Indian troops and gives China the option to turn on military heat along the frontier. Recently, there was a confrontation between the Indian and Chinese troops at Doklam, which is at the tri-junction of India, China and Bhutan. Theoretically speaking, there were three possibilities. One was that

It is indeed tragic that we did not give adequate attention to the problems of border management India withdraw its troops as it was being arrogantly demanded by China. It is felt, however, that this would have serious long term repercussions. Besides, it would lower India’s prestige vis-à-vis our neighbours. The other option was that China should de-escalate the situation by withdrawing its troops, but this is most unlikely. The third and the most viable option was that both the countries should simultaneously withdraw their troops and the status quo ante be restored. Both the countries decided to opt for the third option on 28 August. India and China decided to withdraw its troops to the pre-crisis situation. The Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) guards 3,488km of

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A view of the Indo-Bangladesh border

Indo-China border and has BOPs at altitudes ranging from 9,000ft to 18,750ft. The force performs its duties under extremely hazardous circumstances. The problems faced by the ITBP relate mostly to (a) difficult terrain, (b) poor road connectivity, (c) difficulty in getting drinking water, (d) problems of frost bite and other health related issues due to high altitude deployment. The Army has been

insisting that the ITBP should be placed under its operational control. This has, however, not been conceded by the Ministry of Home Affairs. India-Pakistan Border The India-Pakistan border stretches over a length of 3,323km running along the states of Gujarat, Rajasthan, Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir. The border has distinct geographical

September 2017

and physical features depending on the state it passes through. In Jammu and Kashmir, a length of 778km is categorised as Line of Control and is defended by the Army. The BSF is also deployed over 288.95km of the LoC but it functions under the operational control of the Army. The International Border (IB) is patrolled by the BSF; here also, in Jammu region, the BSF is placed

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Indian security forces

The Indo-Tibetan Border Police guards during a march in the Republic Day parade

under the operational control of the Army. The entire India-Pakistan border along Jammu and Kashmir is on fire these days. Pakistan has been violating the ceasefire with impunity and stepped up the infiltration of terrorists who have been mounting attacks on security forces and their establishments. Within the Valley, the radicalised youth have been coming out in the streets and pelting stones at the security forces. The killing of Hizbul Mujahideen Commander, Burhan Wani, in an encounter on 8 July 2016 and the subsequent incidents of street violence backed by Pak-sponsored terrorist groups have had a cascading effect on the state. According to the State

September 2017 dsalert.org

Instead of appearing zealous for talks, it should insist that China first withdraw

Police, there were 3,404 cases of rioting in 2016 as compared to 1,157 cases in 2015, an increase of 194.2 per cent. It was the bloodiest Ramzan in Kashmir that year with 42 deaths which included nine policemen. It is estimated that there are presently about 500 plus terrorists active in the State and that includes about 180 foreigners. Chinese Involvement A very disturbing aspect of the insurgency in J&K is that China has started fishing in the troubled waters of river Jhelum. The Chief Minister of J&K, Mehbooba Mufti, recently stated that China had begun to interfere in the affairs of Jammu and Kashmir.

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The CRPF has been handling the insurgency in J&K with great courage. There are incidents when the force has taken a beating but on the whole, it has given a good account of itself. There are minor problems of coordination with the local police. In terms of resources, the force urgently needs more bulletproof vests and bulletproof vehicles. The procurement procedures are awfully slow. The biggest problem, however, is of building rapport with the people. It is very important that, in the given context, the CRPF should improve its channels of intelligence and undertake civic action programmes in a big way to win the confidence of the people.

Government of India that there is no ambiguity in the posture to be adopted on the Pakistan or the China border. The forces have clear instructions to retaliate with full force on any violations of ceasefire by Pakistan or its terrorist groups. According to an estimate, 95 terrorists have been eliminated this year till July 2017. There is an excellent coordination between the Army, the CRPF and the police.

In Doklam also, the External Affairs Minister has made it clear that both the countries would have to withdraw their troops from the area to facilitate a negotiated settlement. It is time that we dealt firmly with the countries exporting terrorists to our land and trying to give us a thousand cuts. It is time that we stand up to China and say, “enough is enough”.

Building bridges with the people is, in fact, a major challenge for the Home Security Forces. Thanks to the systematic propaganda of militants and their sympathisers, the police are today seen as quislings working against their own people. No wonder, while thousands participate in the funeral of militants, there is a modest gathering at the funerals of policemen. What is worse, policemen and even members of their families are being targeted. Political Guidance The greatest challenge at the time of border disputes however is the posture – aggressive, defensive or status quoist – which the Home Security Forces should adopt. There should be very clear instructions on the subject from the political leadership to the Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs) on the ground. It must be said to the credit of the

The Hizbul Mujahideen Commander, Burhan Wani, was killed during an encounter

September 2017

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war heroes

Wounded

But Not Disabled Ian Cardozo’s ‘we shall overcome’ attitude scored not only a personal victory against all odds but threw open the doors of opportunity for the wounded aspirants. Later, three woundaffected officers became Army Commanders. One even became the Vice-Chief. He had earlier got both his legs amputated.

hile war is an extension of the politics of a nation, it ultimately falls to the lot of soldiers to face combat on the ground. Though some of the soldiers’ deeds of valour are rewarded, there are some that leave you impressed, moved and above all else, inspired. Schooled in the culture of ‘Service before Self’, soldiers of the Indian Army take their challenges head-on, turning adversity into opportunity, overcoming impossible situations with a smile. Their stories need to be remembered. Such is the chronicle of Major General Ian Cardozo – the story of a man who lost a leg in war but gained even more perseverance and tenacity of purpose thereafter. Undaunted by his disability, he became the first officer of the Indian Army to be approved for command of an Infantry Battalion (the foot-

September 2017 dsalert.org

Major General Cardozo with his resplendent smile

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soldiers of warfare mind you), a Brigade as well as a Division, resulting in a change of policy at Army Headquarters with regard to the future of war wounded officers. The hero not only won a lifetime of glory but also blazed a trail for others to follow.

The Making Of A Hero Born in 1937, Cardozo graduated from the National Defence Academy with unprecedented laurels – the only cadet to win both a gold and silver medal – for being the best all round cadet and for being first in order of merit. He was commissioned in the highly decorated Regiment of the 5th Gorkha Rifles in its 1st Battalion in 1958. Here too, he was one of the first officers to be awarded the Sena Medal for gallantry during a patrol in NEFA in 1960. Wounded in the battle of Sylhet in Bangladesh in 1971, he overcame the handicap of losing a leg and in the years till retirement in 1993, he skipped the ladder of promotions with such grit, determination and elan that he became a role model before relinquishing his position as the Chief of Staff of a Corp in the eastern sector.

Mid-career Trauma After the Sino-Indian war in 1962, Cardozo was sent to raise the 4th Battalion of his regiment. His moment of truth happened during the 1971 war in Sylhet. In a swift military offensive, India defeated Pakistan within 13 days, liberated a region and midwifed the creation of Bangladesh. Incidentally, it was

also the Indian Army’s first heliborne operation behind enemy lines. A mine blast injury shattered his left leg. The heavy artillery shelling had left the Indian troops minus medical aid. That meant no morphine, anaesthesia or surgical instruments. It also meant, as Cardozo puts it “lifeless or leg-less”. It was then that Cardozo asked his batman (sayahak) to cut off his leg to which the latter said, “I can’t do it”. Cardozo did the unthinkable. Pulling out his Regiment’s weapon, a khukri dagger of Gorkha legend, the 34-year-old Major chopped off his own leg, telling his batman: “Now go and bury it somewhere!” Just like that. The Commanding Officer came in by then, and as Cardozo recalls, he said, “Ian, you are very lucky, we have captured a Pakistani surgeon. He will operate on you.” Initially, Cardozo was not ready to be operated by a Pakistani doctor but then he had no other way out. “War-time sentiment and emotion got the better of me and I told my Commanding Officer (CO) that no member from the enemy army will touch me. Just get me back to India,” recalls Cardozo.

The Chief asked Cardozo to accompany him to Ladakh. There too, Cardozo trekked over high altitude terrains September 2017

Aarti Kapur Singh The writer has been writing on cinema and lifestyle for more than a decade. Her interest in cinema is also why she is pursuing a doctorate on the subject. An ardent foodie, she feels travelling and eating are the best stress-busters. By that time, Dhaka had fallen and there was no chopper available. Cardozo then told the CO: “Two conditions.” The Commanding Officer immediately said, “You are not in a position to put conditions.” Cardozo told him, “OK, two requests. One, I don’t want Pakistani blood.” The CO retorted: “You are a fool!” To which Cardozo said, “I am prepared to die a fool. My second request, Sir, I want you to be present when they operate on me.” The CO agreed. “Finally, I had to give in to orders, and a captured Pakistani surgeon, Major Mohamed Basheer operated upon me under a tamarind tree. I have never been able to say ‘Thank you’. I owe him one,” quips Cardozo. Practical Thing To Do Cardozo does not think chopping off his own limb was an act of

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war heroes

heroism, but more like something that just had to be done, for the greater good. He says, “It was the only practical thing to do. Actually, I just felt deeply embarrassed because my leg was in a terrible state. I did not want to look at it and others to look at it. Besides it was a life-threatening situation. Either I go or my leg does. I wanted

September 2017 dsalert.org

to get rid of it. Nobody wanted to do it, so I did it.” Then a father of three sons – the oldest being four – Cardozo wrote to his wife Priscilla - who was in Mhow with her parents. “It was a short letter – ‘I am alive and kicking, even if with one leg’,” he remembers. Looking back at that

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A collage of the Major General Cardozo’s memories

All that this brave-heart knows is to move onward and forward

dreaded December of 1971, Priscilla recounts, “I was preparing myself for the worst – getting a telegram one day, that began with ‘Regret to inform you that...’. I was relieved he came back alive.”

five minutes, I thought I would be allowed to take the orderly’s help. But no. Priscilla was standing there, holding my hand and my crutches. I don’t think I could have walked the road ahead without her help.”

Wife’s Helping Hand His better half did not let Cardozo feel traumatised or weak in any way. Illustrating how Priscilla’s grit cemented his determination, Cardozo narrates an incident from his days of recovery. “Post my self-amputation, I had to undergo some more surgeries. I was recovering at home one day when I wanted to go to the loo. I called out to Priscilla to ask the orderly to take me. She promptly handed me my crutches and asked me to walk. With an absolute no-nonsense look on her face. She is a teacher, you see, and can be formidable. (Laughs) I told her I couldn’t but she insisted saying that the doctor had advised movement to hasten healing. I gingerly held on to the crutches as she helped me to my feet. I had barely taken two clumsy steps when I blacked out from the pain. She and an orderly propped me up on the bed. After

The road ahead was seven years long. For it took an undeterred Cardozo that much time to prove to the Army Headquarters that he was as good as any soldier with two legs.

The Battle Had Just Begun He had won the war but his life’s battle had only just begun. His was the usual story – of one man versus a system – a system dominated by an inflexible mindset that ‘there was no precedent’. If no disabled officer was allowed to command an infantry battalion in the past, how could one be allowed today. He was even offered a good disability pension, a plot of land, a petrol pump to run and even free education for his sons – offers tempting enough for him to hang his boots. But in Cardozo’s words, “I had joined the Army

with a purpose – to command troops in battle. And besides, I lost a leg fighting a battle, not playing marbles!” He cried himself hoarse saying, “A soldier fights with his mind, his heart and not just his body!” Most of this logic fell on deaf ears. Cardozo refused to be the onelegged soldier of the fairy tale – sitting prettily on a mantelpiece. Not one to give up at all, let alone concede an inch, he kept himself in peak physical condition by walking, running and swimming regularly – all with his prosthetic limb. He also took degrees in BCom, MBA and Personnel Management through correspondence from Delhi University. He drove his two-wheeler every evening from Army Headquarters to Delhi University to secure a MSc in Defence with First Class. It was his Plan B. Just in case he needed to switch careers. “If I were to quit, I would do so on my terms,” states Cardozo.

Gruelling Physical Test The turning point came in the form of the Battle Physical Efficiency Test that Cardozo took in 1975. The only one wearing trousers as against the mandatory shorts, Cardozo argued with the Colonel conducting the test to let him participate. He was allowed to, on the condition that should any mishap occur, Cardozo would be willing to court arrest. “This was do or die and I had nothing to lose.” All that this brave-heart knows is to move onward and forward, mind over matter, will over legs.

General Cardozo is a familiar face at the Mumbai Marathon

September 2017

Defence AND security alert

Naval Exercise Malabar-17

TRI-NATION ENDEAVOUR

Military Messaging The fact that the exercises went off well with the revelrous display of warships showed the maritime forces were in sync for advanced exercises and they depicted that they can deter and even enforce ‘Freedom of Navigation’. This was the message.

he 21st edition of the two-week Naval Exercise Malabar in July 2017, hosted by the Indian Navy’s Eastern Naval Command in the Bay of Bengal, was the most advanced US, Japan and Indian tri-nation maritime exercise so far, as it had all the components of a powerful ‘Naval Task Force’ with aerial, surface and under water warfare components operating jointly under a rotational Officer in Tactical Command (OTC).

As the Indian Navy was host Navy for the Malabar 2017 exercise, Vice-Admiral Harish Bisht (the Flag Officer commanding Eastern Naval Command, Visakhapatnam) organised the planning in the Maritime Warfare Centre at Visakhapatnam months earlier. Under the command of Rear Admiral Biswajit Dasgupta (the Eastern fleet fielded INS Vikramaditya borrowed from the Western Naval Command at Mumbai, BrahMos fitted INS Ranvir, Mazagon Dock built

The USS Nimitz, supercarrier of United States Navy

September 2017 dsalert.org

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A blue-water navy allows countries to project power far from the home country

Klub fitted INS Sayhadri and Shivalik with 76.2 mm Oto Melara India-built guns and Barak anti-missile missiles. The fleet included the Indian built ASW Corvettes INS Kamorta and Kadmatt, large OPV INS Sukhanya and the INS Kora with Uran missiles and Russian supplied tanker INS Jyoti which exercised fuelling at sea with the variety of ships in Malabar 2017, with common quick release equipment honed from earlier Malabars. US Contingent The US Navy fielded 1,03,000 ton USS Nimitz, the world’s largest aircraft carrier in advanced exercises with six US frontline warships of the Eastern Pacific Fleet under Vice Admiral Joseph P Aucoin who has visited India and has interacted with the Indian naval brass for the exercise. Besides the USS Nimitz (CVN68), the guided missile cruiser USS Princeton (CG59), guided missile destroyers USS Howard (DDG83), USS Shoup (DDG86) and USS Kidd (DDG100), a Poseidon P-8A Maritime Reconnaissance aircraft as well as the Los Angeles fastattack submarine took part. No missile firings took place but gun firings and missile triangulations must have been exercised in encounters. Japanese Helicopter Carrier Japan Maritime Self Defence Force ships (MSDF) JS Izumo (DDH 183, a 22,000 ton powerful

helicopter carrier which was built for humanitarian assistance and disaster reflief (HADR) and can operate vertical and short take of and landing (VSTOL) planes like F-35 version was entered in the Bay of Bengal for Malabar for the first time with JS Sazanami (DD1 13) under Rear Adm. Yoshihiro Goka. The MSDF took part with the least publicity as Japan looks to maritime co-operation with the USN in the Senkaku islands claimed by China. India has expressed solidarity with Japan for insisting that China adhere to the UNCLOS 1982 regulations and even in the South China Sea which China rejects and has claims on reclaimed rocks turned into islands. India is a votary for Freedom of Navigation (FON). The 2017 exercise witnessed the two modern powerful flat tops, the USS Nimitz and INS Vikramaditya operating the USN’s F-18s and the Indian Navy’s MiG-29Ks respectively in operations, with eighteen frontline surface and antiaircraft missile and torpedo fitted warships bristling with netcentric electronics and radars for six days at sea after a small harbour phase in Chennai. The intense exercises were war like. Two submarines were at sea to harmonise anti-submarine warfare operations (ASW). The USN Los Angeles nuclear powered submarine with missiles and torpedoes and an ageing

September 2017

Cmde Ranjit B Rai (Retd) The writer is former Director Naval Operations and Director Naval Intelligence and author of Warring Nuclear Navies –India and Pakistan (2016) and The Future and Modern Indian Navy (Navy Diary- 2017).

Indian Navy Kilo class boat with Klub missiles and CET torpedoes and new USHUS Indian built panaromic sonars, must have tested both their capability and operator ability. The bathythermograph conditions in tropical waters makes it difficult to detect submarines at long ranges because of temperature layers so emphasis was on anti-submarine warfare in the exercise based on Combined Anti-Submarine Exercises. The NATO name for procedures is called CASEXES and is included and extracted from each nations’ tactical and fighting instructions. The Indian Navy has the INTPs and the INFIs re-written to Indian specifications by rule writing groups from the NATO Allied Tactical Publications (ATPs).

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Naval Exercise Malabar-17

Left: Two aircraft carriers of the Indian Navy namely INS Vikramaditya and INS Viraat; right: INS Kamorta

Testing Inter-operability When operating as a tri-nation task force, communications and inter-operability of plimportant to become familiar with each others’ capabilities and standard operating procedures (SOPs). Senior commanders with few ships started arriving for the harbour phase in Chennai around 6 July and planning which had begun earlier was completed with the respective Fleet Commanders meeting and giving brief comments for the six day sea phase from the 14 July. The Message The fact that the exercises went off well with worked up warships showed the maritime forces were in sync for advanced exercises to depict that they can deter and even enforce Freedom of Navigation (FON). This was the message. A Shang class PLA (N) submarine was reported in the area, possibly for snooping but exercise commanders discounted that. A C-2A Greyhound plane

September 2017 dsalert.org

from the USS Nimitz picked up selected Indian media from Chennai and landed them on the USS Nimitz and they witnessed some of the 85 F-18s operating and they saw the power of aircraft carriers and planes of the US and the Indian Navy operating and training together. Their reporting was limited. The US Navy invariably provides CENTRIX terminals to the Indian Navy warships which have the Rukmani Orbit Technologies, Israel supplied internet terminals on ships to connect via the ISRO’s GSAT 7 Rukmini satellite for communications and data transfer. The US loans CENTRIX terminal modems connected to the US satellites and Pentagon releases the area picture with all ships – merchant and others as even seen in Pentagon. The Indian Maritime Analysis Centre (IMAC) at Gurugram near Delhi provides the Indian Ocean picture and Sea Riders from each navy of the three nations are exchanged. They are experienced officers

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and are familiar with the entire exercise programme for smooth running and safety as details of serials are given by time in advance, with instructions for safety. No missile firings took place but gun firings and missile triangulations were reported.

P8 Poisedon and the Indian Navy P8i Boeings 737 with similar characteristic for antiship attack with Harpoon airto-surface missiles and antisubmarine operations with the US Mk 48 torpedoes took part in the exercise.

Vikramaditya’s Electronic Package The 44,000 ton INS Vikramaditya (ex-Gorshkov) a STOBAR aircraft carrier with a straight 14 degree ramp for take off and (barrier) wire assisted recovery flew MiG-29K Fulcrum the Panthers and the KA-31 AEW helicopters from the refitted ex-Gorshkov. The US Navy sea riders saw for the first time the aircraft carrier’s excellent radars, microwave aircraft homing systems (Repitore), a huge hangar with lifts and the latest command and control systems (Sobitore and Luna) with Bharat Electronics Ltd supplied communications and accommodation for 1,500 ships’ company. It can operate 12 powerful Kh 35 missile fitted MiG-29Ks and four Ka31 AEW helicopters. Many USreleased photographs show them flying with USS Nimitz’s F-18s while training together. The US Maritime Reconnaissance

Pivot To Pacific The geo-strategic situation in the East is fast changing. President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Narendra Modi had signed a Joint Strategic Vision on the 25th of January 2015 in New Delhi for Asia Pacific and the Indian Ocean as the US announced its Pivot Policy to the East. President Trump is increasing the emphasis of the US military presence in the Pacific and appears to be reducing it in the Middle East. Japan, despite Art 7 of its Constitution which has restrictions has with tacit US nod, offered U2 Shinmaywa amphibious planes and conventional Soryu submarines for export to India. An RFI has been sent to Japan by the Navy for Soryu submarines

and Japan has responded and agreed to fit missiles and the AIP – air independent propulsion – in the P75i competition for the six submarine contract which is worth US$ 11 billion. Malabar included professional exchanges on carrier strike group operations, cross deck flying of helicopters, maritime patrol and reconnaissance operations by P8s and Ka 31AEW, surface and anti-submarine warfare. In addition to this, medical operations, damage control policies, procedures for explosive ordinance disposal, helicopter operations and anti-submarine warfare were reported. I would like to state that a joint blue-water navy is a maritime force capable of operating across the deep waters of open oceans. It is a term to describe such a force for navies possessing maritime expeditionary capabilities to deter. A bluewater navy allows countries to project power far from the home country and usually includes one or more aircraft carriers and submarines. In this Exercise, the US Navy was the principal driver to demonstrable perception management to give the message. Was it to China?

The Indian Rajput class destroyer RANVIR (D 54)

September 2017

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Indian defence forces

Many Imponderables In Procurement It is difficult to count the number of paying authorities in defence. They are spread over the entire length and breadth of the country. Some of them are a part of the Defence Accounts Department but a large number of defence units also make payments on their own out of imprest and cash assignments. Training all of them is going to be a challenge.

ixty three years after France became the first country to adopt it, and long after the idea was first mooted in India, a unified pan-India tax regime was ushered in with much fanfare on 1 July 2017.

September 2017 dsalert.org

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The celebratory mood of the mid-night joint session of the parliament in which the Goods and Services Tax (GST) regime was rolled out would remain etched in the collective memory of the nation for a long time as this is the first major tax reform since independence.

Ease Of Doing Business There is little doubt that it will help improve Indiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s standing in the global ease-of-doingbusiness index. The business enterprises as well as the consumers stand to gain in the long run, though in the short run, it is bound to present numerous difficulties. The goods go through various stages of processing from the raw material stage to the final sale to the consumer. A certain value is added at each stage in this process. Under the previous system of taxation, semi-finished products got taxed at each of these stages on the total value at which it was sold by one entrepreneur to the next in the chain. The price on which the tax was paid at each stage included the amount of tax paid by the previous entrepreneur in the chain, creating a cascading effect on the final price at which the consumer bought the product. The GST structure provides much needed relief to the consumer from this oppressive system of taxation. Under the new regime the taxes already paid at the previous stages in the chain would be adjusted against the tax liability at the subsequent stage. This implies that the GST will have to be paid at every stage only on the value added at that stage. This should bring down the prices of a number of goods and some services because of the rationalisation of the tax slabs

which has led to a large number of items of common use, such as fresh meat, eggs, milk, fresh fruits and vegetables, bangles, handlooms, etc. being put in the zero tax bracket.

Four Slabs All other items, except liquor meant for human consumption, will generally fall in one of the four tax slabs: 5 per cent, 12 per cent, 18 per cent and 28 per cent. The GST on petroleum products will be levied from a date to be notified later. The new tax structure will comprise of the Central GST (CGST), State GST (SGST) and Integrated GST (IGST). Sales within a State will attract both the CGST and the SGST, whereas sale to another state would attract the IGST only. All taxes and duties such as the Value Added Tax (VAT), Excise Duty and Service Tax are subsumed in the GST. The overall impact of this rationalisation will be known in due course but there is little doubt that this is a step in the right direction. Considering that the government, both Central and State, spend huge amounts on procurement of goods and services, the departments handling finances are faced with as big a challenge as the entrepreneurs to ensure a smooth transition to the new regime. The smaller departments should be able to adapt the requirements within a short time but the larger departments have their job cut out for them.

September 2017

Amit Cowshish The writer is a former Financial Adviser (Acquisition) and Additional Secretary, Ministry of Defence. He has been associated with defence planning, budget, revenue and capital procurement and other matters concerning financial management in defence. He is presently a Distinguished Fellow with the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi.

The impact is difficult to predict, since imports account for a large proportion of military purchases

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Department Of Defence One such large department is the defence department. With a total outlay of more than `3.59 lakh crore for the FY 2017-18, it stands out as an important segment to watch out for to assess the impact of the GST roll out. At the elementary level, the impact will be felt by the Armed Forces personnel as a result of the impact of the GST on prices. But this will be no different from the impact felt by the other citizens of the country as primary consumers. This will not have any direct and immediate impact on the defence budget, almost one-third of which is spent on pay and allowances. The impact of price fluctuation will be borne by the individuals. It is also unlikely that the GST will lead to an unusual rise in the inflation index, warranting a huge increase in the dearness allowances sanctioned every six months in the months of July and January. There is not much to worry about on this score. But the Ministry of Defence is also a buyer – a big one at that – spending approximately another one-third of the total defence budget on procurement of goods and services. The new tax regime will impact the total cost of all these procurements because of the rationalisation of the tax slabs. Procurement of dry and fresh rations and clothing items constitute a significant component of expenditure on procurement. It would be desirable to plough back

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any reduction in expenditure that may accrue on account of rationalisation of the tax regime in improving the quality of foodstuff and clothing supplied to the Armed Forces.

Military Hardware The other important segment of procurement covers military equipment, weapon systems, platforms, ammunition, spares and various other types of ordnance stores. The impact of the GST on this segment is difficult to predict, especially since imports account for a large proportion of such purchases.

12%

Imported goods will continue to be subject to the custom duty as it is not subsumed in the GST but the local taxes paid on internal movement of goods, such as the entry tax, would get replaced by the IGST. This may also probably be the case in regard to installation and commissioning of the imported equipment. Any savings on account of rationalisation of the tax regime will make more funds available within the overall allocation for procurement of badly needed equipment and stores but is difficult to say whether the

18%

Four Slabs

The new tax structure are: the Central GST (CGST), State GST (SGST) and Integrated GST (IGST)

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28%

tax

TDS

deduction at source

The GST regime also places a huge responsibility on the drawing and disbursing (paying) authorities

reduction is unlikely to be so substantial as to make a big difference. This would still be better than being faced with a situation where the rationalisation makes procurements costlier, thereby further eroding the purchasing capacity of the limited allocations made year after year. The remaining one-third of the defence budget is spent on movement of goods and personnel, procurement of various services, maintenance of infrastructure and capital civil works. All these will be impacted by the GST to varying extent, depending on the tax slab under which the procurement falls. This raises an issue that seems to befuddle many in the defence establishment as well as the vendors. The bewildering variety of goods and services procured by the Ministry of Defence (MoD) fall in different tax slabs. This was probably unavoidable but the resultant confusion can be avoided if someone takes up the task of compiling a list of goods

and services the MoD has been procuring and the tax slabs they will now fall in.

TDS Complications The GST regime also places a huge responsibility on the drawing and disbursing (paying) authorities as they will need to deduct tax at source at the rate of one per cent of the payment made to the vendor if the total value of the contract exceeds `2.5 lakh. This

authorities. Delay in issuing of the certificate of Tax Deduction at Source (TDS) or in filing the TDS return could cost the paying authority `100 per day by way of late fee, subject to a maximum of `5,000. The paying authorities will have to come to terms with this. It is difficult to count the number of paying authorities in defence. They are spread over the entire length and breadth of the country. Some

Confusion can be avoided if someone takes up the task of compiling a list of goods and services task is not new for them but it entails new complexities that the paying authorities may not be quite used to. The consequences of any procedural breach on the part of the paying authorities will, for example, entail serious consequences and non-deduction of tax at source will entail payment of interest along with the deductible amount to the tax

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of them are a part of the Defence Accounts Department but a large number of defence units also make payments on their own out of imprest and cash assignments. Training all of them is going to be a challenge. This, more than the impact of the GST on prices for the Armed Forces, seems to be a bigger challenge at the present juncture.

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Indian defence forces

REMOVE CONTRADICTIONS Spread The Net Wider In the quest for nomination of Strategic Partners, it must be a reminder to all stake-holders that Strategic Partners (SP) and Development Partners (DP) go hand in hand. Development of the industry eco-system and establishment of a credible production base in India for defence necessarily concentrates on the small and medium sector companies, that form the base of the industrial pyramid.

he idea was to create an avenue for the private industries to engage with complex technologies and build strategic systems in a long-term partnership with the government, under the umbrella of a well-defined protocol. The aim was to create a production base in India with the involvement of the private sector as well. If India

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lives in villages, industry lives in the MSMEs (small industries).

Fundamentals Of SP Model In the quest for nomination of Strategic Partners, it must be a reminder to all stake-holders that Strategic Partners (SP) and Development Partners (DP) go hand in hand. Development of the industry eco-system and establishment of a credible

production base in India for defence necessarily concentrates on the small and medium sector companies, that form the base of the industrial pyramid. Fundamentals of the policy are strong, the government selects the platform or the OEM on the one hand and the potential SPs on the other, in a parallel process. Incidentally, the government has already kick-started the process by issuing the RFI for the submarine segment to six global OEMs viz Thyssenkrupp, DCNS, Navantia (Spain), Kockums (Sweden), Rosoboronexport and Mitsubishi and Kawasaki Heavy Industries (Japan). We may now expect the EOI (expression of interest) for the potential Indian industries before the first week of August, even before this article goes to print. Once this is accomplished the the RFP (Request for Proposal) is issued to the potential SPs who qualify in the identified segment. Market forces take over and the potential SPs will tie up with the short-selected OEMs and make a single bid and the winner is nominated as the SP for that segment. There is therefore, a combination of process based selection on defined protocols in a combination of market forces to determine the winner ie the nominated SP.

Inclusivity – Fundamental Pillar Experts committee report indicated, “The selection procedure for such Strategic Partners is the most crucial

element in operationalising the idea. The entire scheme rests on it”. The spirit of the policy has been based on the principle of ‘inclusivity’. Broad based selection is the key to create a pool of potential SPs from the domestic private industry. Towards this, the selection criteria needs to be flexible, adaptable and inclusive to bring about healthy options for the process to proceed. In the SP model, neither the SP nor its DPs have ever produced the platforms. Thus, there are several imponderables on the absorption of technology, knowhow and processes. While the policy envisages that larger number of companies participate in the process of defence manufacturing in the private sector and the SP so shortselected maintains focus on core area of expertise, the letter is not in conformance with the spirit. There is an inherent necessity to enhance indigenous defence manufacturing capabilities over and above the existing production base. The segment specific criteria in the submarines and aerospace discipline are demanding.

Col KV Kuber (Retd) The writer is an alumnus of the prestigious National Defence Academy and the Technical Staff College. He specialised in Electronic Warfare. Commanded an Electronic Warfare Regiment in operations and has conducted EW operations. He has founded and established the DOFA and was the chief architect of the offset policy since its inception in 2005. He has been an Adviser with the National Small Industries Corporation and played a key role in bringing MSMEs into the mainstream defence business, through NSIC. Presently, he is an Adviser with the DRDO for Technology Acquisitions.

In the SP model neither the SP nor its DPs have ever produced the platforms. Thus, there are several imponderables Glaring Contradiction Such requirements as availability of hangar, aircrafts production, etc could narrow down the initial

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selection of prospective SPs and thereby, provide limited options. The spirit of the policy envisages inclusivity and such mandates in the fine print encourage exclusivity. This inherent and glaring contradiction needs to be addressed prior to release of the EOI, RFI orRFP. One option the MoD has at this stage, is to exercise an â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;either/orâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; option to the segment specific criteria subject to any one of the three conditions being fulfilled. The focus should be on system integration and the fundamental disciplines that surround it. A reality check on the fine print is the call of the hour.

Concepts One of the objectives of the SP model is to gradually develop manufacturing and testing skills. So, if the SP does not have the infrastructure the idea is to build it. The idea was to start with such criteria that no one will qualify. We are aware that most companies lack the know-how and infrastructure. We have to select that company with the best potential and not that which is already having the capability. The parameters should result in reasonable competition and so the RFP should provide for a range within the SQRs, which would ensure competition, with weightage being given to the desirable parameters so that those who meet a larger number of the requirements get a higher rating. If at the end of the exercise certain parameters need to be revised then the procedure should allow this. This is the difference

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from the strict contractual model where a product already exists.

Development Of Ecosystem

INS Chakra (above) can stay under water as long as it wants; the ERPs (as seen on the facing page) may help offer critical business data to shareholders in a constant and comprehensible format

Approximately 6000-plus MSMEs work in the defence sector in India. They are very keenly looking at the SP policy and its implementation to see what they would gain. There were no enabling policies prior to the MSMED Act of 2006. Globally, defence based industries have thrived on an ecosystem of tier 1 and 2 vendors, largely the MSMEs, in a thriving Defence Industrial Ecosystem.

Is There A Model To Emulate? While Bharat Electronics have stepped up to create a greater attitude of inclusivity, in handholding and developing MSMEs,

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The spirit of the policy envisages inclusivity and some mandates in the fine print encourage exclusivity

was basically a built-to-print scenario. Aluminium alloy from the OFB Ambajari and small quantities of other alloys from Midhani were the only exceptions for indigenous sourcing of raw materials. Typically, in a platform like this, the engine constitutes 25 per cent, electronics a whopping 30 per cent, structure about 25-30 per cent and others including systems about 20 per cent. A significant amount of manpower outsourcing was however undertaken.

Clarification

we are concentrating on the aircraft segment in this article. Amongst the identified segments, fighter aircrafts require an ecosystem to be established afresh. Highlights of the ALH – Outsourcing Model. In the case of the ALH, only the pump and such modules were sub-contracted to a Hyderabad based company, a purely a subcontract model. Once the ALH development was completed, examples in outsourcing were in the gear housing companies like Shanti Gears, Shakti Gears and others. From the development stage to the production stage, many industries packed off too. Major sub-contracting was in the machining of parts, wherein ‘C’ class items were mostly outsourced for manufacturing, in a piece-meal manner.

Disincentives It was known from the concept stage itself that it was not possible to do everything domestically, at the time of conception of the LCA programme in the 80s. The ADA created work-centres outsourcing more than 75 per cent of their work and used national assets such as the NAL (composites development), BEL (Fire Control Systems and computer), ADE (software) while the HAL remained the leading production partner. One good company, that was developed for composites, having delivered excellent composite designs and products, packed off, due to system lethargy. There were classic examples of a company with a development order that couldn’t go into production consequent to delays of a decade or more and the slow rate of production of the LCA. So, it

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We need to march towards effective implementation imbibing the spirit of the policy and advocating the mantra for prosperity, of ‘exclusivity’ in choice of the platform and ‘inclusivity’ in the choice of potential SPs. We have a great domestic industry out there with the known companies such as the Tatas, Punj Lloyd, L&T, Ambanis, Adanis, Mahindra, Bharat Forge and many small and medium companies that are exhibiting enormous energy like never before. We now need to harness this energy to the best advantage to nation building. We need to meet the aspirations of the larger segment and progress with a spirit of ‘inclusiveness’ for Industrial Dominance. This is the call of the hour. The Indian Armed Forces need the best and the best can come from within, always and every time.

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foreign affairs

New Era In

Strategic Thinking Strategic thinking at the Indian policy making level rather than the political compulsions at the domestic level has provided this dynamic push to India’s relations with Israel. This also reflects the changing strategic thinking in India’s foreign policy, which is becoming more pragmatic than idealistic, given the various security imperatives.

he visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Israel in July 2017 was a strong signal to the world that India has decided to act on its own national interests. This visit generated a lot of interest and scepticism amongst various scholars, as this was the first such awaited visit by an Indian leader to Israel after the establishment

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of the diplomatic relationship between the two nations in 1992. In these 25 years, India and Israel have worked closely on defence, counter-terrorism, agriculture and energy related issues. This time, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Israel was expansively covered both in Israeli and Indian media which saw in the visit a favourable and the much needed enunciation of the India-Israel strategic

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One of the reasons for not recognising Israel was not antagonising India’s Arab friends

partnership. PM Modi’s visit also reflected the success in the reorientation of Israel’s foreign policy where it considers India as a regional power in the larger South Asia region and that India is becoming one of the most important markets for Israel’s defence exports.[1]

Historical Background

1 http://www.idsa.in/idsacomments/modivisit-the-view-from-jerusalem_e-inbar_100717. Accessed on July 31, 2017.

P.R. Kumaraswamy, “India’s Recognition of Israel, September 1950”. Middle Eastern Studies, 1995 (January),31 (1): 124–138.

http://besacenter.org/perspectives-papers/ eyes-forward-modis-visit-israel/. Accessed on July 31, 2017.

4 https://besacenter.org/perspectives-papers/ eyes-forward-modis-visit-israel/. Accessed on July 31, 2017.

The congruence of interests between India and Israel is more evident in the early and formative years wherein both the States attained independence from British colonialism in a successive manner. Yet, it was only in 1950 that India recognised Israel as a nationState. This was besides the fact that India had voted against the partition of Palestine in 1947 and also against its induction as a member of United Nations. One of the reasons cited for India’s refraining from recognising Israel was related to not antagonising India’s Arab friends who were crucial partners in India’s nation building drive.[2] From 1950s to 1990s, India’s relations with Israel were dictated by the views of Indian Muslims and moves by Pakistan. Despite Israel’s military support to India during its wars, the ruling Congress party kept a distance with the Jewish State. Also, India was preoccupied with the building of the nation, the flow of external aid and constant threats posed by India’s neighbours. Therefore, India’s relations with Israel remained unfulfilled.[3] However, the credit of Indian reconsideration of its policies towards West Asia can be attributed to former Indian

September 2017

Anu Sharma The writer is a Research Associate at the Centre for Air Power Studies (CAPS).

Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao’s government. This was also the time when India was ready to test the waters once again and be less circumspect about its relations with Israel. However, Israeli assistance to India during the Kargil War in 1999 transformed its relations with India into a de facto strategic partnership. This also culminated in the sole visit of Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon to India in 2003.

Current Deal The Modi visit hinged on defence, intelligence-sharing, counterterrorism on one side and cooperation in water harvesting and agriculture on the other. PM Modi’s policies have replaced the idealism of the previous Indian governments while making economic pragmatism as the cornerstone of his foreign policy. India’s foreign policy is re-oriented towards economic development and the strengthening of India’s status as a global player.[4] Both the countries have developed deep

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military relationship with India emerging as a lucrative market for Israeli weapons and various military technologies. This relationship was strengthened through co-development and co-production processes in the defence sector. The most visible example of the joint venture in the defence sector is the successful testing of the jointly developed Barak-8 warship missile system in 2014 and 2015.[5] Another joint venture in the defence sector is between Rafael of Israel and Reliance group of India which will be set up soon to produce air-toair missiles, air defence systems and observation balloons.[6] Another point of convergence between India and Israel is in the field of agricultural technology in which India could benefit from Israel’s post-harvest management, cold storage

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technology, packaging and dairy products. In January 2016, a declaration was signed towards advancing the third phase of Indo-Israel Agricultural Cooperation Project.[7]

Israeli President Reuven Rivlin (right) held a meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who was on an official visit to Israel on 5 July 2017.

Palestine Issue The question of Palestine is also one of the constraints in IndiaIsrael relationship. However, the Modi government with his visit has successfully divided Indian diplomatic policy vis-à-vis Israel and Palestinian Authority. With this visit Israel has emerged as the independent and flexible factor in India’s West Asia policy. While in the past Israel always emerged as the dependent factor in India’s engagement with West Asia. http://blogs.timesofisrael.com/trajectory-ofevolving-india-israel-ties/. Accessed on August 01, 2017. 5

It needs to be understood that in India’s all round strategic development with the aim towards countering the menace of terrorism,

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Ibid.

https://www.mea.gov.in/Portal/ ForeignRelation/Israel__13_12_2016.pdf. Accessed on August 01, 2017. 7

state of the art and cutting edge technology is a pre-requisite. Israel can play a definitive role in helping India achieve this by being India’s strategic aide and partner. Terrorism is a big hindrance to India’s rise in the region. At the same time, this issue is not new to Israel as well. The threat from terrorism that both India and Israel face comes not only from disaffected groups within their territories, but it is also aided and abetted by the neighbouring states.[8] In this regard, there are chances that PM Modi’s visit to Israel will give the much-required stimulus to deal with India’s security concerns. Furthermore, Modi government’s great game-plan vis-à-vis Israel is also connected with the threat to India’s national security concerns.

Iran Factor One of the hindrances of IndiaIsrael relations have revolved

around India’s relations and involvement with Iran. Israel has a deeply antagonistic relationship with Iran. Israel sees Iran as the main supporter of the anti-Israeli Hizbollah group in Lebanon. It also blames Iran for actively supporting extremist Palestinian groups

Strategic thinking at the Indian policy making level rather than the political compulsions at the domestic level has provided this dynamic push to India’s relations with Israel. This also reflects the changing strategic thinking in India’s foreign policy, which is becoming more pragmatic than

Modi government has successfully divided Indian diplomatic policy vis-à-vis Israel and Palestinian Authority that use terrorism against the Israeli civilians. Iran’s policy towards Palestine can become a major stumbling block in IndoIsrael relations as Iran openly calls for the elimination of the Israeli State.[9] This is one area where India needs to tread its path cautiously, considering Israel’s vociferous criticisms of Iranian policies.

idealistic, given the various security imperatives. It is a consequence of this that today Israel has emerged as one of the very important elements of India’s continuous engagement in West Asia. 8 http://www.rubincenter.org/meria/2004/12/ pant.pdf. Accessed on July 30, 2017.

http://www.rubincenter.org/meria/2004/12/ pant.pdf. Accessed on July 30, 2017. 9

A historic image depicting the pangs of India and Pakistan partition

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India-Russia Committed to

Future Technologies In political and strategic terms, India has now steadily improved its ties with the US, which of course is no friend of Russiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s. The IndoUS nuclear deal, signed in 2005, was a watershed moment in both Delhi and Washington, and heralded a new era in bilateral ties. Today, the two countries cooperate in just about every field of engagement.

A Russian Navy Grigorovich-class frigate underway

ven though India and Russia have traditionally shared a strong partnership that at its peak encompassed the entire gamut of human endeavours, bilateral ties seemed to have lost their momentum in the last two decades or so. Even cooperation

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in defence, which was once the core of the relationship, has taken a backseat. That said, in recent years, both the governments in New Delhi and Moscow have sought to reinfuse the relationship with new life and direction. In 2010, the bilateral was elevated to a special and privileged strategic partnership,

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and constant engagement at the highest levels of government, including the annual leadersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; summit has ensured that the relationship stays the course.

Enhancement Indeed, it was for the seventeenth iteration of this annual summit that Prime Minister

Narendra Modi travelled to Russia in June. Notably, Modi was also the guest of honour at the three-day St. Petersburg Economic Forum which, interestingly, has been positioned by the Kremlin as a rival force to the annual gathering of the World Economic Forum at Davos. At St. Petersburg, India and Russia signed a declaration committing themselves to enhanced ties across the board. The declaration held two important developments with regard to defence cooperation. First was the upgradation of Indra, the joint military exercise that has alternatively involved ground and naval forces, to a tri-Services exercise between the two countries. Organised every two years since 2003, Indra has usually involved firing drills, air defence and anti-submarine operations, counter-piracy and anti-terrorism operations.

Russia’s Eastern Military District, Indra 2017 will have the Russian and Indian navies focus on setting up a partial naval and air blockade – this will include escorting ships, creating humanitarian corridors, cargo transfers and ship inspections. The two navies will also practice how to search for a submarine and engage in counter-offensive naval battles. In addition, they are also expected to practice landing on and securing coastlines with the use of assault landing ships. According to the Russian military, the exercise will include three destroyers, a large anti-submarine ship, a supply vessel, a diesel submarine from both sides. This tri-Service joint exercise will, of course, go a long way in improving interoperability

between the forces and promoting stronger military-to-military ties. The Indian and Russian soldiers routinely train at each other’s military academies, and there is no doubt that Indra 2017 will add significantly to this existing template for cooperation.

Expanded Template The second development on the defence cooperation front has been in terms of defence production and acquisitions. As the St. Petersburg declaration states: “Our bilateral defence cooperation is built on strong mutual trust. Russia

Upgradation of Indra, the joint military exercise to a tri-Services exercise between the two countries Multi-dimensional Operations This year in October, Indra will take place in Peter, the Great Gulf and at the Klerk range in Primorsky Territory in Russia’s Far East. According to the press service of

Prime Minsiter Narendra Modi (left) showing his camaraderie with the Russian President Vladimir Putin during his recent Russia visit

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exports its modern military technologies to India. We will upgrade and intensify this cooperation, through joint manufacture, co-production and co-development of military hardware and military spares, with increasing reliance on the adoption and sharing of future technologies, in compliance with the obligations of the two sides under the existing agreements on military-technical cooperation.” In this context, it is noteworthy that India is expected to acquire arms and equipment worth US$ 10.5 billion from Russia. At the top of the list are five regiments of the S-400 Triumf advanced air defence systems. The intergovernmental agreement for the S-400s was signed by Indian Prime Minsiter Narendra Modi and the Russian President Vladimir Putin during the eighth BRICS summit in October 2016.

S-400 Missiles Notably, this is one of Russia’s most advanced air defence systems and India will only be the second country after China to receive it. The S-400 can engage all types of missiles, destroy hostile aircraft and also boasts of an improved radar system (as compared to its predecessor the S-300s). The S-400 can also fire four new types of surface-to-air missiles in addition to the S-300’s 48N6E. As Franz-Stefan Gady writes in The Diplomat, “The new weapons systems will significantly boost India’s (and China’s) antiaccess or area denial (A2/AD) capabilities”. India is expected to deploy three regiments of the

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The surface to air missiles S-400 made by Russia

S-400 on its border with Pakistan and the other two on the border with China.

Frigates The other big ticket item on the list is the Grigorivich-class frigate. This in itself is a US$ 4 billion deal that includes four frigates. Two of these, Admiral Butakov and Admiral Istomin, were being built at Russia’s Yantar Shipyard at Kaliningrad but construction came to a halt as Russia wouldn’t import the engines that were being manufactured in Ukraine after the Crimean crisis.

It is noteworthy that India is expected to acquire arms and equipment worth US$ 10.5 billion from Russia of shipbuilding and this will be yet another proverbial feather in the cap.

Kamov Helicopters Now, India has struck a separate deal with the Ukrainians and, on 18 August, the Defence Acquisition Council in New Delhi sanctioned US$ 75 million for the M7N.1E engines which will power the two Grigorovich class frigates. As for the other two warships, they will be built at the Goa Shipyard Limited in India. Needless to say, this will be a big boost to the Modi government’s flagship ‘Make in India’ programme. India, of course, has a long and glorious tradition

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Also on the agenda is the billion dollar purchase and production of 200 units of the Kamov-226T helicopters. These are small, twin-engine, light utility helicopters and they are expected to replace the ageing Cheetah and Chetak chopper fleets which cater to the Indian military’s needs on Siachen glacier. The helicopters will be manufactured by a new joint venture company known as Indo-Russian Helicopters

Private Limited. India’s Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) will have a 50.5 per cent share in this company while Russia’s state-owned Rostec Corp will own the remaining 49.5 per cent. In the first phase, India will buy 60 helicopters in flyaway condition; then, the next 40 will be assembled in India while the remaining 100 will reportedly be manufactured from scratch at HAL’s new helicopter complex at Tumkur, near Bengaluru. This, in turn, will also add to the Make in India programme.

New Geostrategic Realities Overall, this new thrust in defence cooperation between India and Russia must also be viewed against the larger geo-strategic backdrop. As mentioned earlier, bilateral ties between India and Russia have been adrift for quite some time now. While Russia lost some of the global pre-eminence after the collapse of the Soviet Union, India too sought other friends and partners. In defence terms, Russia is no longer India’s only main supplier – instead it has to compete against Israel,

the US and other European countries. This is in part because India has often faced problems with cost overruns and delayed deliveries from Russia, and in part because it is only fair that India diversify its stock of buyers. After all, Russia has also used this same logic to initiate defence engagements with Pakistan.

India-US Entente In political and strategic terms, India has now steadily improved its ties with the US, which of course is no friend of Russia’s.

in its own neighbourhood but increasingly also in India’s backyard has been one of the more important reasons why the US and India have sought a closer partnership.

Russia-China Hug In the meantime, Russia has gone the other way. In an attempt to regain its superpower status, it has moved closer to China and quietly accepted the role of a junior partner in the relationship. America and indeed, the Western world’s decision to slap sanctions

It is important for New Delhi to send a clear message to Kremlin that old friends have not been forgotten The Indo-US nuclear deal, signed in 2005, was a watershed moment in both Delhi and Washington, and heralded a new era in bilateral ties. Today, the two countries cooperate in just about every field of engagement but few will deny that China’s less-than-peaceful rise and belligerence not just

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against Russia after the Crimean crisis, has also not helped matters at all – if anything, it has pushed Russia closer into China’s embrace. This could potentially pose a problem for India, and therefore, it is important for New Delhi to send a clear message to Kremlin that old friends have not been forgotten.

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industry

From Electronics To High-Calibre Artillery Currently, we are delivering nine high-value defence solutions including the Akash Surface to Air Missiles, Agni Inter Continental Ballistic Missile, Pinaka MBRL, Modernisation of Airfield Infrastructure (MAFI), Integrated Electronic Warfare System (IEWS), Border Management System and Optical Electronics such as ‘Night Vision’ and ‘Thermal Imagers’. 48

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ata Power Strategic Engineering Division (SED) is the original ‘Make in India’ company since 1970s. In 1982, Tata Power SED had partnered with the late Dr APJ Abdul Kalam to work on the Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme (IGMDP) that Dr Kalam was leading at that time. Thereafter, we worked on the Command and Control System of India’s first indigenous submarine – INS Arihant – and the Samyukta Electronic Warfare System. In 2006, we became a Weapons Systems Prime with the order for Pinaka Multi-Barrel Rocket Launchers (MBRLs). Since then, we have won two ‘Buy (Global)’ bids against foreign original equipment manufacturers (OEMs) and proven our globally competitive capabilities. The Tata Power SED has also been down selected as Development Agency for both the Make in India programmes – Tactical Communication System (TCS) and the Battlefield Management System (BMS). Wide Canvas Currently, we are delivering an entire suite of defence solutions including the Akash Surface to Air Missiles, Agni Inter Continental Ballistic Missile, Pinaka MBRL, Modernisation of Airfield Infrastructure (MAFI), Integrated Electronic Warfare System (IEWS), Border Management System and Optical Electronics such as ‘Night Vision’ and ‘Thermal Imagers’. Recently, we have also received export orders for our Optical

Electronic devices that perform at 1,800 FoM level, far higher than any other performance offered by the Indian industry. We are fortunate to be in a business where each day, we get to contribute to the collective exercise of nation building. Some of our products which are currently in the service of our nation: • Pinaka Multi-Barrel Rocket Launcher (MBRL) Pinaka is a multiple rocket launch system that can fire a salvo of 12 HE rockets in 44 seconds to neutralise enemy positions on mountain tops. Following its impressive performance, the Army has ordered more Pinaka MBRLs and the MoD has proposed raising the strength of Pinaka regiments from the current 2 to 22 within the next decade. Akash Missile System for Indian Air Force Akash surface-to-air missile system is an indigenously designed Air Defence system by the DRDO with Indian Industry. It is a shining example of Public Private Strategic Partnership and a true ‘Make in India’ programme that has created close to 3,200 jobs in over 300 industries. The system provides air defence missile coverage for an area of over 2,000km and has come to form the backbone of the military’s air defence strategy. The Indian military’s combined orders for Akash are to the tune of US$ 4 billion. The possibility of exporting the Akash missile system to friendly countries such as Vietnam is also being actively •

September 2017

Rahul Chaudhry CEO Tata Power SED After two decades of overseas experience with the AT&T, Motorola and British Telecom, the author joined the Tata Group as the CEO of Tata Power Broadband in 2001. Since 2004, he has been leading the most diversified Private Sector Defence Prime Contractor - Tata Power SED. He has been on the Vijay Kelkar Committee and is currently the Chairman of Defence Innovators and Industry Association (DIIA), an association of Defence and Aerospace MSMEs. explored by the GoI, thus for the first time, allowing India to transition into the role of a major arms exporter. This will in turn lead to the creation of more jobs and revenues, especially precious foreign exchange. •

Modernisation Of Air Field Infrastructure (MAFI) The Tata Power SED is currently executing the `1,219 crore order for modernising 30 Air Fields of Indian Air Force. Post the MAFI, these airfields will be able to handle aircraft in adverse weather conditions. This order was won against global competitors. The second phase for the modernisation of another 37 airfields is being negotiated. The Tata Power has been

Defence AND security alert

industry

successfully able to implement the MAFI in record time, despite many of these airports also serving as civilian airports, for instance, the Lohegaon airport at Pune. While military airfields can be shut down for operations for specified periods of time during an upgrade, civilian airports like the Lohegaon airport that handles almost 10,000 passengers every day pose a different set of challenges. The Tata Power SED was able to complete the installation of the requisite systems without disrupting operations at any of the civilian airfields. •

Medium Range Surface-toAir Missile (MRSAM) The MRSAM is a joint development programme between the DRDO and the Israeli Armaments Industry, where the Indian industry (including the DPSUs and the Private Sector Companies) are partners for the various systems. Recently, the MRSAM missile was successfully test fired proving the system’s efficacy on our Missile Launcher.

The Pinaka Multi-Barrel Rocket Launcher

A 155mm/52 calibre howitzer, ATAGS is potentially the biggest indigenous project in the country and aims to meet the Army’s need for more than 2,000 artillery pieces

The MRSAM has been designed to be effective against any type of airborne threat including aircraft, helicopters, anti-ship missiles, the UAVs, ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and combat jets. The Indian Army has ordered five regiments of the MRSAM which would consist of 40 cannister–based launchers and 200 missiles, to be delivered by 2023. The total cost of the project is estimated to be US$ 2.6 billion. • Agni - V System India’s Inter-Continental Ballistic Missile (ICBM) is a real deep strike weapon against China. The Tata Power SED supplied the Ground Systems such as the TCT (Transporter-Cum-Tilter) Mobile Road Launch Systems for the 63ton missile. Conventionally, Indian missiles have used traditional tractor trailer based trucks for transporting missiles. However these vehicles significantly limit the mobility of advanced missile systems while also exposing them to the risk of being easily detected by the enemy. The TCT system provides much needed mobility and safety for the Indian missile systems which conventional tractor-trailer based trucks were unable to provide. It is a matter

The Akash Air Force Launcher

of immense pride for the Tata Power SED that the test firing of the Agni-V took place from the Transporter-cum-Tilter system designed and developed by the company. •

Advanced Towed Artillery Gun System (ATAGS) A 155mm/52 calibre howitzer, the ATAGS is potentially the biggest indigenous project in the country and aims to meet the Army’s need for more than 2,000 artillery pieces and generating indigenous manufacture for over `30,000 crore. The Tata Power SED is proud to be the lead partner of the DRDO in this project. The ATAGS has been successfully test fired by the Army and been praised universally for its exceptional performance and state-of-theart features like all-electric drive, auxiliary power mode, automated

command and control system as well as a maximum range of 45 km, depending on the ammunition used. •

155mm/52 calibre Mounted Gun Systems (MGS) In 2014, the SED carried out the successful engineering firing of our Mounted Gun System with the highest charges at the MoD range in India and are awaiting the issue of the RFP for this programme. Meanwhile, with the DRDO (ARDE) we have also developed 155mm/52 calibre indigenous Advance Towed Artillery Gun System (ATAGS) that was on display in the Republic Day Parade. •

Combat Management System for Indigenous Aircraft Carrier INS Vikrant, India’s first indigenously designed Aircraft

September 2017

Carrier, displaces about 40,000 metric tons (39,000 long tons), is 262 metres (860 ft) long and has a tailored air group of up to thirty aircraft. All weapon systems onboard the carrier will be integrated through an indigenous Combat Management System (CMS), being manufactured by the Tata Power SED. •

Optronics and Night Vision Devices (NVD) The Tata Power SED has recently secured orders to supply indigenously made Hand Held Thermal Imaging System to the BSF and Passive Night Vision Binoculars to the MHA. The Tata Power SED will also export the Handheld Thermal Imaging System to Indonesia and other countries over the next few years.

Defence AND security alert

cyber security

Future Is Problematic The ‘Cyber Security’ obligations of stakeholders such as e-commerce websites, directors of companies, law firms, thermal power sector, power and energy sector, government departments, etc. must be properly understood and effectively implemented in India.

yber Security strives to ensure the attainment and maintenance of the security properties of the organisation and user’s assets against relevant security risks in the cyber environment. The general security objectives comprise the following: • Availability • Integrity, which may include

September 2017 dsalert.org

authenticity and repudiation • Confidentiality

non-

Cyber Security Market Cyber Security Market is expected to garner US$ 198 billion by 2022, registering a compound annual growth rate of 21 per cent during the forecast

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period 2016-2022. The Cyber Security market includes solutions such as security incident management, Unified Threat Management (UTM), risk and compliance management and Identity and Access Management that enable organisations to secure infrastructure and data from harmful cyber threats and vulnerabilities. Increase in adoption of mobile devices and growing reliability on internet

services in industries such as retail, healthcare, telemedicine and, energy and utilities supplements the market growth. However, lack of awareness of the benefits of implementing effective security solutions especially in Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) is expected to restrict the growth of the market. Moreover, growth in big data and cloudbased security solutions and tools, and increasing acceptance of big data analytics to gather critical data on cyber threats is creating numerous opportunities for the growth of the market.

Ransomware Or Phishing Ransomware, including malwares, viruses and trojans continue to have a distinctive place in the reserves of attackers. In 2016, publicly engineered phishing emails along with other email attacks were a major concern. These attacks are expected to continue due to the growing Internet reliability and increasing usage of mobile devices in the corporate environment. Furthermore, phishing attacks are one of the most common security challenges faced by organisations that enable access to passwords, credit card information and other sensitive information regarding phone calls, emails and social media accounts. Ransomware is a kind of cyber-attack wherein the attackers take control of the computer system and block access to it. Then they demand ransom from the owner or operators of the computer system and don’t leave the system until

the ransom is paid. The attack is launched by downloading malicious software on a system within the network. This is done by targeting one particular victim, by getting her or him to click on a link that starts the download automatically. The emerging Bring Your Own Device (BYOD) trend among organisations has also made devices and applications more vulnerable to malware and threats.

Challenges For India There is no focussed R&D with a well thought out plan to develop Cyber Security technology, products, e-mail and social media platforms, with sponsored projects in the private sector. • India needs to develop and promulgate the Cyber Security standards and frameworks for development and audit processes. • Cyber Security is not a very easy process to manage. It requires both technological expertise and legal compliances which are lacking in the country. There are no dedicated cyber security laws in India, except the IT Act 2000 which also has its drawbacks such as lack of privacy, lack of civil liberties protection, absence of cyber security breaches, disclosure norms, etc. The information technology Act, IT Act 2000 was passed to govern legal issues of e-commerce, e-governance, cyber crimes, etc.

September 2017

Rohan Nyayadhish The writer is the founder and managing director of Digital Task Force Pvt Ltd., Cyber Crime Helpline, Digital Status Solutions LLP, Digital Business Registrations Pvt Ltd. and Saya Welfare Foundations the NGOTrust. For the past 10+ years, he has been working in association with Maharashtra Police, CID, Anti-Terrorist Squad and other law enforcement agencies as a Cyber Forensic Expert and Information Security Advisor.

But, still we need new amended and better techno-legal laws to replace the old law. Many critical issues need to be taken care of such as critical infrastructure protection, cyber warfare policy, cyber terrorism, e-commerce Cyber Security, e-governance Cyber Security, Cyber Security of banks, etc. The Cyber Security obligations of stakeholders such as e-commerce websites, directors of companies, law firms, thermal power sector, power and energy sector, Government departments, etc. must be properly understood and effectively implemented in India. It is now time that India must be Cyber Security prepared to protect its cyberspace.

Defence AND security alert

book review

India-China Relations

Politics of Resources, Identity and Authority in a Multipolar World Order The book looks at the nuances and politics that the two countries attach to multilateral institutions and examines how they receive, react to and approach each other’s presence and upsurge.

s with the present scenario, the relations between IndiaChina seem grim, Dr Jagannath Panda welcomes us to a totally new perspective with his latest book IndiaChina Relations – Politics of Resources, Identity and Authority in a Multipolar World Order. Dr Panda, a Research fellow at the Institute of Defense Studies Analysis (IDSA) has shunned what he calls the ‘mainstream theoretical prisms’ – realism, idealism and constructivism through which most scholars view the India-China relations. But differs considering the dynamism between the two Asian powers much more complex and complicated. He views the complexities in India-China relations to be multilayered and polygonal which has surpassed

September 2017 dsalert.org

the stage of “competitioncooperation” entering into a further intricate maze of competition, cooperation, conflict, collaboration and coexistence. This book correctly displays how these above-mentioned complexities play at the bilateral, sub-regional, regional, crosscontinental and global levels and effect many other facets like the BRICS forum, the BASIC climate grouping, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the African reach. Panda also analyses the sensitive points between the two countries, be it the Tibet issue, the Dalai Lama matter, water sharing conflicts or the 1962 war which has many a times prevented the cooperative aspects to dominate. Moreover, economic developments like the One Belt, One Road (OBOR) and Bangladesh-China-India-

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Myanmar also challenge the cooperative characters between the two, throwing light upon the balance required between economic inter-dependence and security concerns. These conflicting interests might continue to pose a risk in the bilateral relations between India and China due to the border conflicts or mutual mistrusts. As Panda discusses the nonsupportive approach between both the countries over the South China Sea and China hesitant position to India’s claim for a permanent seat at the UN Security Council, it also questions the development partnership between the two. Panda also highlights the hypocrisy shown by China where on one hand it opposes India of its activities in the South China Sea but at the same time, defends its China-Pakistan-EconomicCorridor (CPEC) passing through the Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (POK) as a commercial or livelihood project. He also interrogates the investment made by China to back the developing countries to result with unity and solidarity as an attempt to strengthen its own presence within the global order. The China-India-USA triangle is also briefly highlighted in Panda’s concluding chapter where developments in the US-India relations have concluded efforts by the American administration to draw India further closer to the East Asian states with joint naval exercises like the Malabar exercise between the US and India involving Japan. These

progresses have quite been a matter of concern for China. With the recent conflict in the Doklam region going on for more than a month now, Panda defines India’s standing challenged to formulise a policy balancing both the US and China without letting go of the previously accepted policy of ‘NonAlignment’ providing autonomy. It also focuses on the future in the post- 14th Dalai Lama phase, where India would need to revise its Tibet Policy and deal with the activities of the Tibetan Government in Exile (TGIE). The India-China politics which has been affecting alliances such as the SCO, ASEAN, SAARC, South Asia, etc but also eroding the western dominance over the mainstream financial bodies of the IMF, WTO and the World Bank. Panda also highlights the obstacle India faces to be a strategic partner in the evolving Southeast Asian sector boosting its defense and strategic cooperation with the US and China also maintain its influence over the South Asia region and the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) currently challenged by China. With the still ‘no proper diplomatic solution’ to the recent border conflict, the conflict has pushed the Panchsheel partners to a conflicting and troublesome zone. To this hence, Panda rightly states that: “India and China may even reach a stage where they may represent a unified position to reform the political and financial institutions. Attain various global governance objectives and gain momentum in

September 2017

Mrittika Guha Sarkar The writer is currently pursuing Masters in International Relations from Jawaharlal Nehru University(JNU), New Delhi. She is also an intern at the Institute for Defense Studies and Analyses (IDSA) working for the East Asia centre and previously have interned with the think tank, India Policy Foundation(IPF). She wishes to advance her career in research with the primary area of focus being International Politics specially in the East Asia region.

Panda also highlights the hypocrisy shown by China times to come. But realistically, these coordinated approaches may lack vigor and vitality due to the national interest that both India and China pursue globally.” Hence, the contradicting national interests and ambitions of both the countries might continue to interfere and overshadow their collective efforts, which as a complex pattern would keep evolving with the developing world politics.

Defence AND security alert

August 2017

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