Grave Archaeology - The Outcast Edition

Anglo-Saxon Criminal Burials “Witch” Burials

Drawsko’s Vampires Ethics of “Deviant” Burials

Grave Archaeology The Outcast Edition Volume 1 (Issue 1) Fall 2015

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Grave Archaeology

Table of Contents Pg 1. Title Pg 2. Table of Contents Pg 3. Letter from the Editors

Pg 4. Atypical Bur ials of the Anglo-Saxons pg 5. Sutton Hoo pg 5. What could this mean? pg 6. Cuddeson pg 6. Interpretations

Pg 8. The ‘Witch’ Burials of Barbados and Belize pg 9. the ‘Witch’ of Barbados pg 10. Central Belize

Pg 12. Poland’s Vampires pg 13. Case Study pg 13. Why were they vampires? pg. 14. Interpreting the findings

Pg 16. The Grave Archaeology Crossword

Pg 17. The Ethics of ‘Deviant’ Burials Pg 18. References

Volume 1 (Issue 1) Fall 2015

Letter From the Editors

This month in Outcast Archaeology we’ve decided to focus closely on burials in which the deceased were perceived to have supernatural qualities as well as the way in which criminals were dealt with in death. Primarily we have emphasized burials that have been discovered outside of the norm for that site and discuss the different interpretations used to explain this.

Vampires, witches and criminals were separated from society in life and also after death. As the feared “deviants” of their society they are ascribed a unique status that implies a distinct separation. Today, much of what is left behind comes from their burial. Each interment includes a glimpse into how each individual was percieved by the community around them.

As fascinating as these particular incidents are, there is another dimension to the study of them that is perhaps more important. Do the interpretations of the excavators accurately reflect the beliefs of the members of the community? Why were they declared vampires and witches? How did they function within their society? These are some of the questions we aim to address in this month’s issue. For instance, recent evidence suggests that those declared “vampires” may simply have suffered from cholera. The way in which these outcasts are handled in death can shed light on how they were perceived in life.

It is important to approach these burials without any preconceived notions of who or what they were. Instead, we should examine them closely and when possible compare them to the normal burial practice. As stated before, it is unlikely that these individuals possessed supernatural abilities or any unusual behaviour after burial and should be treated with the same respect that would be provided an accepted member of society. Re-examining the interpretations of these graves is a key aspect of giving them the respect and acknowledgement they deserve.

Enjoy!

Aleesha Alward, Tara Fraser and Taylor Peacock

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Atypical Burials of the Anglo-Saxons:

Judicial Execution OR Ritual

Sacrifice?

In contemporary Canadian society, the death penalty is not a concept that is often addressed or incorporated into our daily life as it is no longer an appropriate legal punishment. However, in Anglo-Saxon communities it may very well have been a common practice. As outlined by Anglo-Saxon laws, a thief that is caught in the act but denies it or tries to flee will be put to death (Reynolds, 2009). This is just one example of the types of behaviour that could have resulted

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in judicial execution. How are these criminals left behind?

What can we tell about these practices from the graves we have found? Firstly, it is important to outline what is ‘normal’ within the Anglo-Saxon burials in order to recognize what is unusual. One third of the interments from the fifth and sixth century are rectangular in shape, containing evidence of a coffin or a wooden box with the head oriented to the West. This trend increased to one half by the seventh century. (Reynolds, 2009 and Guilliano, 2013) There are examples of ‘deviant’ burials throughout this time period with a number of possible explanations including battle, sacrifice, execution and superstition (Reynolds, 2009). For instance, sites like Bran Ditch and Mean Hill exhibited interments of decapitation with the head placed between the legs, or Guildown, where bodies were found in a prone position (face down) with evidence of their hands tied (Sayer, 2013). lustrates that there was extreme variation

Grave Archaeology between regional and local practices in how criminals were dealt with after death.

Sutton Hoo We will focus specifically on a site in Suffolk, England called Sutton Hoo. This site can be separated into two groups. Group 1 is on the eastern edge of the site and contains 23 interments, 10 of which show signs of violence (Reynolds, 1996). Martin Carver states that these bodies show evidence of being hanged, beheaded or mutilated. For instance, Plot 45 was buried face down, Plot 48 had his head removed and placed below his knee and Plot 49 exhibited a dark soil around his neck perhaps indicative of a noose. These interments are positioned around pits that may show evidence of gallows pole (Carver, 1998).

Group 2 is associated with the primary princely burial found in Mound 5. There are 16 interments situated around Mound 5 or within the quarry pits, and 9 or 10 of them also exhibit evidence of violence (Reynolds, 1996). Looking at Plots 19, 25, 32 and 33, all individuals are buried in a prone position with either their wrists or ankles overlapping. Radio carbon dates of all the interments indicate they may have been contemporary with Mound 5 as well as the remains of the gallows structure (Carver, 139).

Figure 1. Interments around gallows structure at Sutton Hoo

Figure 2. Satellite interments around Mound 5.

What could this mean?

For this site, there has been some debate over whether this is an example of judicial execution or some sort of religious sacrifice. Both instances are difficult to definitively spot in the archaeological record, in part because so little is known about the political or spiritual traditions of this time.

However, typical traits of a judicial execution could include prone burials, multiple interments, evidence of restraints and shallow or cramped interments; all of which are found at Sutton Hoo (Reynolds, 2009). Furthermore, sacrificial instances usually show evidence of more women, whereas only two women are present here in the same plot (Plot 42) with one man (Reynolds, 1996). As well, sacrifice would show an evidence of an evolving ritual practice or at least some level of consistency between burials (Reynolds, 1996). None of these things are present at this site but as Miranda Green states, this theory should not be discounted, as sacrifice may be typical of hierarchical, slave owning societies like this one (Green, 1998).

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Grave Archaeology Cuddesdon In terms of a sacrificial ritual, the Anglo-Saxon site of Cuddesdon was first excavated in 1847 in South East Oxfordshire. This site contained a princely burial surrounded by four to ten burials in a circular formation with their heads resting on the outer edge of the circle.

Each body was placed face down with their legs crossed – a possible sign that they had been bound. Unfortunately, the data collected regarding this site is incomplete and ambiguous at best (Reynolds, 1996). Tania Dickinson, who published a paper on the site in the 1970’s believed that this deliberate circular placement of the interments around the princely burial was clear evidence of a ritual sacrifice. However, the prone position and possible evidence of bound legs could be indicative of criminals.

Interpretations Perhaps this doesn’t have to be an either/or answer. Instead, maybe there is a combination of theories that would be more accurate. Miranda Green reminds us that Cesar explored using criminals as human sacrifices because there was a double benefit for society; ridding the community of its undesirables and pleasing the gods at the same time (Green, 1998).

Alternatively, Martin Carver suggested the individuals (particularly at Sutton Hoo) may simply have been a threat to the prevailing power of the time. Criminals in one sense but perhaps just examples of “the public murder of people who do not agree with the King” (Carver, 1998).

The interpretations of these burials shape the way we perceive the individuals found within them. If they are labelled a ‘deviant’ or a criminal today, we may automatically assume them a thief or murderer when in fact, they may have simply been individuals that had an opposing political or spiritual belief. The term ‘deviancy’ holds negative connotations and as Jesslyn Hodgson suggests, terms like atypical, non-normative and differential may be more appropriate (2013). These terms will help us

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to avoid projecting a particular identity onto individuals when we do not know if they associated themselves with deviancy or not.

Finally, we must remember that the materials left behind for archaeologists do not paint an entire picture but rather gives us glimpses into part of the story. These deviant burials, whether criminal, sacrificial or otherwise, have given us a glimpse, albeit vague, into the past. As technology advances and more sites are discovered, much can still be learned about these gruesome and mysterious sites.

Written By Aleesha Alward

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It’s better than water 19.95 at your local apothacary

Warning: may cause thirst, dizziness, siezures, soul loss and/or demonic possession.

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Grave Archaeology

The “Witch” Burials of Barbados and Central Belize How “Witch” burials are assessed in modern archaeology

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The ‘Witch’ of Barbados

A burial that is theorized as belonging to a negatively viewed individual, possibly a witch, rests in Newton Plantation in Barbados. The remains date around the 1600’s-1700s and osteological analysis points the sex and age of the individual to be a twenty year old female. The osteological analysis also suggests this person may have been born in the New World, due to the levels of lead found in this person’s skeletal remains. The high lead content and lack of human modified/mutilated teeth on the individual suggests a birth outside of Africa during this time period.

Furthermore, the supremely high lead content found in the skeletal remains suggests that during the time period of this person’s death, they were suffering from extreme lead poisoning and their (actions) would or may have been viewed by other people as strange. The effects of lead poisoning are documented as “symptoms (that) might have included a “miserable, nearly daily experience” of “abdominal colic,” a “paralysis of some muscles,” and epileptic-like seizures or convulsions. People around her would have noticed such behavior as “sudden, abrupt episodes of clutching her abdomen, moaning or crying out in pain.” These episodes could

occur abruptly and unpredictably and’ ‘persist for minutes and even hours”; her “weakened and paralyzed extremity muscles would generate an erratic, grotesque gait,” and the epileptic-like seizures would have varied from’ ‘uncontrollable... arm and/or leg movements to the whole-body convulsions followed by a variable period of disorientation, confusion, or actual coma” (Handler, 1996, pp.3) The burial mound is the largest mound and is the only prone burial suggesting that the individual died either “with unique characteristics or under special circumstances” (Handler, 1996, pp.5).

The burial is covered by a mound which through ethno historical data suggests that the individual was likely viewed as dangerous because “the principle underlying the mound burial appears to be avoidance of burial within the earth itself” (Handler, 1996, pp.5) as the earth was seen as sacred and those that were. The data/evidence pertaining to this burial as belonging to one that may have been viewed in a negative way are and possibly a witch are the solitary location, absence of grave goods, a small burial pit in which the body had to have been forced into with a ethno historic view on typical West African burials during the 1600s-1700’s.

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Grave Archaeology In Central Belize

In the Mayan Late Classic period (AD 700-900) two caves Actun Tunichil Muknal and Actun Uayazba Kab located in central Belize were used for funerary practices. Prehispanic Maya funeral rites show a patterning in burial of the deceased and grave goods/offerings that is met by the Kab cave burials but is highly atypical in the Muknal cave burials. The Muknal cave burials have signs of part of the skeleton unearthed which could be evidence of a “hasty disposal.” The remains of individuals of Muknal cave prove to be especially difficult due to the condition of the bones and the calcite present on them, however, a majority of ceramics found within the cave date to ca.AD 700900, so stylistic dating was applied for time period. Though there are large supplies of ceramics in Muknal only a few are suggested as being associated with the graves due to the proximity between skeletal remains and the artifacts, Moyes and Gibbs (2000) suggest the ceramics may therefore represent offerings, not grave goods. The remains in Muknal cave belong to fourteen individuals who are found on lying on the surface of the cave which is an atypi-

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cal practice as the bodies found in Kab cave are in fact buried. Muknal cave carries the remains of six infants, one child (7 years old) and seven adults. The sexing of most of the remains proves difficult due to the extensive calcium carbonate build-up. The remains in Muknal cave are also atypical in positioning, only three of the individuals appear to be in formal anatomical position, the rest of the individuals are not. One of the infants is concealed in a small room in the northeast wall of the Main Chamber, while another infant’s remains show signs of the individual being bound in a flexed position facing the wall and placed in a small, shallow depression on a high alcove only possible to reach by ladder. Another child appears to have been placed under large boulders after death.

The typical Classic Maya burials of Central Belize during (AD 700-900) are generalized in Kal cave, where all the remains are buried and associated with grave goods due to the proximity of the artifacts to remains.

Though the work is important, I am curious about the haste of the researchers in proving a “witch” or other negatively viewed person’s burial with Muknal cave. I realize that dating the skeletal remains proved impossible due to the calcium carbonate-build up on the

bones but given permission, isotopic analysis would be beneficial in determining the health and meals of these individuals which may open the door to an entirely new theory.

Written By Tara Fraser

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Grave Archaeology

Fig. 1. 30-39 year old female Fig. 2 45-49 year old female. Full skeletal remains in fig. 3.

(Pg. 13)

A case study of Drawsko

Poland’ s Vampires

Introduction: When one thinks of vampires and the rising dead, they usually think Buffy the Vampire Slayer, or Bram Stoker’s Dracula. They rarely think of bones and of graves. In archaeology however, vampire graves are a rare find, and they exist across Europe: in Bulgaria, Italy and most commonly Poland. More commonly referred to as ‘deviant’ or atypical burials, vampire graves are graves which contain certain specific elements such as body position or grave goods which lead archaeologists to believe that these deceased may have been viewed as vampires, or revenants: bodies which rise from the grave (Betsigner & Scott, 2014, p. 470). Atypical burials span from the 11th century to the 18th century, with frequent manifestations of vampire/revenants throughout (Gardela & Duma, 2013, p. 320).

Numerous forms of deviant burials include decapitations with head placed between the legs, stones on the legs of children, or binding of children’s hands, and small grave goods such as eggs (Gardela & Duma, 2013, p. 320, 321). Many of these cases are not available within the archaeological community. Published primarily in Polish, academic literature relating to vampires is limited to very specific cases, such as the one in this magazine, concerning Drawsko, and its six graves. Available academic literature consists of overviews of examined cases, while the vast majority is seen through news sites, which convert to

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English. While the case of Drawsko is interesting, it is also against the norm of vampire burials in that it contains metal artifacts, as well as stones, and is remarkably late in the time line.

Case Study: The excavation of Drawsko in Northwestern Poland led to the discovery of six atypical graves, with demonstrable evidence for supposed vampires/ revenants (Betsigner & Scott, 2014, p.

468). Drawsko is a small town with a tiny population, and the six vampiric remains date from the 17th to 18th century. The skeletons are both male and female, with four females, and one male, and the age varies from 12-49 (Bestigner & Scott, 2014, p. 471). The youngest skeleton’s sex cannot be identified due to age and skeletal physiology.

They were buried in the village cemetery, and were only discovered through the digging up (exhumation) of the other graves located in the cemetery. The question of what classifies them as atypical is fairly easily answered: all the skeletons possess some grave good which indicates fear, like stones or a metal sickle. The stones are placed on the throat below the jaw. Sickles lie underneath the jaw, in a throat slicing position, or across the body, to perhaps inhibit

movement (Betsigner & Scott, 2014, p. 471).

Archaeologists believe that these are placed in such a way to prevent the bodies from rising up by weighting down the body or slicing through it. Some of the graves contained metal coins, although no connection to the aberrant burials has been made. All of the skeletons were found lying on their backs (supine), with indications that the sickles and stones were placed in the graves at time of death, and not afterwards, meaning that the community believed the deceased were possible vampires when they died, and they had not come back to life (Betsinger & Scott, 2014, p. 471).

Why were they Va m p i r e s ?

Many initial theories have been presented trying to determine why these graves actually exist, few are still used by archaeologists. The most common for a period of time was a theory of migration: that individuals not from the town would essentially move in and be treated as outsiders and outcasts and be regarded with fear (Gregoricka et al, 2014, p.1). However, this has been proven false by a strontium isotope analysis of the vampire remains. Strontium tope analysis looks at the levels of isotopes in an individual’s teeth in relation to their environment,

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Grave Archaeology myths and stories to understand how each of the puzzles fit together. Atypical burials rely heavily on cultural elements of myth and superstition to help explain why bodies may be placed the way are, or the importance of grave goods. Barber helps explain why the vampire myths might exist based on simple forensic science (Barber, 1987, p. 4). He looked at a number of the beliefs about vampires, such as rate of decomposition and body bloating, and how shallow graves may lead people to believe they are vampires in relation to folk tales during that time period. However, as Gardela and Kajkowski point out, these atypical burials can be interpreted any number of ways.

While archaeologists can determine them to be atypical under the general definition of ‘deviant’, assuming that burials are related to vampiric/revenant fear practices and not some sort of judicial alternative such as criminal beheadings is problematic (Gardela & Kajkowski, 2013, p. 792). While Barber notes that there were highly prevalent myths around vampirism and revenants during the 17th-18th century, those may have had little effect on the burials of individuals Interpreting the findings: (Barber, 1987, p. 1). When we assume that

The difficulty of understanding vampire any burial has specific context, there is alburials however, has little to do with the skel- ways the possibility that the context may be etal remains, but rather with the reliance on wrong. However, the vampire/revenant asand helps examine what they ate throughout their lifetime. When someone moves from one place to the next, significant diet changes will show up on their teeth (Gregoricka et al, 2014, p. 10). The teeth of the six vampires however, matched the remains of the other deceased from that cemetery, indicating that they were born, grew up and died in the place in which they were buried (Gregoricka et al, 2014, p.

15). This suggests that they were not outsiders but were, in fact, local individuals. The most common theory being supported by archaeologists in the present moment is related to disease. Cholera, according to Scott and Besigner (2014, p. 473) was prevalent within the region during that period of time, and disease with little understanding can lead to superstition. They had however, ruled out Cholera due to the size of the cemetery during the time period, noting that if this had been an epidemic burial ground there would be significantly more bodies (Scott and Besigner, 2014, p. 473).

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-sociation to ‘deviant’ burials in Poland has existed since the they were first discovered and has gone mostly unrefuted.

One of important facts about early Polish burial history is that prior to conversion to Christianity, bodies were always cremated, but after the conversion, mostly burials took place (Gardela & Duma, 2013, p. 320) . While this may have little impact on later burials (17th-18th century), early atypical burials may be indicative of a transitioning form of burial.

Whatever the case, Buffy the Vampire Slayer may have her work cut out for her in Europe.

Written By Taylor Peacock

Fig. 3. Full skeletal remains of a 45-49year old female, Sickle across body, and stone on throat. (Facing Page) Fig. 4. 16-19 year old female, with coin located by jaw on right, and sickle across the throat (below).

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The Grave Archaeology Crossword 1

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Across Down Across Down 3 A common 1 1. AAspirit spirit animating its 3. A common ‘vampire’ deterrant animating its earthly remains 'vampire' earthly remains 7. Deviant deterrent 2. The Vampire Slayer 7 Deviant 2 The Vampire Slayer 8. A common grave good 8 A common grave 4 4. Inhumation Inhumation favorite remains 9. Beheading good 5 5. AAbioarchaeologist’s bioarchaeologist's 9 Beheading favorite remains 11. A Male ‘Witch’ 6. The ‘Witch’ Burial was found in 11 A male 'witch' 6 7. How The 'witch' burial 13. Royal Anglo- Saxon Burial Site bones relate to one anotherwas 13 Royal Anglo-Saxon found in 14. What Indiana Jones is really bad at 10. The organization responsible for Burial Site 7 repatraition.

How bones relate to (US) 14 What Indiana Jones one another 12. A body found on its front is was really bad at 10 The organization responsible for Volume 1 (Issue 1) Fall 2015 repatriation (US)

The Ethics of ‘Deviant’ Burials While recognized examples of ‘deviant’ burials in archaeology are interesting, case studies are unusual, grave goods are not the standard fare, and the skeletal remains pose for interesting examination, the study of ‘deviant’ burials pose problems for archaeologists. Deviant burials draw a high level of attraction for an archaeologist, much like the study of royalty or famous people, and undue attention and attribution of status for what they are.

These burials, like exhibitions of Kings and Egyptian mummies are commonly found in the media because they sell headlines and tell fantastical stories of an unusual phenomena similar to what is often found in Hollywood movies.

‘Deviant’ burials are highly problematic in the way they are studied, understood, labeled and portrayed both by researchers and the media (Hodgson, 2013, pg.1). The study of atypical burials results in the attribution of status, specifically that of an outsider, and reflects the archaeologists understanding of cultural history, as well as the archaeologists own experience regarding remains. For example, when we look at the term ‘witch’ we call forth a mysticism and religious/supernatural aspect in modern day culture, which is reflected in the isolated burial pits, lack of grave goods and possible stone coverings (Hodgson, 2013, p.13). The artifacts, or lack thereof, associated with skeletal remains may not have been mystic, religious or supernatural but may possibly be attributed to a different reason. Therefore, the role of the archaeologist in understanding these findings, and the experience of the archaeologist plays a significant part in how these atypical burials are portrayed and understood, especially when adopting a ‘deviant’ label.Another complex issue in labelling deviant burials as such is archaeologists reliance on cultural history, folklore and others sources in understanding these graves. In Poland, the application of the term “vampire” was used in a single paper early on that matched the folklore from the seventeenth to eighteenth centuries (Hodgson, 2013, p. 7). This term has now been applied to numerous deviant burials, including those of children, as early as the eleventh century. While vampirism was certainly present in the regions folklore, there is also evidence that these burials may have been related to judicial punishment (Hodgson, 2013, p. 7)

The term “deviant” poses a problem for archaeologists because it is a non-neutral term. Deviant has a negative connotation and when applied to a burial, that negative association is passed on to that individual and that interment (Hodgson, 2013, p. 1). When looking at Anglo-Saxon burials, by adopting the term “deviant”, we may be more likely to adopt the term “criminal”, which is also negative. “Witches” in the Western world are a popular cultural fascination that is generally associated with images of spell craft, black cats, and magic. However, traditional practices of witchcraft have many different meanings and may have been viewed in a different light. In the media, “deviant” burials are portrayed as fantastical, with gruesome details that archaeologists may have only posited as theories. The media tends to exaggerate specific aspects of witch burials that may show evidence of burning or vampire burials that may contain sickles, or evidence of ritual sacrifice in Anglo-Saxon burials, playing up dramatic aspects which play into pre-existing modern ideas (Guiliano, 2013, p. 34). Due to a desire to appeal to a broad audience these burials become the center of a news piece. The portrayal of ‘deviant’ burials, with the use of negative language will result in the application of negative connotations to both the culture and the internment being examined.

The desire to label atypical burials as “deviant” is convenient and tempting. However, in the pursuit of genuine knowledge it must be avoided in order to prevent the unintentional or incorrect labelling of individuals. Rather than presenting an entertaining theory to explain certain abnormalities a neutral perspective is more

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Grave Archaeology The desire to label atypical burials as “deviant” is convenient and tempting. However, in the pursuit of genuine knowledge it must be avoided in order to prevent the unintentional or incorrect labelling of individuals. Rather than presenting an entertaining theory to explain certain abnormalities a neutral perspective is more appropriate in order to examine the facts objectively. Furthermore, individuals labelled as witches, vampires or criminals should be treated and discussed with respect. Regardless of how far in the past they are from they are still people who had lives and should be handled with the greatest care.

Written By Taylor Peacock Edited By Tara Fraser, and Aleesha Alward

References Cover Photo: Reynolds, A. (2009). Anglo-Saxon Deviant Burial Customs. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Atypical Burials of the Anglo-Saxons: Judicial Execution or Ritual Sacrifice?

Aleesha Alward : Carver, M. (1998). Sutton Hoo. Philadelphia, Penn.: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Green, M. (1998). Humans as Ritual Victims in the Later Prehistory of Western Europe. Oxford Journal of Archaeology, 17(2), pp.169-189.

Guilliano, S. (2013). The British Media’s Portrayal of Romano-British and Anglo-Saxon Deviant Burials With Emphasis on the Vampire Myth. Masters. University of Chester.

Hodgson, J. (2013). ‘Deviant’ Burials in Archaeology. Anthropology Publications. [online] Available at: http://ir.lib.uwo.ca/anthropub/58 [Accessed 20 Nov. 2015].

Reynolds, A. (1996). Anglo-Saxon Human Sacrifice at Cuddesdon and Sutton Hoo?. PIA, 7(0).

Reynolds, A. (2009). Anglo-Saxon Deviant Burial Customs. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Sayer, D. (2013). Christian Burial Practice in the Early Middle Ages: Rethinking the AngloSaxon Funerary Sphere. History Compass, 11(2), pp.133-146.

Poland’s Vampires Taylor Peacock:

Barber, P. (1987). Forensic Pathology and the European Vampire. Journal of Folklore Research, [online] 24(1), pp.1-32. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3814375 [Accessed 11 Nov. 2015].

Betsinger, T. and Scott, A. (2014). Governing from the Grave: Vampire Burials and Social Order in Post-medieval Poland. Cambridge Archaeological Journal, 24(03), pp.467-476.

(Figures: 2, 3, and 4.)

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Gardela, L. and Duma, P. (2013). Untimely death: atypical burials of children in early and late medieval Poland. World Archaeology, 45(2), pp.314-332.

Gardela, L. and Kajkowski, K. (2013). Vampires, criminals or slaves? Reinterpreting ‘devi ant burials’ in early medieval Poland. World Archaeology, 45(5), pp.780-796.

Gregoricka, L., Betsinger, T., Scott, A. and Polcyn, M. (2014). Apotropaic Practices and the Undead: A Biogeochemical Assessment of Deviant Burials in Post-Medieval Poland. PLoS ONE, 9(11), p.e113564. (Figure 1.)

The ‘Witches’ of Barbados and Central Belize Tara Fraser Gardner, D. (1775). Witches Round the Cauldron,. [Oil on canvas] London: National Portrait Gallery.

Lucero, L. and Gibbs, S. (2007). The Creation and Sacrifice of Witches in Classic Maya Society. In: V. Tiesler and A. Cucina, ed., New Perspectives on Human Sacrifice and Ritual Body Treatments in Ancient Maya Society, 1st ed. [online] New York: Springer, pp.45- 73. Available at: http://link.springer.com.ezproxy.library.uvic.ca/book/10.1007%2F978-0-387-48871-4 [Accessed 1 Nov. 2015].

Singleton, T. and Handler, J. (1992). Searching for a Slave Cemetery in Barbados, West Indies: A Bioarchaeological and Ethnohistorical Investigation. American Antiquity, 57(2), p.377.

Walker, W. (1998). Where are the witches of prehistory?. J Archaeological Method Theory, 5(3), pp.245-308.

Williams, J. (1886). The Magic Circle. [Oil on canvas] London: Tate Britain.

Witches Cauldron, Macbeth. (n.d.). [Oil on Canvas].

The Ethics of ‘Deviant’ Burials Taylor Peacock, Edited by Aleesha Alward, and Tara Fraser Guiliano, S. (2013). The British Media’s Portrayal of Romano-British and Anglo-Saxon Deviant Burials with Emphasis on the Vampire Myth. PhD. University of Chester.

Hodgson, J. (2013). ‘Deviant’ Burials in Archaeology. Masters. University of Western Ontario.

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