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Eugenic Ideas, Political Interests, and Policy Variance: Immigration and Sterilization Policy in Britain and the U.S. Author(s): Randall Hansen and Desmond King Reviewed work(s): Source: World Politics, Vol. 53, No. 2 (Jan., 2001), pp. 237-263 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25054146 . Accessed: 04/04/2012 14:36 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
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EUGENIC
IDEAS,
POLITICAL INTERESTS, AND POLICY VARIANCE Immigration and Sterilization Britain and the U.S.
Policy
in
By RANDALL HANSEN andDESMOND KING*
[T]here a
but
is now eugenics
all previous
no
reasonable can
religion civilizations.
excuse save our
to face the fact that for refusing nothing civilization from the fate that has overtaken
?George
Bernard
Shaw
growing body of literature has sought to incorporate ideas into po litical
A diverse
Ideas have
analysis.
been
as
invoked social
to
explain phenomena to the Great democrats
among responses contrasting the evolution of European Depression,1 integration,2 comes in race policy,3 in macroeconomic and shifts decade
after Peter Hall
ideas matter
but how
advances
ceptual and the specification
issued
a call for studies
and when
differing
as
out In the
policy.4 not that that explained there have been con
they mattered, the categorization of ideational frameworks at least four dis of their In the former impact.5
in both
*The authors are grateful for comments received on an earlier draft of this paper at the conference on new institutionalism at the University of G?teborg, May 25-27,2000, and to an anonymous World Politics referee. 1 Sheri Berman, The Social Democratic Moment: Ideas and Politics in theMaking oflnterwar Europe Harvard University Press, 1998), introduction. (Cambridge: 2 The Currency of Ideas:Monetary Politics in theEuropean Union (Ithaca, N.Y.: Kathleen McNamara, Cornell University Press, 1998). 3 Erik Bleich, "Problem Solving Politics: Ideas and Race Policies in France and Britain" (Ph.D. the in Postwar Britain: The sis, Harvard University, 1999); Randall Hansen, Citizenship and Immigration Institutional Origins of aMulticultural Nation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000). 4 Peter A. Hall, "Policy Paradigms, Social Learning and the State: The Case of Economic Policy in Britain," Politics 25, no. 3 (1993). making Comparative 5 across Nations Hall, ed., The Political Power ofEconomic Ideas: Keynesianism (Princeton: Princeton University
Press,
1989).
WorldPolitics 53 (January2001), 237-63
238
WORLD POLITICS
tinct categories of ideas have been delineated as factors influencing pol icy and politics: 1. ideas
as culture?broad,
shared
understandings
that
shape,
at times
subcon
sciously, the belief patterns and behavior of those socialized into it6 2. ideas as expert knowledge?expertise built up within epistemic communities that under
can be disseminated
conditions
propitious
icy community7 3. ideas as the
solution
to collective
action
to a broader
and free-rider
research
and
pol iden
problems?social
tifiers such as class or religion that inspire individuals to actions they would take had they not been grouped under the ideational abstraction8 4.
ideas
as
"programmatic
beliefs"?abstract,
integrated,
systematic
not of
patterns
belief with direct policy relevance9 Within
ideas may have different causal im category, review of the Sheri Berman outlines literature, pacts. three distinct levels of causality First, how do requiring explanation.10 as ideas become Even ideas con prominent? politically policy-relevant ac NGOs, and political among academics, stantly circulate journalist, a most unnoticed with fraction it into tivists, languish only making serious how do ideas become institutional Second, policy discussion. come ized? Some, into political after all, but then disap prominence any ideational recent In the most
as occurred with and discussion, political policy a perma if Yet others become contentious, Fascism, good, example. or as consensus as one nent part of the either the among sev landscape, was the former eral major competitors. Keynesianism during the 1960s pear
serious
from
a
remains the latter today. and, despite being overtaken by monetarism, come to exercise a causal influence on how ideas do actually Finally, even and/or politics? that ideas, prominent Simply showing policy to the question. ones, are out there does not amount answering This nation
article
seeks
of eugenic
to
respond ideas and their
to this last question influence on public
world wars in Britain and the United
through
between
policy
States. Eugenic
an exami the
ideas (defined
were in both extensive similar in content support and garnered the but eugenic-based varied U.S. countries, sharply: imple policies extensive the U.K. mented whereas eugenicist implemented policies, none. on the cases of and sterilization immigration policy, the Focusing below)
6 Ronald
and Postmodernization: Cultural, Economic and Political Change in Inglehart, Modernization Societies (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997). Forty-three 7 E. Adler and P.M. Haas, "Conclusion: Epistemic Communities, World Order, and the Creation of a Reflective Research Program," International Organization 46, no. 1 (1992), 380. 8 et al., Social Class inModern Britain (London: Unwin Hyman, Gordon Marshall 1989). 9 Berman (fn. 1); Hugh Heclo, Modern Social Politics in Britain and Sweden (New Haven: Yale Uni versity Press, 10 Berman,
1974). "Ideas, Norms
and Culture
in Political Analysis,"
Comparative
Politics
(forthcoming).
EUGENIC
POLITICAL
IDEAS,
an ideational account provides the two cases as a means for
article it uses
INTERESTS,
& POLICY
239
of this puzzle. At the same time, back on the role of ideas reflecting
more
Given that eugenic ideas were generally. (broadly) cases an ideal basis for in the both countries, equally powerful provide on when and how extant ideational frameworks influ shedding light ence public policy. a account Not ideational of only does the article provide specific in
politics
across nations, but it also uses the eugen outcomes contrasting policy ics cases as the basis for a consideration of the conditions under which ideational We three
argue conditions:
when tion, ences
more
frameworks that
are to influence likely politics. to be translated into policy under likely there is a synergy between ideas and interests, and institutional the requisite enthusiasm posi
when
the actors possess and when timing that
reinforce
in points first point relates
These
impact
generally
ideas are more
contributes these
turn branch to the
to a broad rather
than
ideas, out into broader
constellation detracting theoretical
issue of epiphenomenality?do and interests? While
of actors
independent
of prefer them.
from
debates.
The
ideas have we
associate
an
our
selveswith a powerful strain of thought linking ideaswith interests,we not less, is more, argue that the result of this linkage independent ideational the mechanisms of "cover" repu provision, impact. Through tation enhancement, and coalition building, the impact of ideas ismax serve individual interests. The imized when second they incorporates
the increasingly sophisticated insights of the historical institutionalist draws on the recent, still embryonic theoretical the of for and importance timing emphasizing politics policy, and are two central ways it argues that there in which this variable shapes crises develop, usu the evolution of public policy. First, when political the policies associated with them. ally unexpectedly, they undermine literature.
The
third
work
Second,
timing contributes or undermines
undergirds The article
to a process
association
of cognitive
that
particular policies. five sections. The first defines
and eugenics outlines that the article seeks second explain. The nature of the two countries, in the ideas the eugenic analyzes empha between them. The third com sizing the high degree of commonality the British for a eugenic-based (unsuccessful) pares campaign in the form of sterilization with the (suc voluntary population policy comprises the basic puzzle
cessful)
American The
fourth
policies. tween the two considers
campaign
to
in favor
of eugenics-based immigration account of the contrast be
an ideational
provides results. Finally, the fifth its theoretical implications.
summarizes
the argument
and
240
WORLD
Ideas in Britain
I. Eugenic the first
During along
three
racism
with
decades
and
in Europe
thinking
POLITICS
of the
and the U.S.
twentieth a
imperialism?had
and North America.
century,
profound
Eugenics,
eugenics? on influence
defined by its
as "the study of agencies under social control that may improve or or of future generations, either physically impair the racial qualities had two essential First, its advocates components. accepted mentally,"11 as axiomatic and physical handicaps?blindness, that a range of mental founder
not en illness?were and many forms of mental largely, if cause. in that these scientific Second, tirely, hereditary they assumed as the basis of social across sev could be used hypotheses engineering deafness,
and immigra eral policy areas, including education, family planning, were that tion. The most direct policy of eugenic thought implications since they would should not produce "mental defectives" children, only from other coun and that such individuals these deficiencies, replicate
tries should be kept out of the polity. In addition, many eugenicists be to from these illnesses were predisposed suffering entire nations conti with the result that and/or greater procreation, nents were inferior. However instinctively unappealing biologically are notions of racial with equally common these ideas now, they?along these detractors wide existed, currency. Although inferiority?enjoyed lieved
that
those
that the opposite held with the same conviction posi are races is evil, that all forms of that all tions?that imperialism equal, held today. of equal respect and treatment?are life are worthy human was an international movement genetic hy articulating Eugenics in the social theory, and policy prescriptions. Originating potheses, to and it France, North America, Scandinavia, U.K., Germany, spread beliefs
were
Australia, with a high level of consistency in the content of the ideas and the policy proposals generated by them.What is striking is that the policy
Despite
outcomes
flowing
from
them
hence
differed;
the case
selection.
the fact that both the U.S. and Britain shared similar liberal
were wide outcomes varied policies sharply: eugenic policy arti in the latter. This nonexistent and essentially in former the spread account of the variance in the fate of a cle offers an ideational policy
values,
common
heritage lated and similar
ideas that were of eugenic in the two countries.
11 Francis Galton, Memories
ofMy
Life
(London: Methuen
particularly
1908), 321.
well
articu
eugenic
political
ideas,
Lines of Theoretical
Other
241
& policy
interests,
Inquiry
cases are in that they seem to undermine interesting particularly of powerful the expectations strains of institutionalist theory that have over the last decade and of path social science dominated qualitative
The
In the first instance, as historical institutionalists theories. dependence a state with is the quintessential Britain have emphasized, unitary an no a weak and bill emasculated court, strong executive, legislature, a weak a is a federation with of rights;12 the U.S. legislature, powerful
executive, and a strong (if then more timid) judiciary supported by a bill of rights with unquestioned legitimacy. In other words, in the polity providing for multiple veto points and blocking strategies of any bold
were earlier innovation?the U.S.?eugenic policies adopted policy states and sterilization and taken further, as numerous polices adopted were Nazi Ger of individuals sterilized.13 thousands Indeed, only were civil and which institutional society many?in opposition a more that the country ambitious crushed?had Likewise, program.
had operated the world smost liberal immigration regime from 1776 until
1882
cies. At
race-based
adopted
the opposite were policies few channels
eugenic provide
leging those and directly
and eugenic-inspired immigration end of the institutional spectrum?Britain?no
poli
was the country whose institutions adopted. This access to networks while for gaining privi policy to do so and the one that most actors who manage easily translates
policy
preferences
into
policy
outcomes.
The
British pattern obtained despite the existence of a high-profile policy committee ilization At ferent
that proffered schemes.
the same explanatory
time,
other
variable,
extensive
evidence
influential policy
studies
trajectories,
in favor of voluntary have
incorporated referred variously
path dependence or (more generally) policy feedback.14With
ster a dif to as
respect to
was not a of subsequent however, previous policy predictor eugenics, was to the violent of sterilization the concept peculiar policy. Rather, so it broke new and messianic twentieth century, encouraging policies in the area of immigration, which was also heavily ground. Moreover, race-based in some countries conditioned ideas, previous by eugenic
not policies founded on assumptions of racial/national hierarchies did 12 On this, see Hansen (fh. 3). 13 Edward Larson, Sex, Race, and Science (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995); John of California Press, 1994). W. Trent, Inventing theFeeble Mind (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University 14 Paul Pierson "When Effect Becomes Cause: Policy Feedback and Political Change," World Poli tics 45 (July 1993); Bo Rothstein, Just Institutions Matter Press, (Cambridge: Cambridge University and Comparative "Historical Institutionalism Fohucs" Annual Review of Po 1998); Kathleen Thelen, litical Science 2 (1999).
242
WORLD
POLITICS
result in their extension. Thus, although a British campaign inwhich Jews and East Europeans were demonized as biologically inferiorwas followed by the avowedly anti-Semitic immigration legislation of 1905, there were The
no additional
afterward was
measures
immigration but its racist
ofthat
type.
were
curtailed, aspects applied, concerns with and with Germans subsequent policy driven by security was target. In the U.S., being the obvious immigration famously policy a until the when arrived with Race 1920s, open eugenics vengeance.15 based quotas were and the became until the country implemented, policy
liberally
1960s keinEinwanderungsland (not a land thatwelcomed Viewed tures
and policy
puzzle.Why
immigrants). struc
of the theories of institutional the perspective outcomes in Britain and the U.S. the legacies,
from
are a
did the profound intellectual support enjoyed by eugenics
not in the U.K., backed commissions, up by government-sponsored into a eugenic-based sterilization the translate policy? Why, despite as a country of of the U.S. and the immigration powerful myth despite veto to all actors radical policy points multiple provided opposing immigration change, did the U.S. adopt eugenic-based policies? what do these two cases reveal about the role of ideas in politics?
the
Measuring The
of Ideas on Politics
Influence of techniques
development
And
for delineating
independent variables and establishing
of ideas as
the existence
their influence on political
has been patchy. Berman outlines the policies a role to she considers steps demonstrating methodological prerequisite must first establish the ex for ideas in determining policy choices. One processes
istence
and public
or
of ideologies
beliefs"?abstract, integrated, "programmatic to with aims relevant of belief patterns directly particular systematic courses of must then show an observable correlation be policy. One tween
these
broad
outlines
that conform public policies to the ideas' basic tenets. Thus, although Milton
ideas
and
selected
in their Fried
man promulgated his ideas in the 1960s, therewould be little point in looking for the influence of monetarism on Harold Wilsons or Lyndon Johnson
s economic
policies.
And
finally
one must
specify
the mechan
isms through which the ideas can be demonstrated to directly influence in a way politics issue ests.16 The
that
is not merely
of epiphenomenality
epiphenomenal is central,
to material and we
return
inter to it
later. 15 Desmond King, In theName of Liberalism: Oxford University Press, 1999), chap. 4. 16 Berman (fn. 1), introduction, esp. 19-25.
Illiberal Social Policies
in Britain
and the U.S.
(Oxford:
EUGENIC
POLITICAL
IDEAS,
& POLICY
INTERESTS,
243
Applying this framework to the study of eugenic ideas, there is a prima facie case for the influence of ideas on politics. Eugenic ideas were
an ge integrated, essentially positing to and intellectual fitness netic?hence, biological across individuals and nations. They offered clear policy prescriptions across areas: health the ster (or requiring) encouraging policy policies ilization of "mental defectives," Northern immigration policies favoring abstract,
and systematic, scientific?basis
and excluding Europeans and world, family policies fit. A significant netically
Southern and the developing Europeans that encouraged the ge among procreation number of nation-states and/or subnational
in some or all of these areas. adopted policies an the question follows, we address through analysis in the two countries: the British campaigns campaign
governments In what proeugenicist
of in
cam
favor of voluntary sterilization (which failed) and the American
suc in favor of eugenics-based (which paign immigration policies two the countries We that the variance between ceeded).17 argue policy reflected not the strength of the ideas in the two countries (which were
broadly similar) but rather the degree towhich ideasmapped onto pol interests. (and particularly icymakers' strategic political politicians') as in the Where where U.S., succeeded; eugenics they did, they did not, as in the U.K., we discuss, As failed. institutional and eugenics position serve as variables. important intervening timing
II. Eugenic on a
Based cies
in both
Ideas and Policies
in Britain
and America
of eugenic poli analysis18 of the evolution are reasons two that there argue why eugenic
process-tracing countries, we
ideas influenced policy in the U.S. but failed to do so in Britain. First, the U.S. interests:
saw a ideas and strategic synergy between eugenic particular and motivated (in some measure) opportunism by political chair of House Albert the Committee Johnson, Congressman
racism, on found Immigration, backed ently by nothing
in
eugenic less than
gration policy enjoying, contrast,
in the U.K.,
ideas a powerful justification, science itself, for a restrictive
appar immi
it seemed, increasing public support. By
while
eugenic
ideas
enjoyed
support
among
17 with sterilization policies, which were widespread, It would be tempting to compare American in the the absence of such policies in the U.K., but the institutional origins differ sharply: sterilization British ster itwould have been national in the U.K. Comparing U.S. was a state-level policy, whereas ilization policy with American immigration policy, however, allows a cross-national comparison. 18 L. George, "Research Design Tasks in Case Study Methods," Bennett and Alexander Andrew http://www.georgetown.edu/bennett/RESDES.htm
(consulted April
2000).
WORLD POLITICS
244
politicians andwhile much of the intellectual and cultural elite thought that there was much
to be said in favor of (at least steriliza voluntary) as as it risks tion, open support many political brought payoffs be cause of strong from labor and Catholics. because Second, opposition for
a eugenic policies predated by almost decade Nazi Germany's of ruthless population policies, which adoption to the forcible steriliza led to the murder of some mental and patients the
enactment
of American
tion of tens of thousands nated Both
more, with Nazi
the issue
in the U.S.
by association points have broader
practices. theoretical implications. or the argument of epiphenomenality,
the question of ideas is derivative
was
not
The
first relates
that
the
contami to
influence
of actors' interests. Though the first argument to suggest it in ideas were that eugenic epiphenomenal, of the impact of ideas has to be their effect fact does not. The measure on in other words, if the ideas were unavailable, would public policy; case or nonexistent?19 In the U.S. the policy be different immigration more restrictionist and enjoyed greater sup arguments were convincing
would
seem
port because theywere embedded in eugenicist thought. The linking of ideas with interests magnified the impact of both the ideas (giving them
a carrier who
would
act as their
spokesperson
sphere) and the restrictionist case with which
in the political
they were linked. The
to the issue of is central to the ques timing, which will have a policy impact ideas and ideational frameworks not. Ideas that are in one received and when enthusiastically they will eu in another. The resisted decade will fall flat or be overwhelmingly second
relates
point tion of when
genics
cases
Eugenics
highlight
some
in the United
factors
explaining
why.
Kingdom
an eclectic group of scientists, Fabi attracted support from Eugenics and civil servants.20 A recent study by ans, upper-class conservatives, at "the of qualitative marvels Richard biological Soloway persuasiveness . . . of eugenics. that fell under the broad mantle evaluations Eugenics permeated ried about myriad
of English men and women wor of generations to cope with the capacity of their countrymen saw nation in a new century."21 their old confronting they
the thinking the biological
changes
19 This standard meets the falsifiability requirement. 20 is a matter of some of what can broadly be called the eugenics movement The precise composition Freeden, "Eugenics and Progressive Thought: A Study in scholarly debate. See, in particular, Michael no. 3 (1979); and Greta Jones, "Eugenics and Social Policy Ideological Affinity," Historical Journal 22, between theWars," Historical Journal 25, no. 3 (1982). 21 of North Carolina Press, 1990), and Degeneration (Durham: University Soloway, Demography xvii-xviii.
While
EUGENIC
IDEAS,
the precise
nature
POLITICAL
INTERESTS,
& POLICY is a matter
movement
of the eugenics
245 of de
bate, itwas bound together by a belief that an alteration of the gene pool would
a range of positive
have
the fer
consequences?decreasing
tility rate of the poor and mentally defective, reducing public funds for poor
needed
relief,
insane
and prisons;
asylums,
and warding
off
British economic and imperial decline?a fear that haunted the British political elite in the post-1914 period. For them the robust confidence of the belle ?poque appeared gone forever. Eugenic
Aims
Although basis
plagued by a lack of scientific consensus on the hereditary
of mental
tions within British
deficiency,22
eugenicists
government
their policy
crystallized
the plush (then much more
over the course
and establishment:
posi
so than now) walls of the often
years,
two
high-profile committees made up of the leading lights of the British es tablishment mittee
contributed
was
to the eugenic the prosaic
with
appointed the number for ascertaining
of mental
cause.
In 1924
theWood
Com
task of reviewing the procedure in Its membership defectives.23
cluded the prominent eugenicists Cyril Burt, Evelyn Fox, A. F. Tred soon associated committee itself with Turner. The gold, and Douglas was acceler fear that the rate of mental the then widespread deficiency em "science of eugenics"and And its 1929 the report praised ating.24
ployed its terminology: If, as there is reason to think, mental chronic
pauperism,
recidivism
poor mental endowment manifesting and
inability
to manage
one
deficiency, much physical
are all parts s own
of
a
single
inefficiency, can
problem,
it be
that
itself in an incapacity for social adjustment affairs,
may
not
be
merely
a
symptom
but
rather the chief contributory cause of these kindred social evils?25
The report catalyzed the Eugenics Society to intensify its parliamen tary lobbying efforts in favor of sterilization: the Committee for Legal izing Eugenic Sterilization was formed to draft a sterilization bill and to build health, 22 This
a coalition and mental
drawn of support, care communities.26
from But
the
social work,
the society's
only
public notable
in "The Voluntary Sterilization Campaign by John Macnicol, point has been emphasized no. 3 (1992). It has, however, a certain retro 1918-39," Journal ofthe History of Sexuality 2, ease to it: science rarely moves forward by consensus, and the most politically influential opin spective the majority one. ion is not necessarily 2Z theMental Deficiency Committee (Wood Report) (London: HSMO, 1929). 24Report of Macnicol (fn. 22), 429. 25 Wood Report (fn. 23), 83. 26 Macnicol (fn. 22), 429.
Britain,
WORLD POLITICS
246 success
was
a
request
by
a Major
A. G.
Church,
Labor M.P.
(and
a
member of the society's Committee for Legalizing Eugenic Steriliza tion) in 1931, for leave to introduce a private member's bill legalizing the operation.
The
request,
was
which
class, was
as its opponents portrayed by votes to 89.27 defeated 167 by secretary of the society, to recruit
anti-working fundamentally attempts by C. P. Blacker, Systematic were to the cause in order to refute this Labor Party supporters charge to exert in its direct unsuccessful.28 attempt mostly Failing parliamen in the Ministry of the society turned to civil servants tary pressure,
Health
and on its Board of Control. Through
less partisan bodies by ostensibly deputations ciation for Mental Welfare,29 the Association tions and the County Councils' Association,30 managed sterilization
to secure under
lobbying, and through
such as the Central of Municipal
Asso
Associa
the eugenicist movement on committee of a departmental of Sir Laurence Brock.31
the appointment the chairmanship
In 1932 the Brock Committee was assigned the task of assessing the were
the and to evaluate hereditary the of such of illness. stemming spread utility took testimony from sixty The committee held thirty-six meetings, a and its of statistical data, issued received witnesses, report in plethora 1934.32 Brock was a senior civil servant who had spent much of his ca extent
to which
mental
of sterilization
reer
illnesses
as a way
matters dealing with health members 1919-25). Key ministry, and above all Brock himself?were
as assistant secretary at the (serving of the committee?Fisher, Tredgold, of eugenics; Brock reg enthusiasts
ularly supported the Eugenics Society, while Fisher belonged to the Committee for Legalising Eugenic Sterilisation. He advised the Eu genics Society on drafting its bill for voluntary sterilization. Brock was in having and he dominated ship, instrumental
the committee
appointed the proceedings.33
under
his own
leader
21 cols. 1245-58. 5th ser., vol. 255 (July 21,1931), Debates, Commons, 28Parliamentary 21), 198-99. Soloway(fn. 29 at meeting forMental Welfare, of the executive council of Central Association Resolution passed was an ac PRO MH58/103, Society, and it July 8,1929. The association had links with the Eugenics tive promoter of sterilization. 30 to the secretary, Ministry of Health, Association Letter from the Mental PRO, Hospitals s and MHA, from brief for the minister' November CCA, AMC, MH58/103, 27,1931; deputation November 28,1931. reply, PRO, MH58/103, 31 22), 430. Macnicol(fn. 32 on Sterilisation" Committee of Commons, House (Brock Report), "Report of the Departmental Cmd 4485, Parliamentary Papers, 1934, vol. 15, p. 611. 33 about the committee's membership, Letter from Brock to Robinson PRO, MH79 292, April in Britain between for Voluntary Sterilization 1932; and Macnicol "Eugenics and the Campaign 2, no. 2 (1989), 167. Wars," Social History ofMedicine
22, the
The
IDEAS,
committee
came out in favor of a bill report of mental defectives:
sterilization
untary
POLITICAL
EUGENIC
INTERESTS,
& POLICY supporting
247 the vol
[W]e know also that mentally defective and mentally disordered patients are, as a class,
to liabilities their social and economic discharge to the of children, favourable and there upbringing cases in some would be welcomed sterilization
unable
vironment lieve
that
this view we
themselves_In of our
responsibility. in favour of
dence
Thus,
[There some measure
more
following
are unanimous
. . .
and we
is an] "overwhelming of sterilization."34
than a decade
record
or create
an en
is reason
to be
by it with
the
preponderance
of intensive
organization,
patients a full sense of
evi
scientific
study, and public debate largely organized by the Eugenics Society, the a clear agenda, backed by programmatic not scientists science (if itself), and by the voluntary sterilization of mental defectives.
movement articulated eugenics some of Britain's most eminent a discrete
policy
Eugenic
Ideas in the United
goal:
States
movement the American eugenics by British eugenicists,35 in the late nineteenth its greatest century, and it enjoyed leg originated Inspired
islative achievements in the late 1910s and 1920s, peaking with the 1927 Supreme Court decision, Buck v. Bell Whereas the British eu genics
movement
promiscuity
was
by the mental
exercised to be rife
in
and sexual inferiority eu slums, American
alleged working-class whose focused on the "racial" inferiority of nationalities entry genicists into the U.S. ideas threatened the American gene pool. These enjoyed elites extensive the "prestige of science,"37 support.36 Exploiting political to sterilize selected cited eugenic research in support of policies patients in support of restrictive and, as this article illustrates, immigration poli on a motives "races." cies based of Such scientific hierarchy purportedly on U.S. among the eugenicists immigration policy. advising not claim with the interacted only that physical favorably traits were but also that behavior, too, had its generationally reproduced to this tenet, with roots in its Social Darwinism pandered biology.
are evident This
claims
role
about
the extent
inal, or the feeble-minded
to which were
the
offspring themselves
of the poor, or the crim to these likely reproduce
34 Brock Report (fn. 32), 39. 35 inAmerican Thought (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rut Mark H. Haller, Eugenics: Hereditarian Attitudes Press, 1984), introduction. gers University 36 on the of Eugenics," American His Frank Dikotter, "Race Culture: Recent Perspectives History torical Review 103 (April 1998), 467. 37 Ibid., 468.
248
WORLD POLITICS
parental defects. This approach leads directly into the family histories undertaken and popularized in the United States from the 1890s. Es sential to this research was a fear of racial degeneration. Natural selec as a tion was viewed between and nations, individuals, healthy struggle races: "This conflict, far from being an evil thing, was nature's indis for producing and su pensable method superior men, superior nations, races."38 The alarm about racial degeneration perior eugenicists'
reflected their specific fears: that higher birthrates among the geneti and that lead to a "menace of the feeble-minded"39 cally inferior would inferior nations, men, and races would, under through immigration, as mine American defined The American supe supremacy. eugenicists or rior those descended from Nordic stock, and they Aryan people as inferior classed those of East European, Mediterranean, Asian, or Native descent. African, American, Jewish
The Eugenicist
over
in strength gradually gained of what became the American
Eugenics decades
to what equivalent to the movement
mission mittee
Case
happened through
the course
century.
of the first
In a manner
three
broadly
in Britain,
gave encouragement Congress of the Dillingham the appointment Com
(established in 1907, reporting in 1910). Like the Brock Com before
it, the American
commission
pockets of genetic inferiority.While
saw a threat
in concentrated
the former believed that "defec
to the slums," where like ... and the chances of "like marries two carriers [of defective ismany times greater than it is genes] mating in any other section of the the Dillingham Commission population,"40 seven cities) that "the new immi an exhaustive study of argued (from .. . and ... are as a class far less in races in live colonies grant largely than the old."41 The new immigrants were disproportionately telligent tives drift
represented in asylum populations asylums) mended
(47,078 of 150,151 committed to
recom commission the mentally and among feeble.42 The a a series of restrictionist measures: test to literacy immigrants
(enacted in 1917 after many previous failed attempts), a quota by race "arriving
each year
[fixed at] a certain
percentage
of the average
ofthat
38 Thomas F. Gossett, Race: The History of an Idea inAmerica, rev. ed. (New York Oxford University Press, 1997), 145. 39 on House Committee Cong., letter from Frank L. Babbott, pres Immigration, NA RG 233,69th to 31,1927, Committee ident, Eugenics Research Association, Johnson, March Papers, Congressman Box 341, Folder: H.79A-F20.1. 40 Brock Report (fn. 32), 41-42. 41 Senate, Report of the Immigration Commission (Washington, D.C: GPO, 1910). 42 Ibid., 9,22.
EUGENIC
IDEAS,
POLITICAL
INTERESTS,
& POLICY
249
race a arriving during given workers without dependents, of minimum
of unskilled period of years," the exclusion an increase in the head tax, a requirement on arrival, and annual limits at each port.
resources
If the Dillingham ment
Commission
and pre-eugenicist
reflected amix of eugenicist argu the
restrictionism,
latter became
eu
boldly
genicist when it became linked with fears of high birthrates. Statistics on incidence of crime and "insanity" among recent immigrants, higher causes however dubious and disregarding of second-order (poverty, lack so into and slid the of education, that racism, on), argument easily were and Eastern Europe inferior to those from those from Southern were If such inferior in large immigrants arriving Europe. to have then the fear of and/or tended rates, higher fertility a Nordic fear that "the old Anglo-Saxon, stock was inferiority became a massive in the number increase of in danger of being by swamped
Northern
numbers
hereditary
the mid-1910s
By
degenerates."43
these
fears had
spread
rapidly through eugenicist networks. In 1914 both theMedical Society of New York State and theMassachusetts Medical Society complained to the House
of Representatives Committee that proce Immigration to weed out the "mental de had failed for screening immigrants of the "direful societies of The warned fective." consequences so deterio to marry and to propagate and allowed being [immigrants] rate the mental health of the nation."44
dures
as the echoes Thus, just world war, eugenics had?as
of distant it had
thunder
drew
the U.S.
into
the
into a coher
in the U.K.?evolved
ent, respectable ideology proffering clear prescriptions for fending off genetic
and national
weakness.
In the same way
that many
eu
British
genicists linked genetic inferiority, sexual excess, and high fertility with class,
their American
counterparts
linked
them with
nationality.
Harry
Laughlin, of the Eugenic Record Office, was aman who would play a high-profile policy role in the 1920s.45He argued that (non-North Eu a a ropean) immigration exacted double toll: it imposed both fiscal bur were more such immigrants den (because to to be and Americans require "degenerate"
likely than institutional
native-born care)
and a
racial cost (by diluting the quality of the national stock).46Dilution this context
alluded
to
biological
degeneracy
resulting
from
in
intermar
43 in Scientific Controversy," in H. Tristram Englehardt, "The Role of Experts Garland Allen, Jr., and A. L. Caplan, eds., Scientific Controversies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 172. 44 on Immigration, petitions from the New York and Massachusetts So Medical House Committee cieties, NA RG 233,63d Cong., Box 458, Folder: H.R.63A-H8.1. 45 Press, 1994). King (fn. 15); and Stefan Kuhl, The Nazi Connection (New York: Oxford University 46 to James J. Davis, See, for instance, letter from Laughlin secretary of labor, July 30, 1930, in University Archives, Truman State University. Special Collections, Laughlin Papers Folder C-4-1,
WORLD POLITICS
250 as well
riage,
as to cultural
the unfit
sterilizing of them.
III.The Eugenicist
Despite U.K.
dangers in the U.S.,
and,
considered
closing
as
the similar
institutional
early took in the two countries, campaigns was gence: American immigration policy British family/natalist Unes, whereas policy form
forced
or
voluntary.
section
This
the borders
Success versus
Campaigns: American British Failure
the broad ideological continuity between
and despite
whether
often
solution lay, as a British eugenicist put it, in "cutting off
sociated. The the worst":47 to any more
contamination,
the U.S.
and the
re the eugenicist the result was policy diver forms
reformed
along eugenicist involved sterilization,
never traces
these
out
divergent
comes.48
The British
Campaign
The publication of the prosterilization Brock Report was a high point for the Eugenics ommendations
It welcomed the committee's work Society. for setting out the way toward a sterilization
and rec policy:
"We think that, if the general public could be educated to distinguish between
sterilization
and castration,
many
members
of the Social
Prob
lem Group [that is, the mentally handicapped] would avail themselves of facilities for voluntary sterilization in order to prevent the birth of if a eugenic con could only happen however, science and a racially conscious could be created."49 opinion public most those who would benefit from sterilization had to be edu Thus, the appropriateness of making such a choice, and the cated to recognize saw as its mission the assumption of the defining Eugenics Society unwanted
children.
This,
of the campaign The report, propaganda.50 consciousness. eugenic leadership
to disseminate the
society
sterilization pro-eugenicist would advance such hoped,
The publication of the Brock Committee's petitions
in favor
of legislation
on
sterilization.
a
report was followed by At
the Ministry
of
Health, Arthur Robinson suggested to the minister that he should try 47 March Brock to Robinson, 16,1932. PRO, MH79/292, 48 Their origin cannot simply be that restrictive immigration policies were easier to adopt than ster ilization, as the U.S. enacted policies in both areas. 49 Evidence submitted by the Eugenics Committee, PRO, Society to L. G. Brocks Sterilization MH51/228 31100, March 1,1933,26. 50 Ibid.
EUGENIC a debate
to get
IDEAS,
on
POLITICAL
the report
on a
& POLICY
INTERESTS,
private
member's
In late
motion.51
January 1934 the health minister, Hilton Young, wrote toWing A. W.
mander
H.
to vote possible latter thereafter ment.
A
James M.R, asking in favor of a motion as the main
served
deputation
Joint Committee
to
as
on
up of representatives
from
the
It cited
of Municipal
and the Mental
Corporations,
presented him with a draft bill for voluntary
Hospitals Association sterilization.
as many M.P.s
to convince
on Voluntary Sterilization, the County Councils As
the Association
sociation,
Com
The sterilization.52 voluntary in of sterilization Parlia proponent
made
Young,
him
251
of an impressive
the support
litany of professional
bodies.
Young listened to the deputation but remained skeptical about legis lation. He told the group that while "much public opinion had un doubtedly
been massed
in favour
of the report,"
on the other hand,
"the
effect of the report had also been to intensify the activity of those who
of sterilization
on
of sterilization." the principle religious grounds, in favour Brock's report had "formed fresh opinion ad unshaken."53 Young but had left the old opposition
generally opposed, As a consequence,
mitted to being persuaded of the "desirability" of the Brock proposals but was
extremely
ease of public
anxious
their opponents on a measure that many?to
opinion
about
the general un the dismay of eu
and
line was one "cutting people up."54 This of Brock's of the publication report. A parlia on June 13, 1934, that the views of local mentary requested question in July of told Dr. Blacker and the minister be ascertained, authorities for steriliza remained the same year that public opinion unprepared genicists?thought from adopted
involved
the time
tion.55The report was taken up further in the House
in July 1934 by
was heard. He "I his order paper motion spoke critically: on a we unanimous this have when very important report regret that, a committee, so has not yet found the Government weighty subject by to that it or to hold out any immediate it possible prospect implement was extent are to do so."56 This the of however, discussion, going they
James, when
on sterilization a parliamentary debate and it did little to bring bill closer.
Sterilization,
voluntary
of otherwise,
51 of Health, PRO, MH58/104B, Minute, Ministry 52 Letter from Young to James, PRO, MH58/104B, 53 between the minister Report of the meeting
which
January 25,1934. January 26,1934. of health and deputation
MH58/100, May 23,1935,2. 54
Ibid. See also Macnicol (fn. 22). 55 toMiss Sharp, PRO, MH58/10, March Minute 56 (July 3,1934), Parliamentary Debates, Commons
had
15,1935. col. 1825.
enjoyed
of associations,
exten
PRO,
252
WORLD
sive intellectual
and political
POLITICS in 1920s
support
Britain,
was
never
to see
the light of day in the U.K. The American
Eugenicist
the interwar
Whereas
Campaign and Immigration
out to be a time of profound disap their American counterparts eugenicists, enjoyed successes. Numerous states?including Virginia, years
for British pointment a series of legislative South Carolina, California,
turned
and West
voluntary
Virginia?enacted
(and not so voluntary) sterilization policies andwon the backing of the Supreme Court.Writing themajority decision in the 1927 Buck v. Bell, a state law sterilization of a "feeble permitting Virginia "moral delinquent" Carrie Buck, the U.S. jurist Oliver are declared that "three generations of imbeciles Wendell Holmes was for the state to prevent the repro legitimate enough" and that it as were many citi of "degenerates."57 Buck was duly sterilized, duction zens in other American states that had enacted laws.58 comparable which
minded"
upheld and
Reducing the number of such citizens would have fiscal dividends for was claimed, robust population. and also result in a more society, it At the same time the immigration the eu too, followed argument, were into line of thought. As in the U.K., genicist eugenicists brought on as the House Committee the policy-making apparatus, Immigration sought before pects ments
evidence
from
In 1920 Harry gave testimony Laughlin on on the as Committee the House Immigration "biological to rehearse of immigration." used the occasion argu Laughlin familiar
in eugenic
them.
circles
but
less well
probably
to
known
policymakers or the public. He also introduced the first of his several documentations who
needed
about professional
the high public care or were
cost of maintaining incarcerated. This
immigrants fiscal calcula
tionwas a salient strand of eugenic thought in the 1920s. Laughlin told the committee
that "the character
of a nation
is determined
primarily
by its racial qualities: that is, by the hereditary physical, mental, and or set the re traits of its people." This approach temperamental Record Office, which was to acquire de search agenda at the Eugenics and prisons and use them to assess tailed records from insane hospitals
moral
the relative generate
importance Americans."59
of heredity
and environment
in
forming
"de
57 No Imbe "Three Generations, Buck v. Bell, 27A, U.S. 200 (1927), 207. See Paul A. Lombardo, ciles: New Light on Buck v. Bell," New York University Law Review 60 (1985). 58 As recounted in Larson (fn. 13). 59 on and Naturalization, House Committee Biological Aspects of Immigration: Hear Immigration ings, 66th Cong., 2d sess., April 16,1920,3.
EUGENIC The
POLITICAL
IDEAS,
committee
House
& POLICY
INTERESTS, to
asked Johnson
253
a series of reports.
produce
In 1922 Laughlin produced a 100-page analysis of America's melting pot; in 1924 he reported his extensive field research (in 120 pages) in the main coursed
countries
emigrant-exporting (from an 80-page
study)
in Europe; on the "eugenical
and
in 1928 he dis
aspects
of deporta
tion," building upon his earlierwork. Each studywas widely distributed and discussed.
pot study, Laughlin derived a set of predictions
For the melting
the 1910
from
census, about how many on a normal distribution?should
(termed quotas) each nationality?based state
institutions
(about
each of which
data were
collected
to a huge data set, Laughlin
1, 1921).60 Applied
of
members
in
be found
for January
suggested that the
of his analysis was that "making all logical al "outstanding to lowances for environmental which may be unfavorable conditions, a as awhole, the immigrant, the recent immigrants, present higher per of inborn than do the older centage socially inadequate qualities conclusion"
out a number of European countries from the singled were that vastly their predicted and exceeded of quotas guilty on the United their socially inadequate In respect of States. "dumping" and Poland, Ireland, Bulgaria, insanity these included Russia, Finland, stocks."61 He
data
Turkey, findings that were consistent with
those of the Dillingham
Commission.
Bases of U.S. Immigration
The Eugenic The
upshot
was
that Laughlin's
research,
Policy with
together
that of other
eugenicists, provided the blueprint forU.S. immigration policy andwas reflected in formal legislation?the 1924 Johnson-Reed Act based on national 150,000 according
quotas.
From
1927
of whom
annually, to the 1890
was immigration nationalities resident
census
could
claim
limited
to a total
in the United
2 percent
each. A
of
States commis
sion established by the 1924 act formulated the national origins for in 1929. This formula mula, which was finally implemented on the basis
quotas apportioned tribution of the white
From 1924 U.S. immigrants
60 House
Committee
67th Cong., Hearings, 61 Ibid., 755.
in the U.S.
national
in the 1920
origins census.
dis
inspectors had a significant role in vetting potential
in their
strengthened (though dict accurately which
population
of the estimated
a wanted country, procedure Laughlin is that it unlikely results could pre questionnaire Im individuals would become public charges).
home
on Immigration and Naturalization, 3d sess., November 733. 21,1922,
Analysis
ofAmericas Modern Melting
Pot
WORLD
254
POLITICS
proving these mechanisms was linked directly by Laughlin House
committee
the need
with
to reinforce
they mounted far the most
migration policy: one observer, "by system was grants.62 This
IV.Accounting
and the
in im principles race became, for to immi of objection"
eugenic in which
campaigns, source powerful dismantled only in 1965.
for the American-British
Contrast
in the U.S. and the U.K. provide fertile com campaigns in understanding the contrasting interested for those parative ground across nations. Despite similar role of ideas in policy-making highly movements of and similar evolution patterms broadly ideological policy
The
eugenicist
committees of high-level (the appointment designed dence in favor and against the eugenicist cause), policy and varied sharply.
to marshal outcome
evi varied,
Ideas and Interests most
for British failure and American factor accounting important is the degree of convergence between ideas and actors' eugenic had been growing for control interests. strategic immigration Support as im and German since the 1880s in the U.S., white, Anglo-Saxon,
The
success
migrants U.S.
(and their children) saw themselves and their vision of the
threatened
by Southern
Irish,
European,
and non-European
im
migration. The American Protection Association, founded in 1887, had twomillion members by themid-1890s and the support of the Im migration Restriction League, formed inMay 1894 by a group of Har vard graduates.63 In the 1910s
and
1920s
such
concerns
were
fueled
by
an
outraged
press. In 1923 the Saturday Evening Post published one of its restric tionist
articles,
by Kenneth
Roberts,
about
Laughlin's
report, which
stirred up public alarm. Complaining that permanent legislation had been unduly delayed, the journalist reported, from a study by Harry Laughlin that "the cost of supporting these socially inadequate people is so great that nearly 8 percent of the total expenditures to their insti in state custodial of all the states must be devoted upkeep with costs?and of tutions."64 The by implication immigration linking of alien
stock
62Gossett(fn.38),297. 63 of Chicago Barbara M. Solomon, Ancestors and Immigrants Press, (Chicago: University and the Orgins of theDiverse Democracy Desmond King, Making Americans: Immigration, Race, Harvard University Press, 2000). bridge: 64 "LestWe Forget" Saturday Evening Post, April 18,1923,160. Kenneth L. Roberts,
1956); (Cam
EUGENIC
IDEAS,
POLITICAL
INTERESTS,
& POLICY
255
with
individuals who are unwilling to roll up their sleeves and work
hard
to make
as it does welfare
a go of it?resonated today. Some seventy-five social legislation limiting to permanent
opposed
the American strongly with public, years later majority support for 1996 to American citizens entitlements (as
residents
legally
in the country)
resident
was
sealedwhen Congressional Budget Office figures stated that the mea sure could
save net $25 billion.65 a For politicians issue, anti-immigration looking for career-defining was awinner. as a staunch re In 1918 Johnson was elected to Congress a the chairmanship and of the House strictionist, year later he assumed on was to be Committee and Naturalization.66 Eugenics Immigration of ideas and interests. Johnson the ideal tool, a perfect marriage pro
vided the eugenicists with a prestigious platform from which to proffer secure
Johnson support for their ideas; the eugenicists provided the putative scientific support that made his case seem for many to under it was Johnson who asked Laughlin incontrovertible. Thus, im later became the basis of U.S. take his famous 1920s studies, which
and with
migration policy. the By contrast,
strategic
value
of sterilization
policy
was
far less
clear for British policymakers. Part of this reflected the rigid nature (much more
so then
than now)
of the British
class
structure.
The
eu
genicists, fully fledged toffs to aman (and they were almost allmen), faced working
from the labor movement, Labor M.P.s, suspicion of whom viewed class in general, many sterilization
class
more
as a concealed
and the and the
class war.67 This
generally suspi eugenicist project roots: the British in part from institutionalist cion stemmed educational fam and aristocratic system tracked the elite from wealthy professional from exclusive schools ilies from an early age, as they moved public such as Eton politics,
to and Harrow, and finally to the civil service, Oxbridge, was near and and/or the empire.68 The segregation complete,
it nourished suspicion and hostility among large (though not all) sec
tions
of working-class
prosterilization
opposition dogged opinion. Working-class until the end. In the context of a party campaign
the sys
tem that had coalesced around aTory/Labor split following the decline
65 on Social Susan Martin, "The Attack Rights: U.S. Citizenship Social Rights and Federal Citizenship Patrick Weil, Dual Nationality, 2001). Berghahn, 66 King (fn. 15), 70.
in R. Hansen and Devalued," in the U.S. and Europe (Oxford:
67Macnicol(fn.33),163. 68 American and European De "The Sociology of a Not So International Discipline: Oli Waever, thank in International Relations," International Organization 52, no. 4 (1998), 710-12. We velopments this out. Sven Steinmo for pointing
256
WORLD
of the Liberals, sistently
the same
that one of the two major and the other risked
this meant
to sterilization,
opposed ing-class Conservatives, on whose support Tories At
POLITICS
in marble,"
"angels have always
time Catholic
opinion
as Disraeli
parties
was
con
alienating
work
famously
put
it,
relied.69 was
sharply
opposed.
Although
representing a small proportion of British population, the Catholic church magnified its influence by joining with the labormovement in an antisterilization the government's
coalition. incentive
this opposition Together, sharply reduced to the deputation visited the legislate: when
minister of health in 1935, he responded discouragingly, citing a skepti was recommended assure the that the minister public.70 It deputation on sterilization was to at that the "receiving the active legislate proposal was to be done. tention of responsible Ministers."71 In other words, little
cal
between the cases reflects, then, not the strength of divergence the degree of frameworks72?but ideas?coherent, policy-relevant interests. This points needs to be fit between ideas and actors' material scientists The about interests? debate among developed. political The
the
are or defined of institutions they by them, independent or concealed, whether are are transparent they they equivalent or not?continues,73 to revealed but we know that political preferences some combination actors pursue votes of interests?gaining (whether about whether
whether
or minimum coali winning through maximization through simply the party and committee influenc tions), moving up within hierarchy, content individual and/or the of their prestige, ing policy, enhancing content of the interest is less power. The impor aggrandizing specific tant than the actor's that particular ideational frameworks perception act as In such an instance those actors will further these interests.74 their
a that ideas advance an actor's in spokesmen. Taking perception as the of when those ideas will transfer to politics key predictor of parsimony, and it also answers the call to specify the advantage
terest has
69 On
and Allan Silver, Angels inMarble Educa (London: Heinemann this, see Robert McKenzie tional, 1958). 70 Notes for the minister, "Deputation on Voluntary Sterilisation," PRO MH58/100, May 17,1935, 4-5. 71 Ibid., 5. 72 On this, see Berman (fn. 1). 73 and Frank Longstreth, Sven Steinmo, Kathleen Thelen, Structuring Politics: HistoricalInstitution alism in Comparative Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 1992), introduction; George University of California Choice in Comparative Politics (Berkeley: University Tsebelis, Nested Games: Rational Press, 1990). 74 mo Peter Gourevitch put this point well: "To become policy, ideas must link up with politics?the bilization of consent for policy. Politics involves power. Even a good idea cannot become policy if itmeets certain kinds of opposition, and a bad idea can become policy if it is able to obtain support." Gourevitch, inHall (fh. 5), 87-88. "Keynesian Politics: The Political Sources of Economic Policy Choices,"
EUGENIC
POLITICAL
IDEAS,
the "mechanism
of translation
from
& POLICY
INTERESTS, academic
to
debate
public
257 con
sciousness."75
Institutional
and Individual
Position
Enthusiasm
Related to this point is the issue of institutional position, which further to whether
contributes
cases
The
tions
institutionalist
of
the ideas are incorporated, appear at first blush
refracted, or simply to violate the predic as the concentration in the of power
at hand
rebuffed.
theory,
British executive did not in itselfmake the reception of eugenic theory the critical factor was not, as James Walsh easier.76 Likewise, has re a is whether "it the of cently argued, bureaucracy adopted by leadership over the relevant that has sole authority tools."77 In the the U.K. policy minister need
of health
for cabinet
had
to the ever-present full responsibility?subject in the U.S. control over im sterilization;
consent?for
migration policy was divided between the Department
of Labor, the
State Department, and, of course, a fractured legislature with weak par ties. The factor distinguishing the two cases was rather the degree of
individual enthusiasm displayed by actors involved in determining and implementing sponsibility. phasized, attention
policy, irrespective The point, however as ideational
to individual
stead on institutional U.S.
Congressman and eugenicist
of whether
intuitively plausible, have been notable
accounts actors
and
structures Johnson
they had
was
their motivation, and the experience an enthusiastic
sole or shared needs for
re
to be em
their
lack of
concentrating
in
of past policy. In the of eugenic supporter
and he devoted his chair policies, on to of the House both. manship Immigration furthering a im for the of Labor shared Likewise, passion eugenicist Department a means to costs. It found in them migration policies, seeing reducing to this aim, it the research central of a making Laughlin's centerpiece memorandum about the enforcement of immigration laws. Billing ideas
Laughlin
immigration Committee
as "one of the world's
best known
scientists,"
the department
reported the results of his survey of public institutions for the physically It emphasized "this expert's" finding "that and mentally handicapped. the foreign born constitute while 14.70 per cent of the nation's popula of these tion, they furnish 20.63 per cent of the population and that 44.09 per cent of the inmates of these institutions 75 Mark
institutions, are either of
Ideational Turn in Comparative Political Economy," Blyth, "Any More Bright Ideas?'The Politics 29, no. 1 (1996), 237. Comparative 76 inHall (fn. 5), 374. As predicted by Peter A. Hall, "Conclusion," 77 "When Do Ideas Matter? the Successes and Failures of Thatcherite Walsh, Ideas," Explaining Comparative Political Studies 33 (May 2000), 487.
258
WORLD
POLITICS
foreign birth or born of parents of foreign birth."78The department as a strong and carrier of eugenic ideas. By partisan joined Johnson an to of public opposi contrast, British eye politicians?with pockets but less than about tion?were toward fully passionate sympathetic the minister of health nor anyone else within the those ideas. Neither
government was willing
to risk aligning himself with a controversial
of the former obtained reluctance despite policy. The for sterilization within the ministry itself.79 port
sup
significant
Naturally, individual enthusiasm for ideas and the policies flowing cannot
for a carrier's
account
role in transferring ideas so few institutional into politics. Enthusiastic individuals may possess to remain with resources is structurally destined that their enthusiasm
from
out
then
alone
the cases Nonetheless, institutionalism of historical
are in part consistent in that actors wishing a strong institutional sufficiently
influence.
predictions late ideas
into policy to make from which
require their voice
cabinet, a seat in the U.S. committee. Once signed
position
the
to trans platform in the U.K.
of a powerful two essential
or the chairmanship Congress, carriers perform on, however,
functions.80 The first is proselytizing them an audience, nence. The second
a
heard?whether
with
in favor of new ideas, providing
them successful, and, when bringing is to channel ideas that are prominent
into promi (in the sense
of worked out), backed by expert opinion, and policy relevant into the policy
process.
Epiphenomenality One
of the standard
and Ideas critiques
of ideational
analysis
is that the variables
offered are in fact not independent but rather are ephiphenomenal other,
interest-based
factors
that
are the ones
that
actually
to
matter
causally. By suggesting that ideas influence politics when they further 78 Department and Municipalities
between officers of States "In the matter of cooperation of Labor, Memorandum, of the Im States in connection with the enforcement with officers of the United file 133 (reel 78), Manuscripts 14 pp., October 1923,2. Papers of Calvin Coolidge,
migration Laws," Division, Library of Congress. 79 s servants at theMinistry of Health At the time of the Brock Committee expressed appointment, the hope that the Brock inquiry, by its specialist nature, would be buffered from the fears of public March of Health, PRO, MH58/104A, a opinion that royal commission would face; minute, Ministry 21,1932. 80 "Public For some of the existing literature on ideational carriers, see Thomas Risse-Kappen, in Liberal Democracies," World Politics 43 (July and Domestic Structure, Policy Foreign Opinion, literature (examining the role of 1991). See also Berman (fn. 1), introduction. From the constructivist see M. and unacceptable the limits of acceptable in constructing "norm entrepreneurs" behavior), and Political Change," International Or and K. Sikkink, "International Norm Dynamics Finnemore of Social Meaning," 52, no. 4 (1998), 896-99; and L. Lessig, "The Regulation University of ganization see as an ideational 62 (1998), 968-73. On constructivism Jeffrey T. approach, Chicago Law Review Turn in International Relations Theory," World Politics 50 (January 1998). "The Constructivist Checkel,
EUGENIC
POLITICAL
IDEAS,
INTERESTS,
& POLICY
259
policymakers' (self-defined) interests,we might appear to be providing One way to test this assumption is to consider serve actors' interests. Three can which ideas through or any other coher didates present themselves. First, ideas?eugenics cover for what ent set?may to would want politicians simply provide do anyway. A politician may wish to cut taxes because voters like lower a taxes and then have elaborated happily find that economists theory fodder
for this argument.
the mechanisms
about
tax cuts
how
economic ideas may Second, growth. and Otherwise obscure politician's reputation. politi profile cians can use ideas as a platform into the pub for launching themselves enhance
lic eye. Third, plausible ers may
also
further
a
serve to build coalitions;
ideas may
and are backed
if they appear
more
by respected public opinion, policymak to support them and more members be willing of the public to them. But this can be usefiil to find themselves attracted only
may actors who
see their
interests
served by the ideas. levels serves analytic Distinguishing clarity, but it also serves to refute the ideas in all three argument. Thus, epiphenomenality cases are not serve to if the position of epiphenomenal they strengthen these
three
the carrier arguing in favor of the policies backed by the ideas or if they
to the ideas themselves. Ideational frameworks support influence policy if they encourage support nonderivatively independently for a policy. Ideas are out there and have an impact on politics only lend
further
when seized upon by political actors and through this process find an entry
point
into politics.
once
Further,
they make
it past
this
entry
point, their strength is channeled andmagnified. This idea is especially in the case of monetarism.
clear
a coherent
As
critique
of Keynesian
ism, it had grown up alongside the latter doctrine itself, and thinkers such asHayek and Friedman provided ideological critiques and policy consensus. Yet these in the heyday of the 1960s Keynesian ac the unknown (which generally among virtually general public common could be avoided and that line that recessions cepted the then alternatives
were
there was no
a basic
trade-off
between
inflation
When
and employment) and found saw in them Thatcher Margaret
among politicians. economic for the U.K.'s malaise and a way out of it explanation interest rates, lower taxes, less spending, and so on), higher (through into of Monetarist ideas were found their entry they point politics. sympathy
an
translated
serve her
own
the same
into policy only when she believed that they would interests At rational and those of the Conservatives.81
81 One
could think of other examples. The idea of "Europe" has been used (and abused) many times their preferred policies in it. Crudely, German and (especially) French by politicians who embedded ensures above-market common prices for farm politicians have argued that agricultural policy (which
260
WORLD
POLITICS
increased time, the transferal process support for the ideas and legit imized public there is a near consensus that support for them. Today is the key to perpetuating monetarist the Clinton boom meth through the money ods: avoiding demand-led inflation and restricting supply through
higher
interest
rates.
Timing there
is the
issue of timing. As Paul Pierson recently argued, success of matters for The how they happen."82 things happen to the fact that pas American reforms was not unrelated proeugenicist a the of sage immigration policy by almost quota-based preceded
Finally, " When
decade the compulsory sterilization policy adopted by Nazi Germany on
January
pointment
Nazi
1, 1934. British of an exploratory
the ap secured by contrast, a few years before the only
eugenicists, committee
law,which quickly became interlocked with pernicious medical
practices,
including
compulsory
sterilization
and euthanasia.
Although
British eugenicists had originally expressed enthusiasm for the Nazi shocked by its excesses law, they were and, then, to their frustration, to em found their own proposals discredited by them. It is important was not that the results were not overdetermined by timing;83 it phasize reasons. two in the for the whole for sterilization First, story, support came to in the 1920s, well before the Nazis U.K. had existed power, and
a
parliamentary a against suspicious
Catholic
campaign and public
in its favor a hostile
failed alliance
church. Second, the adoption of the Nazi
kill the eugenics immediately campaign; was revealed, British referred eugenicists of what could achieve. reflection policy
because of
labor
it ran up and the
law itself did not
its true nature indeed, before to the Nazi law favorably, as a
is essential countries), products, resulting in oversupply and the exclusion of imports from developing to the construction of Europe; British politicians, governing a country where agriculture is a small con relations theorists have argued that politi cern, have not seen it that way. Less crudely, international in the late 1980s to overcome "Eurosclerosis" when European cians invoked the idea of Europe are overcame the of multiple In stalled. so, equilibria; that is, if there doing they problem integration states agree can go forward, and each is Pareto many ways inwhich integration optimal, then how do this case the idea of mutual recognition of goods and services as the founda among them? Ideas?in the problem by selecting one as "the best." See Geof tion of further European integration?overcome the European and Institutions: Constructing R. Interests Garrett and "Ideas, frey Barry Weingast, in Judith Goldstein and Robert Keohane, Internal Market," Communities' eds., Ideas and Foreign Pol Political Change (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1993). See Blyth icy:Beliefs, Institutions and (fn. 75), 241-44. 82 in Comparative Politics" but When: Issues of Timing and Sequence "Not JustWhat, Pierson, of the American Political Science Association, Boston, Sep (Paper presented at the annual meetings tember 1998). 83 We thank Kathleen Thelen for drawing our attention to this issue.
EUGENIC a theoretical
From
POLITICAL
IDEAS,
angle, timing is to the environmental
261
an
variable contribut intervening that may encour conditions84 constituents of The proposals.
ing fundamentally or discourage particular policy are (at least) twofold. First, timing political stance the failure of by previous spectacular
age
mine
& POLICY
INTERESTS,
the ideational framework(s)
occasioned
crises, policies,85
under
radically
inspiring the policies
in
for
and also
a search for new ones.86
there is a process of cognitive Second, the world of analogue association. We understand through processes and association, and contrasting associations and analogues provide of the same social processes. When radically different interpretations
occasion
Nasser nationalized the Suez Canal in 1958, the British, French, and the appeasement the appropriate
Israeli governments invoked actions and to determine
analogy
to make
sense of
to them; as ap response a sin in the is the world, response was peasement always post-Hitler armed conflict. For the Arab world how and above all for Palestinians, his
was
ever, Nasser
associated
with
Gulf War broke out, theWest contrasting analogies. certain that it makes
freedom
valorous
fighters. When
and the Palestinians
the
invoked similarly
to this associational in contributes process Timing or more associations analogies likely than others.
case reflect asso in the immigration/sterilization aspects evinced ideas and the proposals and across policy areas. Policy between the success or failure of re from them become associated with flowing or re lated proposals and are viewed with approbation opprobrium, an economic from example supply-side spectively. policy, Taking non economists argue that tax cuts are economically positive along All
ciations
zero-sum thus
to
tax cuts makes
lines because
contribute
they
revenues. While
higher government and economic growth clear
that
the relationship
to greater overall wealth and the relationship between
recent economic is disputed, history tax cuts coin is contingent. When
as in the U.S. from 1981 to economic recession?such undermined 1983?timing supply-side ideas;when they coincided with
cided with economic reinforced intervention
expansion?such support for were
as in Canada them. When
associated
with
from
state global
see Andrew P. Cortell environmental conditioners, Domestic Institutional Change," British Journal
plaining 184^87. 85 There
to the present?it and government
planning economic expansion?such
in France from the 1950s to the 1970s?the 84 On
1994
as
ideas behind it garnered
and Susan Peterson, "Altered States: Ex Science 29, no. 1 (1999), esp.
ofPolitical
literature on the importance of policy is an established (fn. 2). (fn. 9);Walsh 275-96; Heclo (fn. 77); McNamara 86 Adler and Haas (fn. 7), 380.
failure.
See Peter A. Hall
(fn. 4),
262
WORLD POLITICS
in France large support economic recession?such
were and abroad; when associated with they as in France in the years? early Mitterrand
theywere (almost entirely) discredited. Finally, when eugenic ideas and were
associated
and national greatness, prudence were when associated endorsements; cross-party they they state with undemocratic their credibility vanished.87 brutality, policies
with
fiscal
received
V. Summary and Implications the existence of sim essay has offered an account of why, despite were in the U.S. ilar intellectual traditions and the U.K., ideas eugenic in the former but not in the latter. It has implemented argued that, sub to a broad ideas suc constraint, ject eugenicist temporal environmental in the U.S. ceeded for two reasons: because there was a greater degree
This
of fit between the policy implications of these ideas and the strategic interests
actors
and political
and because
there were
actors
political
in
influential (but not unchallenged) policy positions who served as their enthusiastic
Stated
spokesmen.
more
the cases
generally,
suggest
that
ideas aremore likely to be translated into policy under the following circumstances:
is a synergy between ideas and interests (that that taking up these ideas will serve their inter "carriers" possess the requisite enthusiasm and insti
when
there
actors believe
is, when
these ests), when tutional position,
to a broad constellation timing contributes of preferences that reinforce, rather than detract from, these ideas. to the these considerations literature, existing Relating scholarly are a strain of consistent these findings with that views ideas thought as channels in that it for interests.88 The conclusion differs, however, views more, embed
and when
the result of a convergence not less, ideational causal
ideas and interests
impact. That in ideational persuasive
their arguments sure the broader dissemination
ment
between
with
reference
as
yielding
policy advocates en frameworks, they both of the ideas and strengthen their argu
to them. Through
is, when
a feedback
process,
the ideas are
87 The point relates to recent work on struggles over issue definition; politics is about defining issues in the way that serves an actor's ends. Taking the gun control example, if the NRA succeeds in defining the American it is highly likely to check gun con constitution, gun control as a matter of protecting trol efforts; if its opponents define it as an issue of saving children, the opposite will obtain. See Frank R. Baumgartner, of Pittsburgh (Pittsburgh, Pa.: University Conflict and Rhetoric inFrench Poltcymaking Press, 1989). The eugenic cases highlight how this process of issue definition will be buffeted by ex to define eugenics as an issue of the those who wished ogenous developments; rights of the individual saw their argument carried in Nazi Germany. against oppressive state power by developments 88 Interest: Raw Materials theNational Investments Gourevitch (fn. 74); Stephen Krasner, Defending and U.S. Foreign Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); David Robertson, "Political Con flict and Lesson-Drawing," Journal of Public Policy 11 (1991).
EUGENIC
IDEAS,
POLITICAL
INTERESTS,
& POLICY
263
heard more
and gain greater with the support by association broadly sees case while advocate her the associ advocate, strengthened through ation with the ideas.89
Eugenics
responded to failure in the broad sense that it involved
new solutions to but it was not as seeking daring age-old problems, a a to immi the failure of such response governing previous paradigm re When and successful, eugenic gration policy. policies population sulted
something Societal naturally strategic
a interest between rational and temporal partnership less that ideational framework?something Weltanschauung, more than a policy prescription.
from
coherent
interests, given to this relevant interest
variable:
central
place but account, when societal
in recent work
are
they
the
byWalsh,90 are subsumed under
pressure
runs
in favor
of par
ticular ideational frameworks and the policy prescribed by them, then an interest in actors have, all them; when things being equal, pursuing runs not. insti for the sake of it Likewise, they do parsimony, against, can be subsumed under enthusiasm and political tutional position interest in translating is a strong political interest: when there strategic
ideas into policy, political actors will be likely to support them, and to
support
them
strongly.
89 can discredit the ac the whole process can go in reverse: ideas viewed as disreputable Naturally, tors proposing ideas that might otherwise have support become discredited when associ them, while ated with disreputable characters. A good example of the former would be socialist ideas in the postwar U.S.: discredited by association with the Soviet Union, they brought down any brave soul who publicly it has been wholly advocated them. An example of latter would be appeasement: by delegitimized na?ve and clumsy policy toward Adolf Hitler. Neville Chamberlains 90Walsh(fn.77).