Thesis Programme / Prison as an Interface: Between the Public and the Punished

Oskar David Mannov Olesen Thesis Programme Autumn 2018 Urbanism & Societal Change Tutor: Deane Simpson

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Prison as an Interface: Between the Public and the Punished - A New, Urban Prison Typology

Oskar David Mannov Olesen Thesis Programme Autumn 2018 Urbanism & Societal Change Tutor: Deane Simpson The Royal Danish Academy of Fine Arts School of Architecture, Design and Conservation

Fig. 1. An artistic impression of the Titan Prison proposed by the British government in 2003 that would lay the typological foundation for the ‘super prisons’ to come. This massive ‘prison hub’ could hold over 3.000 inmates and would be the architectural solution to England’s problem of overcrowding and inefficiency in their current building stock of urban, Victorian prisons.

Table of Contents: Pretext 6

INTRODUCTION 9 Executive Summery

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Silencing the Spectacle

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NATIONAL CONTEXT

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Time Line

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Current Crisis

19

Public Opinion and the Prison

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Replacing the Prison Estate

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TYPOLOGIES 37 An Urban Prison Typology

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Organisation Strategy

44

Prison Iconography

46

Elements of the Interface

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Prison Basics

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SITE 53 Manchester and the Prison

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Relocation Strategy

56

Potential Sites in Manchester

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Crime in Manchester

64

Site Development in Manchester

66

Site Description

68

Building Specifications

72

Expected Site Strategy

74

Submission and Aim

76

APPENDIX & CV

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Rehabilitative Potentials for the Urban Prison

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Phenomenological Analysis: Vestre FĂŚngsel

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List of Prisons in England & Wales

84

Maps of Different Cases

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Bibliography 102 CV 106

Pretext

How do we perceive those who made a mistake?

Throughout history, a correlation between a certain philosophy of punishment and its materialisation in the various designs of prisons have existed. However, the principles of incarceration remains the same: Keeping a body within the controllable limits of a given space, separated from the rest of society to one degree or another (The Funambulist, 2016, p. 11).

In European countries, like England, punishment was once a fundamental part of the public awareness.

In a strive for maximum effect, the authority would place the display of corporal punishment in the public squares in the city -being a cluster of buildings, and a place you would expect a high density of people.

Today, the city is, more than ever, the economical and cultural pinnacle of society. According to the UN, we are developing into an almost exclusively urban species, with 80-90% of the worlds population estimated to live in the city by the end of the century (UN report 2017). In a time were the urbanisation is at its biggest ever, and the metropolitan centres are positioned in a “winner take all� scenario (Florida, 2017, p. 6) our cities are getting increasingly unhinged from the ugly realities of our society. Industry and important welfare functions are being dumped out of our cities, and thus out of our societal consciousness.

As a contemporary and international trend, new prisons are being built away from the city centres, replacing preexisting local ones (Verssella, 2017, p.

66). As I will argue, when placing our most important prisons far away from urban centres we place them at the margins (both physically and figuratively) of our society. My aim is to undergo an architectural exploration of the prison. In my thesis, I want to challenge the direction of the current architectural discourse on criminal justice in England and design a prison in the heart of the city of Manchester.

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Fig. 2: Public hanging in the centre of the British town of Kingston in the 17th century. Before the enlightenment, a prison was, to a large degree, an opportunistic space meant to hold the criminal incarcerated in the interval between trial and the actual punishment -in this case hanging. Today, in most countries, imprisonment itself is the punishment, and the spectacle has been silenced.

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“Public executions stopped because the state no longer needed the general public to view the majesty and power of the state, especially when that very same public started to get in the way; when they started to question what was being done, and sometimes to take the side of the condemned.�

-David Wilson, Page 204, Pain and Retribution: A Short History of British Prisons, 2016

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INTRODUCTION 9

Executive Summery By reintroducing punishment as a public display in the city of Manchester, England, this project seeks to explore the interplay between architecture and public opinion. If the prison is the main physical manifestation of our view on justice, how can public perception of criminal offenders be altered by introducing a new, urban prison typology?

My project speculates on the likely scenario of the urban prison HMP Manchester being closing down. The 1,238 detainees are relocated within the city to a series of prisons, on sites, which are already linked to future expensive housing development. Designing one of these urban prisons will be my thesis project.

The project aims to combine the living quarters of the traditional prison with a new set of activating programs -to benefit both the public and the detainee.

Resting figuratively on the concept of an “interface” this new prison will work as a common ground between the two worlds. The project also seeks to harvest the rehabilitative potentials that an urban environment can provide the detainees.

As mentioned in the pretext, punishment in the western world was once both widely public and urban. Through different steps of reform, punishment has ended up being the most hidden part of the penal system, and is now, as Michel Foucault argues, seen and understood as shameful (Foucault, 1977, p. 11, 17, 68).

This questions if the silent incarceration of criminal offenders actually is a sign of humanitarian progress, and whether the

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spatial properties of punishment should be re-imagined.

In 1993, a change in public discourse in England labelled ‘the punitive turn’, prompts widespread responses from politicians to be ‘tough on crime’ in order to gain popularity from the general public.

As a consequence the number of people in prison has doubled (Bell, 2011, p. 5). Even though most prisons are overcrowded, England & Wales are seen forced to close the majority of its old, urban, Victorian prisons. The architectural response from the British government to the crisis is a new generation of rural super prisons which has been criticised of simply ‘warehousing’ prisoners, pushing the problem out of sight (Howard, 2007, p. 2) Many observers express concern that the spatial separation of the offender from the rest of society leads to a rupture of communication between the two parties, further encouraging punitive feelings (Wilson, 2014, p. 192, 204./Vessella, 2017, p. 192/ Turner, 2018, interview at 20:10/ Bell, 2011, p. 102).

By speculating on new requirements of transparency and appearance for an urban prison, the project seeks the opportunity to break this self-perpetuating pattern of overcrowded prisons.

This project aims not to preach a final typology for all prisons to come, but to develop a specialised, highly local and responsive proposal, that operates in the ambiguity between the viewpoint of the offender and the offended, thus operating in the space between polarised opinions on criminal justice.

INTRODUCTION

CLAIMS: - The spatial properties of punishment influences how we perceive criminals. The historical spectacle of punishment evoked pity and empathy whereas the silent incarceration in today’s prison evokes shame.

- In England today, there is a mismatch between how the public view life in prison and how the lived experience of imprisonment is.

- This perception is fed by misinformation/moral panic echoed by the press and had its historical starting point in ‘the punitive turn’.

- This ultimately leads to further criminalisation and demonisation of the ‘deviant class’ separated from ‘mainstream society’.

- The current architectural response of anonymous super prisons dislocated from societal awareness/the city is further perpetuating this trend, ultimately leading to worse conditions.

HYPOTHESIS: By relocating and reconfiguring the spatial properties of the prison, the current public discourse on criminal justice can be affected, counteracting a historic peak of imprisonment and criminalisation in England & Wales today, and, potentially, give better results in terms of rehabilitation of the detainees.

RESPONSE: - Relocate the prison into an urban context, and into our societal awareness.

- Design a prison that operates with varying degrees of transparency, using the concept of an ‘interface’ to connect the public and the punished.

- Develop a specialised and highly local proposal.

- Explore and harvest the rehabiliative potentials of the urban context.

- Resist the temptaition to ‘normalise’ the exterior, and manifest the prison as an exceptional institution.

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Silencing the Spectacle

In an example of a public execution from 1757 Michel Foucault describes how punishment was ceremonial and consisted of public execution, corporal punishment and torture, all directed at the prisoner’s “body”. The relation between a public crowd watching the punishment, often in the central square of the city, was important in establishing the authority of the ruler/king. An excerpt from a rule book from a prison only eighty years later shows a remarkable transition: now the punishment is directed at the prisoner’s “soul” (Foucault, 1977, p. 6). This was due to a remarkable reconfiguration of punishment. Remaining painful, and even lethal in some cases, punishment was now removed from our public sphere, to a more controllable setting: The prison.

Public executions did not disappear because they offended the public’s sensibility. Rather they were removed because the state found that they were no longer able to assert its power and authority over the crowd (Wilson, 2013, p. 191). Crowds could intervene and free prisoners or be inspired to rebel by the prisoners’ last words. The power of the state was even further enhanced by introducing daily routines of discipline from the military -a ‘technology’ to enhance control in the space of imprisonment over those who it was applied to (Foucault, 1977, p. 6, 9, 144147).

Through different steps of reform, new figures took over from the executioner, such as doctors, psychiatrists and

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wardens, and like the hospital, a scientific angle was applied, rendering the prisoner as “sick” in need of reformation as a “cure”.

In the name of humanity, punishment ends up being the most hidden part of the penal system, and instead of evoking “pity or glory” on the victim, punishment is now seen and understood as shameful.

(Foucault, 1977, p. 11, 17, 68).

Removing physical contact between the general public and the act of punishment is an important detail. Far from preferring the situation, the condemned simply reacted to the reality that a crowd was going to observe their punishment. This platform seemed to offer the soon-to-bepunished an opportunity to engage in a range of behaviours that might allow them to protest or to display anger, remorse, or courage. The crowd was reminded that the prisoner was not so very different to themselves. The scaffold was too obviously a site of physical pain, and the spectacle of punishment reminded us that punishment was terrifying, painful and often unjust, and not something to be lightly wished on others. (Wilson, 2014, p.

192, 204).

The generals public’s view on the criminal (the punished) as ‘guilty’ and imprisonment (punishment) as ‘shameful’ can therefore be seen as the consequence of the spatial properties of punishment today -our prisons. How would an urban prison appear as to establish itself in the public view? This question is the central premise for this thesis project.

INTRODUCTION

Fig. 3: Though cellular imprisonment as punishment has been used in monasteries since the middle ages, the tendency to isolate the criminal from society has increased in tandem with what many view as humanitarian progress. But what consequences does this quarantine of certain individuals have?

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“Politicians know that if you want to win elections you have to promise to be tough on crime.

You are not going to win an election by saying: ‘I’m going to close down so many prisons’” -Dr. Emily Turner. Interview at University of manchester at 17:10

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NATIONAL CONTEXT 15

Time Line Currently operational prison Currently closed prison (since 2011) Currently closed prison

1770 1750: Prison colonies

1780 1777: John Howard releases The State of the Prison

1790

1800

1790: Benjamin Bentham designs the Panopticon Layout

1810

1820

1818: MIllbank prison

1700-1770: The dawn of criminal justice in England New laws of criminalisation of deviant behaviours, and a preference for incarceration instead of corporal punishment put high pressure on the prisons during the first half of the 18th century. Often the solution was to ship criminals to the penal colonies of North America and Australia.

Abhorrent conditions of places of detention triggered a series of revolts. Combined with the affirmation of studies regarding rights, equality and freedom, this led to a series of new theories regarding the prison as an institution. The beginning of the English prison reform was the Penitentiary Act of 1779 that led to a competition for a national prison in 1782. However, the Millbank Penitentiary (1818) is the most meaningful example of the time.

The 1000 prisoner facility was set on the banks of river Thames and was composed of six cellular wings centred around a central body. It became infamous16as a place of darkness and insanity.

1830

1840

1825: Separation of prisoners into groups

1850

1860

1870

1842: Pentonville prison 1868: Last public execution

1880 1877: Edmund Du Cane, Chair of the Prison Commissions

1770-1910: Victorian character-building enterprise The ‘Victorian-character building enterprise’ was a period of increased criminalisation. In this period laws were past to criminalise new ‘undesirable’ offences such as drunkenness and vagrancy. A new disciplinary approach was implemented in the prisons with a high degree of supervision of both guards and prisoners to prevent moral corruption. Reformation was thought to come through religious contemplation, social isolation, and physical labour -the treadmill being the most iconic symbol of this. Prisons continued to be built in the city for practical reasons, and much attention was placed on the symbolic appearance of the facade meant to evoke fear. Benjamin Bentham’s Panopticon ultimately inspired the construction of Pentonville Prison (1842). Influenced by the new systems in USA, it established the radial layout that eventually became the preferred typology in Europe.

189

90

1993: The Punitive Turn

85.975

41.800 Prison population

17.400 10.500

1900

1910

1895: Abolishment of Treadwheel

1920

1930

1914: Stagnation during the two world wars

1940

1950

1962: Blundeston Prison

1960

1970

1965: Abolishment of the death penalty

1910-1980: Post-war ideals The two world wars prevented any significant improvements, and mainly resigned buildings was temporarily refitted as prisons. The post-war society inspired for a more humane approach.

In the 1950-1960s a number of offences was decriminalised such as homosexuality and suicide.

Initiatives was made to better the conditions in the Victorian prisons. Around the sixties a new type of prisons was introduced called The New Wave Prisons, going against the geometrical layouts of the past. A walfarist approach, combined with a new body of knowledge on criminology meant that rehabilitation and reintegration became one of the key objectives for prisons to tackle.

As a new paradigm prisons tried to appear as a normal modern institutional buildings from the outside, leaving behind the image of the ‘prisoncastle’. Blundeston Prison (1962) featured the new innovations proposed such as recreational spaces.

1980 1975: Margaret Thatcher elected

1990

2000

2010

1987: First use of government CCTV

1975-1993: Neoliberalism and increased punitiveness In the 1970s the public no longer believed in the likelihood of reforming criminals during imprisonment. The post-war trend of decriminalisation was reversed by Margaret Thatcher and Major government that created over 500 new offences between 1988-1997. The antiterrorism initiatives of the 1970s gave wide powers and extended militarisation of the police.

Criminal age was lowered and ‘young offenders‘ were increasingly seen, and treated, as adults, as opposed to children, when facing criminal sentences. Penal ideologies in different countries started to differentiate from each other. In USA and UK, designs would return to traditional aims of imprisonment. Increasingly fractious inmate population led to architectural plans to calculate and allow greater control -accompanied by advancing technology. New prisons were being built with internal routines not seen for17 140 years.

(Johnston, 2000, p. 28, 29, 33, 39, 42, 47, 66, 78, 120, 148, 160. Bell, 2011, p. 68)

“Prison works. [...] In the last thirty years the balance in our criminal justice system has been tilted too far in favour of the criminal and against the protection of the public. The time has come to put that right.”

- Home Secretary, Michael Howard, 1993.

18,500

“One important step will be to modernise the prison estate as many of our jails are relics from Victorian times on prime real estate in our inner cities. So we are going to reform the infrastructure in city centres and sell the estates to build much needed homes.”

- Justice Secretary, Michael Gove, 2015.

86.100

85.975

Reportet Crimes

Projected Prison population

44,246 5,450

5,000

HMP Oakwood HMP Berwyn

1990

1995

2000

2005

2010

1993

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2022

2018 Privat prison

Super prison

Currently operational prison

Currently closed prison

1993-now: The punitive turn Penal sensibility saw new heights in the beginning of the 90s. The riot at HMP Strangeways in Manchester in 1990 caused a tougher approach to managing prisons, with the focus on restoring the balance of power between prisoners and prison officers. The event further increased public scrutiny and condemnation on criminals. A tipping point was reached in February 1993 when the twoyear-old boy James Bulger was murdered. The murder caused a ‘moral panic’ (see chapter on Public Opinion ) in the general public and the media distributed the atrocities to great lengths, echoing the tragedy for months. This triggered a wide range of reactions from politicians promising to be “tough on crime” such as: mandatory minimum sentences, Anti Social Behaviour Orders (ASBOs), and notions of personal responsibilities and moral condemnation. This ‘punitive turn’ in English (Bell, 2011, p. 68. Loader, 2007, p. 5)

2015

penal politics was marked by the appointment of Michael Howard as Home Secretary, who gave his famous “prison works” speech and promised ‘a crusade against crime’. For years to come, prison population kept rising and overcrowding and violence was increasingly a problem. The Criminal Justice Act of 1991 facilitated prisons to be contracted and even build from the ground up by private companies, eventually making the British prison system the most privatised in Europe. To save money, a managerial approach was applied to prisons, and a fall in prison staff further increased the violent incidents. In 2012, Justice secretary Chris Grayling spawned the notion of 12 new prison hubs or ‘titan prisons’, entertaining the idea to replace the building stock of damp Victorian prisons, and to “build our way” out of the prison crisis.

Current Crisis

All signs point to a current crisis in the English criminal justice system. Prison numbers and overcrowding are at an alltime high, courts are over-subscribed, the police over-stretched, and the public innconfident in either the efficacy or justice of the penal system.

The main factors are an increase in the length of prison sentences but also an increase in the number of custodial offences over the last decades -since 1997 there have been implemented 23 criminal justice acts and over 3.000 new offences have been criminalised (Howard League, 2007, p. 5, 7).

CURRENT PRISON SYSTEM STATS IN ENGLAND & WALES Since 2009, the number of prison officers fell by 5,000 and assaults icreased by 10,000

Prison are increasingly overcrowded Population, operating capacity and normal capacity of prisons and immigration centres in England & Wales:

Officers and assults in prison in England & Wales: 25,000 24,000 23,000 22,000 21,000 20,000 19,000 18,000 17,000 16,000 15,000

100,000 Assults Officers

90,000 80,000 70,000 Maximum capacity Prison population Normal capacity

60,000 50,000

2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016

England & Wales has the highest incarceration rate in Western Europe

1997

2003

2007

2011

2015

2017

Most prisoners serve long sentences Proportion of prison sentences in England & Wales:

Western Europe prison population per 100,000 people:

12 months to 4 years (13,074)

160 140 120 100 80

4 years + (33,039)

Indeterminate sentences (10,378)

75,465

60 40

Recalls (6,186)

En

gla

nd

& W Sc ales ot lan d Sp N ain or A th er ust n r N Ire ia et la he nd rla n N ds or D wa en y m a Fin rk lan d

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Not recorded (5,652)

6 to 12 months (2,275)

Less than 6 months (3,866)

Fig. 4. (From The Times article: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/prisons-suicide-self-harm-deaths-reform-q6qv88vzj)

NATIONAL CONTEXT

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Public Opinion and the Prison

It is often suggested that a retreat from the ‘rehabilitative ideal’ - that faith in the capacity of prison to reform offenders, is sign of a new punitive direction in penal policy (see Fig. 6.) -labelled ‘the punitive turn’ (Bell, 2011, p. 12). The murder of two-year-old James Bulger by two other children in 1993 sparked a “moral panic” that created a situation were public debate became concerned about prison and what should happen inside of jails. Politicians would increasingly pay attention to the emotional dynamic of the general public (Wilson, 2014, p. 163).

As described in Stanley Cohen’s Spiral of Crime (see Fig. 5), an exaggerated media reaction to an especially “deviant act” creates a distorted public perception of crime and criminals, ultimately reshaping the criminal justice system.

Moral panic: Law and order campaign

Deviancy amplification: Targeting of news, public concern and crime control agencies on particular aspects of deviance. Perceived and reak increase in deviance.

Crime as news: Selective portrayal of crime in the media.

Hence the rhetoric in British society is that of a distinction of cultural differences between criminals/’the deviant class’ and mainstream society. They are often demonised as being ‘other’ than the ‘law-abiding citizen’, and link criminal behaviour to an immoral underclass of the poor and disadvantaged, thus justifying their exclusion and punishment.

The new generation of super prisons is the architectural manifestation of this exclusion. The spatial separation of the offender from the rest of society has lead to a rupture of communication between the two parties, encouraging punitive feelings. (Bell, 2011, p. 102).

How could a new, urban prison typology benefit the relation between the general public and the criminals?

Public definition of crime: Consequences of selective knowledge about crime: fear, less tolerance, calls for crackdowns, etc.

DEVIANT ACT causing MORAL PANIC Crime: As defined by crime control agencies.

Operation of news values: Selective practices of news making.

Fig. 5. Cohen’s Spiral of Crime. The diagram describes deviance amplification by the media. Selective media coverage of a specific type of crime leads to a moral panic forcing law makers to react.

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NATIONAL CONTEXT

DOING MINIMUM*

DOING BAD*

DOING GOOD*

Fig. 6. Professor in criminology Ian Loader describes three “public philosophies of the penal system”: *Doing good (trust in rehabilitating the criminal offender), *doing minimum (disstrust in the whole system of imprisonment) and *doing bad (trust in retribution and detterence). Since the punitive turn, doing bad has been the philosophy most of the general public has subscribed to. “The idea that the penal system should be harsh, austere and expansive is one that appears to hold much popular and political appeal, and which has underpinned much of the systems recent growth” (Loader, 2007, p. 8, 9)

PUBLIC OPINION ON CRIMINAL JUSTICE Despite crime falling 42%, three quarters of the public think that crime rose or stayed the same between 1997 and 2010.

What do you think happened to the overall level of crime between 1997 and 2010?

2%

22%

32%

33%

11%

Crime fell by 42 %.

Crime fell by 21 %.

Crime stayed about the same.

Crime rose by 15 %.

Crime rose by 30 %.

Contrary to evidence, there is still a widespread believe that deterrent is an effective tool against reoffending.

Which of the two statements comes closest to your own view what the most effective approach to reduce reoffending?

67%

33%

The best way to reduce reoffending is to increase the deterrent effect of sentencing - by sending more offenders to prison, making prison life harder, making sentences longer, and making community punishment more demanding

The best way to reduce reoffending is to put more emphasis on rehabilitation - by testing addictions, helping offenders get qualifications and work experience, and preparing them for life in the community.

A huge majority of the general public believe that prison sentences are too lenient.

Do you think that sentencing for convicted offenders in Britain is too hars, too lenient, or about right?

3% Too harsh

15%

81%

About right

Too lenient

The general public expect politicians to act and be increasingly tougher on crime.

Did you expect the new government to be tougher on crime than the last government, less tough, or about the same?

57% I expected it to be tougher on crime than the last government.

9% I expected it to be less tough.

34% I expected it to be about the same as the last government.

Fig. 7. Survey from 2014 revealing te publics opnion on criminal justice.

(From Crime Punishment & The People (2014). http://www.lordashcroft.com/pdf/03042011_crime_punishment_and_the_people.pdf)

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Replacing the Prison Estate

As of now, England and Wales are on the brink of a modern prison reform, as it is seen forced to close the majority of its old, Victorian prisons. Being 150 years old, they are no longer suitable for accommodating detainees in the 21st century.

These prisons were build on clear ideological frameworks with the result of iconic architectural layouts, and was the most innovative architectural attempt to reform criminals in their time. The Victorians believed in reformation, and this resulted in clear spatial solutions. The Victorian prisons was visibly positioned in the city and deliberately so, for practical reasons -close to the courthouse, but

HMP CANTERBURY

also as a clear symbol of justice and authority (Johnston, 2000, p. 87).

The solution proposed by the current government is in line with an international trend of centralisation and economic optimisation. With the promise of giving “more for less” the ambition is to cut down cost while still improving the conditions for the inmates. The result is a new generation of large prisons, positioned on low value land and often managed by private actors, such as HMP (Her Majesty’s Prison) Berwyn which opened in 2017. With its 2,106 men capacity it is the second largest prison in Europe, and is more than six times the size of the average, local Victorian prison (justice.gov.uk).

HMP NORTHALLERTON

HMP KINGSTON

415

HMP READING

314

252

OTHER PRISON

400

320

OTHER PRISON

2,106

400

HMP BERWYN

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TYPOLOGIES

London

HMP NORTHALLERTON

HMP MANCHESTER HMP BERWYN

London

HMP READING

HMP CANTERBURY

HMP KINGSTON

Privat Prison Operational Prison Fig. 8. Map of operational Prisons in England and Wales.

Included are also prisons which have been closed since 2011.

(Justice.gov.uk)

New Super Prison Closed Prison (since 2011)

N

Highligted prison

23

Closed prison (since 2011)

HMP CANTERBURY 1808-2013 Capacity of 314 1:25.000 24

500m

1000m

N

CANTERBURY

25

Closed prison (since 2011)

HMP KINGSTON 1877-2013 Capacity of 415 1:25.000 26

500m

1000m

N

PORTSMOUTH

27

Closed prison (since 2011)

HMP NORTHALLERTON 1878-2013 Capacity of 252 1:25.000 28

500m

1000m

N

NORTHALLERTON

29

Closed prison (since 2011)

HMP READING 1844-2013 Capacity of 320 1:25.000 30

500m

1000m

N

READING

31

WREXHAM

New super prison

HMP BERWYN 2017Capacity of 2,106 1:25.000 32

500m

1000m

N

WREXHAM INDUSTRIAL ESTATE

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Pictures of the super prison HMP Berwyn. Appropriately placed amongst big box industry and commercial warehouses, the super prison blends perfectly in, both in terms of architectural aesthetics and penal use.

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“As modern prisons tend to be located away from urban areas, few citizens see them. Increasingly, when seen through security fences, prisons buildings look little different than school buildings or the structures of industrial parks.

-Normann Johnston, page 64, Forms of Constraints - A History of Prison Architecture, 2000

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TYPOLOGIES 37

An Urban Prison Typology PROS AND CONS Both the setting (an urban environment) and the condition (a high level of transparency/exchange with the context) puts pressure on the security of the prison. Partner in C. F. Møller Architects, Mads Mandrup, says that it is both a symbolic but also a practical gesture when they placed Storstrøm Fængsel in a secluded, rural context, since you would have more control of the general security of the prison (Interview Mandrup, 2017).

This coupled with the unique, transparent condition of the prison suggests that the inmates inhabiting the facility should be of a low security profile. Therefore a minimum security prison is chosen. This will also enable more freedom to the design of the thesis project, since it wouldn’t demand an over-ambitious design with a too complex security aspect.

FUNCTIONS BENEFITS (REHABILITATION): - Lower security level enables a less restrictive regime with more openness and lower recidivism* rates.

- Higher degree of contact with family and friends, and contact with the outside world benefits rehabilitation.

- Urban setting “contaminates” the prison environment so as to soften the transition upon release.

DISADVANTAGES (SECURITY): -Open condition and urban setting may enhance risk of inmate escape, may reduce control of what goes in and out and may compromises safety of users.

The Italian professor in architecture Luigi Vessella’s book “Open Prison Architecture -Design Criteria for a New Prison Typology” lays out a guide on the specifications on a minimum security facility. He repeatedly pushes back on the tendency to place prisons in “marginal urban contexts” and recommends instead to imagine the minimum security prison as an “addition to the urban landscape” (Vessella, 2017, p. 192).

“[...] ensuring a favourable and stimulating environment not only for the detainees, but also, and especially, for the penitentiary operators, who often find themselves working in isolated areas, lacking services and devoid of any relationship with the surrounding context.” (Vessella, 2017, p. 192).

This is interesting, since it adds a range of new parameters for the project to benefit from its context besides the ones from enhancing contact to the general public (as mentioned in previous chapter).

Another source to mention is the Danish Ministry of Justice’s Research Office which have collected and summarised research-based results on criminal preventive methods from all over the world in a report (see full summary in Appendix; “Rehabilitative Potentials for the Urban Prison”). The report lays out several conditions that has a positive effect on rehabilitation that can be taken advantage of in an urban context (Fig. 9).

Fig. 9. Benefits an disadvantages of an urban prison regarding the functions (Jørgensen, 2015, p. 51-56, 58-59, 82-84, 88). *Recidivism is whether or not the inmate is returning to the criminal behaviour that got her/him arrested in the first place.

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TYPOLOGIES

SIZE AND LAYOUT The report from the Justice’s Research Office concludes that small prisons (less than 100 detainees) improve detainee and staff relation and has several beneficial effects on rehabilitation, recidivism, and well-being (Jørgensen, 2015, p. 88) Smaller prisons are also easier to manage and secure (Johnston, 2000, p. 160), and taken the sparsity of space in the city into consideration, a small, 50-100 detainee prison is appropriate for this project.

As mentioned earlier the project does not try to mimic an existing architectural prison layout. However, pointing out a general direction for the overall strategy in comparison to existing examples can be useful.

Despite the modest detainee capacity, the prison will still need to be very space efficient given the urban context.

Of the general layouts proposed by the UNOPS, the most compact version called “integrated” will be used, and might even optimized even more into a modified version (see Fig. 10).

In terms of a specific layout model, the one refereed to as the “compact” model will be used, since it is easy to place within an urban context (see Fig. 11). As the name implies the compact typology doesn’t rely on specific security layout, but is used to describe prisons that have a low ratio between the volume contained and the perimeter of the facade (Vessella, 2017, p. 202). Unlike most traditional prisons the project will have to be build in several floors, making the prison tall in comparison to its footprint.

CAMPUS*

INTEGRATED*

Site area

CLUSTER*

MODIFIED

Building/Function

Connection

Fig. 10. The UN categorisation of prisons into three types of layouts. *Campus: Lowest degree of integrated facilities spread over a multitude of buildings on a large site. *Cluster: Moderate degree of closely coupled facilities. *Integrated: Has the highest degree of integrated facilities, generally in one, single building.

(UNOPS, 2016, p. 47). The integrated typology could be modified to an even more compact layout.

CAMPUS*

RADIAL LAYOUT*

TELEPHONE POLE*

COMPACT*

COURTYARD*

MODIFIED

Site area

Building/Function

Connection

Fig. 11. Based on a wide variety of international cases, Luigi Vessella condenses prison layouts into a few models. *Campus: Also referred to as ‘detached’, this model is made of a multitude of buildings and requires a spacious site. *Radial Layout: The traditional pre-WWII model, relatively compact but inefficient for many modern functions. *Telephone Pole: Used mostly in U.S.A., heavily relying on cell-wings and spatially inefficient. *Compact: Doesn’t rely on specific security layout and is very space efficient. *Courtyard: The first ever prison layout is mostly used in urban areas, and offers advantages for an outdoor zone on a compact area (Vessella, 2017, p. 41-72). The latter two could be merged into a modified model.

39

USERS A variety of prison staff is required to run the facility, though more than half of these are officers meant to maintain a level of surveillance, control and socialisation activities (Vessella, 2017, p. 233). The staff composition is described in Fig. 17, however the composition will most likely change when the design process begins.

There are specific requirements for the detainees of a minimum security prison such as low risk of escape, selfharm, probability of violent behaviour and self-abuse (Vessella, 2017, p. 232). The requirements are also described in Fig. 17.

Besides the detainees and staff there are many different user. All of them can be categorised in three different groups: Permanent user (detainees and prison operators), daily users (guests, external and public workers) and occasional users (institutional visitors). Depending on their USER CATEGORY:

USER FUNCTION: - Detainees

function in the prison regime they each have individual range of accessibility, with the prison operators given full or ‘global’ accessibility (see Fig. 12) (Vessella, 2017, p. 228).

The detainees are further segmented into three different accessibility categories, providing them access to different types of ‘freedom regimes’ (see Fig. 12).

DAILY USERS

OCCASIONAL USERS

PRISON

PERMANENT USERS 33%

Cat. 1

33%

Cat. 2

33%

Cat. 3

PROGRAMMED

Detainees are programmed in three categories: Cat. 1: Detainess with parttime freedom regime. Cat. 2: Detainees who work outside the prison. Cat. 3: Common Detainees.

GLOBAL

Access to all sections of the structures, in accordance to their duties.

LIMITED

Freedom of movement inside the predetermined areas in which they have their duties.

DEFINED

Access to sections of the structure related to carrying out their specific activities. This category can be subjected to control from the operators.

ACCESSIBILITY:

PERMANENT USERS - Prison operators OCCASIONAL USERS

- Institutional visitors - External operators - Public officers

DAILY USERS - Guests - General public*

Fig. 12. Description of the type of accessinility for each category of users and their respective features (Vessella, 2017, p. 229). *The ‘General Public’ category is a new user in my urban prison typology, and is not normally a user group associated with the prison, due to the traditional location and hostility of the facility.

40

TYPOLOGIES

SECURITY According to UNOPS report on Prison Planning, three terms of security approaches exists, and needs to be implemented in the prison design; Procedural (procedures that assist the staff), static (CCTV, gates, fences, doors, walls) and dynamic security (active role of prison staff) (UNOPS, 2016, p. 32).

Of the three, the latter two are the ones with the most architectural significance and will be the ones to implement in my design. Especially dynamic security is known to be the preferred option from static security, since it has beneficial outcomes for socialisation (Vessella, 2017, p. 201), and will therefore be favoured as much as possible in the design.

Other area Static

Another important consideration is the implementation of control zones or foyers. Foyers may serve more than one function at a time, which may be classified into five broad types: Search, controlling of movement, counting of prisoners, redirection hubs or for identity checks.

(UNOPS, 2016, p. 33, 34).

These control zones will be the ‘working station’ for many of the prison officers. It will be placed as an intersection between zones and enables a level of autonomy for the detainees in the different zones of the prison: once they have passed the control point they are free to use the spaces for collective activities, though a certain level of static security will be in use (see Fig. 13).

Control zone Dynamic

Cell Static

Fig. 13. Diagramatic explanation of the ‘control zone’ security tactic. A detainee going from the cell to a particular area of the prison will be screened as an intersection on the path. This disrupts as little as possible the fluidity of the activities about to take place within this area.

41

APPROACH TO SITE Though many helpfull books and reports have pointed me in the direction of a spatial program, they can only be used as a rough guide, since the setting (an urban environment) and the condition (a high level of transparency/exchange with the context) of the prison I want to design is very unique.

To estimate the site use, I have been guided by the report “Prison, Acrhitecture and Humans” by Cappelen Damm Akademisk were a series of prisons (urban and rural) dispositions of outdoor spaces have been mapped. All of the prisons have at least 5% devoted to parking and infrastructural linkage to the context, and I have estimated 10 % to my site as Fig. 14 shows (Fransson, 2018, p. 44-57). Of the 90% devoted to building mass at least 25% will have to be outdoor area (see Fig. 15).

INTERFACE The spatial program percentages have been estimated from a confidential competition brief from Storstrøm Fængsel in Denmark and Luigi Vessella’s guide to a minimum security prison. The result is layed out on the following page in Fig. 17. The exact dimensions of the different zones and areas will definitely be moderated once the design process is initiated.

Due to the limited space available in an urban setting, one of the key features of my design will be the interface: an ‘area of osmosis’ between the prison and the city, were a level of interaction can happen, depended on the security category (see Fig. 12) of the detainee.

42

SITE USE:

10%

90%

Road, parking

Building

and other

Fig. 14. Disposition of the site.

INDOOR/OUTDOOR USE: 75%

25%

Indoor

Outdoor

Fig. 15. Disposition of the building in relation to indoor and outdoor facilities.

DISPOSITION OF ZONES: 20%

INTERFACE

Managerial

35% Residential

45% Communal

Fig. 16. Disposition of the building zones.

TYPOLOGIES

ESTIMATED SPECIFICATIONS SUMMERY: SECURITY LEVEL: Minimum TYPOLOGY FEATURES: Modified, compact, courtyard with multiple floors USER PROGRAM:

- Detainees: 100

- Prison staff: 60

35 category 1 detainess with part-time freedom regime 30 category 2 detainees who work outside the prison 30 category 3 common detainees

From Manchester Male

Between 18-35 years

First prison sentence

Under five years sentences

Low security (cat. C or D)

RATIO 5:3

1 warden 3 department managers 4 educators 2 social worker 4 psychologists 2 drug operator 1 interpreter 6 teachers 1 pastor 6 healthcare workers 30 officers

SPATIAL PROGRAM:

- Access, screening and discharge services

Garage 0,5 %

Access etc. 9,5 %

ALL: 10 %

- Management, administrative and associations services

Staff accommodation 5 %

Administration & management 2,5 %

Technical room/operation 2,5 %

ALL: 10%

- Residential unit

Cells, including toilet/shower 11 %

Kitchen & living room 11 %

Outdoor & common spaces 13 %

ALL: 35 %

- Treatment, workshops, assessment and therapy

Control zone/foyer 2,5 %

Staff facilities 2,5 %

Outdoor & common spaces 10 %

Treatment & workshops 6%

Assessment & therapy 4%

ALL: 25 %

- Visits, working and other general common services

Control zone/foyer 2 %

Staff facilities 2 %

Visits & meeting 2,5 %

Work & education 4,5 %

Auditorium/mess hall 4,5 %

Religious/cultural activities 4,5 %

ALL: 20% TOTAL: 100% Fig. 17. Estimated specifications summery of a new, urban prison typology.

43

TRADITIONAL APPROACH:

Organisation Strategy Barrier of confinement (Closed or porous)

Interface area

Entrance

Communal

Corridor

Residential Privacy level (high to low)

- Management and administrative services - Associations services

Prison operators

PUBLIC ZONE

ENTRANCE ZONE - Access, screening and discharge services

CONTROL ZONE SEMI-PRIVAT ZONE - Meetings and Visits - General common services - Treatment, Educational, Cultural and Working activities - Assessment and Therapy CONTROL ZONE PRIVATE ZONE - Residential Unit

Detainee all

PRISON

PUBLIC REALM

Control zone

Manegerial

Institutional visitors

Control point

Daily userrs

LEGEND:

44

Prison operators

PUBLIC ZONE - Management and administrative services - Associations services

ENTRANCE ZONE - Access, screening and discharge services

PUBLIC ZONE - Meetings and Visits - Other general common services SEMI-PUBLIC ZONE - General common services

CONTROL ZONE SEMI-PRIVATE ZONE - Treatment, Educational, Cultural and Working activities - Assessment and Therapy CONTROL ZONE PRIVATE ZONE

Detainee Cat. 3

Detainee Cat. 2

- Residential Unit

Detainee Cat. 1

PRISON

45

Institutional visitors

PUBLIC REALM

Daily userrs

MY APPROACH:

Prison Iconography PRISON CELL When placed in a confined area the cell (the individual detainees room of accommodation) is the last bastion of personal space and privacy, and the detainees “home”. Therefore, any linkage to society with the intention of interaction must be placed in proximity to the cell, as to preserve the dignity and private space of the detainee.

RESIDENTIAL UNIT The residential unit can differ enormously depending on the punitive philosophy of the facility -from actual dormitories to spartan cell wings. The residential units have an important role in the development of social relationships inside the prison and is ideally a place where relationships of a public nature can occure (Vessella, 2017, p. 202).

In the project I will most likely rely on the archetypical features of the cell: The bed, the window, and the desk. But the materiality of the detainee home will have to be carefully curated.

What kind of home feeling will a cell have, if to not to mask its intention of confinement but still foster a positive and durable reaction from its inhabitants?

In the project, the residential unit, unlike the communal space, will be the introvert social area, and will rely on terms such as ‘intimacy’ and ‘domesticity’.

4

5 6

5

3

3

4

2 1 1 2 1: Halden Fengsel, Norway.

2: Alcatraz Prison, San Francisco 3: HMP Berwyn, Wales.

4. ADX Supermax Prison, Colerado 5: M. C. C. Chicago.

6: HMP Manchester, England.

46

1: Singsing Prison, New York, ca. 1856.

2: Storstrøm Fængsel, Denmark.

3: Bastøy Fengsel, Norway.

4. Ohio State Reformatory, from “Shawshank Redemption” 1995.

5: ADX Supermax Prison, Colerado.

COMMUNAL SPACE The communal space is, together with the cell, the area that often receives most public scrutiny for being too luxurious, perhaps since basketball courts and greeneries are perceived as the perks of ‘a free man’.

In the project, this area will be the interface between the prison and the public. The main interest will be how to make a clear penal but non-intimidating environment, that encourages interaction.

WALL/GATE The facade of the prison and the last barrier of confinement is, in most cases, separated from each other.

In the project, due to size limitations, the two will be merged. This demands many requirements of the facade, that needs to have in-build aspects of transparency, security and, most importantly, symbolism.

5 5 4

4

3 3

2

2 1

1: Alcatraz Prison, from “Excape From Alcatraz” 1979.

2: Justizzentrum Leoben, Austria.

3: M. C. C. Chicago.

4. Storstrøm Fængsel, Denmark.

5: Mas d’Enrique Penitentiary, Spain.

1: Storstrøm Fængsel, Denmark.

2: Goulburn’s Supermax Prison, Texas 3. HMP Manchester 4. Vestre Fængsel. from “Olsen Banden” 1978.

5. Justizzentrum Leoben, Austria.

47

Elements of the Interface

Since the interface area will be on the threshold of the prison and the public realm, it is adjacent to consider including programmes and practices that normally operates on this border. This could be alternatives to incarceration (community sentences), practices during imprisonment (restorative justice) or/ and initiatives normally associated with post-imprisonment (post-sentence programmes).

Most of these would fit very well within the paradigms of the project since they enhance the relation between the community and the offender. Besides benefiting the relationship between the two parties, they also contribute to a sense of justice from the community/ victim and a sense of purpose for the detainee/offender.

COMMUNITY SENTENCING As a first time offender you can be given a community sentence if the court thinks you’re more likely to stop committing crime than if you go to prison. Some of these are specific treatment programmes for addictions or mental health issues.

Others are community paybacks in the form of unpaid work - these are always in the local area (www.gov.uk).

By seeing the prison as an interface between the public and the punished, many of these forms of community sentences could easily be seen taken place within this area. This could frame the prison as a positive institution in the eyes of bystanders and external users.

VICTIM

OFFENDER

COMMUNITY

Fig. 18. The benefits of the interface could be harvested by many participants, even the victim.

48

TYPOLOGIES

RESTORATIVE JUSTICE Restorative Justice is a set of principles that sees crime as a violation of trust between people and seeks to put things right. It has a preparative focus – to give voice to a victim, hold offenders accountable for their behaviour, and to repair the harm that was caused. Often misunderstood as a one hour, oneoff intervention between the parties involved, restorative justice has to be seen as a process, with the potential, over time, to repair damaged relationships.

Restorative justice is still in the juvenile phase of being implemented in England & Wales, however, many countries have had significantly positive results with the practice (Howard League, 2014).

The physical separation of offenders and victims/community have traditionally been a hindrance to the practice. In the Interface between the prison and the public realm, facilities such as meeting rooms could facilitate restorative justice.

POST-SENTENCE PROGRAMMES A variety of programmes to equip detainees with skills to re-enter society could be used in the interface area. This includes the Danish NGO ‘The Learning Prison’, who combines the demand for education and job skills amongst detainees with internship and trainee schemes in the labour market. Combining this with the actual sentence of imprisonment, have not been successful yet, since the Danish Prison and Probation Service wouldn’t collaborate (Winther, 2017, interview at 15:12).

In the interface area, such programs could happen. The normal efforts to equip detainees inside the prison with skills could get a new form in the interface area, introducing a more fluid circulation of outside actors.

49

Prison Basics PENAL PHILOSOPHIES Punishment serves numerous socialcontrol functions, but it is usually justified by five punishment philosophies used in the criminal justice system: deterrence, rehabilitation, incapacitation, retribution, and restoration.

The urban context and experimentation with transparent programs puts my project contrary to the current philosophy in England & Wales, with a high emphasis on rehabilitation and restoration (see Fig. 19).

Deterrence*

High

Restoration*

Medium Low

Rehabilitation*

Retribution* Incapacitation*

CURRENT:

MY PROJECT:

High

High

Medium Low

Medium Low

Fig. 19. The five philosophies of punishment. *Rehabilitation: This philosophy tries to end criminal behaviour by “curing” the offenders from breaking the law. *Deterrence: Tries to convince/scare people not to break the law, by communicating that initiating crime is not “worth it” in comparison to the legal alternatives. “Cost benefit”. *Restoration: The offence is “undone” by the criminal offender by making restitution to the victim -repaying for any damage. *Retribution: Revenge. According to this principles, criminals deserve to be punished equally for the wrongful acts they have committed. “Eye for an eye”. *Incapacitation: A principle to prevent offenders from victimising other people by isolating them from the rest of society in prisons/ treatment programs.

BASIC FUNCTIONS After 1945 the basic functions of the prison remain to punish, to provide secure custody, to reform or deter, and to ensure the health and safety of prisoners and staff (Johnston, 2000, p. 148). As architects we are often subjected to these criteria as our main priority of concern.

However, as Leopold Lambert notes, the architecture is also conceived to display the design in order to produce “a spectacle of punishment” (Lambert, 2009, p. 11).

Exploring this function, together with rehabilitation potentials in the city (see next chapter), will be fundamental to my project (see Fig. 20).

50

Punish

Provide secure custody

High Medium Low

Rehabilitate or deter Display act of punishment CURRENT:

Ensure the health and safety

MY PROJECT:

High

High

Medium Low

Medium Low

Fig. 20. The five basic functions of the modern prison.

TYPOLOGIES

DOING GOOD? The spearhead of progressive prison design is the humane and rehabilitative agenda subscribed to mainly by a few European countries -Norway, Denmark, Austria and Spain (Vessella, 2017, p. 69).

Here, the main effort is for the design to contain two opposing demands: punishment and reintegration. The result is a prison that practices the highest degree of normalisation, marking the prison as a non-exceptional facility.

As these enforces the risk of pushing the legitimacy of the prison out of our contemporary discourse and further debate. The supposed argument for making prisons more humane in fact roots incarceration ever deeper into our society by making it more legitimate.

By relocating the architecture of the prison I also intend to relocate the presence of punishment. How would a prison look as to establish itself as a modern institution of correction without masking the punishing effect of the prison by using the tools of normalisation?

51

52

“If we simply went back to even eighteenth century forms of incarcerations it would be better: The idea that you went to the local jail and friends and family could visit. But the idea of isolating people far away and removing them from any sort of normalising society, its been a horrible trip down a rabbit-hole to get us were we are today.�

-Professor Peter Moskos. Crule and Unusual podcast, episode 14: In Defense of Flogging.

SITE 53

Manchester and the Prison WHY MANCHESTER As described earlier, the aim of the project is to keep the prison in the city and thus countering the existing trend of closing down old, urban prisons in favour of building new, rural ones. To maximise the effect of this experiment, I want to find a site in a major city with minimum 500,000 inhabitants (see Fig. 21). This will potentially ensure an urban context with a certain vibrant and lively quality, as to be in strong contrast to the context of rural super prisons such as HMP Berwyn.

However, the main reason for finding a project site in Manchester is because of the infamous prison HMP Manchester which is located 700 m from the city centre. Formerly known as “Strangeways” this large, urban, Victorian prison has a famous history and an uncertain future.

A: Liverpool (571,733) B: Manchester (549,305) C: Leeds (500,155) D: Birmingham (1,140,754) E: Bristol (567,111) F: London (8,869,898)

C A

B

D

E

F

Fig. 21. Map of the six largest cities in England & Wales, with Manchester highlighted in red (http://www.citypopulation.de/UK-Cities. html).

HMP Manchester is a local prison serving the courts of Greater Manchester and with a national function of holding a small number of high risk prisoners (Cat. A). A report on the prison conditions from 2014 stated that some of the facilities caused “significant concerns” such as the physical conditions: Too many prisoners were doubled up in small cells designed for one with inadequately screened toilets. Many cells were deemed damp and unfit for habitation (HM Inspectorate of Prisons, 2017, p. 4).

With exception of the size, HMP Manchester holds many of the characteristics of the 17 prisons that have been closed since 2011. Given the attractive plot the prison is located on, the poor physical state of the facilities and the current trends of replacement in the criminal justice department it is safe to assume that HMP Manchester could be on the verge of closure.

I want to speculate on a new strategy of relocation, and spread the capacity of HMP Manchester into several small, urban prisons. Designing one of these urban prison will be my thesis project.

54

Fig. 22. Located a few hundred meters from the city centre, the plot of HMP Manchester could easily redeveloped into an attractive housing project in the future.

SITE

CROSSING THE BARRIER HMP Manchester was once notorious as Strangeways prison, one of the grimmest examples of the appalling conditions in the English prisons and the consequences hereof: In 1993 detainees of Strangeways took control of the prison, and for several days the rooftops were used as platforms for protesting.

In an article in The Funambulist, Fiona McCann describe how the detainees in Crumlin Road Gaol in Belfast used their bodies as an ingenious means of communication and a symbol of their individual freedom. In protesting they smeared urine and shit on walls and floors. Smells and sounds made from their bodies exceeded the boundaries of confinement, and expanded their power, diminishing the authority of their keepers (Lambert, 2016, p. 16).

Since your body is one of the possessions that are intact during incarceration, using it as a way of expanding your communication reach across the barrier of confinement has been a repeating incident during prison riots.

This ‘sensory teleportation’ into the free world is an iconographic part of british penal history, especially in Manchester.

This could perhaps be expanded when working with transparency in a prison.

Fig. 23. Inmates “protesting” on the roof of Strangeway Prison (now HMP Manchester). Their only means of expression was by shouting and displaying signs with their opinions to bystanders and the arriving media.

55

CURRENT APPROACH:

Relocation Strategy

The current approach in the English justice system would be to close down HMP Manchester centralise it with other local (urban) prisons in new, rural super prisons.

HMP MANCHESTER MULTIPLE SECURITY CATEGORY

OTHER PRISON

OTHER PRISON

OTHER PRISON

OTHER PRISON

SUPER PRISON

MULTIPLE SECURITY CATEGORY

56

SITE

MY APPROACH:

My approach is also to close down HMP Manchester, but to relocate the prison inside the city into smaller facilities.

Given the varying security and sentence profiles of the detainees, different prison typologies would be appropriate including a non-urban prison for very dangerous prisoners.

Designing an urban, minimum security prison will be my thesis project.

HMP MANCHESTER MULTIPLE SECURITY CATEGORY

URBAN PRISON RURAL PRISON

MY THESIS PROJECT

SEMI-URBAN PRISON

URBAN PRISON URBAN PRISON

URBAN PRISON

URBAN PRISON

SECURITY CATEGORY: MAXIMUM

MINIMUM

57

River Irwell

MANCHESTER

Operational prison

HMP MANCHESTER 1868Capacity of 1,238 1:25.000 58

500m

1000m

N

SITE

59

Pictures of HMP Manchester (Strangeways) from the outside, taken on the field trip in March 2018. Hundreds of meters away the tall ventilation tower can be recognised. As a silent giant, the presence of the prison is felt very much and from most sides as an indistinguishable place of confinement. The massive prison wall emulates a sense of hostility and this seems to contaminate the surrounding area -most of the buildings facing the prison was empty.

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Potential Sites in Manchester

The railway arches in Manchester (also referred to as viaducts) were build around the city centre in the nineteenth century along the canals and river as infrastructure. The arches is a symbolic manifestation of a divide in the city -inside the circle are the commercial and touristy part of the city where few live and many work. Build with little consideration for future urban strategies the arches and

canals creates irregular pockets of space in the urban fabric.

On my field trip in March 2018, I identified several sites that could potentially work for my project. Due to the relation to both canal and railway arches I picked a 10.000 m2 parking lot in the northern part of the city. The size fits the requirements for a small, minimum security prison (see previous chapter).

Railway Arches

Manchester Victoria Station

Railway River or Canal Potential Sites Train Station

r ve

Ri

Deansgate Station

ell Irw

Manchester Piccadilly Station

Deansgate Station

SITE

ck

edlo

er M Riv

Manchester Oxford Road Station

Fig. 24: Manchester (not in scale). The diagram shows the potential sites scattered along the Victorian railway arches.

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SITE

SITE

Pictures of various locations in Manchester, taken on the field trip in March 2018. The Arches were build around the city centre along the canals and river as infrastructure build to supply the factories with workers and to assist in transportation of goods and it is the most visible remnants from the time Manchester was the industrial capital of the world. The railway is still used today by trains, both public and private, and the canals are mostly hidden under the surface in tunnels spontaneously reoccurring in the city. The space under the arches have been transformed into commercial uses, though many of the shops haven’t been successful.

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Crime in Manchester CRIME

Due to tourism, leisure programs and a higher density of building m2, many crimes are committed in the central part of Manchester. As mentioned, the city centre can roughly be said to be contained by the railway arches in north and south and the River Irwell in west. Since the chosen site is on the edge of this transition, the prison can potentially work as a threshold between the two parts.

HMP Manchester

Crime Rates: Very high High Medium Low Very low

Crown Court

Magistrades’ Court Crown Court Police Station

SITE

Fig. 25: Manchester (not in scale). The diagram shows the crime rates from 2017 (Mappinggm.org.uk).

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SITE

COMPARISON OF CITY OF MANCHESTER (GREY) AND HMP MANCHESTER (YELLOW) Of crimes committed in Manchester and inmates serving their sentence in HMP Manchester a larger proportion is imprisoned for drug offences and sexual offences, and fewer for violence and theft offences, than the crimes committed.

Crimes committed and sentences: Violence against the person 27%

21,2% 2,7%

Sexual offences

11,2%

Burglary

9.5%

8.5%

Robbery 1.9% Theft and handling

37%

3.1%

Fraud and forgery

9.6% 4.9% 5.9%

Drug offences 1.5% Other offences

17.3%

(Office for National Statestics)

14.9% 23.8%

(Inspection report of HMP Manchester)

Young and middle aged men are disproportionally represented in HMP Manchester.

Age groups: Under 21 years 0,2% 21 to 29 years

25% 24,3%

35,3%

30 to 39 years

16,6%

32,7%

40 to 49 years

11,3%

21,4%

50 to 59 years

9,2% 6,3% 6,2%

7.6%

60 to 59 years 1,9% 70 plus years 1%

(Manchester City Council)

(Inspection report of HMP Manchester)

A larger proportion of inmates with mixed and black ethnicity are represented in HMP Manchester.

Ethnicity: White

83,8%

76,4%

Mixed

2,2%

4,1%

Asian

10,5%

10,4%

Black

2,7% 1%

8,4%

Other

(Manchester City Council)

1%

(Inspection report of HMP Manchester)

Alle inmates in HMP Manchester are men.

Gender: Male

50,6% 49,4%

100%

Female 0%

(Manchester City Council)

(Inspection report of HMP Manchester)

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Site Development in Manchester

Due to rapid economical growth, Greater Manchester needs to deliver 227,300 new homes by 2035. Therefore many building sites are being developed, either in form of renovations or new buildings. The city council have been widely criticised by their relaxed attitude towards developers -of the 15,000 planned houses in 2017 not a single one

was ‘affordable’, leading to increased inequality (theguardian.com (2017). As Fig. 26 shows, the city centre and the southern part are high value areas.

Positioned on an attractive spot, my project will be located on a future development site, and opposite the current high-end project of 604 housing units: Circle Square.

HMP Manchester

Average price paid for property: £59,911 - £131,659 £131,659 - £187,989 Future development sites

Crown Court

Magistrades’ Court Crown Court Police Station

SITE

Cicle Square Fig. 26. Manchester (not in scale). The diagram shows the housing markets average price in red and purple hatch. It also shows future development sites (housing, industry and office) as appointed by the Greater Manchester Local Authorities in green. (https://mappinggm. org.uk/call-for-sites/?lyrs=v_suggested_sites_all_public#os_maps_outdoor/17/53.47434/-2.24084).

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SITE

CIRCLE SQAURE

Under slogans such as “Live side by side” and “A Million Miles From Ordinary” the new residential and commercial neighbourhood Circle Square is being branded -expected to be finished in 2019. With 110,000 m2 of commercial space, 42,000 m2 residential, 39,000 m2 serviced and 9,200 m2 of retail space the neighbourhood offers a wide range of possibilities for the growing upper middle-class in Manchester to live, eat, shop and work. To increase the value and attract non-residents the neighbourhood will also be equipped with a 22,000 m2 public park in the middle of the complex. (http://circlesquaremanchester.com/) Placed opposite of my project site, it makes a potential meeting between an urban prison and expensive living and working spaces possible. This clash of the “deviant class” and the “mainstream” could be used in the project.

Fig. 27. Visualisation of Circle Square seen from north-west with Oxford Street in the bottom. The residential tower will be 34 levels high.

Fig. 28. Circle Square seen from north.The highlighted section in red is the my project site and the buildings included.

Fig. 29. Drone picture of the BBC building site -soon to become “Circle Square”. The highlighted section in red is the my project site and the buildings included.

(Photomerged with pictures from http:// circlesquaremanchester.com/consultation-boards/)

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Police station 1,2 km

Site Description The site is divided into two parts by the railway arches. The northern part is currently functioning as a rental parking space owned by Euro Car Parks. The southern part consist of four buildings with mix uses but no residents.

The neighbourhood is very diverse and appropriately represents an urban setting. Since University of Manchester and Manchester Metropolitan University are located just south of the site, many students walk on Oxford Road (one of the most important urban “corridors” in Manchester). The station is one of the biggest in the city with more than 8,5 million travellers annually. Only 1 km from the city centre and with the development of Circle Square, the neighbourhood offers a wide range of experiences that normally wouldn’t be associated with the context surrounding a prison.

Gambling premises Pub/Bar/Night club Restaurant/Cafe Gym Nursery Train station Theater Music scene Hotel

68

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W

Manchester Oxford Road Station

Lancaster House bay

Bom

h or t hitw

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India House

Str

Asia House

W

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et

Stre

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by R

Gran

ck dlo

Me

Manchester House The Principal Hotel

SITE

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Prin t

dS

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Pitc t

Stre

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tree

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Do Ma

et

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Stre

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Stre

llar

Ma

s ar le

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Ch

t

tree

dS

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akefie New W

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Str

Ox

Circle Square (to be finished in 2019)

d for ad Ro

10,000 m2 commercial space 42,000 m2 residential space 39,000 m2 serviced space 9,200 m2 retail space 22,000 m2 public park

eet

tr eS

lm

Hu

C

et

tre

rS

te hes

Manchester Metropolitan University 200 m University of Manchester 600 m

69

Panorama pictures of the site, taken on the field trip in March 2018.

The Principal Manchester Hotel (Blue) is a Grade II listed building from 1891. Its is currenty still a hotel.

70

India House (Red) is a Grade II listed building from 1906.

Originally buildt as a warehouse, it is currently a residental building with owner and rental flats.

SITE

Lancaster House and Asia House (Green) is a Grade II listed building from 1905 (similar to India House). Originally buildt as a warehouse, it is currently a residental building with owner and rental flats.

India House (Yellow) is a building from 1910. It is currently a residental and commercial building.

71

Building Specifications

The building specificatino is calculated from the estimate layed out in the chapter “Typologies”. As mentioned before, the typology features of the project will be compact when seen in relation to most other traditional prisons (see fig. 31).

None of the specifications mentioned are fixed and variations and changes will eventually happen when the design process is initiated. This also applies to the user overview.

The detainees are taken from the lowest risk/security category in HMP Manchester (see Fig. 30). Approximatly 35 of these are category D, making them suited for the Category 1 “part-time freedom” regime. Category 2 and 3 will be made of security category C prisoner, approximatly 60 in all.

HMP MANCHESTER DETAINEE PROFILE: egory

Low security cat

15,3% Category B/ Medium Risk 1,6% Category A/ High Risk

47,9%

Minimum security prison in Manchester SITE OVERVIEW: - Total site area:

- Percentage of site covered by buildings: - Enclosed site area: - Interface area: - Total building area, all floors:

10,000 m2 90% 8,000 m2 2,000 m2 20,000 m2

PROGRAM OVERVIEW: - Access, screening and discharge services: 1,800 m2

- Management, administrative and associations services: 1,800 m2 - Residential unit: 6,300 m2

- Treatment, workshops, assessment and therapy: 4,500 m2

- Visits, working and other general common services: 3,600 m2

TOTAL: 18,000 m2

Category C/ Low Risk

USER OVERVIEW: 1,238

D C 33% 66%

33,8% Unsentenced

2,8% Category D/ Very Low Risk

- Staff: 60

- Managment: 4

- Other operators: 26

- Prison officers: 30 - Detainees: 100

- Category 1/D: 35

- Category 2/C: 30

- Category 3/C: 30

Fig. 30. Of the detainees from HMP Manchester, the lowest category of risk is taken (Number from Inspection report of HMP Manchester)

72

SITE

MY SITE (100 detainees)

MAS D’ENRIQUE (580 detainees)

HALDEN FENGSEL (250 detainees)

JUSTIZZENTRUM LEOBEN (125 detainees)

HMP BERWYN (2,106 detainees)

HMP MANCHESTER (1,238 detainees)

HMP READING (320 detainees)

HMP NORTHALLERTON (252 detainees)

Fig. 31. Comparison of different prison silhouettes in comparison to the site - 1:12,500.

M. C. C. CHICAGO (648 detainees)

STORSTRØM FÆNGSEL (250 detainees)

HMP CANTERBURY (314 detainees)

HMP KINGSTON (415 detainees)

73

Expected Site Strategy

The site is divided into two parts, a southern and a northern part, by the railway arches.

Although the prison will be very visible from a range of places and buildings in the city, the site strategy operates with two main directions of interaction with the context; the back and the front.

‘The back’ is the northern part, which is being contained by the canal, River Medlock. The idea is not to bridge this gap but to keep the canal as a natural barrier. Instead, a non-movable type of interaction will take place between the facade of the prison and its surroundings.

‘The front’ is the southern part were a more tangible area of interface will be established between the prison and the city. Here, a variety of options is could be unfolded; from a busy pedestrian street with colourful offers to a more introvert and slow-paced area. This will all depend on the process of design and the constrains from the aspect of security.

LEGEND: Area of public realm Area of detainee/prison Area of interface Streets (Pedestrian/Car) Canal (Water) Railway arch (Train)

74

SITE

Back

Front

Fig. 32. Isometric diagram of the site strategy. Not in scale.

75

Submission and Aim AIM

A prison is one of the most extreme cases of architecture that exists. I want to acknowledge that such an emotionally and functionally complicated project have many aspects that only can be touched on a superficial level with such limited time. Therefore, the many otherwise relevant issues concerning the prison will not be dealt with in debt, and a narrow focus on the specific issues laid out in this program is key to a coherent project.

It is important to say that the new, urban prison typology would not be a “one solution fits all�. On the contrary, this this project seeks to explore new possibilities to this monotonous approach, which, unfortunately, is used widespread in many western countries (Vessella, p. 66). The new, urban prison typology should be yet another tool in the arsenal of the correctional authorities who wishes to transform the criminal offender into a productive member of society after imprisonment.

Prisons are very complex facilities and the issues related to them need to be tackled through a multi-disciplinary approach, but I believe that it is in beginning with the appearance of the prison, from its architecture, that a new cross-disciplinary synergy can begin.

76

SITE

EXPECTED SUBMISSION

Board:

Drawings: - A main drawing. Iso, section or perspective (no fixed scale) - Sections and elevations. (1:200) - Plans (1:200) - Tectonic detail (1:50) - Various diagrams (no scale) Visualisations: - Views - Collages

Work-model: 1:500

Booklet: Program

Booklet: Iconography

Building model: 1:200

Context model: 1:2,000

Booklet: Process

77

“Instead of trying to build our way out of overcrowding, or legislate our way out of fear, perhaps it is time for something entirely new and bold? Whatever happens, this is a conversation we, as a society, need to have.�

-Ms. Frances Cook, Chief Executive of the Howard League for Penal Reforms

78

APPENDIX & CV 79

Rehabilitative Potentials for the Urban Prison

[This chapter was originally written for 10 ECTS paper on urban prisons and rehabilitation.]

Rehabilitation is a complex process and the field is constantly moving, making it hard to get a complete picture of what does and does not work. However, an accessible research review, Preventive Effects of Punishment and Other Actions Against Criminal Offenders, was released in April 2015. In this 138 page report The Danish Ministry of Justice’s Research Office have collected and summarised research-based results on criminal preventive methods from all over the world. This is done to show the economic usefulness – the cost benefit of different methods. Signs of successful rehabilitation is whether or not the inmate is returning to the criminal behaviour that got her/him arrested in the first place.

This is called recidivism.

According to this report, what doesn’t work or even have directly negative effect on the criminal behaviour is: harsh sanctions/consequences to intolerable behaviour and strict disciplinary routines, methods of deterrence methadone treatment and systematic collection of urine samples on drug addicts, social isolation and solitary confinement (Jørgensen, 2015, p. 51-56, 58-59, 82-84, 88).

What is of most interest to this paper is the section on “other dimensions of the prison sentence” primarily concerning the degree to which the prison is open

80

or closed and what restrictions the inmates have. The chapter relates to the framing of the process of rehabilitation and therefore the spatial conditions. To summarise, prisons with high degree of openness to the society and with few restrictions in inmates, makes the best basis for rehabilitation.

“Research on the level of openness / closeness of imprisonment and the use of restrictions [...] suggests that better results are obtained with few rather than many restrictions and openness to the outside world instead of closeness. “ (Jørgensen, p. 117)

Different surveys show that harsher prison conditions, such as isolation and restrictions in movement, prioritising a high level of security has a negative effect on recidivism. Effects of deterrence on future offenders by these harsh prison conditions neither has positive effects (Jørgensen, 2015, p. 86, 87).

Surveys show that higher degrees of contact to the family during imprisonment has positive effects on the inmates’ recidivism, and a wide range of other factors such as relapse to drug abuse.

Surveys also show that frequent contact with the outside world, through weekend outputs or frequent visits, have positive effects on recidivism. A Norwegian survey concludes that small prisons (less than 50 inmates) improve the relation between inmates and staff and have positive effects on personal development and contact with family (Jørgensen, 2015, p. 87).

APPENDIX & CV

The report concludes that imprisonment itself has a negative effect on recidivism - with its build in restrictions, discipline and frustration and aggression promoting conditions (Jørgensen, 2015, p.

88-89) According to the report there are several points regarding the inmates occupation during imprisonment, and thus can be linked to a spatial programme, that have positive effects.

This includes sessions such as cognitive training with anger management and therapeutic treatment for drug addictions. What is interesting in terms of normalisation, is the employments that inmates can spend their time on.

Labour during imprisonment have small to no positive effect on the relapse to criminal behaviour. In Denmark, labour is mandatory in closed prisons, but the work tasks carried out by inmates are often repetitive and require low skills to do. Different initiatives to prepare the inmate to be a part of the work force after imprisonment is proven to generally have a positive effect. Of such, education and/ or training courses during imprisonment has had the best results. (Jørgensen, 2015, p. 19-31, 31-37, 51-56, 60-65, 76-78, 107).

81

atmospheric qualities for the human condition are potentially offered in the city and the urban prison typology could tap in to these qualities with less expenditure on hidden technology.

3.4 Faces of Punishment Phenomenological Analysis: Vestre Fængsel Now I want to discuss the potentials public of Europe’s’ colonization and exploration of most parts of the world. The inherent spacial and atmospheric qualities for the human condition are potentially offered in the city and the urban prison typology could tap in to these qualities with less [Analysis of the urban prison Vestre expenditure on hidden technology.

Fængsel in Copenhagen, Denmark. The field visit was done in December 2017.

3.4 Faces Punishment The chapterofwas originally written for Now I want to the potentials public 10 ECTS paper discuss on urban prisons and perception, and change view from the internal rehabilitation.] experience of the prison to the external one.

Vestre from Vestre PrisonFængsel was build in (Translate 1895 on the outskirts Danish; Western was build 1895to of Copenhagen, onPrison) a bare strip of landinclose Carlsberg Brewery. time, the city on the outskirts ofWith Copenhagen, on aengulfed bare the walls.

But close the prison clearly had Brewery. a profound strip of land to Carlsberg place in the hierarchy of the city, which can be With time, the city engulfed the walls. But read in the way the functions that appeared as the prison clearly had a profound place in neighbors to the fenced-off prison wall presents the hierarchy of the city, which can be read themselves (see Fig. 8). The eastern, southern and inwestern the way thatbuffer-zones appeared as sidethe arefunctions all semi-public with higher or lower of accessibility.

It is wall only in neighbours to degrees the fenced-off prison these areasthemselves that the prison(see is visible public presents Fig. from 34).a The point -unless your live in the surrounding buildings. eastern, southern and western side are To the north, the main entrance is located with a all with higher highsemi-public fence and gatebuffer-zones buildings. The prison is clearly or lower degrees of accessibility.

It is only visible to the public from this side. Though clearly inanthese areas the prison visible institution, thethat appearance is not is intimidating, and the smallerpoint gate buildings from a public -unless and yourmodern, live in green the fences softens the “attitude” of the correctional surrounding buildings. To the north, the facility. All in all, the Gothic style and fences seems main entrance is located with a high fence appropriate in the area, with churches and fencedand gate buildings. is clearly in functions, especiallyThe fromprison the south-eastern visible the public from this side. Though cornertowere the main cross-building presents clearly institution, appearance itself as an an ingrained partthe of the “collage” of is the city (see Fig. 7). not intimidating, and the smaller gate buildings and modern, green fences softens the “attitude” of the correctional facility. All in all, the Gothic style and fences seems appropriate in the area, with churches and fenced-in functions, especially from the south-eastern corner were the main cross-building presents itself as an ingrained part of the “collage” of the city (see Fig. 33).

perception, and change view from the internal However, despite being to thethe correctional facility experience of the prison external one. in Denmark with the largest capacity of inmates (kriminalforsorgen.dk), prison is incredibly Vestre Prison was build the in 1895 on the outskirts silent.

The old principle segregations as part of Copenhagen, on a bareofstrip of land close to of the penalty seems to time, be fully useengulfed to this Carlsberg With theincity capacity Brewery. of inmates (kriminalforsorgen. day. walls.

Whatever the activities taking the the prison clearly place hadsilent. a inside profound dk), the But prison incredibly The enclosure, wallismakes complete place in thethe hierarchy of thea city, which sensory can be old principle of segregations asand part of deprivation. of the fences read in the The way rigid the nature functions thatwall appeared as the penalty seems to be fully in use to (with clearly impenetrable tells the neighbors to the fenced-offdimensions), prison wall presents story of a Whatever place of 8). stagnation.

This is where we this day. activities taking place themselves (see Fig. The eastern, southern and hide away those who made a mistake.

The sensory inside the enclosure, the buffer-zones wall makeswith a western side are all semi-public deprivation goesdegrees both ways: despite being place higher or lower of accessibility.

It is aonly in complete sensory deprivation.

The rigid whichareas is suppose rob criminal only these that wall thetoprison is visibleoffenders from clearly a public nature of the and fences, with of the freedom of movement, the qualities of the point -unless your live in the surrounding buildings. impenetrable dimensions, the story nearest surroundings only totells glanced froma To the north, the mainare entrance isbelocated with of awindow placeand of gate stagnation.

This is where we the their individualThe cell.prison high fence buildings. is clearly

hide away thosefrom whothismade a mistake. visible to the public side. Though clearly Theinstitution, deprivation ways: an appearancegoes is notboth intimidating, 3.5 Asensory publicthe mask and the smaller buildings andismodern, green despite being gate a place which suppose to With the observations made of from visiting Vestre fences softens the “attitude” the correctional rob criminal offenders only of the freedom Prison All in in mind weGothic can now at theseems next facility. all, the stylelook and fences of movement, the qualities of perception the nearest case when in discussing the public of appropriate the area, with churches and fencedpunishment, and the tools available to manipulate surroundings are only to be glanced from in functions, especially from the south-eastern this. new Justizzentrum in Leoben, Austria, was the The window of cell. corner were thetheir mainindividual cross-building presents build as in 2004 to be much just a prison. itself an ingrained partmore of thethan “collage” of the city (see Fig. 7).

The prison itself is of a high quality with a soft and varying use of materials, a wide range of recreational offers and a high degree of freedom of movement within the compound. However, despite being situated in the proximity of the urban center of the small city of Leoben, the collaboration of the institution and the city offers nothing to benefit the rehabilitation of inmates.

The prison, with all its internal qualities, is a closed off world with flat, open lawns surrounding its bare walls on three of its four sides (Vessella, p. 117).

82

3.5 A public m

With the observa Prison in mind w case when discu punishment, and t this.The new Justi build in 2004 to b

The prison itself and varying use recreational offer of movement w despite being sit urban center of collaboration of t nothing to benefi The prison, with a off world with flat walls on three of

Fig. 7 - A prison weaved in the texture of the city. Picture taken from the south-western cor foreground, with trees, and a residential tower in the background.

20

Fig. 7However, - A prison weaved in thebeing texture of thecorrectional city. Picture taken fromFig. the 33. south-western corner Vestre Prison, with in the A prison weaved in of the texture of the city.a nursery Picture taken despite the foreground, with trees, and a residential tower in the background. from the south-western corner of Vestre Fængsel, with a nursery facility in Denmark with the largest in the foreground, with trees, and a residential tower in the

20

(kriminalforsorge silent. The old pr of the penalty se day. Whatever ac enclosure, the w deprivation.The r (with clearly imp story of a place hide away those w deprivation goes which is suppose of the freedom o nearest surround the window of th

background.

APPENDIX & CV

A

B

C

D

A

FRONT

D

B

OLD INSUDTRY

CEMETERY SPORT FIELDS AND NURSERY

C N

1:5.000

5m

10 m

Point of registration

Prison buildings

Prison area

Highly accessible

Less accessible

If viewedasasaarectangluar rectangular shape, Prison in Copenhagen has four sides facing front of the front prisonof (A)the has prison the Fig.Fig. 8 -34.

If viewed shape,Vestre Vestre Prison in Copenhagen has four sidessociety. facingThe society.

The (A) has the gate buildingand andworks works both an an symbolic as the society.

The landThe to the west the area nearest gate building bothpractically practically symbolic asface thetoface to society. land to(B) thea cemetery, west (B) though a cemetery, though the area nearest the prison wall is a gated part, with time windows of public openness. Though the prison can be glanced through the tall trees, it visually themerges prisonwith wallthe is other a gated timesuch windows of public Though thefield prison can be small glanced throughsuch the as talla trees, it visually red part, brick with buildings as the church.

To openness. the south (C), a football and a other institutions, merges with the other brickbybuildings asFrom the the church. the south (C), athe football field and a other small institutions, such as a nursery closed-off from red the street a buildingsuch block. fieldsTo closest to the prison wall and fence stands clearly visible.

The different convolutesfrom of fence football andthe thefields side ofclosest the cemetery withwall the fence of the stands prison and nursery closed-off the around street the by anursery, building block.fields From to theconnects prison the and fence clearly visible. The makes aconvolutes seamless appearance.

To the east small industry creative companies placed around aconnects courtyard.with Fromthe thisfence yard, the different of fence around the (D), nursery, footballand fields and the side ofisthe cemetery of the prison and prison is fully hidden behind the rooftops, but the red brick wall can be seen through the windows from inside the buildings. All three sides makes a seamless appearance.

To the east (D), small industry and creative companies is placed around a courtyard.

From this yard, the are enclosures, creating a semi-public buffer zone closest to the wall. prison is fully hidden behind the rooftops, but the red brick wall can be seen through the windows from inside the buildings. All three sides are enclosures, creating a semi-public buffer zone closest to the wall.

83

21

List of Prisons in England & Wales Privat Prison

Victorian Prison

Operational Prison Super Prison

OPERATIONAL PRISONS Name

Opened in

Category

HMP Altcourse HMP Ashfield HMP/YOI Askham Grange HMYOI Aylesbury HMP Bedford HMP Belmarsh HMP Berwyn HMP Birmingham HMP Blantyre House HMYOI Brinsford HMP Bristol HMP Brixton HMP Bronzefield HMP Buckley Hall HMP Bullingdon HMP Bure HMP Cardiff HMP Channings Wood HMP/YOI Chelmsford HMP Coldingley HMYOI Cookham Wood HMP Dartmoor HMYOI Deerbolt HMYOI Doncaster HMP Dovegate HMP Downview HMP Drake Hall HMP Durham HMP East Sutton Park HMP Eastwood Park HMP Sheppy Cluster (Elmley) HMP Erlestoke HMP Exeter HMP Featherstone HMP/YOI Feltham HMP Ford HMP Forest Bank HMP Foston Hall

19971999199718471801199120171849195419911963181920041995199220091814197418301969197018091973199420011989196018191946199619921950185019801910196020001953-

B, local C Open, YOI YOI B, local A/B, local C B, C C, D YOI B, local C, D Female restricted C B, C, local C B, local C B, YOI C YOI C YOI B, YOI, local B C Female open B, C Female open Female closed B, C C local C B, YOI D, open B, local Female, closed

84

Capacity 1,033 400 128 444 506 910 2,106 1,450 122 577 614 798 527 445 1,114 656 523 724 745 513 178 640 513 1,145 1,133 355 340 996 100 442 299 524 561 687 500 547 1,460 344

APPENDIX & CV

Name

Opened in

Category

HMP Frankland HMP Full Sutton HMP Garth HMP Gartree HMP Grendon HMP Guys Marsh HMP/YOI Hatfield HMP Haverigg HMP Hewell HMP High Down HMP Highpoint HMP Hindley HMP/YOI Hollesley Bay HMP Holme House HMP Hull HMP Humber HMP Huntercombe HMP/YOI Isis HMP Isle of Wright HMP Kirkham HMP Kirklevington Grange HMP Lancaster Farms HMP Leeds HMP Leicester HMP Lewes HMP Leyhill HMP Lincoln HMP Lindholme HMP Littlehey HMP Liverpool HMP Long Lartin HMP Low Newton HMP Lowdham Grange HMP Maidstone HMP Manchester (Strangeways) HMP/YOI Moorland HMP/IRC Morton Hall HMP/YOI New Hall HMP North Camp HMP Northumberland HMP Norwich HMP Nottingham HMP Oakwood HMP Onley

19801987198819651962196020061967200819921938196119381992187019581946201020091960196519931847182518531946187419851945185519711965199818191868199119851933193520101887189020121968-

A, B A, B B B B, C C D, YOI C, D A, D, local B, local C C D B A, local C C C, YOI C D D, open C B, local B, local B, local D B, local C C B, local A, B Female, closed B C A, local C IRC Female closed D C C B, local C C

Capacity 844 608 847 707 238 578 320 286 1,261 1,163 1,323 664 421 1,210 723 1,062 480 628 1,139 657 283 549 1,212 408 742 515 738 1,010 1,206 1,300 622 352 888 600 1,238 1,006 392 425 420 1,348 769 1,060 1,605 742

85

Name

Opened in

Category

HMP/YOI Parc HMP Pentonville HMP Peterborough HMP/YOI Portland HMP Prescoed HMP Preston HMP Ranby HMP Risley HMP/YOI Rochester HMP Rye Hill HMP Send HMP Spring Hill HMP Stafford HMP Sheppey Cluster HMP Stocken HMP/YOI Stoke Heath HMP Styal HMP Sudbury HMP Sheppy Cluster (Swaleside) HMP Swansea HMP/YOI Swinfen Hall HMP Thameside HMP The Mount HMP Thorn Cross HMP Usk/Prescoed HMP Wakefield HMP Wandsworth HMP Warren Hill HMP Wayland HMP Wealstun HMP Werrington HMP Wetherby HMP Whatton HMP Whitemoor HMP/YOI Whinchester HMP Woodhill HMP Wormswood Scrubs HMP Wymott

19971842200518481939184019721964187420011962187217931950198519641962194819881845196320121987198518441594185119821985199518951958199019911846199218741979-

B, local B, local B, local C, YOI D B, local C C C, YOI B C D C D C C, D C D B B, local C, YOI B, local C D C, D A, B Local D C C, D YOI YOI C A, B C, YOI A, local B, local C

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Capacity 1,336 1,256 840 530 230 750 1,038 1,095 744 625 282 335 751 464 842 766 486 581 1,112 500 624 1,232 1,028 381 273 751 1,877 257 1,017 832 128 336 841 458 706 819 1,279 1,176

APPENDIX & CV

CLOSED PRISONS Closed since 2011

Name

Opened in

Category

HMP Abingdon HMP Ashwell Beaumaris Gaol Belle Vue Gaol HMP Blundeston Bodmin Jail HMP Bullwood Hall HMP Brockhill HMP Camp Hill HMP Canterbury Coldbath Fields Prison Eden Camp HMP Dorchester HMP Finnamore Wood Fleet Prison Shire Hall Gatehouse Prison HMP Glen Parva HMP Gloucester Hexham Old Gaol HMP Holloway HMP Kingston Lancaster Castle Latchmere House Launceston Castle Lincoln Castle Marshalsea Millbank Prison Newgate Prison HMP Northallerton Norman Cross Everton Lock-Up HMP Reading Ruthin Gaol HMP Oxford HMP Shepton Mallet HMP Shrewsbury Tothill Fields Bridewell Tower of London Wallingford Castle HMP Weare HMP Wellingborough Wood Street Compter

1812-1999 1955-2011 1829-1950 1850-1892 1960-2013 1779-1927 1960-2013 1945-2011 1912-2013 1808-2013 1794-1885 1942-1949 1800-2013 1961-1996 1197-1844 1449-1995 1370-1776 1974-2017 1791-2013 1330-1600 1852-2016 1877-2013 1322-2011 1850-2011 1700-1842 1787-1847 1373-1842 1816-1890 1188-1902 1788-2013 1894-1974 1787-1800 1844-2013 1654-1916 1888-1996 1625-2013 1793-2013 1618-1884 1285-1952 1011-1644 1997-2006 1963-2012 1555-1793

N/A C N/A N/A C N/A C N/A C N/A N/A N/A Local D N/A N/A N/A YOI B N/A Female closed B, C N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A C, D N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A C C N/A

Capacity N/A N/A N/A N/A 526 N/A 248 1,431 N/A 314 1,700 N/A 252 116 N/A N/A N/A N/A 323 N/A 501 N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A 252 N/A N/A 320 N/A N/A 189 N/A N/A N/A N/A 396 646 N/A

87

Maps of Different Cases

The following is a collection of maps of western prisons showing their relation (or lack hereof) with the surrounding society. The prisons have not been selected with a specific similarity in common other that they all are closed prisons (the inmates are not allowed to leave the area of confinement during their stay). They all represent a different architectural example of the penal philosophy they manifest. However, since the most varied and experimental examples of prison architecture exists within the rehabilitative ideal, many “good� (and European) examples are included.

Rural area

4

Suburban area 5 3

Urban area Center of city

6 1 2

Fig. 35. Comparison of placement in terretorial context

6

1 5

4

2

88

3

C

Mas d’Enrique Penitentiary

1

Country: Catalonia (Spain) Year of opening: 2012 Architects: AiB arquitectes Security level: Medium Number of inmates: 580 Area/inmate: 258 m2/per

Storstrøm Fængsel

2

Country: Denmark Year of opening: 2018 Architects: C. F. Møller Architects Security level: Maximum Number of inmates: 250 Area/inmate: 340 m2/per

Halden Fengsel

3

Country: Norway Year of opening: 2009 Architects: Erik Møller Arkitekter Security level: Minimum Number of inmates: 250 Area/inmate: 320 m2/per

Bastøy Fengsel

4

Country: Norway Year of opening: N/A Architects: N/A Security level: Minimum Number of inmates: 115 Area/inmate: 120 m2/per

Justizzentrum Leoben

5

Country: Austria Year of opening: 2004 Architects: Hohensinn Architektur Security level: Minimum Number of inmates: 125 Area/inmate: 30 m2/per

M. C. C. Chicago

6

Country: U. S. A. Year of opening: 1975 Architects: Harry Weese & Ass. Security level: Medium Number of inmates: 648 Area/inmate: 5 m2/per

“Like it or not, the prison building becomes the de facto world for the inmates, the setting for their lives and their compulsory and necessary frame of reference.”

(Paez, 2006, p. 16)

“By creating normality, you uninstall the prison because it is not normal to live in an institution. It is normal to live in the city, to live in society.”

(Mads Mandrup partner at C. F. Møller Architects, Interview at 07:30)

““Welcome to Europe’s most humane prison”. Considering the rest of the world’s attitude to imprisonment, you may well assume they meant that Halden is the world’s most humane prison.”

(John K. former inmate in Halden Fengsel, Franson, 2014, p. 29) “We are allowed to personalize our house and in an important way this makes life just that little bit easier. We feel we are allowed to live almost like ‘ordinary people’ [...]”

(John K. former inmate in Bastøy Fengsel, Franson, 2014, p. 34) “By being strategic about which functions of the prison are facing the city, a more positive image can meet the public” (Vassella, 2017, p. 119).

“For a form so limiting and punishing for those trapped within, it provides outsiders an object for contemplation and question, provoking one to consider what life is like inside for those on the inside” (May, 2014. 31)

89

1

MAS D’ENRIQUE PENITENTIARY 2012Capacity of 580

1:25,000 90

500m

1,000m

N

91

Storstrøm Fængsel

2

STORSTRØM FÆNGSEL 2018Capacity of 250

1:25,000 92

500m

1,000m

N

93

3

HALDEN FENGSEL 2009Capacity of 250

1:25,000 94

500m

1,000m

N

95

1:25.000

4

BASTØY FENGSEL Capacity of 115

1:50,000 96

1,000m

2,000m

N

97

5

JUSTIZZENTRUM LEOBEN 2004Capacity of 125

1:25,000 98

500m

1,000m

N

99

6

METROPOLITAN CORRECTIONAL CENTER, CHICAGO 1975Capacity of 648

1:25,000 100

500m

1,000m

N

101

Bibliography READINGS: 1

Vessella, Luigi. (2017) Prison, Architecture and Social Growth: Prison as an Active Part of the Contemporary City. Article, The Plan Journal.

2

Vessella, Luigi. (2017) Open Prison Architecture - Design Criteria for a New Prison Typology. Book, WIT Press.

3

Johnston, Normann. (2000) Forms of Constraint - a History of Prison Architecture.

Book, University of Illinois Press.

4

Foucault, Michel. (1977) Discipline and Punish – The Birth of the Prison. Book, Penguin Books.

5

Bell, Emma. (2011) Criminal Justice and Neoliberalism. Book, Palgrave Macmillan.

6

Wilson, David (2014) Pain and Retribution: A Short History of British Prisons 1066 to Present. Book, Reaktion Books.

7

United Nations (2017) World Population Prospects -Key Findings & Advance Tablets. Available at: https://esa.un.org/unpd/wpp/Publications/Files/WPP2017_ KeyFindings.pdf [accessed 02.02.18]

8

Lambert, Leopold et. el. (2016) The Funambulist - Carceral Environments. 04, March-April 2016. Magazine, The Funambulist.

9

Loader, Ian et. el. (2007) The Principles and Limits of the Penal System. Report, Commissions on English Prisons Today. Available at: https://howardleague.org/ wp-content/uploads/2016/04/The-Principles-and-Limits-of-the-Penal-System. pdf [accessed 17.05.18]

10

HM Inspectorate of Prisons (2017) Report on an unannounced inspection of HMP Manchester. Report. Available at: https://www.justiceinspectorates.gov. uk/hmiprisons/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2015/05/Manchester-print-2014.pdf [accessed 21.05.18]

11

Paez, Roger et. el. (2006) Critical Prison Design. Book, Actar Publishers.

12

Howard League for Penal Reform (2007) Commission on English Prisons Today -The Principal and Limits of the Penal System. Report. Available at: https:// howardleague.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/The-Principles-and-Limits-ofthe-Penal-System.pdf [accessed 12.06.18]

102

APPENDIX & CV

13

Jørgensen, Tanja et. el. (2015) Preventive Effects of Punishment and Other Actions Against Criminal Offenders. Report. Available at: http://justitsministeriet.dk/ sites/default/files/media/Arbejdsomraader/Forskning/Forskningsrapporter/2015/ Resocialiseringsrapport%20%202015.pdf [accessed 11.10.17]

14

UNOPS (2016) Technical Guidance for Prison Planning. Report. Available at: https:// content.unops.org/publications/Technical-guidance-Prison-Planning-2016_ EN.pdf?mtime=20171215190045 [accessed 11.10.17]

15

Franson, Elisabeth et. el. (2018) Prisons, Architecture and Humans. Report.

Cappelen Damm Akademisk Press. Available at: https://press.nordicopenaccess. no/index.php/noasp/about [accessed 07.09.18]

WEBSITES: 1

MappingGM.org.uk, People and Communities. Website. https://mappinggm.org. uk/people/?lyrs=gmp_crime_2017_count,v_nhs_choices_hospitals#os_maps_ light/14/53.4779/-2.2490 [accessed 23.08.18]

2

Justice.gov.uk, Berwyn Prison Information. Website. http://www.justice.gov.uk/ contacts/prison-finder/berwyn-prison-information [accessed 17.08.18]

3

Office for National Statistics, Crime in England and Wales: year ending March 2018.

Website. https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/ crimeandjustice/bulletins/crimeinenglandandwales/yearendingmarch2018 [accessed 21.08.18]

4

Manchester City Council, Population reports. Website. https://secure.manchester. gov.uk/downloads/download/4220/public_intelligence_population_publications [accessed 22.08.18]

5

Theguardian.com. How Manchester developers dodge affordable housing. Article. https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2018/mar/06/the-0-city-how-manchesterdevelopers-dodge-affordable-housing [accessed 31.08.18]

PODCASTS & VIDEOS: 1

Chemtob, Zachery. Cruel and Unusual: A Poscast on Punishment. Episode 1-18. Podcast. Available at: http://punishmentpodcast.blogspot.com/ [accessed 10.09.18]

2

Harris, Sam. Waking Up Podcast. Episode 126. Available at: https://secure-hwcdn.libsyn.com/p/7/1/b/71b90a8cc32c7fd0/ Waking_Up_126_Sommers.mp3?c_id=20862864&cs_ id=20862864&expiration=1536609588&hwt=6524f3e962adb859afcdd355c4edbfcc [accessed 11.08.18]

3

Rumsey, Bethan. Professor David Wilson on Prisons. youtube.com video interview.

Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jKiH_Np5x7c [accessed 11.08.18]

103

INTERVIEWS: 1

Mads Mandrup. Partner, C. F. Møller Architects. Interview conducted at C. F. Møller Architects (06.11.17).

Selected quotes (translated from Danish):

“But the grotesque aspect of a prison wall today is not that it’s one you need, as such, it’s more a symbolic gesture, you can manage with a fence. [...] we have discussed back and forth with the construction unit, but I feel it is determined politically.“(23.00) “Perhaps, it’s the only thing that has been a little contradictory about this project: You are taking some people who, I suppose a very large part of them, come from some conditions in society were they don’t necessarily have the strongest support with them. And then you push them all the way out into the countryside away from the big city. This entails that families, lovers, wives, children, must travel to a place where there is no good public transport. [...] but a very exciting task could be to reconsider the possibilities of making prisons in the cities. “(24:50) “There is much symbolism. Its a societal need. You are trying to maintain a picture in society about what punishment is. “(37:10) “England is in a place where we were 50-100 years ago, on some points.

In other areas, they have completely sold out and have just passed it over to private companies to run their prisons “(44:00) 2

Erik Bang. Director, Construction Unit, the Danish Prison and Probation Service..

Interview conducted at Construction Unit (17.11.17).

Selected quotes (translated from Danish):

“We think about this constantly when we build: It must be safe and it must be effective, but it should not be more hard, uncomfortable, strict than the purpose demands” (20:35).

“If you look back in the history of the prison, and around the world looking for prisons, then the ring wall is something that has been used since the Middle Ages, and long before that. And for a good reason, because it’s quite effective. “(33:05)

104

APPENDIX & CV

3

Kate Winther. Director, Det Lærende Fængsel (The Learning Prison). Interview conducted by telephone (06.11.17).

Selected quotes (translated from Danish):

“The reason why we exist is clearly still the same: And that is, we simply do not understand why we have a society like the Danish where we see so many human resources and values disappear. And that’s the thought, that’s the background, that’s the whole vision of the NGO. “(07:30) “If there is to be a socializing process in prisons then you must separate punishment and socialization. “(09:30) 4

Dr. Emily Turner. Criminologist, University of Manchester, School of Law. Interview conducted at Uni. Manchester (06.03.18).

Selected quotes:

“We all know how important contact with friends and family is for people who offended. A lot of the prisons are in the countryside, and you struggle to get their by proper transport. It takes hours with train and bus. And even if you drive you have high petrol cost. So you are shutting people off from their families. And visiting times are in the week, when your family works.”

(10:20) “Politicians know that if you want to win elections you have to promise to be tough on crime. You are not going to win an election by saying: I’m going to close down so many prisons”(17:11) “Because prisons are so removed and nobody goes inside them very regularly, it feeds into the perception that it is easy life in prison. When actually can you imagine sitting in a cell when all you have is a Play Station. Its not a luxury, its hell. When your only source of distraction is a telly and a Play Station.” (24:30) “When removing prisons from the public view, they miss how hard it is in prison. It is not easy, because no matter what they give you it is not easy, when they tell you when to eat, and see people.”

105

CV

Oskar David Mannov Olesen 30 28 05 91 oskar-m-o@hotmail.com

EDUCATION AND COURSES 2017-2018

One year of MA Architecture, KADK, Urbanism & Societal Changes

2015-2016

One year of MA Architecture, Bartlett School of Architecture in London, Unit 10

2012-2015

BSc in Architecture, KADK, Department 2

2014

Architecture summer school, “Landstedet”

2014

Summer Workshop at Marstall Boat Build Workshop

2011

Four months of various fine art courses, The Folk Art School in Holbæk

PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE 2016-2017

Full-time architectural assistant, Lundgaard & Tranberg Arkitekter

2014-2015

Student assistant, Vandkunsten Arkitekter

2014-2015

Model builder at 3XN Architects

2013-2014

Student assistant, Danish Architects Association

VOLUNTEER WORK EXPERIENCE 2014-2015

Student member at the local council Copenhagen, Danish Architects’ Association

2014-2015

Associate Editor at the blog for architecture students, www.studark.dk

2013-2014

Graphic designer at Nordic Study Abroad Conference

PRIZES 2015

106

Honourable mention in international student competition by AIU

APPENDIX & CV

The two final drawings from Unit 10 at Bartlett School of Architecture. On the basis of J. G. Ballard’s novel Hello America,the projects explores a way for America to be resilient as it faces the decline in its position as the worlds only superpower. As an addition to the ongoing trend of architectural mimicry of western architecture in China, the island is placed outside of Shanghai and is branded as the prestigious and expensive real estate projects “Golden Manhattan”, that, by a closer look, is a lucrative way for America to dump prisoners and old cars. The project speculates on the beneficial relationship between the two superpowers with useless materials being sold as prestigious American culture in exchange of Chinese wealth.

EKSPORT OF DANISH PRODUCTS

PIGS PER CAPITA TOPLIST

10 %

PIG MAP

2.31

CRUDE OIL AND RELATED PRODUCTS 8%

PIG MEAT AND MEAT PRODUCTS

0.65

CLOTHING ELECTRONICAL MACHINES FORCE MACHINES AND ENGINES METAL PRODUCTS SPECIALISED MACHINES

POLAND

CHINA

0.40

0.33

2%

2. Outdoor clothing and footwear must be removed in the unclean area.

3. Wooden pallet, only to be stepped on with socks.

UNCLEAN AREA

TONS PR. YEAR

122,68 8

S PR . YEA

195,7 56 TO N

47 8,2 47 TO NS 50 PR 8,4 .Y EA 15 R T

TON S PR . YE AR

0 80

4

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

6

ROADS MAIN ROADS

5 3

2013

2014

HYPOTHETICAL GROWTH

2016

By throat carrier state, it is usually necessary to supplement with systemic antibiotic therapy, and any systemic treatment undertaken in consultation with a clinical microbiology department

HOLMEN

2

4

3 1

INDERHAVN

2

CHRISTIANSHAVN

KITCHEN OPEN DECK

18

17

GENERATOR CLINICAL MICROBIOLOGY DEPARTMNET LABORATORY STORAGE

9 17 4

4

STAFF TOILET 15

DECONTAMINATION ROOM STAFF ROOM, OFFICE AND CANTEEN

16

8

PATIENTS OPEN DECK PATIENTS FACILITIES VISITING ROOM

4

4

OFFICE

3 13

OPERATION ROOM

14

PATIENT CELL

12

PATIENT ISOLATION CELL PATIENTS BATH

4

2

PATIENTS TOILET 11

4,6 % 20 09

10 00

Also, daily full-body wash including hair washing with chlorhexidine hydrochloride soap 4% is necessary. Since soaps contains anionic substances that reduce the efficacy of chlorhexidine no other cleanse are used during the treatment period. It is advisable to use moisturizer after bathing to prevent drying of the skin. The patient has to be dried with a clean towel with every wash.

MRSA

MRSA CC398

2007

METRO

1

situation is especially dangerous at The Main Hospital where the bacteria easely enters through open wounds in patients and the standard hospital treatment unit for MRSA is filled. The situation is equally critical in the habour regions where the development from industry to leisure has increased the density, made the environment hard to access for cars, and where the narrow canals and low bridges make access for the majority of boats impossible.

Therefore, a flexible, effective and affordable measure is needed to provide swift response to the MRSA CC398 outbreak.

5

STORAGE

1

6%

MRSA CC398 is treated in the same way as with other types of MRSA. However, due to the higher level of antibiotic resistence, it is very difficult to find the appropriate antibiotic to treat CC398.

When infected with MRSA CC398 you have to apply mupirocin nasal ointment in both nostrils several times daily.

NUMBER OF MRSA CASES IN THE DANISH POPULATION 3000 2800 2600 2400 2200 2000 1800 1600 1400 1200 1000 800 600 400 200 0

In this scenario, the cases of MRSA CC398 infections have continuet the growth that startet in 2008 and has acceleratet into more than 5,600 infected persons nationwide. More than 90 % of the recorded MRSA cases are now of CC398.

A streak of outbreaks has let the MRSA CC398 to leave the environment in the stable in the rural areas of Denmark and to spread from person to person in the most densely populated area of scandinavia: The city center of Copenhagen. In this state of emergency, the

8

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

1,6

MSSA

THE WORST-CASE SCENARIO OF 2016

7

T

10 % 20 11

TREATMENT 5600

PARK

TRAIN

11

21 % 20 14

20 10

6000

ISOLATION AND TREATMENT FLEET

1:100 ITF PROGRAM

1,50 0

Erythromycin

Methicillin Tetracycline Penicillin

1,400

SASSNITZ

HAMBURG

LEGEND

THE MAIN HOSPITAL

The worst-case scenario of 2016 is the context of our design proposal.

1,300

GEDSER

LÜBECK

MRSA CC398 seems to originate from a harmless MSSA (methicillin-sensitive Staphylococcus aureus), an antibiotic-sensitive bacteria in humans, but in that it has changed its host from humans to pigs, it has been subjected to a selection pressure by the large consumption of antibiotics in pig herds, due to group medication.

In pigs, it has become resistant to antibiotics first Tetracycline and then methicillin and other products including zinc.

6

7

Population: 1,992,114 Area: 2,778 square kilometres Highest elevation: 91 m Lowest elevation: 1 m Number of bridges: 12

7

12-3 6W EEK S 5

6

1,200

RØDBY

ROSTOCK

MRSA CC398

FREDERIKSHOLMS KANAL

GAMMELSTRAND

1,100

SVENDBORG

PUTGARDEN

8. PATIENT TOILET

6. ROOM FOR INFECTED PEOPLE

NATIONALMUSEET

1,000

PR. YEAR

MRSA CC 398 FOUND IN DANISH PORK Since 2009, the Danish Veterinary and Food Administration have monitored the amount of MRSA CC 398 bacterias in the Danish pork. Even though MRSA CC398 may be found on pork, few examples were found were cooking and eating the meat was a source of infection.

KIEL

ANTIBIOTIC RESISTENCE

CHRISTIANSHAVNS KANAL

3. DECONTIMANATION ROOM (STAFF)

2. DECONTAMINATION ROOM

900

BRIDGE

RØNNE

RØDBY HAVN

SHIP

HARBORBUS

FERRY ROUTE

SØNDERBORG

SES CRUI

HIP

RAFSHALEØEN

HIGHWAY AIRPORT YSTAD

AMSTERDAM

INERS

SDR. FRIHAVN

LEGEND

MALMÖ

KALUNDBORG

GREVE

HARWICK

CONTA

CONT AINER SHIP

AMALIENBORG

COOKED AND PRESERVED BACON

1,144,944 TONS HELSINGBORG

SAMSØ

ODENSE

The bacteria can be expected to exist in every part of the environment inside the stabel, but is most likely to be found in the nose and on the skin of the pigs and in the dust on the floor in the stable.

12

OPERAEN

GL. MASTEKRAN THE LITTLE MERMAID

WHOLE AND HALF PIGS

HOLSTEBRO

At random tests in 2010, it appeared that 16% of Danish pig herds were infected with the CC398, which corresponds to approximately 2,000,000 pigs nationwide. In January 2014, infection rates have increased to 88% according to a survey from national slaughterhouses.

11

NYHAVN HOLMEN

BY-PRODUCT

51 - 100 3001 +

COPENHAGEN

9 10

HOLMENS KIRKE

UDENRIGSMINISTERIET

MEAT CUTS

1 - 50

HELSINGØR

8

COPENHAGEN FACTS:

101 - 3000

ROSKILDE

7

CRUISESHIP

SAUSAGES

PERSONS PER SQUARE KILOMETER HALMSTAD

ÅRHUS

6

THE LITTLE MERMAID

LIVE PIGS VARBERG

ANHOLT

JULESMINDE

5

CAPTAINS CAP

GRENAA

HORSENS

4

SEATS AND CABINS

LÆSØ

AALBORG

KOLDING

3

PASSENGERS ENTRANCE AND EXIT ROUTE

Population: 5,602,628 Area: 42,895 square kilometres Gross domestic product: DKK 443.3 billion/ EUR 59.47 billion GDP per capita: DKK 386,931/ EUR 51,906 Total employment in agriculture and food sector: The sector accounts for 5.3% of total employment in Denmark (141,000 persons)

HANSTHOLM

BILLUND

2

STATION NUMBER 7 , THE LITTLE MERMAID

AR YE R.

FREDERIKSHAVN

1 the boats is getting pulled out of the water for maintenance.

The flat and long dimensions of the Netto Boat makes it possible to sail under the 12 low bridges that connects the different habour regions in the city while still having space for more than 145 quests.

It is powered by a 1.6 diesel, 1 stroke engine.

DIVISION OF EKSPORTET PIG MEAT

RANDERS

Effective antibiotic

In Copenhagen the canal tour boat is called the Netto Boat and is build on the harbour site. The boat is sailed by an experinced captain and a guide telling the history of Copenhagen to the people aboard. There are over 30 Netto Boats operating in the habour. It is a very cheap boat and it is fast to build and dosent take more the 2 men a couples of weeks to construct. Every winter

ON SP

DENMARK FACTS: GÖTEBORG

ESBJERG

However, the ITF is highly dependent on the ITF Transport Vessel.

New supplies

THE NETTO BOAT

0 70

WORLD 1,6 23,14 9

OSLO

HIRTSHALS

DANISH RETAILERS

8

NORDHAVN

36.3 % 0

60

LARVIK

LERWICK

Methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus (MRSA) is a bacterium responsible for several difficult-to-treat infections in humans, and is often reffered to as a “super-bug”. Like other new types of MRSA, CC398 has the potential to spread further into the community, and the strain may change and increase its capacity for person-to-person transmission. The bacterium is hosted in pigs but is easely transmitted to humans.

7

9. EXIT AND STORAGE

1.7 %

50

35.2 % 0

MRSA CC 398

7. HEALTY PEOPLES ROOM

5. DISEASED PEOPLE CELL ROOMS

Used water running under the deck

40 0

R

STAVANGER

TORSHAVEN

6

Bording and exit of stretcher

4.6 %

S PR . YE AR

RLD

EUROPE

SKAGEN

EXPORTET WORLDWIDE

9

3

R. YE AR

171,6 67 TO NS P R. YE AR 180,4 50 TO N

POLAND

GERMANY REST OF THE WO

22.2 %

300

TONS P

KRISTIANSAND

TRANSPORT FROM SLAUGHTER HOUSE OR PROCESSING INDUSTRY

4. REGISTRATION OFFICE

5

4

1

1:50 EXPLODED ISOMETRIC

SOURCES OF THE WORLD’S MEAT SUPPLY

MEA T

100

UNITED KINGDOM

NTH 1 MO

S EEK 2W 2 6-1

3

1. WHEELHOUSE

are able to monitor the patients (6). Next is the sitting room for healthy people, such as ITF staff and releatives to the patients (7). The last sheltered section on the Transport Vessel is the toilet for patients. At the aft (rear end) the two exit-stairs are located (9). The one on starboard is for patients and the one on port is for staff and guests. Behind the stairs are the engine compartment in the middle with sewege and waste containers on the starboard and supplies and freshwater containers on the port.

200

S 0-4 WEEK

FINISHER UNIT In the finishing unit the pigs typically goes together in pens with approximately 15 pigs in each, depending on the size of the pigsty. The pigs stays in the finishing unit from the weighin of 25-30 kg and until they weigh about 105 kg, where they are delivered to the slaughterhouse. At that time they are 5-6 months old.

EKSPORT OF DA NISH P IG

JAPAN CHINA

0

TRANSPORT FROM PIGGERY

SLAUGHTER HOUSE OR PROCESSING INDUSTRY

2

The original wheelhouse is used to operate the IFT Transport Vessel (1), and besides the captain, a nurse and a doctor are a part of the managing ship crew. To keep the inside surfaces clean the entrance is through the two decontamination rooms in the stern. Patients who are able to walk with or without assistance enters at starboard (the right side) (2). On the port (the left side) is the entrence for non-patients (3). This decontamination room is an expanden version with lockers and a toilet only for staff. When the patients have been cleaned they are asked to register their Social Security Number at the doctor in the registration office (4). This also serves as a consultation room during transport. A large section of the starboard is used for recieving and handling stretchers for patients who are to sick to sit during transport (5). On the opposite side is the sitting area for infected people, where the nurse has a chair in a semi-closed cell and

Waste management

0

In the farrowing unit the sow gives birth. The sows are moved to the farrowing unit about five days before farrowing and remain there until the piglets are weaned.

Weaning may vary, but in Danish herds it is usually four weeks after birth. At the time of weaning the sows are moved back to the mating section, while piglets are moved to the weaning unit.

WEANING UNIT The piglets are typically moved to the so-called double climate stable where there is provided a cover as a part of the unit. The cover acts as a cave where the piglets is sheltered and can warm each other. The pigs stay in the weaner unit until they weigh 25-30 kg, after which they are moved to the finishing unit or sold on to other pig farmers.

GROUP MEDICATION In the Weaning Unit the piglets are weaned from sucking milk. Most of the piglets stomachs are not yet mature enough to handle the feed, and to prevent them from getting diarrhea, the piglets are treated with antibiotics. In most cases more than 25 procent of the herd needs treatment and the whole herd are then group medicated with antibiotics.

The Transport Vessel and the vessels in the ITF is designed after the same principle: a transformation of the Netto Boat. Modifications has been added over and below deck and extendsions of the existing construction has been applied where needed. To lower production costs the vessel still uses natural ventilation and the original engine and hull is unchanged.

Box for contaminated clothes

5.

Closet with clothes and boots for the stable both for stable staff, the veterinarian and other visitors.

4. Hands should be washed and disinfected.

FARROWING UNIT

FROM PIGGERY TO CONSUMERS At the age of six months the pig is either send to the slaughter house, or (if valued to be a fertile sow) send to the mating section.

The ITF Transport Vessel is the only physical bridge between the ITF and the rest of society. This makes the vessel an extremely important part of the ITF’s ability to stay operational, providing it with the necessary supplies. But it is also a potential threat to the isolation of the infected, since MRSA CC398 transmits through physical contact, making the vessel a gateway to and from the ITF.

The Netto Boats are connected with a set of construtions that ties and bridges the different boats together. Each boat is transformed into a vessel that can facilitate a specific programs, and together, they create a single unit that provides the care needed for treating patients infected with MRSA CC398 bacteria. The ITF is meant to grow and connect with more vessels, expanding its program or even adding new functions to the fleet.

0%

6. The doors to the stabel should be kept closed.

CLEAN AREA

TRANSIT AREA

Our idea is the transform the Netto Boats into a floating Isolation and Treatments Fleet (ITF) for the deseased. Very few cases of MRSA succesfully being transmitted trough water has been found, and by placing the ITF 50 meters out in the habour we create a natural barrier for the bacteria, and protects the population from risks of contamination. The ITF will be anchored close to The Little Mermaid port station were it would not interfere with the daily water traffic of the habour. The goal is to change as little as possible in the existing everyday life of Copenhagen, leaving the streets and parks uninterrupted, while still staying in the city center.

LONDON, ENGLAND

CRUISESHIP

1. The only entrance to the stable area. The door must be equipped with a lock and a doorbell, and should be kept locked.

GPS coordinates: 55° 41' 38.2236'' N 12° 36' 14.8284'' E Current number of vessels: 5 Capacity of patients: 12 Capacity medical staff: 7 Capacity of laboratory technician: 6

European cities like Copenhagen, Hamburg and Amsterdam are getting transformed into attractive living areas for citizens and tourists, which in recent years have created an intens development, cultivation and growth at the harbour. It has therefore become very popular to take canal-tours around the harbour infrastructures, to get a view of the historical development of the city.

AMSTERDAM , NETHERLANDS

8

THE ANTEROOM

HAMBURG, GERMANY

ITF TRANSPORT VESSEL

MRSA CC398 ISOLATION AND TREATMENT FLEET (ITF)

The Danish capital Copenhagen is well known for being an attractive goal for tourists because of the Danish mentality, culture and its kingdoms history. It inhabits almost 2 million citizens and have more than 5 million visiting tourists a year. Copenhagen is, like many other European Cities, placed near a river connected to the sea. The harbour has been an important factor in the development of the city. Once the harbour of Copenhagen was the Danish main central for trade and military ships. Today many old harbours in bigger

SPAIN

VARIOUS MANUFACTURED GOODS

4%

GESTATION UNIT Within four weeks after mating, and if the sows are tested pregnant, they are moved to the gestation unit. Here goes the pregnant sows until about five days before farrowing (birth).

0.73

MACHINE ACCESSORIES

6%

MATING SECTION In the mating area the sows are fertilized through artificial insemination.

COPENHAGEN

55.7200° N 12.5700° E

NETHERLANDS

DENMARK

MEDICAL AND PHARMACEUTICAL PRODUCT

PROCESSING INDUSTRY SLAUGHTERHOUSE PIGGERY

9

exported to other EU countries, and the remaining part is exported to countries outside the EU. Since the pig industry is such an influential part of Denmark pork is an extremely popular food in Denmark and is a fundamental part of the Danish cousin. An average dane eats 96 kg of meat every day (nr. 13 in the world) and 43 % of the daily meat is pork, making pork the most popular type of meat in Denmark.

10

Denmark is among the world’s largest pig meat exporters. For more than 100 years, the production of pigs and pig meat has been a major source of income for Denmark. Approx. 90 percent of the production is exported and is thereby essential to the Danish economy and the balance of trade and Denmark is among the world’s largest pig meat exporters. Exports of pig meat account for almost half of all agricultural exports and for more than 6 percent of Denmark’s total exports. A substantial number of live piglets are exported, mainly to Germany. More than 70 percent of Danish pig meat production is

12

DENMARK

THE DANISH PIGGERY

MRSA TREATMENT KIT: High hygiene is an essential part of keeping MRSA CC398 under control. This include frequent hand washing and surface sanitizing. Medical staff who are in contact with the infected should wear proper treatment kit to avoid contamination.

Mouthguard Inner Gown Gloves Overshoes

1.

The doctor touches the handle bar in the crowded metro during rush-hour.

DECONTAMINATION ROOM 1:20 Plan

Hood Clean Clothes

Infected clothes

Outer Gown (Apron) Proper disposal of gowns is very important

SOURCE OF INFECTION

DISEASE CARRIER

THE SECRET ENEMY

TRANSMISSION PATHS

SYMPTOMS

HOSPITALIZATION

The stable is an isolated zone where you only are able to enter through the anteroom. The farmers use the anteroom as a safety zone to change from civil to the disinfected stable uniform. Despite the safety routines on the piggery, MRSA CC398 is mainly transferred to persons who have direct contact to live pigs or to the swine holdings and to their household members.

MRSA CC398 is a bacterial clone that is expanding among persons with contact to swine and in areas characterised by intensive farming, and most outbreaks are in the rural areas of Denmark.

Throughout the years, a share of the cases with no exposure to swine have been reported. As these cases have typically been observed in areas with intensive farming, it is likely that the cases may be ascribed to indirect infection from swine farming.

MRSA it is often found in the hair or in the nose or other open areas on the human body. As is the case for other types of MRSA, a considerable share of the CC398 cases are healthy carriers. The notified cases do not only include MRSA-positive, healthy household contacts, but also a limited number of healthy persons screened in the context of various studies.

MRSA CC398 is contagiuos through contact. MRSA can be transmitted from surfaces e.g. doorhandles, clothes, towels, cell phones, keyboards of which a infected person has been in contact with, but the most effective pathway is direct close contact. The chance of getting infected is highestwhen repeated such as close social contact - like when you live or work with someone who is carrying MRSA .

Most of the MRSA infections are discovered as warm red skin, swelling, joint pain, boils and blisters, fever, nausea and abscesses. Persons with serious diseases or weakened immune systems are at increased risk of serious ilness including sepsis. Carrier state is diagnosed by swab from the nose and throat.

When MRSA CC398 is discovered the patient immediately gets transferred to a safe treatment unit designed to handle MRSA. MRSA is especially troublesome in hospitals where patients with open wounds, invasive devices, and weakened immune systems are at greater risk of nosocomial infection than the general public.

Piggery

Civillian

Transportation

Injury

Diagnostication

Relocation

Despite the safety routines a piece of hes outdoor clothes is contaminated with MRSA CC398.

With the bacterium on him he leaves the rural area of Denmark to visit Copenhagen.

In Copenhagen he is injured and gets transferred to The Main Hospital where the farmer is screened with 4 questions.

A test result reveals that his wound is infected with the bacteria. MRSA CC398 gets tranferred to the doctor due to physical contact.

The farmer is immediately transferred to a safe treatment unit designed to handle MRSA.

Outbreak In General Public The doctor is now a carrier of MRSA CC398 and is among the general public in Copenhagen.

Port Station

Patients infected with MRSA will be transferred from The Main Hospital to the nearest port station.

4. In the clean area the patient dries himself with a clean towel and puts it in the box for infected clothes.

He then dresses himself in clean hospital clothes and shoes.

2. In the unclean area the patient undresses and all clothes and shoes are put in the box for infected clothes.

Valuable personal items are placed on a tray and is inspected by the medical staff before being given back.

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In this case we follow the farmer as he leaves the stable throught the anterroom.

1. The patient is asked to enter the boat through the decontamination room.

2.

The docter eats at a crowded street kitchen better known as a sausage-cart, where people are eating close to each other.

Isolation

At the port station the farmer is picked up by the Transport Vessel to be transferred to The MRSA CC398 Isolation and Treatment Fleet.

3.

The doctor has physical contact with friends in the centre of the city.

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5. The patient is now decontaminated on the surface and is ready to be transported to the Isolartion and treatment fleet.

3. In the transit area the patient washes his skin and hair with chlorhexidine hydrochloride soap 4% to kill bacterias.

ITF LIFELINE The Transport Vessel is the ITF’s lifeline and working ant. The Netto Boat´s 12 original port stations, that are located all around the habour of Copenhagen, has been fenced and are now used for collecting people infected with MRSA CC398.

The port station at The Little Mermaid has been choosen as the main port station. This is where fresh supplies of water, food and equipment are collected and where the sewege and waste containers are emptied and removed by the authorities. This is also where patients from The Main Hospital gets collected by The ITF Transport Vessel.

The transport vessel, docks between to of the ITF main boats. In this position it is able to deliver new supplies and handle the waste

ITF TRANSPORT VESSEL 1:50 STARBOARD ELEVATION 1:100 PLAN, ITF TRANSPORT VESSEL

1:100 SECTION, WASTE MANAGEMENT

1:100 SECTION, SUPLY MANAGEMENT

IFT Transport Vessel was selected among 137 entries as one of eleven winning projects with an Honourable Mention. In this scenario of an epidemic attack by the bacteria MRSA, a flexible measure is needed. By transforming the iconic canal tours boats in the harbour of Copenhagen, both an isolation fleet and a transport vessel is suggested to detect, transport, isolate and treat patients in the most dense populated area in Scandinavia.

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Urbanism & Societal Change The Royal Danish Academy of Fine Arts School of Architecture, Design and Conservation

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