LIVING ON THE EDGE: MArch Dissertation 2018 by Oliver Clark

LIVING ON THE EDGE

A thesis examining the extent to which long-term fiscal investment and official regeneration strategies have influenced reducing segregation in disadvantaged communities in East Manchester

Oliver Clark

/ Abstract

dge conditions exist in urban structures, both the physical recognisable elements in a cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s makeup and, the not always so apparent, socio-spatial divides. When measured both geographically and empirically, these conditions can inform how a neighbourhood is affected by an intervention over time. One method of extracting this information is via census data capture or big data analysis. With the increase of information quality, gathering and sharing techniques in the last decade, local authorities utilise and therefore rely on this information more prevalently than ever before. Nevertheless, tax payer funds are allocated in adherence to this information, making them subject to a higher level of scrutiny. Consequently, if we can better our understanding

of data analysis and representation this could help inform our decision-making processes, not only for local authoritative purposes but for wider societyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s requirements. This paper aims to explore the relationship between data and urban planning. Using regeneration as the system which connects both aspects together, and segregation as the methodology by which this can be evaluated. It will seek to provide a new perspective on how to measure neighbourhood segregation. It will also go on to highlight key limitations of the use of the Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD) regarding the urban environment. This will result in the conceptualisation of a new Urban Segregation Index (USI).

/ Acknowledgements

I would like thank Professor Ola Uduku from the Manchester School of Architecture for her guidance, assistance and knowledge provided throughout the creation of this paper. I would also like to recognise both higher education facilities: The University of Manchester and Manchester Metropolitan University for their provision of services, literature and databases which helped bring this study to fruition.

/ Table of Contents

Abstract Acknowledgements List of Acronyms Introduction /1

Literature Review

/ 2 Historic Narrative: Manchester Glasgow / 3

Research Methodology

/ 4

Manchester Analytics

/ 5

Glasgow Analytics

/ 6

Research Finding

/ 7 Conclusion Bibliography

2 3 5 6 10 17 23 25 30 34 38 42 45

/ List of Acronyms

Compulsory Purchase Order Commonwealth Games Glasgow City Council Index of Multiple Deprivation Index of Dissimilarity Job Seekers Allowance Lower Super Output Area Manchester City Council Manchester City Football Club New Deal for Communities New East Manchester Output Area Social Exclusion Unit Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation Single Regeneration Budget Strategic Regeneration Framework Urban Regeneration Company Urban Segregation Index

CPO CWG GCC IMD ID JSA LSOA MCC MCFC NDC NEM OA SEU SIMD SRB SRF URC USI 5

/ Introduction

he injection of an event or project to correct imbalances in a spatial network, is not just locally but globally recognised as common practice. This study aims to improve the understanding of what affect these mechanisms have on the urban environment. All UK cities have experienced some level of postwar or post-industrial renaissance. Across central and local authoritative scales various strategies, procedures and methods have been introduced with the objective of improving prevalent social, urban and economic problems. Historically speaking the Festival of Britain in 1951, the Millennium Dome unveiling in 2000 or more recently the 2012 Olympic Games, could all be categorised as regeneration strategies. Manchester followed this narrative becoming known as a post-industrial city. Old industrial

warehouses have been converted into fashionable, up-market, loft style apartments for young professionals working in the city. Renewal was targeted towards three areas of the city, with the aim of creating a different appeal in each. The first was the West region, including Salford Quays, was ring fenced for cultural growth which projects such as; The Lowry, MediaCityUK and The Imperial War Museum. The second was the central region, predominately consisting of commercial, retail and leisure offerings. Finally, the East Manchester area, identified as a major sporting hub, with the Manchester City Stadium as its centrepiece. This study will be focusing on East Manchester as a research location (see Figure 2.2), as it has been previously described as the most â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;policy thickâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; area in the UK (Blakeley, 2013). A vast range of regeneration policies, interventions and strategies

Figure 0.1 Diagram explaining research question (Source: Clark, 2018)

have been implemented in the East of Manchester, commonly known as â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Cottonopolisâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (Hatherley, 2011). Concentrated within the decade following the millennium, these efforts culminated to the public price tag of ÂŁ1.5 billion (Hincks, 2016). Nevertheless, the majority of East Manchester, as of the 2015 Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD) census data, scores in the highest decile of areas in the whole UK. Questions can be raised to why this can occur with the extensive quantity of urban policy and economic reform implemented in the area. The period from 2000-2015 census data captures will be studied for this paper as is encompasses the highest quantity of renewal strategies in the East Manchester region. The first section of this dissertation will begin with a summarised literature review that explains how the existing broader context of research

has informed the selective topic of study and therefore how it contributes towards the wider disciplines. Within this review sits a statement from MCC explaining their relationship, use and understanding of data. The second section will comprise of a brief historical overview of Manchester and the East area of the city, characterising and setting the scene to aid understanding of the sense of place. A critique of the political condition throughout the postmillennial regeneration period will further deepen knowledge on implementation and strategy from central to local authoritative scale. Alongside this will be complementary detailed review of Glasgow as it follows not only a similar historic narrative to Manchester but also held the 2014 Commonwealth Games (CWG). Nevertheless, as appropriate as Glasgow is for comparison, the

Figure 0.2 Diagram showing relationship of research topic to wider context (Source: Clark, 2018)

focus will remain on East Manchester and other locations are used for contextualisation rather than supplementary exhaustive analysis. The third section explains the research methodology used to gather quantitative findings for discussion and contribution towards answering the original hypothesis. A study investigating what long term effects fiscal investment and official regeneration strategies have on deprived communities in East Manchester. The key objectives of the methodology are as stated below; • Assess data in context of Manchester City Council (MCC), explored by using the Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD) as the chosen dataset. • Identify key urban nodes as-a-result of specific neighbourhood restructuring exercises, the most significant being the 2002 Commonwealth Games (CWG), Manchester City Football Club’s (MCFC) Etihad Stadium and New East Manchester’s (NEM) development area. • Construct a new approach to measuring segregation, approaching it from an urban based perspective, formulised with the proposal of a new Urban Segregation Index (USI). The fourth and fifth sections are predominately analytical, containing all necessary research outputs explained in section 3. Here, analysis on both Manchester and Glasgow is represented through a series of maps, diagrams and tables. Section six narrates the major research findings. The seventh section concludes the study, assessing the how comprehensively the research has addressed the academic hypothesis. 8

“Every time we’ve attempted to share data we’ve ended up in a technology discussion, which has never solved the problem. It’s too complicated, or we talk to the wrong people, or it takes too long. So, we’re taking a different tack, focusing on data sharing and information governance requirements for “use cases” or case studies of where we are already sharing data and can take it further, or new ideas. For each use case, we find a technology solution, rather than starting with tech and then looking for ways to use it” (Manchester City Council, 2016)

/ The Literature

Figure 1.1 Diagram highlighting IMD contextual relationships (Source: Clark, 2018)

ollowing an extensive review of literature surrounding urban planning, political regeneration policy, census data information and neighbourhood segregation, gaps in the literature became clear to which the focus of this study formed. The review is formed around three general themes of disadvantaged neighbourhoods, regeneration strategies and residential segregation. Underneath each of these general topics shadow further sub-headings which share relationships and overlaps. Statement from MCC in 2016, after being described as a ‘Datavore’: “Every time we’ve attempted to share data we’ve ended up in a technology discussion, which has never solved the problem. It’s too complicated, or we talk to the wrong people, or it takes too long. So, we’re taking a different tack, focusing on data sharing and information governance requirements for “use

cases” or case studies of where we are already sharing data and can take it further, or new ideas. For each use case, we find a technology solution, rather than starting with tech and then looking for ways to use it” (Manchester City Council, 2016)

Disadvantaged Neighbourhoods

nitially, current literature was reviewed on what is commonly used as an indicator for identifying when an area is struggling or underperforming within an urban fabric. Overarchingly, deprivation was the most frequently used terminology with relation to quantifying this through the Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD). The index uses information from 37 separate indicators, categorised into 7 key domains: Income, Employment, Health, Education, Barriers to Housing and Services, Crime, Living Environment (see Figure 1.2). It is a powerful, conclusive tool 10

for information gathering, but nevertheless, has been scrutinised on its formulation. Iain Deas from the School of Planning and Landscape at the University of Manchester has some fundamental queries that are summarised below; 1. Size of deprived population- The IMD takes no account of the overall size of local authority, district populations or of the absolute number of deprived people therein. 2. Emphasis on benefits- Heavily reliant on benefit-recipient data which has some uncertainties built within itself- `entitled nonrecipients’. 3. Method of measuring accessibility to goods and services- straight line distances are un-comparable in large urban environments to rural locations. 4. Excluding crime and degraded physical environment from aspects of deprivation (would largely account for urban inaccessibility) It is important for this study to understand the weaknesses in the index as it will be used as part of the research practice. Furthermore, the limitations have influenced the construction of the proposed Urban Segregation Index (USI). The terminology ‘deprivation’ has been used hesitantly as it has been critiqued for carrying heavy preconceptions or stigmatisations, alike that of gentrification. Therefore, to retain a balanced argument, the method of analysis will be via data, hopefully the bias toward numerical rather than empirical outcomes achieves this. Since the 1970’s various official indices have been developed to try and monitor deprivation, however they have been criticised of only showing a ‘snapshot’ of the situation. This has meant short-run changes are difficult to be illustrated, most because of the frequency of the input data, decadal data analysis instead of annual (Hincks’, 2016). Furthermore, understanding the transition of a neighbourhood from one state to another

has been academically overlooked which Hinks hoped to contribute towards. A summarised version of Hincks’ research methodology is explained below: Step 1- Develop a typology of deprived neighbourhood change. State methodology, test capacity and variable range to make consistent across data fields. Result can then be compared and categorised into either 1. Above average, 2. Average, 3. Below Average. Step 2- Using the indicators he identifies in step 1 he further develops the methodology by introducing other datasets. The 4 ‘Neighbourhood change indicators’ are: 1. Working age JSA claimant change (%) 2. Annual change in population (%) 3. Change in household transactions at LSOA scale (%) 4. Change in median household price at LSOA scale (%) Step 3- The final step uses the data sources applied to the LSOA’s to measure the annual change and categorises them dependent on their change 1. Mono-state transition, 2. Dualstate transition, 3. Multi-state transition. This 3-step process if reflected and applied to this study’s research methodology, as explained in section 3 (see Figure 3.1).

Regeneration

here has been a large academic contribution towards the topic of regeneration from various social, political and economic aspects. Many of which come from social science disciplines and have attempted to quantify with the use of ethnographic research. It does produce informative research, however because of its personal nature, levels of subjectivity can be conceived within its gathering. Therefore, this study will eliminate any ethnographically gathered information in its research methodology. Regeneration, in urban form is in the broadest 11

Figure 1.2 Diagram adapted from Deasâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s study; explaining what sub-indicators and weightings are used to create the Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD) (Source: Clark, 2018) 12

sense, associated with any development being constructed within a neighbourhood. Urban in the context of city or town surroundings as opposed to rural or suburban development, the two contexts can drastically vary in strategies implemented. (Tallon, 2013). Tallon goes on to further separate urban policy from urban regeneration, referring to the policy at the basic level as a process utilised by local authorities or organisations and the regeneration as the physical outcome. This understanding or urban renewal and administration process is shared by other authors, notably of which Roberts and Skyes who write in the ‘Urban regeneration handbook’; “…policy is a course of action adopted by government; it is an approach, method, practice and code of conduct.” (Roberts, 2000). Regeneration can be categorised as form of modernity, simplifying the act to the fundamental principles of replacing something old with some new (Smith, 2013). However, the theory can be developed by expanding regeneration beyond a set period in time, which is typically the eighteenth or nineteenth centuries. By removing the period tag of modernity, it signifies the act of regeneration as a method of progressive thinking. Typically, urban politics when referred to as progressive, falls under the neo-liberal umbrella. Therefore, is not surprisingly a technique used by Blair’s New Labour government in Manchester’s context. Smith describes the innovative use of major sporting events, arenas and associated constructions as symbols of technological advances at that time. Roche further complements this discussion by referring to them as ‘timekeepers of progress’ (Roche, 2000). As broad a term as regeneration is, the method chosen can range also, for example contextualising sporting events is appropriate to Manchester with regard the 2002 CWG. Nevertheless, if we accept Smith’s theory on regeneration representing a forward-thinking mentality then, World Expo’s share a similar level

of exposure, utopian ideology and individual escapism. Manchester’s inner-city renewal strategy, when conceived, was considered innovative to the extent one could even interpret entrepreneurial urbanism as means of opposition towards central government (Blakeley, 2013). Nevertheless, the ‘Manchester Model’ is regarded as a success and often refenced by policy makers for means of enablement. To summarise entrepreneurial urbanism in the context of the city is recognising there is a need for change and improvement, such that of grave poverty and poor quality of life shown in the East Manchester area. Then understanding which economic mechanism is appropriate for successful longevity in the local area, constructing the 2002 CWG’s. Integrating the chosen mechanism into the wider context of a masterplan called ‘Sportcity’ and using that to unlock economic processes to fuel the development (Ward, 2003). Finally, the relationship between central government, local authority and private organisations in one of a finely balanced partnership whereby, central government seems to work best ‘at arm’s length’. A notable author, researcher an actor on Manchester’s development is Kevin Ward, a Professor of Human Geography, his work repeatability features throughout this review section. Manchester as a city has always had a resilient character. The power from its industrial strength is said to still exist in the city, but like energy, it is transferred into an alternative form. Peak and Ward, write that Manchester’s energy in now in the form of urban regeneration. “…a perplexing mix of both ongoing decline and dynamic transformation.” (Peak and Ward, 2002). This is a reasonable amount of literature surrounding emotive, empirical and personal recollections which as previously mentioned is excluded from this paper. 13

Nevertheless, some important contextualising information has been gathered on reflection from specific studies focused on regeneration in the East Manchester region. One resident living in Bradford, when interviewed cannot recall the name of the neighbourhood that they live in as it has been ‘re-branded’ many times. Place naming is common is in renewal projects, “Regeneration programmes are as concerned with creating new discourses and meanings of place as they are with changing their physical form.” (Lewis, 2015). The speed of development and progress being made to the spatial network of Manchester, was seemingly executed at a pace that irrespective of resident’s perception of their neighbourhoods (Ward 2002; Peak and Ward, 2003; Lewis 2015). From which it can be understood that the ‘genius loci’ of neighbourhoods in East Manchester had diminished as a consequence of regeneration strategies.

Segregation

egregation has been studied previously but most consistently from a human geography background, therefore basing their indices on racial or class divides. This is otherwise known as the Index of Dissimilarity (ID), it is verbalized by recognising patterns of concentrated groups with similar characteristics. In 1998 Massey and Denton categorised the combination of these patterns of segregation as one of five; evenness, exposure, clustering, centralisation and concentration. They described residential exclusion as a “multidimensional phenomenon” (Massey and Denton, 1988). Fundamentally segregation is difficult to measure as, like deprivation, it has many factors contributing towards changes in the both social and urban environments. Considering the premise of a social and urban environment, Space Syntax, an academic collective

formed around themes of urban planning, spatial economics and architecture, conceptualised the city as these two similar elements. The first, a physical built form and organisation within a cities makeup and the second, a social environment where human interaction occurs. They strived to quantify, analyse and learn the effects of new developments on complex patterns within space to ultimately “detect sign of social city either side of physical city” (Vaughan, 2007). The most appropriate of their research methodologies for this study is how to quantify segregation by simplifying an urban gird or city map through segment analysis mapping. The system simplifies intersections against three definitions; 1. Metric- distance, shortest path. 2. Geometric- least angle change. 3. Topological- fewest turns. This is a successful tool in understanding how humans move through cities. Furthermore, it can track variation in transportation patterns which can be used to evaluate what effects different implementations either in the physical or empirical form have on the residents in a neighbourhood. To some extent this shows mobility within an urban structure which, could be linked to segregation, as low mobility has a relationship to highly segregated communities. Space Syntax’s segment analysis mapping has informed this study’s research methodology which is explained in further detail in section three. Another aspect to or segregation is social exclusion. It is defined by the Social Exclusion Unit (SEU) as: “…a level of exclusion and disconnectedness that groups or individuals feel as-a-result of a number of interrelated factors including unemployment, poor skills, low incomes, poor housing, high crime environments, bad health and family breakdown.” (Woolrych, 2007). This ‘task force’ was created as one of the many New Labour political reforms during their victory in 1997. 14

Their objectives are summarised below; • National mainstream policies e.g. health, education, social services • Area programmes concentrating on specific neighbourhoods • Government cross-disciplinary Action Teams aiming to produce components of a national strategy which integrates policies across government departments. (Huxford, 1998) Segregation patterns, in the urban realm, can be evaluated as having polarisation trends which is; “…a growth in both the bottom end and the top end of the socio-economic distribution.” And can affect a neighbourhood; “Increased social inequality and social division results in the social inclusion of one part of society and the social exclusion of another part.” (Musterd and Ostendorf, 1998). These trends are more prevalent in higher welfare state dependent communities, which East Manchester is categorised as. Furthermore, regeneration can be understood as class-based urban political system (Paton et al, 2012). Which, when a residential community becomes further segregated because of a regeneration initiative, is typically referred to as gentrification. Prolonged segregation can have other negative outcomes on a neighbourhood, such as territorial stigmatisation.

/ Historic Narrative: Manchester

Figure 2.1 Map of the British Isles with the two case study cities highlighted (Source: Clark, 2018) 17

“[East Manchester] …is inhabited, for the most part, by the families of operatives, who are dependent upon manual labour for their subsistence…Their occupations are extremely laborious, their earnings very moderate, and their time of labour, when in full, work often amount to 14 hours per day.” (Heywood, 1838). Heywood’s quote formed part of a report highlighting the levels of poverty and living conditions for large proportions of UK cities throughout the 19th century, it is however very telling of the area to be one of the most destitute of all his evaluations.

ollowing what lead Manchester to thrive at the forefront of cotton manufacturing in the world

developed the city to what is it today, with large proportions of the cotton mills concentrated in the East of the city. Coincidental, the manufacturing industry employed at its absolute peak, half of the cities workforce (Peak and Ward, 2002). However, as global competition increased and machine favoured manufacturing techniques improved during the late 1950’s, Manchester began to decline from the 1960’s onwards. Deindustrialisation, caused dramatic economic lose from vast redundancies. This is evidenced by the records of the city having 24,000 job losses from 1974 to 1984 (Manchester City Council, 1995). There were significant consequences from such severe dependence on the manufacturing

Figure 2.2 Map highlighting research sample area in context of Greater Manchester (Source: Clark, 2018) industries. There were many large firm closures and gaping urban wounds of vacant, derelict, industrial land left within the city’s fabric. “Unemployment ‘blackspots’ were heavily

concentrated in the East of the city due to the position of the industrial sites” (Lewis, 2016). In 1972 94% of dwellings in the East of the city region, were valued in the lowest Council 18

Taxation bands A-C and only 0.4% in bands G-H. This is an indicator that most of the housing stock in the area was regarded as poor quality by MCC standards, with only a handful considered at an ‘above average’ valuation and habitable condition. The west of the city region won the ‘restructuring race’, undergoing huge redevelopment to create the Trafford Centre district, whilst the East remained in serious decline and social discontent continued. “…the fact is that success in one area usually means losing funds elsewhere, so the cumulative outcome is a form of regressive social redistribution.” (Ward, 2003). Throughout the Thatcherite period of government much of East Manchester continued to decline in terms of poverty, deprivation and isolation. Emotional discontent was compounded by the West of the city receiving investment and development first, resulting in the 1981 Urban Riots. Neighbourhoods in this study’s research area was affected by the social unrest “…shops were looted, vehicles overturned and set on fire, petrol bombs thrown and police and ambulance men injured.” (Hylton, 2003). Central government and the right-wing’s response to these now revealing issues was to adopt a laissez-faire policy by reducing public expenditure. At which point MCC, who politically speaking were actively engaged in trying to improve the desperate conditions in the East of the city, pursued a route of decentralised means of local authority enterprises. This marks an important political turning point in Manchester’s history whereby the city somewhat dissatisfied with central UK policy effectiveness, separated themselves in belief of better alternatives. From 1984 MCC was led by the Labour group and continued to be unresponsive to the non-priority lackadaisicalness from central government. “Yet the change in policy by central government and MCC alike represented a political

victory for the Thatcher Government rather than for MCC…” (Blakeley, 2013). MCC continued to strengthen relationships with businesses and entrepreneurs in the city with the success of sourcing funding for both private and public developments, including Manchester Airport and the Trafford Centre. “…nimble-footed, goalorientated business leaders coaxing and cajoling their new-found partners - the tradition-bound Establishment elites, the dogma-bound local politicians, and the role-bound bureaucrats. The movers and shakers of the business community are represented as the energisers...” (Cochrane, 1996). A real catalyst for urban renewal in the city was the 1996 IRA bombing, which injured 220 people and severely damaged the Arndale Shopping Centre (Hatchett, 2005). The 1,500kg bomb devastated the city centre region, the Arndale Shopping Centre was left wounded by this terrorist attack. MCC responded to pressures by activating a task force within 24hrs. They used it to highlight issues of outdatedness and underperforming potential of assets to which they saw an opportunity to construct a new city centre fit for the 21st century. This kick-started development and most Mancunian’s would agree that is was a positive outcome from what was an extremely negative act (BBC Radio 4, 2016). Acting in neo-liberal fashions, MCC was being innovative and pushing urban politics in new directions which is testament to their desire to improve the East. This was the early makings of what is now commonly referred to as ‘entrepreneurial urbanism’ and recognises the city’s historic tenacious character and it’s ‘cando’ attitude (Peak and Ward, 2002). With New Labour winning the general election in 1997, the momentum which MCC had already created by engaging with local business elites was propelled as the city applied to host both the 1996 and 19

Figure 2.3 2 Diagrammatic timeline comparing Manchester and Glasgow historic narratives with both CWGâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s highlighted in blue (Source: Clark, 2018) 20

2000 Olympic Games. Although unsuccessful, it was surely the lessons learnt which eventually helped to land the 2002 CWG.

swapped pop music for property redevelopment” (Hatherley, 2011).

Urban Renaissance In 1999 New Labour assessed existing assets within local authority’s structure and constitutional extent, with the refreshed energy to implement new initiatives. “New Labour modified the approach that it inherited in favour of a more ‘bottom up’ strategy…” (Blakeley, 2013). The most notable of which applicable to Manchester were; New East Manchester (NEM), New Deal for Communities (NDC) and the Single Regeneration Budget (SRB). This provided the city with a renewed attitude of focusing on reducing deprivation in specific areas. The most relevant initiative to this study is NEM’s Strategic Regeneration Framework (SRF) which spanned 2008-2018 and was an agreement between MCC, MCFC and NEM, again highlighting their ability to combine public and private sectors for regeneration purposes. Political alike have referred this method and the ‘Manchester Model’. Seemingly for all its positivity, the city’s successfulness was not without criticism, Hatherley describes Manchester as a “Blairite ceremonial capital” and “[Manchester] …has

rban Task Forces were created by the new governing party, their focus set out to improve disadvantaged communities in cities via sustainable development. UK cities were ‘shrinking’ caused by mass population exodus, making part of the urban renaissance theory based upon ‘compact cities’ (Mace, 2007). The idea of smaller cities was not just about reducing the urban sprawl as seen in car dominated Northern American metropolises, but by creating infrastructure which improves access to a more socially inclusive and mutually supportive society. Important to this theory was providing public transport for residents that cannot afford their own car, Manchester Metrolink was an example of this (Great Britian, 2003). Further unique strategies were applied to East Manchester, where large voids existed in the urban grain from industrial required land, MCC envisioned large sport facilities which were land-hungry to appropriately repatriate the sites, see Figure 2.4.

Figure 2.4 Aerial photography showing East Manchester’s industrial land usage in 2000 (outlined in red) compared to 2017 (outlined in blue) (Source: Clark, 2018) 21

New East Manchester

ew East Manchester was formed as an urban regeneration company on the back of New Labour’s many initiatives, hungry to implement change. This quango was created to manage the 2002 CWG development to ensure ‘more than ten days of sport’ (Ecotec Research, 2011). Using the CWG’s for regeneration purposes posed a divided opinion, some saw the ‘entrepreneurial modes’ as more successful, arguing that no economic or social benefits can be gained by sporting events. Ward compares the area denoted for development by NEM as what Lefebvre calls ‘abstract space’, suggesting that the formulation of the development area was somewhat experimental (Refer to Figure 2.2). Despite Ward’s criticism of the urban extent highlighted in Figure 2.2, this study’s chosen research area does capture the same range of locations in the East Manchester region. When the CWG were confirmed MCC underwent planning the strategic legacy following the Games. It featured heavily in the 2001 East Manchester Regeneration Framework, the document which stated MCC’s utopian plan of using a major sporting event to generate neighbourhood improvement. The Games were being used as an alternative trigger to how the 1996 IRA bomb was used in context of the city centre.

2002 Commonwealth Games

acing the upcoming major sporting event, which could be felt as expected when considering the previous two failed Olympic game bids, MCC were under pressure to perform. It would be the largest multi-sport event ever to be held in the UK (Manchester City Council, 2004). Arguably on both national and international stages Manchester would be scrutinised. Therefore prior to the CWG athlete’s arrival, MCC implemented a

period of ‘civilising’ the surrounding development area. Manchester’s police force utilising what at times were portrayed in media sources as heavyhanded social cleansing, the necessity for these measures were objectified for reducing anti-social behaviour (Manchester Evening News, 2004). Ward categories the first ‘take’ as civilising the city, meaning local authority implemented relatively harsh and intrusive policing tactic to reduce crime and anti-social behaviour in the area. The second phase encompasses the 2002 Commonwealth Games insertion alongside the general ‘Sportcity’ utopian concept for the area. Changes in housing policy have affected residents, the idea of a ‘state-induced rent gap’ where rising house prices push existing residents out. Then the remaining council tenants pay relatively low rent prices for housing stock in a potentially high value area making the rent gap ‘unlocked’ through Compulsory Purchase Orders (CPO). Where land can be forcefully bought without owner consent and re-purposed if government believe its use will benefit society.

MCFC Etihad Stadium

ollowing the completion of the 2002 CWG’s, MCC agreed to lease the City of Manchester Stadium to MCFC, so in 2003 the football club moved from the South Manchester to their still current home in the centre of East Manchester. It was in July 2011 when the club was purchased by Middle Eastern investors for £200m and the stadium was renamed as the ‘Etihad Stadium’ (Qureshi, 2010). Since the CWG’s the football club have undergone multiple renovations to the stadium to increase its capacity from 47,000 up to 55,000. The contractual partnership between MCC and MCFC contributed to aspects of the surrounding urban regeneration schemes such as the Etihad Campus, Beswick Community Hub and Connell Sixth Form College. 22

Historic Narrative: Glasgow

lasgow’s East End shares a similar timeline to East Manchester, making it a worthy comparative (see Figure 2.3). Glasgow grew through the industrial revolution to become one of Scotland’s major manufacturing powerhouses. Similar to Manchester’s narrative, it began to feel the slumps of its key industries declining following national and global deindustrialisation. After heavy reliance on steel and ship building economies, Glasgow’s East End which housed most of the warehouses and factories, descended into poor health and employment conditions. Various regeneration efforts were attempted

major social and economic challenges faced the area, the epitome being life expectancies 14 years below that of other UK men (Paton,2017). Furthermore, the population had declined by over 50,000 since the 1950’s to the extent that less 2,000 Glaswegian’s resided in the area prior to the 2014 CWG’s (Wainwirght, 2014). Glasgow shares a resolute energy with Manchester which lead to the city receiving the European City of Culture award in 1990, which to this day is still regarded as one the most impressive accolades for GCC. From 1997, the returning Labour governments in both the UK, and in particular, the re-created Scottish Parliament from 1999, there was a desire to reform urban policy (Scottish Parliament, 2014).

during the 1980’s alike Manchester. Nevertheless,

Figure 2.5 Maps showing Glasgow’s East End and chosen research area in context of the City Centre (Source: Clark, 2018) 23

Paton refers to the 2014 CWG development as a form of gentrification, “[gentrification] involves the extraction of land value…as the creation of space for the more affluent user.” (Paton, 2017). Universally, the 2014 CWG is positioned after the global financial crisis meaning there were greater economic pressures surrounding GCC, as compared to MCC. Furthermore, the collateral damage of a major sporting event is well document by the Centre for Housing Rights and Evictions. Whereby they reported in 2007 that the Olympic Games have evicted over 2 million people in the last 20 years, and name it as one of the top causes of displacement and house price inflation in the world (Saltiel, 2013).

won the 2002 CWG bid more than a decade before Glasgow, within which, Glasgow’s sense of ‘civic pride’ deepened (Gray and Porter, 2015). Glasgow’s East End had a more difficult situation to resolve territorial stigmatisation, which was not so prevalent in Manchester’s case. Understandably, there were more economic pressures on GCC to perform, which is reflected further in the Scottish Governments ‘Post Games Report’ that highlights budgetary and timeframe successes over social participation (Scotland Communities Analytical Services, 2015).

It is much harder to find literature which share this opinion of East Manchester’s regeneration. Len Grant’s book, subtitled ‘Ten years of residentled regeneration’, singlehandedly provides some balancing of arguments to why Manchester’s Games were more socially successful. As previously written, Ward describes the period before the 2002 CWG as ‘civilising’ the area, where MCC employed policing measures to improve social condition. GCC took a stronger approach, utilising CPO measures where required, which resulted in the discontent to the local community and negative media coverage. Giorgio Agamben describes the paradigm of using CPO’s for urban renewal as a “state of exception” (Agamben, 2005). Furthermore, Neil Gray goes on to write “…CPOs as a classed tool mobilised to violently displace working class neighbourhoods.” (Gray and Porter, 2015). This forcefulness of action can be compared to Manchester somewhat, but much more severe in its implementation. Comparatively, where Glasgow differs from Manchester is in execution of the Games itself. GCC did not engage with local communities to the same level as MCC, which is to the detriment of the resident’s social wellbeing. Manchester 24

/ Research Methodolgy

The research area selected (see Figure 2.2) contains all the major urban restructuring measures discussed previously and what is defined as ‘East Manchester’ in terms of constitutional ward boundaries by MCC, including Miles Platting & Newton Heath, Ancoats & Clayton, Bradford, Ardwick, Gorton North, and Gorton South (see Figure 4.2). Additionally, these five wards are then subdivided by demarcation of Lower Super Output Areas (LSOA’s). Each individual LSOA correspond to a populous of approximately

1,500<2,500 per tile and are the smallest scale of data reference information available for census datasets. Therefore, the selected sample area holds 41 separate LSOA’s representing a populous of approximately 101,000 according to 2011 census data figures, this is a large enough scoping field to produce differentiation within the data range. Furthermore, by using LSOA format, variations from each data analysis period can be represented and geo-referenced within the research area.

Figure 3.1 Diagram showing research methodology (Source: Clark, 2018)

This paper’s research methodology is largely based upon Hinck’s study of deprived neighbourhoods, as previously mentioned in the literature review. Figure 3.1 represents the process of research undertaken and is expanded upon as described below: Stage 1- Using the 2001, 2004, 2007, 2011 and 2015 IMD datasets, representing a period prior to the 2002 CWG and post MCFC’s Etihad Stadium acquisition. LSOA’s with the largest percentage changes from the previous dataset and tracked and highlighted on the deprivation maps shown. Stage 2- Key urban mechanisms which were created from regeneration interventions are highlighted on-top-of the deprivation maps, to act as geolocated anchors throughout the period of analysis. These anchors were introduced earlier in this dissertation and chosen for the significance in impacting the related neighbourhoods. Stage 3- This stage of the research forms the study’s proposal on a new Urban Segregation

Index (USI). To do so it combines information related to geographic distances to community facilities, economic property reflections and neighbourhood population growth. This index, similar to how the IMD was used in Step 1, measures percentage change between the same periods (2001, 2004, 2007, 2011, 2015) to monitor performance. The selective datasets used in this stage consist of: • Barriers to Housing & Services (IMD subindicator) • Average Annual Population • Average Annual House Price The Urban Segregation Index (USI) is formed on the principles that changes in these indicators suggest improved integration or worsening segregation positions (see Figure 3.2). Furthermore, limitations in the current IMD formulation are attempted to be corrected by including population change. A higher-ranking score on the Barriers to Housing & Services data, combined with a fall in population change and a reduction in house prices statistically suggests a more segregated area. Whereas, a better integrated neighbourhood is characterised by the

Figure 3.2 Diagram representing how changes in the sub-indicators of the USI suggest trend of integration or segregation (Source: Clark, 2018) 26

Figure 3.3 Standardisation calculation methodology explained (Source: Clark, 2018) opposite changes in these factors; a lower scoring

compares its performance against the average

Barriers to Housing & Services figure, increased population and higher average house price.

for Manchester and the level of deviation in that statistical range (see Figure 3.3). The formulaic result produces a standardised value which can then be calculated by means of a weighted total (see Figure 3.4), to generate the USI.

Current literature on neighbourhood change is predominately based upon aspatial theories in social science fields. “[neighbourhoods are defined] …not as singular, static entities but rather as shifting geographies based on the conceptual topic of interest such as one’s social networks, economic activity, or home valuation” (Kramer, 2016). Therefore, to further contribute towards neighbourhood response discourse, the proposal of this index is constructed on urban realm ideologies. The USI is a simplified analysis tool in comparison to the IMD, nevertheless it is designed to track patterns of neighbourhood change which suggest improving of worsening position of segregation. The creation of a simplified index was intended to match the academic scope of this study whilst focusing on a specific characteristic of change in neighbourhood, which is something the IMD is unable to achieve as it is a complex multi-dimensional analysis tool.

The weighting of the data categories (see Figure 3.4) favours the Barrier to Housing & Services information by twice that of population change and house price due to the size of the sub-indicators which comprise the figures. Additionally, this dataset represents the most urban measurement of analysis therefore requires the largest scoring proportion. Collectively the research process will act as an informative indicator to what effect extent levels of urban segregation have been affected by various regeneration strategies implemented in East Manchester.

To combine the multiple sub-indicator datasets, the entries must be standardised. To do this the value, specific to a LSOA and reference period, 27

Figure 3.4 Diagram explaining research methodology Stage 3 and the indicator datasets which combine to produce the Urban Segregation Index (Source: Clark, 2018) 28

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Urban development radically restructures the quotidian, day to day lives of individuals, businesses and communities but in ways that are hidden from view.â&#x20AC;? (Lewis, 2015)

/ Manchester Analytics

Stage 1- Urban Nodes: Manchester

Figure 4.1 Table showing which regeneration project in Manchester refer to the markers shown on the Stage 2A and 2B diagrams (Source: Clark, 2018)

Figure 4.2 Map plotting Stage 1 Regeneration Projects across Research Area (Source: Clark, 2018) 30

Stage 2A- Index of Multiple Deprivation analysis: Manchester

Figure 4.3 2001-2004 Index of Multiple Figure 4.4 2004-2007 Index of Multiple Deprivation percentage change in IMD score Deprivation percentage change in IMD score (Source: Clark, 2018) (Source: Clark, 2018)

Figure 4.5 2007-2011 Index of Multiple Figure 4.6 2011-2015 Index of Multiple Deprivation percentage change in IMD score Deprivation percentage change in IMD score (Source: Clark, 2018) (Source: Clark, 2018) 31

Stage 2B- Urban Segregation Index analysis: Manchester

Figure 4.7 2001-2004 Urban Segregation Index percentage change (Source: Clark, 2018)

Figure 4.8 2004-2007 Urban Segregation Index percentage change (Source: Clark, 2018)

Figure 4.9 2007-2011 Urban Segregation Index percentage change (Source: Clark, 2018)

Figure 4.10 2011-2015 Urban Segregation Index percentage change (Source: Clark, 2018) 32

Stage 3A- Index of Multiple Deprivation Tracker: Manchester

Figure 4.11 Diagram tracking Manchester ward IMD score percentage changes in the research area from 2001-2015 (Source: Clark, 2018) Stage 3B- Urban Segregation Index Tracker: Manchester

Figure 4.12 Diagram tracking Manchester ward USI score percentage changes in the research area from 2001-2015 (Source: Clark, 2018) 33

/ Glasgow Analytics

Stage 1- Urban Nodes: Glasgow

Figure 5.1 Table showing which regeneration projects in Glasgow refer to the markers shown on the Stage 2A and 2B diagrams (Source: Clark, 2018)

Figure 5.2 Map plotting Stage 1 Regeneration Projects across Research Area (Source: Clark, 2018) 34

Stage 2A- Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation analysis: Glasgow

Figure 5.3 2004-2006 Index of Multiple Figure 5.4 2006-2009 Index of Multiple Deprivation percentage change in SIMD score Deprivation percentage change in SIMD score (Source: Clark, 2018) (Source: Clark, 2018)

Figure 5.5 2009-2012 Index of Multiple Figure 5.6 2012-2016 Index of Multiple Deprivation percentage change in SIMD score Deprivation percentage change in SIMD score (Source: Clark, 2018) (Source: Clark, 2018) 35

Stage 2B- Urban Segregation Index analysis: Glasgow

Figure 5.7 2004-2006 Index of Multiple Figure 5.8 2006-2009 Index of Multiple Deprivation percentage change in SIMD score Deprivation percentage change in SIMD score (Source: Clark, 2018) (Source: Clark, 2018)

Figure 5.9 2009-2012 Index of Multiple Figure 5.10 2012-2016 Index of Multiple Deprivation percentage change in SIMD score Deprivation percentage change in SIMD score (Source: Clark, 2018) (Source: Clark, 2018) 36

Stage 3A- Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation Tracker: Glasgow

Figure 5.11 Diagram tracking Glasgow ward SIMD percentage change from 2004-2016 (Source: Clark, 2018) Stage 3B- Urban Segregation Index Tracker: Glasgow

Figure 5.12 Diagram tracking Glasgow ward USI score percentage changes in the research area from 2004-2016 (Source: Clark, 2018)

/ Rsearch Findings

Manchester- Stage 1 & 2

igures 4.3-4.6 geographically represent percentage change in IMD score between census capture periods: 2001-04, 2004-07, 2007-11, 2011-15. All LSOA’s register a change apart from one tile in Gorton North (highlighted with yellow in Figure 4.4). It is important to note that the data corresponding to the 2001 IMD score is only available to Output Area (OA) scale, which is the next measurable scale above LSOA that typically represent 5 to 6 LSOA. Consequently, Figure 4.3 is less granular as there are only 6 reference points as compared to the 41 shown in the other Stage 2A diagrams. Stage 1 is represented over the Stage 2A and 2B diagrams (see Figure 4.3-4.10) but Figure 4.1 identifies which alphabetical reference corresponds to a specific urban regeneration project. The majority of these interventions are concentrated within the 2001-2004 data period. This is to be expected as the forthcoming 2002 CWG’s stimulated high levels development opportunities and the Games were but used as a catalyst for the region. Furthermore, the East Manchester Regeneration Framework, which was the most significant Strategic Regeneration Framework (SRF) in Manchester’s history, was produced in 2001 and set out the substantial vision for the upcoming decade. Figure 4.2 highlights that the ward of Bradford has the highest quantity of regeneration schemes located within it. Which, when combined with Stage 3A’s results (see figure 4.11), suggests that a higher concentration of interventions results in continuous advances in terms of IMD score. Supporting this argument further is Ardwick’s Stage 3A performance and not registering any regeneration strategies as shown in Figure 4.1.

Stage 2B is represented in Figures 4.7-4.10, which measures the percentage change in USI score from 2001-2015. Initially the diagrams can be read in comparison to stage 2A (Figures 4.3-4.6) and understood that the USI is a more reactive measure due to the greater tonal variation shown as compared to stage 2A diagrams. Stage 3B (see Figure 4.12) furthers this analysis, as it demonstrations the fluctuation throughout each data capture period to be more extrapolated when compared to Figure 4.11. The USI also captures negative scores in the 2007-2011 period whereas the IMD data only registered positive improvements. This is one consequence of the IMD large sub-indicator formulation which does make it a powerful analysis tool but means it cannot always record smaller changes. As a result, these finer changes can be hidden by the IMD calculation weightings (see Figure 1.2), whereas the USI is focused on isolating information which indicates segregation, so it has the capability to capture this data, as shown in the Stage 2B and 3B results.

Manchester- Stage 3

evertheless, Stage 3A tracks the overarching improvement across the entire sample area in the IMD score through 2004-2011 (see Figure 4.11). This trend continues till the 2011-2015 period whereby the outer edges of the sample area register higher levels of decline. Furthermore, the lowest ranked wards in 2001-2004 (Openshaw, Beswick, Bradford, New Islington and Miles Platting) all improve at a higher rate as compared to the higher-ranking wards until 2007, see Figure 4.11. At which point 3 out of 5 maintain or improve their relative position into the 2011-2015 period, with Miles Platting and New Islington being the exemptions that relapse into decline. Continuing into the final data period 2011-2015, only Braford achieves a consecutive improvement throughout the research period. 38

Inversely to this pattern, Ardwick is the only ward which make a continuous decline in ranking position throughout the data analysis period. It still registers positive changes during 2004-2011 but at a slower frequency as compared to the other neighbourhoods in the research area. Stage 3B and Figure 4.12 show that Newton Heath and Openshaw are the only wards which maintain a positive score across all data capture periods. This results in both ranking 1st and 2nd most integrated neighbourhoods by 2015. Ancoats and Gorton South register sharp improvements in becoming more integrated, until 2011 when a fall into negative ranking which indicates the ward becoming segregated. Ardwick showed consistent decline in IMD ranking (see Figure 4.11), this trend is also supported in USI ranking, whereby it transitions from the most integrated ward in 2001 to become the most segregated in 2015. As the USI is showing more sensitive results, it is easier to understand the effect of the 2002 CWG by comparing 2001-04 performances against 2004-07. From which the wards; Ardwick, Openshaw and Newton Heath all register improvements in USI score, but at the slowest rate out of the research area. Which suggests these neighbourhoods felt less effects of integration methods despite their proximity to the CWG development area (Stage 1 Tag- D). This is unexpected, as is it would be more predictable for neighbourhoods located furthest away from the CWG to rank higher in USI rather than the wards surrounding it. If we consider the regeneration ‘hot spot’ to be the MCFC Etihad Stadium (see Figure 4.2) and the surrounding Wards to that; Bradford, Beswick and Clayton. Figure 4.12 shows Bradford responds positively to the CWG, improving its relative position from 10th to 2nd up till 2007

but then returns to a negative position for the remaining periods. Beswick shows a similar trend of improvement till 2007 before dropping USI score to suggest segregation. Clayton follows this pattern but returns to a positive position in the 2011-2015 period. The Stage 3 results show are overarching positive effect on integrating neighbourhoods in the research area directly following the CWG. However, the findings also suggest the legacy following the CWG (post 2007) and the various other urban renewal initiatives (Stage 1 tags- I, K, L, see Figure 4.12) to be less effective.

Glasgow- Stage 1 & 2

lasgow’s data is collected via: • The Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation (SIMD) which is very similar in curation at the IMD • The geographic tiles are referred to as ‘datazones’ rather than Lower Super Output Areas (LSOA) but represent the same quantity of populous This means that despite the Scottish terminology differing, the USI calculation methodology (see Figure 3.3 and 3.4) remains the same and the overall conceptualisation remains the same. Therefore, Glasgow’s research is appropriate for comparative purposes. Figure 5.1 highlights that most of the urban renewal strategies have been at both the beginning and the end of the research period. The location of which is concentrated to the neighbourhoods of Bridgeton, Dalmarnock and Parkhead. Both the Sir Chris Hoy Velodrome (stage 1 tag- H) and the Celtic Park Stadium (stage 1 tag-A) were the 2014 CWG ‘base’ and were used in a similar fashion as Sportscity and the MCFC Etihad Stadium for Manchester’s Games. During stage 2A the East End region registers its 39

best performance during 2006-2009 data period (ses Figure 5.4), inversely the final analysis phase shows the worst overall performance. Whereas, Stage 2B demonstrates the expected pattern because the region registers its best overall position during the CWG period. Glasgow displays more datazones which are categorised in the both highest positive and negative percentage change brackets. Consequently, Glasgow’s performance at stage 2 can be considered more extreme in terms of registering scores of an increased polarisation, when compared to Manchester’s stage 2 results. This is visually represented by Figures 5.3-5.6, registering darker tonal shades of red and green relative to Figures 4.3-4.6. From this it is important understand Glasgow’s East End deprivation position holistically whereby during the 2009 period, one area in Bellgrove registered as the single most deprived area in Scotland’s 6,976 datazones (The Scottish Government, 2009). This could be used to justify that Glasgow’s East End had a more difficult situation to improve than East Manchester. Furthermore, Stage 3 for both Manchester and Glasgow show different analysis because of the position of each CWG’s in context of the research period. Manchester’s analysis shows post-game effects whereas Glasgow demonstrates a pregames situation. Nevertheless, the two locations are comparable because of this study’s stage 1 research methodology structure. It is necessary for stage 1 to contain a variety of regeneration strategies from a range of time periods to track throughout the research period, as opposed to just evaluating both the CWG’s as interventions. Figure 5.7 illustrates at the beginning of Stage 2B all the research area was categorised as segregated. But, the equivalent Stage 2A result (see Figure 5.3), does not capture the same negative position. Glasgow’s SIMD and USI comparative results follow the same trend to Manchester, whereby minor changes in urban segregation are not captured in Stage 2A.

Glasgow- Stage 3

igure 5.11 highlights Bridgeton and Bellgrove as the best performing neighbourhoods throughout the research period, with Bridgeton recording the steadiest reaction. On the other hand, Dalmarnock has the largest negative response to regeneration strategies in terms of SIMD score and records a negative position in the final analysis phase. This is surprising because of Dalmarnock’s geographic proximity to the 2014 CWG development area and it contained the two most recent regeneration projects listed in stage 1 (see Figure 5.1). These are the 2014 CWG Athletes Village and the Dalmarnock Integrated Urban Infrastructure Masterplan (Stage 1 tag- I & J). The stage 3B results (see Figure 5.12) demonstrate that Glasgow’s East End region has become more integrated prior to the 2014 CWG, which is shown by increased levels of positive USI score in the approach to the Games. However, in terms of response to the CWG, the neighbourhoods of Bellgrove, Dalmarnock and Parkhead all return a negative ranking following the Games. Bellgrove is located on the outer fringes of immediacy from the East End ‘hot spot’ (see Figure 5.2), meaning the fall in rank as a response can be somewhat predicted. However, Dalmarnock and Parkhead are not the expected neighbourhoods to follow this trend. Compared stage 3B, Dalmarnock is the only ward that recorded a consistent negative position for urban segregation throughout the analysis phases. Stage 1, 2 and 3 findings suggest that despite neighbourhood renewal interventions, Dalmarnock has become more segregated as an urban community. Therefore, the corresponding regeneration strategies have been unsuccessful in integrating the neighbourhood into the wider spatial context of Glasgow. 40

“Manchester has always been a city of hard edges” (Peak and Ward, 2003)

/ Conclusion

“Manchester has always been a city of hard edges” (Peak and Ward, 2003)

Starting Positions

analysis phase following the CWG is not currently available, conclusions can still be made from the East End’s performance in the 2012-2016 data period.

his study set out to evaluate the effectiveness of using regeneration as the method of improving circumstances in disadvantaged neighbourhoods. Both Manchester and Glasgow have undergone a series of urban renewal interventions (see Figure 4.1 and 5.1), but the most prolific for both has been the CWG. Stage 3 of the research methodology demonstrates a

Figure 6.1 compares Lowry’s ‘Coming from the Mill’ adapted by The Guardian Newspaper in 1993 for an article on the 2002 CWG bid, against a view of the City of Manchester Stadium from Biscay Close in Beswick. Beswick is one of the better performing neighbourhoods in the East Manchester research area, furthermore, it is the closest residential community to the 2002

neighbourhood’s deprivation and segregation performance in response to a regeneration strategy. The results of which show (see Figure 4.11-4.12 and 5.11-5.12), East Manchester improved upon community deprivation and urban segregation conditions across the whole research area directly following the CWG. The regions positive response indicates a successful regeneration model. Whereas, in Glasgow’s run up to the Games, it was only successful in improving urban segregation as deprivation worsened. Although the data for another

CWG development area. The article ridicules at the possibility of the Games being held in East Manchester, which after their fruition does seem menial. Nevertheless, questions can be raised about the appropriateness of a giant sports stadium positioned across the road from what is, a largely housing association provided, neighbourhood. Similar to how The Guardian depicts the stadia against, as written in the article “…will Olympia be built here among the dark satanic mills?” (The Guardian, 1993)

Figure 6.1 Image comparison of Lowry’s ‘Coming from the Mill’ adapted by The Guardian Newspaper and the City of Manchester Stadium as photographed from Biscay Close in Beswick, Manchester (Source: Clark 2018) 42

Local Authoritative Partnerships

or a local authority to envisage creating a major international sporting event it requires a large amount of commitment, organisation and decision making (Ward, 2003). When those already challenging parameters are applied to an area which is experiencing poverty, isolation and other difficulties, the process automatically become harder to execute. For that, both MCC and GCC should be recognised for their efforts. Nevertheless, this study has shown the entrepreneurial urban development approach, adopted by MCC, to be more successful. Ecotec’s ‘Evaluation of the 2002 Commonwealth Games’, published in 2011 critiques weaknesses in the Manchester legacy programme developed for the period after the 2002 CWG’s. The Games Legacy Programme had smaller less tangible projects in its portfolio but failed to integrate them with larger construction schemes associated with pre-Games development. However, MCC were successful in allocating 30% of construction jobs to East Manchester residents (Ectotech, 2011). MCC were further criticised for not always maintaining a local community representative throughout board meetings. Nevertheless, community participation was overarchingly more prevalent when compared to Glasgow. Additionally, entrepreneurial urbanism by nature of collaboration from various different parties, has a complex organisational structure which cannot always ensure accountability at all scales.

Community Engagement

ocal community’s response to the initiatives have been better received for the Manchester case study. Which is somewhat surprising as Glasgow received the ‘European City of Culture’ award in 1990 and the city had undergone cultural sector focused development prior

to the 2014 CWG. GCC favoured event-led regeneration (Paton et al, 2012). Therefore, it can be assumed Glasgow’s population had become accustomed to alterations within its spatial network. This evaluation, when combined with Glasgow’s Stage 3B results (see figure 5.12), suggest that the neighbourhoods in Glasgow’s East End were already is state of isolation in the early 21st century period. Which further indicates Glasgow’s condition prior to the CWG, was in more severe decline relative to East Manchester. The empirical argument can be diminished as it can be subjective depending on political stance or source. Yet, the Clyde Gateway Urban Regeneration Company (URC) who performed in the same manner as New East Manchester (NEM), did strive to actively engage with the local community. “…community engagement process made efforts to achieve this by utilising existing community engagement structures across Glasgow, ensuring the inclusion of equality groups across the city, by linking to appropriate forums and networks.” (Christie and Gibb 2015). Nevertheless, the displacement of residents using CPO’s does give Glasgow’s case an underlying tone of gentrification. This displacement can be understood as a consequence of the East End’s urban environment, its relative proximity to Glasgow’s city centre meant its urban grain is much denser than that of the East Manchester context. Manchester had an abundance of available industrial waste land, as highlighted in Figure 2.4, meaning less displacement was probable. In both cases, the authoritative bodies have a responsibility to maintain neighbourhood contentment whilst proceeding with the technicalities of executing a major event. This balancing act is a difficult role for governmental organisations to play, especially when using event-led regeneration which is commonly categorised as neoliberal urban policy 43

and therefore inherently class based (Paton et al, 2012). To achieve GCC’s vision, displacement was expected because of the nature of major sporting events requiring large quantities of land, and that the East End had a denser urban grain to East Manchester. However, this study’s research has shown gentrification is evidenced by further segregating disadvantaged neighbourhoods to facilitate the Games (see Figure 5.12).

IMD vs USI

ection 4 and 5 of this paper contains the research that assesses both East Manchester and Glasgow’s East End performance on the Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD) and the Urban Segregation Index (USI). Section 6 narrates the main findings, the most notable of which is the level of fluctuation between each analysis phase shown in both city’s stage 3B results. The variation in neighbourhood response does represent the uneven distribution of social, economic and urban effects from redevelopment. Furthermore, this demonstrates that the USI is a more sensitive analysis tool in comparison to the IMD outcomes. This is expected as the USI has only 9 subindicators contributing towards it formation, all of which are indicators of urban segregation. In comparison, the IMD has 37 sub-indicators under 7 categories with weightings further reducing small variations in those sub-indicator categories. Therefore, the USI has the potential, if chosen to be focused towards residential segregation in the urban environment, to be more of an accurate analysis tool than that of the IMD.

but a lack of information available of the topic of urban segregation. This paper hopes to have contributed towards literature that conceptualises and measures urban segregation as a method of evaluating regeneration strategies. An additional area of research could be to formulate a simplified social segregation index, alike that of USI methodology, which could be evaluated in comparison to this paper’s findings. This crossreferencing between social theorists and urban designer practitioners is a relationship which could be strengthened in the future. Future research could develop the USI into becoming a more detailed research tool. This could be done by incorporating higher frequency of data, on a quarterly or monthly basis. This would demonstrate, as a direct response, how a neighbourhood as been impacted. A higher frequency of input data could also repurpose the USI to be used on much smaller scale regeneration projects.

Recommendations

he research that has been undertaken for this thesis has highlighted a number of topics from which further exploration would be beneficial. The literature review showed an abundance of material on social segregation 44

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Oliver Clark