Oxford Political Review Issue 11: TIme by Oxford Political Review

JANUARY 2024 ISSUE 11

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The Team Editor-in-Chief Managing Editor Executive Editor Senior Editor Senior Editor

Ming Kit Wong Justas Petrauskas Zoe Lambert Miyo Peck-Suzuki Danilo Angulo-Molina

Global Politics

Marta Kakol Angelo M’BA Julia Hoffmann Turner Ruggi Eli Harris-Trent Justin Daniels

Culture & Ideas

Jack Sagar Joe Ward Hazal Bulut Ciara Rushton

Law

Armela Lasku Devanshi Ranjan Lindsey A. Williams

Interviews & Events

Jason Chau Andrew Wang Henry Ferrabee

Design

Andrew Wang Dowon Jung Isabel Nguyen

Board of Directors

Brian Wong Michael Shao Nicholas Leah Chang Che Simon Hunt Kate Schneider

Acknowledgments Artwork on cover, as well as illustrations for articles by Ábris P. Béndek, Anna Bartlett, Jed Michael and Jessie Croteau, are graciously provided by Dowon Jung (dowonjung.com). A sincere thank you to everyone who made submissions to this issue. All articles that appear in this issue will also be made available online in due course.

ime, once a specialism of philosophers, has now been increasingly recognised not only as a condition, but also as both an object and a mode of political action and thought. After all, topics with a temporal dimension are constantly the subject of political discussion and debate, and the manipulation or politicisation of time is itself a means of conducting politics. To be sure, all forms of politics are structured by an implicit chronology; political activity does not occur in a vacuum but always within a temporal context. Still, politics informs the flow of historical time, and it can serve to challenge established temporal frameworks altogether. This issue aims precisely to reflect such an awareness of the intimate relationship between time and politics and to participate in debates surrounding the theme. The initial articles focus on political questions surrounding topics with a temporal dimension. Dorkina Myrick’s contribution discusses the economic and political implications of the recent proposal to make Daylight Saving Time (DST) permanent.

Martin Conmy’s article on Joe Biden and Donald Trump evaluates concerns over their age as potential presidential candidates. Jed Michael’s piece reflects on the harms faced by displaced populations and the role of time in influencing our moral intuitions about territorial injustice. The following pair of contributions are concerned with the tempo of contemporary politics. In her essay, Sarah Kuszynski highlights the significance of attention-based politics in international conflicts and the damaging impact of short global attention spans. According to her, such attention spans pose risks, particularly in prolonged conflicts like the Russo-Ukrainian war, where patience is deemed crucial for avoiding dire consequences. The article by Joost Haddinga examines German innovation policy since 2008. Despite its successes, he observes that urgent issues often take precedence over important long-term reforms, raising doubts about Germany’s ability to maintain its innovation leadership.

ing ‘postliberalism’ as part of a broader critique of modernity that relies on a serious distortion of historical time, Ábris P. Béndek’s contribution argues that our current problems cannot be solved simply by abandoning liberalism. Instead, he claims, contemporary liberalism has the capacity to respond to the challenges posed by modernity. Adam Coleman’s review of Richard Bourke’s new book on Hegel similarly presents arguments against the prevailing tendency to reject historical legacies, emphasising the Hegelian belief that progress involves building on existing resources.

Two further contributions invite us to reflect historically about the temporality of politics. In his article on pre-modern political thought, Luke Dale reveals that a de-temporalized politics was once conceivable, contrasting it with the modern regime of historicist time. Samuel Rubinstein’s review of a newly edited volume by John Robertson not only highlights the recent turn towards temporality in historiography, but also demonstrates how the volume seeks to A subsequent pair of essays en- reject the notion of a timeless gage with the politics of histor- ‘science of politics’ in favour of ical understanding. By situat- understanding political thought

as a product of historical contingency. The final pair of articles consider the ways in which our existing temporal frameworks have become out of sync with contemporary political realities. Anna Bartlett’s contribution claims that discrepancies between our current perceptions about time are hindering international efforts to combat the ecological and political complexities of climate change, and she urges us to develop a more holistic approach to global existential threats. The piece by Jessica Croteau draws on the work of Carlo Rovelli to develop a new, non-linear temporal framework that is appropriate for the Anthropocene. In Croteau’s view, Rovelli’s ideas can offer new political possibilities by emphasising the plural and dynamic nature of Anthropocenic time. Taken together, this issue thus explores the relationship between time and politics in a number of insightful and challenging ways. I trust you will find as much enjoyment in reading its pages as I did in assembling them. Ming Kit Wong Editor-in-Chief

CONTENTS

15 09

Extending Daylight Saving Time Dorkina Myrick

No Country for Old Men? We shouldn’t worry about Biden and Trump’s Old Age Martin Conmy 9 Does Time Legitimate Territorial Claims? 11 Jed Michael

The Real-Life Casualties of the Attention Wars 13 Sarah Kuszynski Expert Pressure and Political Inertia 15 Joost Haddinga

Against ‘Postliberalism’

Ábris P. Béndek

Hegel and the Lessons of History 18 Adam Coleman Timelessness in Pre-Modern Politics

Luke Dale

The Temporal Turn in Historiography

Samuel Rubinstein

90 Seconds to Midnight

Anna Bartlett

Time in the Anthropocene Jessica Croteau

Economic and Political Implications of Extending Daylight Saving Time Dorkina Myrick

Dorkina Myrick, MD, PhD, JD, LLM, LLM, MPP (Oxon) is a physician and policy advisor who resides in the Washington, DC area. She is a 2016 graduate of the Blavatnik School of Government of the University of Oxford.

he United States Sunshine Protection Act of 2023, a legislative act which would make Daylight Saving Time (DST) a permanent fixture of American life, was introduced in the United States Senate and the House of Representatives on March 1, 2023. Hailed for eliminating the biannual ritual of changing the clocks, the Sunshine Protection Act claims to foster economic gains and improved well-being. However, the issue may be more nuanced than first assumed.

sunlight hours in the Journal de Paris. During this era, candle production was an expensive but necessary affair. The costs of wax and tallow – not to mention hours paid to labourers who manufactured candles – were deemed wasteful by Franklin: ‘In the six months between the 20th of March and the 20th of September…[a]n immense sum! that the city of Paris might save every year, by the economy of using sunshine instead of candles.’ Franklin preferred a more practical approach, namely, adjusting In 1784, Benjamin Franklin sleep schedules according to extolled the virtues of ad- a well-known proverb which justing the work day around he cited in Poor Richard’s Al-

manack: ‘Early to bed, early to rise, makes a man healthy, wealthy and wise.’ Farmers – who later objected to DST due to disruption of their and their livestock’s sun-dependent schedules for field and farm work – were accustomed to rising early and working in the dark. Increased migration to cities and decreased prominence of agrarian life occurred in the early 1800s, meaning that more candles were used for illumination, and wealthy individuals spared no expense. Candles supplemented oil lamps through the mid-1800s when paraffin or kerosene

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lighting emerged. The indus- in 1918 – the first measure to Petroleum Exporting Coun- suaded consumers from furtrial boom of the post-Civil codify a systematic means of tries (OAPEC). Nixon pro- ther purchases of these vehiWar Reconstruction era saw timekeeping via time zones. posed that 150,000 barrels of cles. The result was an adverse installation of gas lighting in The Act also designated the oil could be saved daily via re- economic impact on the autocities: both for poorer citi- first day of DST as March 31, duced fuel consumption. Sup- mobile industry. zens working late hours, and 1918. England followed with posedly, more hours of dayfor the Gilded Age balls of the a revised Summer Time Act light would contribute to less Eventually, year-round DST wealthier ones. Alice Vander- of 1925. Permanent DST im- fuel being used to power elec- was reversed in late 1974. Afbilt, a wealthy socialite, her- plementation in England con- tricity. Many scholars have ter the 1973 energy crisis, the alded the arrival of electrici- tinued when astronomer Sir stated, however, that the ac- United States initiated plans ty with an electric light dress John Herschel in 1928 pro- tual amount of fuel saved was for sourcing more energy doduring a sumptuous 1883 moted the idea of having uni- insignificant for decreasing mestically. Disappointing reNew York City ball. Soon af- form time zones throughout fuel consumption in extended sults concerning actual fuel ter, electricity was introduced designated contiguous geo- DST, citing a mere 1% overall conservation of 100,500 barin mainstream society and graphic areas. savings. The way Americans rels of oil per day – nearly forever transformed energy used fuel had changed since 50,000 barrels short of Presiusage. The Uniform Time Act of the eras of WWI and WWII – dent Nixon’s predicted savings 1966 in the United States es- a point not likely considered Railroads – led by railroad tablished DST as ‘the period by lawmakers when draft- “The American public barons such as the 19th centu- commencing at 2 o’clock ant- ing the 1973 DST legislation. grew weary of permary Vanderbilt family – wielded emeridian on the first Sunday Researchers who prepared a tremendous economic influ- of April of each year and end- congressional report for the nent DST for many of ence and shaped time regulaUnited States Department of the aforementioned “Supposedly, more Energy Office of Energy Effition in the 1800s for purposes reasons along with a of punctuality, economy, and ciency and Renewable Energy, hours of daylight efficiency. Initially, the slow that within the historical data few others– notably, speed of travel prior to the would contribute to set from the 1970s, DST did not the politically unpop1880s obviated the need for less fuel being used result in expected electricity reducing the number of local savings, as increased fuel pow- ular risk to child petime regions – precisely 144 – to power electricity. ers longer hours of electricity destrian safety.” in the United States. However, Many scholars have usage. In fact, studies showed mass confusion, an increasing that the use of fuel for utility – were recorded. The Ameristated, however, that number of railroad collisions, and electricity rose with lon- can public grew weary of perdecreased railroad safety, and the actual amount of ger DST as households relied manent DST for many of the lost commercial opportuni- fuel saved was insig- more on electricity-powered aforementioned reasons along ties accompanied the advent air conditioning in spring and with a few others– notably, the nificant.” of speedier railroad travel. Imsummer, and heating in the politically unpopular risk to plementation of standardised autumn. Another factor was child pedestrian safety. ChilNorth American time zones ing at 2 o’clock antemeridian that Americans drove further dren in route to school were was promulgated by Sandford on the last Sunday of Octo- distances in the 1970s with vulnerable to increased autoFleming in 1878 to aid in re- ber of each year.’ This meant improved highway systems mobile-pedestrian accidents solving these problems. Unit- having DST begin at 2:00 AM which were non-existent in in extended morning darked States adoption of Stan- on the first Sunday of April decades past – consequently, ness. Similarly, adult pedestridard Railway Time occurred and end on the last Sunday using more fuel. According to ans in New York cited safety November 18, 1883. of October at 2:00 AM. The the Federal Reserve, the cen- concerns when commuting to Interstate Commerce Com- tral bank of the United States, work in the dark early mornIn England, it was William mission of the United States oil prices during the embar- ing hours – particularly in the Willett that argued for the im- government was afforded ju- go rose from $2.90 per bar- winter. plementation of DST, claim- risdictional enforcement of rel to $11.65 per barrel – four ing that 2.5 million British the Uniform Time Act, which times the previous cost. De- Countless positive and negapounds per year could be saved also included enforcement of creased fuel consumption was tive economic, medical, and in his 1907 publication Waste United States time zones. partly attributed to high gas- political effects of increased of Daylight. Later in 1916, oline prices which prompted DST have been enumerated. the Summer Time Act passed President Nixon signed legis- consumers to plan their trips Economically, the spring adthrough Parliament, partially lation in 1973 which initiated more carefully to conserve vent of DST seems to result in to aid in increasing munitions DST all year long in response fuel. This fact was compound- widespread sleep deprivation production for the World War to an ongoing oil embargo ed by the prevalence of auto- and circadian rhythm disrupI. The United States Congress imposed on the United States mobiles with poor gasoline/ tion which may be associated passed the Standard Time Act by the Organization of Arab mileage efficiency, which dis- with decreased productivity 7

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and increased absenteeism or reference to DST, ‘The loss of Wildlife, such as deer, adjust lobbied for permanent DST. presenteeism. However, not one hour of sleep in spring, in their daily activities by inter- At least 29 states are considall employees with different particular, has been linked to nal circadian rhythms guided ering legislative measures for chronotypes are not impacted an increase in heart attacks, by sunlight and darkness. The permanent DST, but past naequally. “Night owl” workers strokes, road accidents, and beginning and end of DST tional efforts for permanent are impacted by the beginning negative mood.’ Adolescents both alter deer behaviour pat- DST have proven politically of DST more severely than are particularly vulnerable terns due to changes in human unpopular and unsuccessful “Morning Larks.” Regardless, to increased morning grog- and automobile activity at due to continued child safedecreased work productivity giness and depression due to dawn and dusk. These chang- ty concerns surrounding the means economic losses – by sleep debt during the “loss of es coincide with the autumn walk to school on dark mornone assessment $434 million an hour” at the beginning of deer mating and breeding ings. annually. The stock market, on DST each spring. More fre- season – increasing the likelithe other hand, may reap ben- quent fatal traffic accidents hood of deer-automobile col- Debates regarding the extenefits of extended DST. Some in the morning in extended lisions. Additional evidence sion of DST with the Sunanalysts deduce that the S&P darkness may offset some of exists showing that DST re- shine Protection Act of 2023 500 gains an average of 7.5% the benefits of DST from eve- duces car accidents with wild- have persisted since the pasover several years during DST ning traffic safety. According life (particularly deer), result- sage of The Energy Policy Act compared with 2% during to the American Academy of ing in savings of $1.19 billion of 2005 extended DST dates standard time. Researchers Sleep Medicine – which op- annually in deer-automobile from the second Sunday of believe that DST helps ame- poses DST, ‘Current evidence collision costs over those in- March at 2:00 AM to the first liorate investor moods, pos- best supports the adoption curred in standard time. Sunday of November at 2:00 sibly from increased risk-tak- of year-round standard time, AM beginning in the year ing behaviour resulting in which aligns best with hu- Politicians eager to fight crime 2007. Arriving at a solution greater stock market gains. cite benefits of DST with im- as to whether DST should be However, not all researchers “The prospect of po- proved public safety. DST permanent will likely require agree, citing studies that dis- tential economic gains is correlated with decreased the cooperation of numerous sociate DST from stock marcriminal activity, including a interest groups – health adunder DST could 48% decrease in murders, a vocates, economists, and poket volatility. Additionally, changes to DST may adverse- prove compelling for 56% decrease in rapes, and a litical stakeholders. A healthy ly impact the coordination of 7% decrease in robbery rates, and happy electorate can more international trade and com- those who wish to see saving $59 million per year capably make fiscal decisions merce. from avoided robberies alone. which positively impact the DST extended.” Overall, $558 million in avoid- economy. The prospect of poPositive effects of DST have man circadian biology and ed social costs for all crimes is tential economic gains under implications for public health provides distinct benefits for noted. The end of DST seems DST could prove compelling and traffic safety. Longer day- public health and safety.’ The to improve morning voter for those who wish to see DST light illumination for pedestri- annual change to DST was turnout, obviating the need extended. Voters with potenans and motorists is correlated found to be correlated with to rise as early as usual. This tially increased disposable inwith fewer car accidents, par- the disruption of circadian is particularly helpful for vot- come under year-round DST ticularly at dusk during rush rhythms – the body’s inter- ers casting their ballots before may feel freer to shop and dohour. Consequently, more lives nal time regulation clocks – embarking upon school runs nate to politicians. Eventually, are likely saved and serious in- and sleep deprivation. Sleep and the regular workday. Per- health advocates, economists, juries avoided, meaning that deprivation is associated with manent DST is beneficial for political stakeholders, and the year-round DST could bene- a host of chronic health ail- groups and geographic re- American public must decide fit pedestrian and automobile ments such as diabetes, obesi- gions which benefit from rec- if the benefits of extending safety. However, according to ty and increased susceptibility reation and tourism, such as DST permanently outweigh the scientific journal BMJ in to the development of cancer. the state of Florida, which has its disadvantages.

No Country for Old Men? Why We Shouldn’t Worry about Biden and Trump’s Old Age Martin Conmy

Martin Conmy is a secictory for either Joe ond-year History and Politics Biden or Donald student at The Queen’s ColTrump in 2024 will lege, Oxford. break the record for the oldest person elected to the American presidency—for the second election in a row. Indeed, both Biden and Trump are older than thethree presidents who preceded them.

Americans’ unease with this fact is apparent: some 77% of voters think Biden is too old to be president, while over half think the same of Trump. Roughly 52% of voters are ‘very concerned’ about Biden’s cognitive health impacting his ability to serve a second term, while 38% say the same about Trump. As a result, younger

politicians have been quick to come out against this alleged gerontocracy: Nikki Haley, a candidate for the Republican presidential nomination, has proposed requiring mental-competency tests for politicians over the age of 75, and a Republican congressman has drafted a bill banning over75s from running for congress or the presidency. Nor is this a concern solely among Republicans—three-quarters of Democrats, according to one poll, support a maximum age limit for the presidency. A Financial Times journalist has gone so far to call the age of American politicians a ‘challenge for democracy’.

But this growing consensus is wrong. Any serious analysis will lead to the conclusion that age and political ability are completely unrelated. Haley should be more aware of this than most: she has made no secret of her admiration for Ronald Reagan, who left the White House at the ripe age of 78—meaning that he would have been forced to complete her proposed mental-competency test. It is understandable that so many are keen to blame the malaise that afflicts American politics on the age of its leaders. Many would say that America requires radical, innovative solutions— a break 9

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with a status quo. But there ly politicians is that gerontocis little reason to think that racy encourages apathy and youth is a prerequisite for this disinterest among youth. Cerkind of leadership. Returning tainly, young Americans seem to Reagan, who was the oldest to have little enthusiasm for person ever elected president elderly leaders like President at the time of his 1980 victo- Biden: voters under 29 may ry, he made fresh-faced opti- have put Biden in the White mism the very cornerstone of House, but a spring 2023 poll his leadership—being in his from Harvard suggests that his eighties did not stop him from approval rating among young delivering change far more voters is even lower than the innovative and radical than national average. But propoany of his predecessors since nents of the youth-disaffecat least Franklin D. Roosevelt tion argument would do well (for better or worse). to remember that the last politician who inspired enormous Reagan is far from the only ex- enthusiasm among young ample of the irrelevance of age people was Bernie Sanders— to political leadership. One of hardly a millennial. the oldest leaders of a Western democracy was Germany’s Yes, old age usually brings Konrad Adenauer, who end- with it cognitive decline, while ed his chancellorship in 1963, youth tends to bring inexpewhen he was 87 years old—and rience. But studies seeking to yet there are also few leaders answer the question of what of Western democracies who skills make a good leader have achieved as much as der Alte reached no consensus, man(the Old). Almost no one did aging to arrive only at a long as much as him to bring Ger- list of largely meaningless, many from a failed state, rav- and often contradictory, buzzaged by years of war, whose words—from emotional stasurvival seemed unlikely in bility and honesty to animalisthe face of both Nazism and tic vanity and contrarianism. communism, to a stalwart of Fundamentally, effective leadliberal-capitalist prosperity. ership is far too complicated to be boiled down to a single Successful political leader- attribute or set of attributes. ship can come from the other end of the age spectrum, too. Indeed, the only thing we can While America does not yet be certain brings good leadput any restrictions on how ers is electoral competition. old political officeholders can If America wants to solve its be, it does impose restrictions leadership crisis, it will need on how young they can be: as much competition for the a representative has to be at top political jobs as possible. least 25, a senator 30, and a To restrict access to political president 35. This is similar- office based on a characteristic ly illogical; history is littered as arbitrary as age would only with examples of successful accentuate this crisis. The great young leaders. In Britain, Wil- leaders of the future—just like liam Pitt the Younger, who as- those of the past—may be old, cended to the premiership at young, or somewhere in bethe age of 24, ranked third in tween. Commentators, politia recent survey of the greatest cians, and the public at large UK prime ministers. ought to acknowledge that fact. Another concern about elder10

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Does Time Legitimate Territorial Claims? Reflections on the Plights of the Palestinian and Indigenous American Peoples Jed Michael

Jed Michael is a third year ime heals many undergraduate reading PPE wounds, but not those at St. Catherine’s College, Oxof displaced peoples. ford. A friend recently told me the illuminating story of a Palestinian refugee whose ancestors fled from Galilee in 1948 and were forced to relocate to the infamous Yarmouk refugee camp in Damascus. After experiencing horrendous violence in the Syrian Civil War, this man risked a perilous, extended journey through Syria and Turkey, ending up in the modally-Palestinian Zervou refugee camp on the Greek island Samos. In this respect, he was not alone; descendants of Palestinians displaced from their homes in 1948 continue to reside in refugee camps,

some of them for the past 75 riah until it provides compenyears. sation satisfactory to Indigenous Americans intuitively The Palestinian case demon- feels like an impractical, unstrates marked similarities to necessary overreaction. the subjugation of indigenous peoples in the colonial era. In- Undoubtedly, one reason for digenous Americans, for ex- my intuition is that Israel-Palample, have suffered in many estine has been a more active ways similar displacements, conflict in my lifetime. I have being limited to ever-dimin- seen far more images of dead ishing reservation lands, with Palestinian children lying over 1.5 billion acres of land in the rubble of obliterated expropriated by US govern- homes than I have of Indigments. Yet, my immediate enous American internment moral intuition is quite dif- camps. Regular news expoferent depending on whether sure has provoked me to edit is in response to the occu- ucate myself on the relevant pation of Palestinian lands or issues, and with such knowlthe continued territorial mar- edge comes greater sympaginalisation of Indigenous thy for the Palestinian cause. Americans. With respect to By contrast, conflict between the former, I believe that Israel European settlers and Indigeshould be held to account for nous Americans is often preits repeated violations of inter- sented as banished to the past, national law in its treatment resolved by the incorporation of Palestinians. In particular, of Indigenous Americans as I would intuitively support citizens in the early 20th censtringent international action tury. On reflection, the reality in response to Israel’s contin- is perhaps more that the USA ued settlement activity and has been successful in depolitimilitary practices which fail to cising the issue and also that protect civilians and arguably Indigenous Americans, unconstitute war crimes through like Palestinians, have someentailing collective punish- what resigned themselves to ment, alongside its failure to their inability to negotiate a productively engage with le- better settlement. After all, gitimate Palestinian claims in the experience of Indigenous peace talks. Withdrawn aid Americans was analogous to and economic sanctions, akin that of the Palestinians, and to the treatment of apartheid was the result not equally unSouth Africa, seems appropri- acceptable in each case? Both ate, or at least reasonable. My groups saw their populations intuitive response differs sig- gradually decimated, such nificantly with respect to the that it was effectively risk-free latter case, however. Whilst the for the United States and Ishistorical treatment of Indig- rael, respectively, to partially enous Americans is undoubt- include them (as permanent edly reprehensible, rendering minorities) into the state on the USA an international pa- diminished lands. 11

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intuitions is through its inter- to silence displaced peoples. stances of territorial injustice, In essence, it has become clear Reducing the populations of the decision of postcolonial to me that my differing intu- “The only meaning- victimised peoples means that states to embrace such borders itions do not originate in subinjustices will likely be viewed in attempts to prevent conflict ful difference between stantive differences in the conin the future as relatively in- means that they are now rightthe two cases is the significant. This strategy has ly understood as legitimate intent of the actions carried out by the United States and Is- length of time that has proved devastatingly effec- ternational borders. This lograel. To be sure, these actions tive in Australia, New Zea- ic can arguably be transposed occurred under very different elapsed since the orig- land, much of Latin America, onto our cases. Indigenous international contexts, and and the United States, places Americans, now a small popinal injustice.” therefore their respective lewhich have witnessed the near ulation group, would perhaps gal statuses are distinct. How- action with memory. Absent extermination of indigenous consider a small independent ever, the violent expropriation reminders, political actors peoples. This mechanism is state with compensation, or and internment of indigenous consistently forget about in- perhaps also behind our rel- even significant reparations peoples constitute an objec- justices over time, and this is ative lack of moral qualms as only, as genuinely acceptable tive moral wrong in both cas- likely essential for understand- to historic warmaking. When outcomes, removing the need es, regardless of whether ining periodic re-escalations by victimised national groups are for mass exodus. Similarly in ternational law recognises it as the oppressed despite the con- subsumed into expanded ter- Israel, there is no obvious illesuch. In fact, the only mean- sequences of retaliation that ritory, their voice is more like- gitimacy in a one- or two-state ingful difference between the we currently observe in Gaza. ly to disappear than in the case solution accepted by Palestintwo cases is the length of time More profoundly, however, of maintained separation as in ians absent threat or coercion. that has elapsed since the orig- the passing of time entails the Palestine, and hence we forget. inal injustice. This raises the passing of generations. Whilst The temporal role of memory Such a logic remains fraught possibility of time itself serv- Indigenous Americans and is thus sufficiently strong that with danger, because of the difing to excuse American expro- Palestinians are constantly re- we effectively ignore some of ficulties of distinguishing bepriation of indigenous land le- minded of their predicament the greatest atrocities in world tween permission and coercion gitimately; perhaps the moral by their circumstances (includ- history simply because few in light of asymmetric power imperative to right territorial ing overhead Israeli bombers victims remain to remind us. dynamics. To the extent that injustice dissipates over time. in the latter case), oppressors some limited degree of IndigIn one sense, this appears forget the processes by which enous American identification “We effectively ignore blindingly obvious, for sure- the status quo arose. Those with the US state is produced by ly there are limits to how far without personal experience some of the greatest deliberate attempts to gradualwe can descend into history in of historical injustice are more atrocities in world ly win ‘hearts and minds’ as a our efforts to correct for ter- vulnerable to mythology, eftool of pacification, are Indigehistory simply be- nous Americans actually makritorial injustice. It is difficult fectively utilised by American to conceive of what, exactly, and Israeli governments to cause few victims re- ing decisions from a position might constitute a ‘territorially construct ‘independence ahisof autonomy? Separating coerjust’ Europe given the region’s tories’ which focus on bravery, main to remind us.” cion from permission in connumerous historical conflicts. honour and liberation rather texts which are saturated with Yet, this is an uncomfortable than ethnic cleansing and colo- The idea that the passage of colonising attempts to shape idea, because it is difficult to nialism. This mechanism also time is not by itself a source of the norms and ideas of the colconceive of a mechanism by functions at the international territorial legitimation has the onised is a perilous exercise. which the simple passing of level; the ahistorical self-por- potential to open up a ‘Pando- Still, this should not prevent time could legitimately excuse trayal of the US as a bastion of ra’s box’ of radical theoretical us from accepting input from horrific injustices. One pos- liberal democracy, defender of and policy questions. One such relevant displaced peoples, not sibility is that time absolves self-determination, and virtu- question refers to whether its least because the longer hiscurrent individuals from the ous leader of the international logical conclusion is that all torical injustice continues, the initial wrong committed, such community serves an import- colonially occupied land ought more pervasive and unresolvthat legitimate claims can only ant role in obscuring Ameri- to be returned to indigenous able the power dynamics berelate to current injustices. ca’s tainted domestic history. peoples, resulting in a very come. Hence, it is vital that terBut when injustices are comcrowded Europe alongside a ritorial injustice is condemned mitted by states and have such Highlighting the centrality of rather empty Americas. I don’t and rapidly combated through long-term consequences, sep- memory raises a rather haunt- think this is strictly necessitat- innovation solutions. The pasarating past from current ining spectre. Namely, if dis- ed. It seems plausible that, at sage of time may serve to bury justices seems like a fallacious placed peoples are those who least in principle, displaced the crime, but it does not perdistinction. retain memories of injustices people can voluntarily permit mit an international ‘statute of over extended time, then the time to act as a legitimising limitations’ in the case of either A more plausible way through most effective way to prevent force. While arbitrary colonial the Palestinians or Indigenous which time influences moral the demand for reparations is borders were undoubtedly in- Americans. 12

The Real-Life Casualties of the Attention Wars Sarah Kuszynski

Sarah Kuszynski is a research assistant at a London-based think tank and a graduate of Durham University. She holds a BA in Geography and Economics, an MA in Geography and a Masters in Data Science, and she has previously worked as the deputy executive director of a think tank focused on Middle Eastern geopolitics and as a pro-bono political risk analyst.

American military transport ship MV Cape Orlando loads weapons in the Port of Tacoma, WA rumoured to be bound for Israel.

n the wake of Hamas’ October 7 attack on Israel, Ukrainian president Volodymir Zelensky offered his sympathies to the Israeli people and asked to pay a visit in solidarity. But Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu rebuffed him, saying that ‘the time is not right’. His reply confirmed the fears of many Ukrainians that global interest had shifted away from the Russian invasion of Ukraine and toward Israel’s war against Hamas in Gaza. The rapid shift in global attention from one horrific conflict to another—not to mention those that never capture the global spotlight—puts into stark relief that we are liv-

ing in an era of time-starved, our attention plays an increasattention-driven international ingly vital role in maintaining politics. political and military support in conflicts. For instance, the ‘Governmental attention, like new UK foreign secretary, Daindividual attention, shifts er- vid Cameron said on a recent ratically, rarely smoothly. Is- visit to Ukraine that ‘Russia sues surge onto . . . agendas thinks . . . that the West will just as they often rise sudden- eventually turn its attention ly to individual conscious- elsewhere. This could not be ness’, write scholars Bryan further from the truth’. Yet, the Jones and Frank Baumgartner flow of artillery from Western in The Politics of Attention. allies has decreased since the Attention is fickle, and in a start of the Israel-Hamas conworld of attention-based pol- flict. In this case, arms seems itics, it becomes a scarce re- to follow attention. source, much like oil or gold, in that leaders, countries, and As a result, world leaders are businesses all compete for it. forced to view international politics as a zero-sum attenWhy is this? ‘Possession’ of tion game, in which they are 13

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engaged in a Sisyphean strug- Israel and supporters of Pales- inundated by other domes- give way to protracted stalegle to keep their country’s tine. The fickle nature of global tic and international items to mates, conflict is not moving plights relevant. For Ukraine attention toward international attend to, any kind of resolu- at the frenetic speed of the this means fighting on two crises should worry us deeply. tion to the Russo-Ukrainian global media cycle. If Westfronts: a battle of attrition war becomes more and more ern policymakers fail to grasp against Russia and a battle for “Attention-based pol- appealing, even if it means this reality, the consequences international coverage. concessions to Vladimir Pu- could be dire – including alitics undermines de- tin. However, giving in would lowing Putin’s Russia to gain The casualties of the global-at- mocracy and pushes be detrimental not only to the upper hand. As Ukraine’s tention battle are further agUkraine but to the internation- armed-forces commander, us closer to a post- al rules-based order. It would Valery Zaluzhny underscored, gravated by digital-communitruth world.” cation technologies, especially legitimize Putin’s revanchist future military successes now social media. Politics is increasactions, signal weakness from depend on further technologiingly performed as though it Attention-based politics, com- the West, and embolden other cal advances in weaponry—for is a social-media platform, in bined with a 24-hour news authoritarian powers, specifi- which persistence and ‘stratewhich leaders push content cycle, accelerates the pace of cally China. Yet, such ill-con- gic patience’ are required from that will get the most clicks, global affairs. As a result, de- vinced policies are likely to political and military leaders views, or reshares. This is more cisionmakers have even less proliferate as ever-shorter at- around the world. often than not the content that capacity to formulate good tention spans drive policy. provokes the strongest emo- policy when it is needed more A politics accelerated by tran- Fickle global attention spans tional reactions. In politics, quickly than ever. Moreover, are warping international polthis means increased media as the survey from King’s Col“Policymakers be- itics in disturbing ways, as coverage of attention-grab- lege London Centre for Attenworld leaders compete with bing stunts, which plays into tion Studies has shown, the come overwhelmed one another for the spotlight. the hands of radicals and pop- continual use of social media and may lose the For those in conflict zones the ulists—such as the recently is worsening attention spans implications are life-threatenelected Javier Milei of Argen- and memory. So, there is not ability to make good ing. And the attention wars, tina. Attention-based politics only a ‘goldfish generation’ but mixed with the 24-hour news judgments.” undermines democracy and a ‘goldfish politics’ to match. cycle, post-truth politics, pushes us closer to a post-truth Unsurprisingly, policymak- sient emotions makes un- and political polarisation, are world. ers become overwhelmed and derstanding the hard truths damaging, if not destroying, may lose the ability to make of global conflict even hard- democracy. The global politics There is only so much people good judgments. er. Wars are often bloody and of attention, in other words, is can be outraged about at once, drawn out. In Ukraine, as of- something nobody can afford resulting in rising fatigue, and For time-starved politicians fensives and counteroffensives to miss. ever-shifting priorities. The Russian invasion of Ukraine once engendered widespread outrage; today it is increasingly met with apathy across the West. A November 2023 poll indicates that 41% of Americans say the US is doing too much to help Ukraine, up from 29% in June 2023 and 24% in August 2022. In Italy, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni said that there was a lot of ‘tiredness’ over the war in Ukraine. Decline in international media coverage of Ukraine has probably depressed desires to support the country. Now, the terror attack on Israel and Israel’s subsequent invasion of Gaza is grabbing international headlines, as emotions have flared from supporters of 14

Expert Pressure and Political Inertia:

The Staggering Case of German Innovation Policy Joost Haddinga

Joost Haddinga is a graduate student in Economic and Social History at the University of Oxford. In addition, he is a research assistant at the Ludwig-Erhard-Forum for Economy and Society in Berlin where he currently works on the order of innovation in Germany.

Innovation (EFI) was founded to analyse and report on the state of innovation policy in the country. Germany is said to have taken efforts towards promoting innovation in the fifteen years since EFI’s initial report: it succeeded in driving investments in R&D above three percent of GDP, initiated ‘Hightech’ and ‘Digitalisation’ strategies, and partly reformed its education system. All of these were highlighted in EFI reports, demonstrating that Germany is committed to ince 2008, the Expert stepping ahead. Commission on Research and Innovation (EFI) has Despite the successes of Gerpublished annual reports on man innovation policy, howthe state of innovation poli- ever, there are deeper – though cy in Germany, covering both long known – structural probthe evaluation of current pol- lems that remain. The 2008 EFI icies and recommendations report highlights demographic for further initiatives. Reading issues and a shortage of skilled through all 16 reports which workers (Fachkräftemangel), have been filed since 2008, the cultural and bureaucratic probcontinuity is striking: the top- lems for start-ups, insufficient ics and highlighted problems capital for new ventures and seldomly change and some innovation, and deeply rooted topics even reappear after tem- issues in the tax code which all porary absence. An analysis of hamper innovation in Germathese reports highlights the in- ny. All these issues resurface ertia of modern politics. Long- in multiple later reports, with term trends are left uncon- the same arguments and sugsidered over years, or at best gestions, seemingly without addressed insufficiently, caus- them ever being addressed. ing experts to continue to raise The fact that many similar isthe same criticisms year after sues are repeatedly recognised year. Politicians must listen to as requiring policy makers’ atthese repeated calls from advi- tention in 2008, 2013 and 2023 sory committees and become appears to suggest that, under convinced of the importance time pressure, problems that of structural reforms – even if do not seem urgent are simply it may only pay off in the dis- ignored. tant future.

The German government has long focused on innovation policy to drive sustainable economic progress. For this purpose, the independent Expert Commission on Research and

In this respect, the German government acted explicitly against the recommendation of the EFI. Already in their 2010 report, the experts concluded that Eastern Germany would not need anymore money and

subsidies from the government and that its focus should rather be on structural reforms. This was reinforced in their 2020 report, which stated that the government should address underlying structural economic issues in Eastern Germany. Instead, the German federal government heavily subsidised an Intel chip factory and the Tesla factory near Berlin, which will help to achieve neither technological sovereignty nor structural change. Another striking example concerns the reform of academic careers and the professorship system in Germany. Already in 2012, it was reported that scientists should receive more secure and long-term contracts with more foreseeable career prospects. While this exact demand resurfaced in 2017 and 2020, it again comes up in the 2023 report – after the German government cut the possibilities for fixed-time contracts for junior academics. Innovation is the main driver of economic growth, and Germany was once among the leaders in reaping its benefits. Now it risks losing that position. If innovation policy is not oriented towards structural issues, Germany risks eroding the fruitful base that enabled its high rates of innovation in the first place. The country has a high potential to still play a major role in innovation and AI development, but policymakers must consider more long-run solutions to ensure Germany can sustain its position in the future. If they continue to hold back instead, then Germany will be at risk of losing out to European competitors such as France or the UK. 15

Against ‘Postliberalism’ Ábris P. Béndek Ábris P. Béndek is a student in Political Philosophy at Sciences Po Paris and a visiting student at the University of Cambridge.

n recent years, an old a broader critical dis- tion. After the Holocaust, critique of liberalism course surrounding bour- Theodor W. Adorno and has, once again, settled geois modernity. Two hun- Max Horkheimer hoped to on the intellectual horizon, dred years earlier, it was show that the Enlightenthis time under the new la- of course Marx and Engels ment contained the seed who theorised that of its self-destruction and, bel of ‘postliberalism.’ Its capitalism will, ultimately, the metaphysics pioneer is Patrick Deneen, eventually, bring of totalitarianism. In each whose 2018 book, Why about its own end case, bourgeois modernity Liberalism Failed, arthrough a dynam- is said to devour itself over gues that liberic of class polarisa- time. alism is in decline beHowever, what is probcause it has lematic with this critbecome too successful. ical discourse is that After a critical glimpse Deneen and his predeat the development of cessors all conceive of American liberal society, the universe of modernity he asserts that ‘as liberalas the product of a single ism has become “more ful‘Big Bang’ event. For Marx, ly itself,” as its inner logic the material relahas become more evident tions of capitaland its self-contradictions ism carry the day: manifest, it has generateverything else ed pathologies that are at is a mere superonce deformations of its structure. Similarclaims yet realisations of ly, for Adorno and liberal ideology.’ In the purHorkheimer, it was suit of equality, liberalism the Enlightenment generates unprecedented that forms the sinful amounts of social inequity; essence of moderin the pursuit of freedom nity and the totalifrom the state, liberalism tarian ‘disenchantgenerates an omnipotent, ment’ of the world. managerial Leviathan; in In the case of Dethe pursuit of human digneen, the critique nity, it generates atomised, of social inequallonely, depressed individuity, globalisation, als. For Deneen, liberalism unconstrained is the modern evil that will, technological adsooner or later, destroy itvancement, and self. environmental damage all centre Such a theme sounds alarmaround a critique of ingly familiar. Already in liberalism. Indeed, the eighteenth century, the in Deneen’s symScottish Enlightenment bolic narrative, in philosopher David Hume which a Rousseauwrote much of his politian, idyllic harmony cal essays from the underis taken over by the lying concern that a liberal rise of liberalism, society may consume itliberalism seems self. But Deneen’s critique to be dangerously of liberalism also reflects

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conflated with things more preted without reference tects everyone against the to do with modernity than to the others. It unfolded forces of modernity that are liberalism per se: the state, through multiple process- hostile to their freedoms, globalisation, technologies of change—including a dignity, and identities; how cal advancement, and be- deepening of the commer- can individuals and groups yond. cial and monetary econo- both live with modernity my, the disruption of local and not be swept away by relationships, the rise of it? “In the pursuit of equality, liberalism central administration, and the unravelling of Chris- In contrast with the postlibgenerates unprecedent- tian metaphysics in philos- eral mind and its Romantic ed amounts of social ophy—and it is within this obsession with self-decepinequity; in the pursuit framework of change that tive ideas about the ‘recovliberalism first emerged. ery’ of past ages, liberalism of freedom from the While this observation must ask itself such complistate, liberalism gen- does not mean that liber- cated questions. Accordingerates an omnipotent, alism has not informed the ly, liberalism is hard, if done substance of modernity, it managerial Leviathan; does mean that our current “Liberalism is hard, in the pursuit of hu- problems and crises cannot if done properly. It rebe defeated by the simplisman dignity, it genertic move of a radical turn quires empathy, soliates atomised, lonely, away from liberalism and darity, thought, and depressed individuals.” its social arrangements.

action, independent Whether for rhetorical gain, Still, ‘postliberalism’ seeks from the great power or out of a carelessness with to navigate society on the structures of the modregard to the intrinsic com- path away from liberalism ern world.” plexity of history, or maybe and return to a world where

both, such representation Christian ideals enjoyed seriously distorts our un- primacy. Ironically, howev- properly. It requires empaderstanding of liberalism. er, it is precisely by suggest- thy, solidarity, thought, and Modernity is a historical ing that our current liberal action, independent from dynamic with many consti- mode of social organisation the great power structures tutive parts, none of which can be abandoned that De- of the modern world. To be should be viewed as king neen and his creed reveal sure, liberalism has been or be interthe way in which it can be done rather poorly for some defended. While the iron time. It has pretended that wheel of time cannot be all that mattered was one’s rolled back to freedom to do as one likes those archaic days and forgotten that it must before modernity, also endeavour to retain when meaning and meaning and happiness in community alleged- people’s lives. Under the ly thrived, contem- postliberal manipulation porary liberalism can of time, which makes libcertainly be replaced eralism appear responsible with an alternative for the tragedy of moderthat is better suited nity, one may easily direct to the dynamic so- all their disappointments cial configurations against this one great enof modernity. In this emy, liberalism, and turn respect, what liberals against it. To survive, libercan do is ask them- alism must recognise that it selves how they can is as much an adaptable resteer the march of sponse to modernity as it is time in a way that pro- a part of it. 17

Hegel and the Lessons of History Adam Coleman

This is a review of Hegel’s World Revolutions by Richard Bourke. Adam Coleman is a doctoral student in History at Trinity College, University of Cambridge

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n his 1983 introduction is precisely these intentions ing on existing resources.’ to the philosophy of He- Hegel’s World Revolutions that Bourke seeks to excavate Without an appreciation of gel, Peter Singer made the represents arguably the most in his contextualist reinter- historical reality as providing then-unorthodox claim that original contribution to He- pretation of Hegel’s philoso- the measure of any progresthe best place to begin with ex- gel scholarship in some time. phy. sive political action, we can pounding Hegel’s philosoph- The originality of Bourke’s aponly find ourselves adrift in ical system ought to be his proach may reside in the fact Bourke’s purpose in doing so a sea of abstraction. ‘It is just philosophy of history. Amid that he is an intellectual histo- rests partly with clarifying He- as foolish to imagine that any the complexities of Hegel’s rian rather than a philosopher. gel’s thought and reducing the philosophy can transcend its Logic (1812) and the dialecti- His concern, as so exhaustively grounds of much unnecessary contemporary world as that cal leaps of The Phenomenol- demonstrated in his previous confusion, but ultimately with an individual can overleap his ogy of Spirit (1807), Singer re- monograph on the political countering the anti-Hegelian own time,’ Hegel cautioned in assured his readers that there life of Edmund Burke, lies not insurgency and its long-term the preface to his Philosophy was at least some concreteness simply in elucidating the con- legacies manifest in our po- of Right (1820). Accordingly, to be found in Hegel’s Lectures tent of a philosopher’s writ- litical and cultural discourses progress in history did not inon the Philosophy of World ings. That is a comparatively today. According to Bourke, volve a series of Foucauldian History (1837). Just as Hegel straightforward (if fraught) ‘A key feature of modernity is ruptures. Instead, Bourke arlater came to regard the Phe- task, as demonstrated in the the advance it made on pre- gues, it was dialectical: ‘True nomenology, and that work’s ‘sort of insurgency’ perpetrat- vious epochs of world history. reform … had to preserve as famous preface in particular, Despite this forward move- well as abolish and transcend.’ as providing the introduction “Hegel’s World Revolu- ment, the achievement repreor ‘ladder’ to his complete tions represents argu- sented by the rise of the West One achievement of Bourke’s philosophical system, Singer is widely censored within our Hegel’s World Revolutions is ably the most original culture.’ Although one might to provide a comprehensive thought that by focusing initially on Hegel’s philosophy of contribution to Hegel be led from this opening pas- yet succinct and elegant exhistory he could provide his sage to anticipate an effu- position of Hegel’s thought scholarship in some readers with a source of presive—or tone-deaf—celebratime. The originality tion of Western progress, one “One achievement of liminary orientation. of Bourke’s approach will in fact find neither. What Bourke’s Hegel’s World Such orientation is essential, Bourke offers, instead, is a given the notoriously dense may reside in the fact constructive critique of what Revolutions is to pronature of Hegel’s prose, which that he is an intellec- Hegel would have termed the vide a comprehensive has provided fertile ground negative political tendencies yet succinct and elegant tual historian rather for any number of mis-readof our age. Rooted in nineings. Indeed, Hegel’s philos- than a philosopher.” teenth-century forms of pes- exposition of Hegel’s ophy was deeply and consissimism and exemplified in the thought that attests to tently misconstrued during ed against Hegel by an assort- work of Nietzsche and Heidethe twentieth century, often ment of post-war intellectuals gger, this negative tendency his great importance as being linked to a totalitari- including Michel Foucault, in our own day finds expres- a leading philosopher an politics in the period after Theodor Adorno, and Karl sion in Foucault’s substitution of modernity.” 1945. That this interpretation Popper. In their work, Bourke of domination for reciprocity was based on a tendentious, writes, ‘By a strange exercise as the key to explaining modde-contextualised reading of in verbal association, Hege- ern social relations. Moderni- that attests to his great imonly part of the philosopher’s lian “totality” was identified ty, on this reading, amounts to portance as a leading philosœuvre should have been more with totalitarianism.’ Hegel little more than a cage; its eth- opher of modernity; anothwidely recognised, for it had was assailed on the one side ical values translate to blanket er is to provide a new way of the deleterious effect of damp- for making possible in the forms of oppression. Given viewing Hegel that builds on ening Hegel’s reputation and nineteenth century the rise of political articulation, this ten- Peter Singer’s original recomostracizing his thought from extreme collectivist ideologies dency often leads to the intem- mendation. It is from the vanthe mainstream currents of in the twentieth; from the oth- perate disavowal of hard-won tage point of his philosophy philosophical discussion. er in providing the grandest political arrangements, such of history that Hegel’s system Fortunately, a succession of articulation of what Foucault as the modern constitutional attains an elusive clarity and scholars has been trying to termed a ‘despotic Enlighten- state, and indispensable mor- real-world applicability. rectify this picture in recent ment.’ Both readings obscure al norms that together form decades, and their work has more than clarify; they reflect the substructure of modern Contrary to what remains the proven vital in encouraging the attitudes of their authors liberal politics. Yet, for He- standard conception of his what has been called a renais- rather than attempt to capture gel, as Bourke demonstrates, philosophy of mind, Hegel did sance in Hegel studies. Hegel’s original intentions. It ‘progress presupposes build- not leave the real world be19

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hind as he followed the course historical norms had been su- consisting in the new reali- challenges. Moral universalof consciousness or ‘spir- perseded, they were still in- sation that ‘the human being ism will prove essential here, it’ [Geist] on the journey to- dispensable; they could not as such is free.’ In providing a as we strain to project a fuwards the achievement of ab- be thrown away because they richer concept of human sub- ture-orientated politics that solute knowing. Rather than formed the ground on which jectivity, alongside the disso- nevertheless takes account of standing for a disembodied one stood, knowingly or not. lution of rank-ordered soci- its historical genealogies; but ghostly essence, Geist ought As Bourke puts it, ‘Contem- ety and the rise of civil society any argument on its behalf to be regarded as signifying an porary conditions were not with its attendant securities cannot be advanced from a interconnected cultural nex- intelligible without a grasp of of property and individual perspective that is not cognius of moral norms and com- the historical processes that rights, this gain compensat- sant of its manifold contradicmitments. ‘The beginning of a brought them about.’ ed for the costs of modernity. tions. To preach universalism, new spirit is the outcome of a The idea of universal freedom in other words, one must also widespread revolution in the This positioning did not arise itself, though not yet fully preach scepticism. In this rediversity of forms of cultural from a conservative tenden- realised, was essential, and spect Hegel provides a model, cy on Hegel’s part – at least could not be sacrificed at the but a model that is ultimately not wholly. His project, from behest of an insurgent moral- restricted to its historical con“Modern conscious- one of many angles, can be ism. Modern consciousness text. ness was free, Bourke seen as an attempt to recon- was free, Bourke writes, and cile the seemingly antithetical ‘would never trade its eman- Hegel does not provide a ‘burwrites, and ‘would aspirations of liberalism and cipation for superannuated ied intellectual treasure’ that we can use as a solution to never trade its emanci- conservatism, as expressed in forms of enthrallment.’ the infamous maxim from his our own practical problems pation for superannu- Philosophy of Right: ‘What is in the present. As Bourke arated forms of enthrall- rational is actual; and what “As Bourke argues in gues in the book’s final secis actual is rational.’ ‘Ratiothe book’s final section, devoted to Hegel’s twenment.’” nality,’ in this case, signified tieth-century reception and the application of reasoned tion, devoted to Hegel’s to scrutinising methodologformation,’ Hegel wrote in the principle to political actuali- twentieth-century re- ical assumptions about how Phenomenology. ‘It is both ty, as exemplified in the modfar one can feasibly go in rethe prize at the end of a wind- ern constitutional state rather ception and to scruti- viving past ideas, philosophy ing path just as it is the prize than an unregulated mon- nising methodological is obliged to work with past won through much strug- archy. In Hegel’s view, subthinkers because they contribassumptions about gle and effort.’ It was Hegel’s jectivity defined the modern uted to the formation of our task to chart the incremental world. The course of history how far one can feasi- current vocabularies. ‘But it progression of that cultur- was towards greater individu- bly go in reviving past should not in the process foral nexus through the stages al freedom, but this was not a get the pastness of the historiideas, philosophy is cal past by employing discardof world history, while pay- straightforward course. It was ing special attention to those fraught with peril, violence, obliged to work with ed worldviews out of season.’ pivotal moments of transition and aberration. History was The point of studying Hegel, or ‘world revolutions’ where a ‘slaughter bench’ for Hegel, past thinkers because and by extension the purpose Geist breaks ‘with the previ- and the contemporary world they contributed to the of contextualising historical ous world of its existence and at the beginning of the ninethinkers, should concern itformation of our curits ways of thinking.’ But these teenth century offered a faintself less with relating his cirrent vocabularies.” cumstances to our own and breaks were never total; they ly more encouraging picture. were the outward manifesta- Hegel’s philosophy, after all, more with identifying the distions of protracted develop- was motivated by a profound The lesson here for contempo- crepancies and continuities mental processes. The calam- uneasiness with the mod- rary politics is clear and signif- between different historical ity of the French Revolution, ern world as he found it. The icant. Rather than disavowing eras. The past was past, but it for instance, lay in the enthu- method he cultivated was one our circumstances and dis- still weighs, in the words of siasm of its proponents to in- of immanent critique guided missing our cultural and in- Marx, ‘like a nightmare on augurate a new world of jus- by a spirit of sceptical inqui- tellectual traditions as moral- the brain of the living.’ One tice and equality unbeholden ry. Although inescapably a ly compromised or tainted by task of philosophy is to dispel to the decrepit legacies of his- ‘child of his time,’ he was not history, we ought to be exam- that nightmare. Hegel was not tory. But the political and cul- complacent by its standards. ining the long-term historical our contemporary, but he still tural world in which the rev- Despite the injustices of his- processes that have led us to offers a powerful source of inolutionaries were operating tory and of modern life, He- this conjuncture and employ- spiration in our efforts to unhad nevertheless been shaped gel could celebrate the great ing the existing resources at derstand our world as well as by those legacies. Even if those achievement of modernity as our disposal to surmount its to change it. 20

Timelessness in Pre-Modern Politics Luke Dale

Luke Dale is a student at Oriarold Wilson’s el College, University of Oxoft-quoted quip that ford. He is currently based at ‘a week is a long Heidelberg University. time in politics’ reflects a basic truth: politics plays out in time, and the haste of political change can sometimes seem to chafe at the seams of the calendar. This sentiment is evident too in another done-to-death Wilsonian quip: as the story goes, when asked what the greatest challenge for the statesman was, he replied ‘events, my boy, events.’ Together, these quotations summarise what ‘politics’ means today: a series of reactions to changing contingencies that emerge in time.

Doesn’t everything emerge in time? We can rethink this contention by asking: is it possible to imagine a de-temporalized vision of politics? This would certainly be difficult— if we had no sense of time in our understanding of politics, then the notion of contingency would also collapse, for how could chance events occur without the temporal dimension? A ‘non-temporal politics’ would therefore have to be a politics radically different from our own use of the word ‘politics’. But it is exactly such a vision that we see in premodern Western political theory, which understood ‘doing politics’ as theorising It might be contended that about a timeless, utopian idetalking of politics as ‘emerg- al. On this basis, the historiing in time’ is superfluous. an J.G.A. Pocock has argued

that notions of time and notions of politics are intimately entwined. We understandably take for granted the ‘time regime’ by which our own politics is organised. For us, time is divisible into discrete, exact units that stretch infinitely from the past into the future. Our lives are impossible to conceive without—in the words of Georg Simmel—‘[the] most punctual integration of all activities and mutual relations into a stable and impersonal time schedule.’ Still, this does not imply that our experience of time is unchanging. According to the historian Reinhardt Koselleck, time in modernity is characterised by an ever-accelerating hori21

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zon of expectation, an expe- vine. To understand why, the to be rescued from its Augus- of a particular, historicised reriential snowball pushed into opposition of the particular tinian snub and elevated to public grappling with continmotion by the French Revolu- and the universal is central. a place of some importance. gent events contributed to the tion. This distinctively mod- Wilson’s ‘events’ may appear By affirming the value of civ- fragmentation of any unified ern time regime is also his- important in the short-term, ic engagement in a particular narrative of time. If we look to toricist, conceiving of events but at a cosmic scale they re- republic at a particular time, the political structures of the as progressing arbitrarily and semble insignificant particu- Florentines had enacted a dra- nineteenth century, when hisdiscontinuously, rather than lars that disappear down the matic reversal. Politics was no toricism of this kind reached stream of history. Time was longer a matter of seeking the its height, we can find a par“In the modern period, therefore understood as both universal beyond the unravel- ticularly apt metaphor for potherefore, time is sec- phenomenal and ephemeral. ling of time, but rather of real- litical community in Ernest For Augustine, God was lo- ising a specific and limited civ- Renan’s description of the naular, shorn of any es- cated outside of time, exist- il community in the present. tion as a ‘plebiscite of the every chatological direction ing at a theorised point from Once a mimetic exercise in day.’ Renan indicates that the which all events in time could replicating God’s atemporali- model polity of the modern afforded it by religion, apprehended simultaneous- ty in an unbroken succession age is one of constant tempoly. By this understanding, our of monarchs, politics became ral renewal. In secular time, and so aimless.” experience of time thus re- a matter of reckoning with having moved away from the in any preordained scheme, flected a flaw of human per- contingent Wilsonian ‘events’. model of perpetual kingship, natural or divine. In the mod- ception, rather than the true And this humbler, more prag- we are instead called to offer ern period, therefore, time is nature of the universe. Polit- matic paradigm stuck. repeated affirmations of politsecular, shorn of any escha- ical structures of mediæval ical legitimacy through active tological direction afforded it Europe embodied this logic, For the concept of ‘politics’, engagement with our political by religion, and so aimless. As with the monarch’s inconve- then, the Florentine innova- community. Renan’s example such, our experience of time nient mortality drowned out tion marked the swing of the is extreme, but these affirmais a world apart from that of with the cries of ‘the King is pendulum from the universal tions are demanded from us the premodern peasant in dead, long live the King.’ with high frequency in our “Florentines had enact- political structures today: in Europe, for whom Church bells and festivals offered ba- It is perhaps unsurprising, ed a dramatic reversal. election cycles, participation sic structure to the days and then, that it was outside of a in annual national ceremony, months. More significantly for monarchical context that a Politics was no longer and repeated acts of authoriour purposes, it is also differ- shift in the time regime would a matter of seeking the sation. ent from that of the classical occur. The break can be idenuniversal beyond the A de-temporalized politics is, and scholastic philosophers, tified in the writings of civic whose political theories have humanists during the Italian unravelling of time, but then, not only imaginable— lasting currency, despite the Renaissance, for whom the it was, to some extent, once a rather of realising a spefact they describe a vision of active participation in the life reality. Of course, the fact that politics diametrically oppo- of the republic precipitated cific and limited civil we can speak of a change in site to that outlined by Wil- a reckoning with scholastic community in the pres- ‘time regime’ during the Reson. universalism. With the Greek naissance, is itself a result of ent.” model of the polis in mind, this change: we can consider To suppose that the mediæval Florentines thinkers were the ideas of scholastic philosworld was ‘timeless’ probably faced with the fact that their to the particular, and so from ophy, historicise them as the sounds like preserve of Mer- desired republican system of sacral to secular time. As long product of a particular peririe England Romantics. But government arbitrarily flitted as nature and politics were od with a particular religious Pocock maintains that ‘there in and out of existence over united, politics progressed in context, and understand how are several senses in which the course of history. In their time towards a definite end— these ideas have developed we can say that the scholastic view, as Pocock explained, namely the prophetic end into the modern day. This prointellect did not offer a phi- ‘The republic was not time- times of Revelation. Once this cess is possible because of our losophy of history at all.’ This less, because it did not reflect bond had been loosed, politics understanding of time, and its disinterest in ‘history’ arose by simple correspondence the could be imagined and under- progress. For the scholastic, a from a disinterest in world- eternal order of nature; it was stood as aimless, progressing week was most certainly not a ly time more generally. The differently organised, and a in secular time to no-where long time in politics—nor inmediæval schoolmen pre- mind which accepted republic in particular. This transfor- deed was a year or a century. ferred to follow Augustine’s and citizenship as prime real- mation was not immediate. Only in the modern time reexample in lifting their eyes ities might be committed to The eschatological framework gime, governed by the politics from the particular events of implicitly separating the po- continued to imply some lin- of the particular, can such an secular society towards the litical from the natural order.’ ear development. But the em- utterance be considered baenduring universals of the Di- The particular, then, needed phasis on the immediate needs nal. 22

The Temporal Turn in Historiography Samuel Rubinstein

This is a review of Time, History, and Political Thought by John Robertson (ed.). Samuel Rubinstein is a Masters student in History at the Universities of Leiden, Paris (Panthéon-Sorbonne), and Oxford.

mong the many ‘turns’ by which historians like to signify developments within their discipline, one of the most significant is the rise of ‘time’ or ‘temporality’ as a subject unto itself. Its viability as such was established by the German scholar Reinhart Koselleck in the second half of the twentieth century, and then defended in the twenty-first by his French disciple, François Hartog. Scholars on our shores, however, have tended to regard the more speculative of their arguments with some suspicion. In his 2005 Very Short Introduction to ‘The History of Time’ (that series, published by Oxford University Press,

is generally a reliable index of the prevailing sentiments of Anglophone scholarship), Leofranc Holford-Strevens gave a wide berth to the ‘conceptual problems’ inherent in discussions and definitions of time. ‘I shall confine myself to time’, he declared in a pointedly Anglo-Saxon vein, ‘in its ordinary-language or manin-the-street sense, and shall concentrate on the methods by which its passage is and has been measured’. His ‘history of time’ has little by way of Koselleck’s Erfahrungsraum, Erwartungshorizont, or Sattelzeit; it concerns itself instead with computus, calendars, and clocks.

couldn’t be resisted forever, and in 2019 the ‘temporal turn’ found the best emissary its advocates could have hoped for. In Time and Power, Sir Christopher Clark demonstrated with reference to four German leaders – Frederick William the Great Elector, Frederick the Great, Otto von Bismarck, and Adolf Hitler – that politics, both in theory and practice, is rooted in conceptions of time; and he pursued these themes further in a lively collection of essays published in 2021. Still, for all Sir Christopher’s efforts, the ‘historian of time’ is likely to be met with the same raised eyebrow as the ‘anthropologist of huBut the continental fashions mans’, or the ‘chemist of mat23

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ter’. ‘Time’ is a topic at once on sacred history. They are nian influence on Byzantine this end. The dispute between so enormous, intangible, and joined by a legion of younger jurisprudence ought to spark the historical jurist and the basic to the historian’s craft, talent: Emma Stone Mackin- fruitful debate. The story is Hegelian philosopher was vithat it is difficult even to talk non on the Algerian Revolu- then continued by Magnus ciously personal; but Johann about without becoming un- tion; Charlotte Johann on the Ryan, who rescues the scho- invites us to consider what moored. German Historical School of lastic jurists of the high and was really, intellectually, at Jurisprudence and its critics; late middle ages from the stake. In Time, History, and Politi- Waseem Yaqoob with a dis- well-worn charge (alluded to, cal Thought, John Robertson section of, inter alia, Kosel- in fact, by Maitland, as cited Another theme that emergopens the introduction to his leck himself. As in any collec- in Garnett’s contribution) of es from the book as a whole, edited volume by acknowl- tion of essays, there are some being slavishly ‘ahistorical’ in very much grist to the ediedging the risk of sliding into tensions and disagreements their worldview. tor’s mill, is that of a transnabanality. ‘Among statements to be drawn out; but overall, tional, coherent, and unified of the obvious’, he writes, ‘few the contributors sing in con- Later, in his chapter on con- ‘Enlightenment’. Both Aaron are likely to seem more ob- cert. jectural history in the Scot- Garrett and Silvia Sebastiani vious than that politics takes tish Enlightenment, Aaron stress continental influences place in time and is subject to Lurking in the background is Garrett cites Lord Kames to on the historical thought of history.’ But such statements J.G.A. Pocock. It is tempting the effect that ‘Lawyers are the Scottish Enlightenment; of the obvious are always to view the whole collection, seldom Historians, and His- Sebastiani’s essay functions worth interrogating in full. published in his hundredth torians… seldom Lawyers’. in part as a Scottish reception ‘Time’, and the myriad ways year, as a Festschrift in all but For Maitland, the crucial dif- history of the Comte de Bufin which it has been concep- name. In his seminal book on ference between lawyers and fon. The influence went both tualised, may be a useful and The Ancient Constitution and legal historians was that the ways, and some of the most important subject of histori- the Feudal Law (1957), Poco- former followed a ‘logic of au- arresting observations in cal analysis, after all. ck demonstrated the interplay thority’ and the latter a ‘logic Chris Meckstroth’s essay on between political and histori- of evidence’. This remark has Kant concern the continental Robertson has assembled cal thought in the seventeenth reception of Alexander Pope. an impressive team to make century, and he later took this “The volume is called the case with him. We have method of historical analysis Most of the essays in this volrock stars playing their great- into the eighteenth century Time, History, and Po- ume reflect, in a Pocockian est hits: Caroline Humfress with his six-volume exegesis litical Thought, but it vein, on the relationship beand Magnus Ryan on Roman of Edward Gibbon. His own tween political and historicould just as well inlaw; Sarah Mortimer on ear- collection of essays, Politics, cal thought. Waseem Yaqoob ly-modern politics and re- Language, and Time (1989), clude the word Law.” traces German historicism is the signal inspiration for from Leopold von Ranke “Still, for all Sir Chris- this volume; and in the intro- often been misunderstood; so to Friedrich Meinecke, and topher’s efforts, the ‘his- duction, Robertson explicitly Garnett in his contribution Koselleck’s assault on it under favours his approach to ‘time’ explains what Maitland real- the wing of his Doktorvater, torian of time’ is likely over Koselleck’s. ly meant, and why historians Carl Schmitt. Emma Stone of political thought ought to Mackinnon explores how to be met with the same The volume is called Time, His- take heed of it. The nature of thinkers like Frantz Fanon raised eyebrow as the tory, and Political Thought, the relationship between law understood the French Rev‘anthropologist of hu- but it could just as well in- and history was also a hugely olution: it was something to mans’, or the ‘chemist of clude the word Law. Its jur- controversial matter in nine- be inspired by, but not merely isprudential preoccupations teenth-century Germany. aped, and they wanted their matter’. ” are announced early on, with Charlotte Johann narrates this own anticolonial revolutions two erudite essays on Roman ‘guerre flagrante’ with verve, to mark a similar rupture from ligion; and (a shoo-in for law. Caroline Humfress looks giving us a pungent portrait the past to that which Koselthe Pyramid Stage) Quentin to the foundational texts, the of its two key players, Frie- leck found in 1789. RobertSkinner on Thomas Hobbes. Corpus Iuris Civilis; she argues drich Carl von Savigny and son explores the influence of Other icons treat us to their that the divergence between Eduard Gans. The sheer vin- seventeenth-century sacred newer material: George Gar- East and West in their respec- dictiveness of their rivalry is history on the thought of Spinett, who has written much tive conceptions of ‘eternity’, laid bare: Savigny, the doyen noza, and instructively comon mediaeval law, turns to apparent in the legal sources, of the Historical School, is the pares Spinoza with Hobbes. its greatest student and ex- was a corollary of a profound villain of the piece, scheming Hobbes also looms large in plicator, F.W. Maitland; John theological and Christologi- to freeze Gans out of the aca- Kinch Hoekstra’s essay on Robertson forays ‘before the cal divergence. Her detection demic establishment, and ex- seventeenth-century ‘PoliEnlightenment’ with an essay of a strong anti-Chalcedo- ploiting Gans’ Jewishness to tic History’. Against Timothy 24

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Raylor, Hoekstra takes a sim- quality for rulers to cultivate’. insistence on dwelling ex- to impress upon political theilar view of Hobbes to that This is why Leviathan seems clusively on general rules, ory. Hobbes’ timeless ‘science which Johann takes of Gans, to mark such a break from ear- should perhaps be regard- of politics’ is an intellectual Ryan of the scholastic jurists, lier texts in political philoso- ed not as an advance in dead-end; even something as Humfress of their Justinianic phy, the mirrors-for-princes the theory of statecraft but basic as how we conceive of forebears, and Garnett of the and the like; Hobbes was op- rather as a misunderstand- ‘time’, as this collection lays common lawyers: Hobbes did posed to the ‘preoccupation ing of its character. bare, is a political and hisnot ‘reject history’. with timeliness that he felt to Hobbes, on Bramhall’s ac- torical contingency, and any be hindering a scientific ap- count, failed to think histor- political theory must be emproach to statecraft’. ically, and thinking histor- bedded in such contingen“Hobbes’ timeless ‘sciically – as these historical cies. This, in sum, is an amence of politics’ is an in- Skinner concludes his essay essays unsurprisingly claim bitious volume, which seeks by noting an objection ‘pow- – is a virtue in political the- to win over Hobbes’ succestellectual dead-end.” erfully articulated by Hobbes’ ory. Bramhall’s critique of sors in the timeless ‘science of indefatigable adversary Bish- Hobbes bears some contem- politics’ on the one hand, and Which brings us to the head- op Bramhall in his Catching porary resonance; we might sceptics about the ‘temporal line act. Skinner’s Hobbes, of Leviathan of 1658’. Bram- even say, with a tongue in turn’ on the other. That it has perhaps unlike Hoekstra’s, hall, Skinner says, cheek, that Bramhall (of Sid- any chance of success, in both remains largely ‘atemporal’, [R]aises a doubt about ney Sussex!) was proto-Cam- pursuits, owes to the fact that ‘ahistorical’. One of the strik- Hobbes’ project of a science bridge School. That ideas are the essays all impressively ing things about Hobbes, of politics that needs to be contingent, and must there- steer the course between the Skinner points out, is that he pondered. As he suggests, fore be understood contex- Scylla of wishy-washy prenever advised a ‘capacity to act Hobbes’ refusal to engage tually, is precisely what the tension and the Charybdis of with timeliness’ as a ‘valuable with contingencies, and his Cambridge School has tried banality.

90 Seconds to Midnight: The Inconsistencies of Time in International Relations

Anna Bartlett

Anna Bartlett is a final year PPE student at Oriel College, Oxford.

n her inaugural address as the Montague Burton Chair in International Relations, Neta Crawford brought into focus the discrepancies inherent in conceptions of time and their consequences for the realm of politics. The prevailing ecological and political crises witnessed in contemporary society are, in part, a product of these discordant temporal perceptions. The incongruities between personal, generational, and geological time scales have given rise to a profound schism, fostering a disconnection between physical earth processes and the sociological interpretations and responses they elicit. Consequently, the imperative of politics lies in its capacity to adapt and bridge these temporal variances, thereby forging a path toward effective solutions for pressing global predicaments.

This is not a new problem for all those working in “green” politics; many theorists have pointed out that we too often focus on the spatiality of International Relations and overlook the important temporal dimension. By nature, humans struggle to comprehend the billions of years in a geological timescale, as we are hard-wired to think in terms of our lifespans or in generations. Additionally, geological processes, such as the gradual shifting of continents or the formation of mountain ranges, occur at an imperceptibly slow pace, making it difficult to observe or relate to these transformations. As a result, comprehending geological time scales requires a significant cognitive shift and often necessitates the use of scientific tools and models to aid in conceptualisation. However, this must be done ef-

fectively so that we can come to terms with the political adaptations required to cope and overcome environmental catastrophe. Some have already made headway in this area; consider, for example, Oran Young’s work on the dynamics between institutions and global environmental change, which suggests that we need institutions that are more flexible in order to navigate not just physical changes of the earth but also complexity over time. Perhaps even more central to “green” politics are the temporally sensitive problems of intergenerational justice. In an era defined by rapid technological advancements and global interconnectedness, the concept of intergenerational justice emerges as a crucial lens through which we scrutinise the implications of our present actions on the well-being and

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opportunities of those to come. mitigating these consequenc- despair as arms control trea- many areas, thereby increasing This temporal consideration, es falls not only on us but also ties were signed, negotiations the risk of widespread starvaonce relegated to the periphery on the shoulders of generations took place, and tensions es- tion, social unrest, and human of political discourse, has now who will inherit the outcomes calated. Since then, the scope flight. Global corn production, ascended to the very centre of of our environmental steward- of the clock has evolved to in- for example, is projected to fall our collective ethical delibera- ship. Our ability to navigate the clude a broader range of global by 14% in a 2°C warmer world complexities of time in the way challenges – including climate according to research cited in a tions. we engage in meaningful di- change – for which the tempo- 2018 special report by the UN’s At the heart of the discourse alogues about environmental ral dimension is paramount in Intergovernmental Panel on lies the enigmatic non-iden- reparations and implement eq- recognising the long-term con- Climate Change (IPCC). This tity problem, a philosophical uitable strategies for emissions sequences of our actions and is magnified by the effect of war puzzle that challenges our con- distribution will determine the the need for responsible stew- on climate. War has a colossal direct and indirect carbon footventional notions of respon- tapestry of future politics that ardship of the planet. print – oil production, storage sibility by posing the question we weave. The temporal nature of whether future generations of our responsibilities calls for The clock has now reached 90 and transportation infrastruccan be considered wronged if a heightened awareness of the seconds to midnight. In the ture are often targets of fighttheir existence is contingent profound impact our politi- 2023 report, the onset of the ing, as has been the case in Coupon the choices we make to- cal and environmental choic- war in Ukraine looms large in lombia, Libya, Syria and Iraq. day. This intricate dilemma un- es have on the continuum of the reasoning behind moving In the early phases of fighting, derscores the complexity of our time, emphasising the inextri- the clock’s hands forward. The the main indirect emissions ethical responsibilities across cable link between our present Bulletin’s Science and Securi- arise from damaged infrastructime, urging us to grapple with actions and the legacy we leave ty Board, in consultation with ture, the loss of vegetation, and the nuanced interplay between for the inheritors of our shared the Board of Sponsors, assesses the delivery of humanitarian and sets the clock’s time, taking aid. In addition, when enerour present decisions and the world. into account a range of global gy infrastructure and markets potential outcomes for generations yet unborn. Environmen- The interplay between time, threats that extend beyond nu- are impacted by conflicts but a tal reparations, for example, our understanding of it, and the clear war. It now also encapsu- need for fuel remains, people are a poignant battleground urgent need to address urgent lates the existential risks posed often turn to less efficient alterwhere intergenerational justice threats is exemplified by the by emerging technologies, cli- natives. Hence, it is not unlikeis contested. The impact of in- Doomsday Clock, created by mate change, and biosecurity. ly that war and climate change dustrialisation, deforestation, the Bulletin of the Atomic Sci- This expansion underscores create a positive feedback loop and other anthropogenic activ- entists in 1947 to serve as both the recognition that the dan- that could easily spiral out of ities has left an indelible mark a sobering reflection of existen- gers we face have grown more control. on the planet, affecting eco- tial threats and a call to action. complex and interconnected systems, biodiversity, and the As the world stood at the preci- and the clock’s relevance con- In the intricate dance between overall stability of the environ- pice of a new and terrifying era, tinues to evolve to reflect these time, understanding, and acment. Discussions surround- with the devastation of Hiro- multifaceted threats. One of the tion, the Doomsday Clock’s ing reparations delve into the shima and Nagasaki still fresh newest areas of concern of the hands continue to tick, urgethical imperative of rectifying in collective memory, the clock Bulletin of Atomic Scientists ing us to consider not just the past wrongs, posing essential symbolised the approaching is the nexus between nuclear spatial dimensions of interquestions about who should midnight hour of global ca- weapons and climate change. national relations but also the bear the burden of responsibil- tastrophe, using the imagery Individually, these issues are profound dimension of time. It ity and how the costs should be of apocalypse to convey threats well known to be “threat-mag- compels us to take a unified apfairly distributed across time to humanity and the planet. nifiers” but only recently have proach to addressing the comInitially, the Doomsday Clock they been studied in tandem. plexities and uncertainties that and nations. was primarily associated with Not only do rising tempera- define our world. In navigatMoreover, the imperative to the risks of nuclear conflict be- tures increase the likelihood of ing the challenges of our time, address climate change intensi- tween the United States and the war at many levels including it is useful to reflect on Martin fies the urgency of our tempo- Soviet Union during the Cold nuclear, but conversely, war at Luther King Jr’s sentiment that ral decisions. Debates on justly War. It served as a barometer any scale, especially nuclear, ‘the time is always right to do distributing emissions quotas of the precarious balance be- has unimaginable consequenc- what is right’ and recognise the and transitioning to sustainable tween these superpowers and es for the earth’s climate and in- critical role of time in shappractices underscore the ethi- a constant reminder of the dire habitants. The climate-related ing our responses to existencal dimensions woven into our consequences that could result channels of war causation are tial threats. Hopefully, this will environmental policies. The from a nuclear exchange. The diverse but the most significant come to serve as a reminder of repercussions of our choices clock fluctuated in response is through increasing world our responsibility to safeguard resonate far beyond our imme- to changes in the international temperatures and rising sea the future of our planet and the diate time, echoing far into an political landscape, oscillating levels which would diminish well-being of generations to uncertain future. The burden of between periods of hope and the supply of food and water in come. 27

Time in the Anthropocene Jessica Croteau

Jessica Croteau is a PhD candidate in Political Theory at Johns Hopkins University.

neither adequate to guide our analyses of what has happened nor our sense of how we should respond to them.

Yet the Anthropocene, an epoch marked by occurrences originating in myriad and overlapping processes, so aptly (and dangerously) demonstrates that these types of reductive explanations are

As political theorist William E. Connolly has shown over the course of his corpus, linear time has failed us. Too gradual, linear time is unable to account for the bumpiness of explosive events; too wedded to a progressive account of history, linear time cannot account for the cyclical and folding character of happenings; and too universal, linear time cannot attend to the fragility of particular lives and places in an entangled uni-

omething Different Time progresses linearly, marches forward uniformly and universally. Events are unique eruptions that deviate in unprecedented ways from linear accounts of history and time. Or, at least, such definitions reign supreme in the discourses that dominate much of contemporary political analysis and theory.

verse. Even worse than merely an explanatory failure, linear conceptions of time leave us unable to attend, descriptively or prescriptively, to the events that result from intensifying planetary processes and which foster fascist affective tendencies. How we understand time matters. It matters for the world, for politics, and for the Anthropocene. While conceptions of time as only linear have helped to create the conditions of Anthropocene, other understandings can provide modes for ad-

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dressing the harms of this era. physicists argue there is never associated with the movement and our politics in an expandOne possibility lies with con- one single time. Instead, time of something. ed present, a present which is temporary theoretical phys- passes differently in different the ‘set of events that are neiicists, some of whom have places and at different speeds. Time also gets to escape en- ther past nor future.’ In oththoroughly unwound the soletrapments of ‘real time.’ Times er words, the universe might ly linear account promulgated Time is not a constant. Instead, are many and myriad, a differ- not get a present, but we do. scientifically by Newton and like cars on a highway, time ent one for every single point ‘A common present does not defended philosophically by ‘passes more slowly in some in space. There is no true time exist‘ because the now does Kant, that kept time for some places, more rapidly in oth- and no truer time. There is no not extend throughout the three centuries. While numer- ers.’ Lower down, closer to the absolutely real time because universe. The present, then, is ous scholars have worked to Earth, things slow down. We there is no unity to time. In- cosy and intimate, a little bubdevelop a post-Kantian con- Earthbound creatures move stead, time ‘has a different ble we share, surrounding just ception of time, rarely have more slowly than balloons and rhythm in every different what is proximate to us. they considered the specifical- angels. place.’ ly political implications of alThings Are Events ternative conceptions of time But like balloons, and some an- Time, then, is never constant. Everything that time has been in the Anthropocene. gels, things fall toward earth. It is different here than (or divorced from–singularity Truly heavenly bodies don’t then?) it is over there. Dif- and direction, independence However, thinking with the encounter these problems, but ferent for things that move and the present, continuitheoretical physicist Carlo ‘if things fall, it is due to this quickly than for things that ty and uniformity–does not Rovelli might help us to do just slowing down of time. Where move more slowly. Time need this. And if scientific represen- time passes uniformly, in in- not, ought not, be considered “How we understand tations regularly determine terplanetary space, things do continuous and universal but what seems plausible in politi- not fall. They float, without local and particular and dy- time matters. It matcal life, then it remains the task falling.’ Worlds fall not because namic, connected to specific ters for the world, for of politically attuned think- someone has eaten a forbidden spaces and speeds rather than ers—it remains our task—to fruit but because the mass of separated and independent politics, and for the Anwork out the implications of the planetary body slows time from the happenings of the thropocene.” these representations for our itself. And yet, if one still seeks universe. own experience of politics. eternity even after the fall, bar the universe, and all the might I suggest continuing to The Nothingness of Now many things that are a part of To make the mattering of Things get truly eerie when it, from being a flowing nettime—the importance of its “Linear conceptions of we accept that time cannot be work of changing events. The becoming material—more bound to a singular direction. absence of a uniform and unilegible to political philosophy, time leave us unable Thinking with Rovelli, the no- versal time ‘does not imply a this piece explores the work of to attend, descriptively tion of the ‘present’ is hack- world that is frozen and imCarlo Rovelli in his book The neyed, for ‘the difference be- mobile. On the contrary, it imOrder of Time to investigate or prescriptively, to the tween past and future does not plies a world in which change the political implications of events that result from exist in the elementary equa- is ubiquitous.’ time’s complexities during the tions of the world.’ The orienintensifying planetary tation of befores and afters is What does this mean for us inAnthropocene. Taken up as a tool for exploration, a way to processes and which only ever, and merely, contin- habitants of the universe and, consider how different congent. more specifically, us earthfoster fascist affective ceptions of time allow for new lings in the Anthropocene? It tendencies. political possibilities, RovelIn spacetime, “now” means means things, discrete beings, li here illustrates how current nothing. In classic Anthro- do not exist. Instead, ‘they are formations of time are too fall? After all, ‘For everything pocentric style, ‘the idea that events, indeed: change, hapconstrained. Rovelli can help that moves, time passes more a well-defined now exists pening. This happening is difto liberate our notions of time slowly.’ throughout the universe is an fuse, scattered, disorderly. But from universality, constancy, illusion, an illegitimate extrap- it is happening; it is not stasis.’ and linearity, and so can aid Rovelli’s account liberates olation of our own experience.’ And even those ‘things that us in reorienting and creating time. Time gets to fracture and The present might seem a tem- are most “thinglike” are nothmore liberatory politics in this proliferate, no longer bound to poral notion, but the now is a ing more than long events.’ Anthroposcenic era. a unilocality, since ‘there is no spatial category. The concept of single time for different places’ the present can only ever refer We are though familiar with Particularities of Time and there ‘is not even a single to that which is close and nev- the problem of naming things So, time matters. Although, it time for any particular place.’ er to anything that is far away. (which are actually events). In would be more accurate to say Rather than an independent Although there is no univer- trying to represent the world, times matter, as theoretical variable, time is specifically sal present, we craft ourselves just like Rovelli, we find that the 29

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words are too rigid, too static, are both able to go around so a state of organization and dif- space for new and novel worldfor the very thing/events they ferentiation in which distinc- ings. Theorizing Rovelli’s un“Time and atmo- tions and forms exist, to a state derstanding of times with the are trying to represent. What we name the ‘“past” and “fu- spheres are both the of chaos.’ Anthropocene allows for a ture” do not have a universal conceptualisation of the multhing we are in and Yet entropy, Rovelli tells us, ‘is tiple processes that compose meaning. Instead, they have a meaning that changes between the thing interacting not an arbitrary quantity, nor our moment. We inhabit not a here and there.’ There are pea subjective one. It is a relative single time but rather times— culiarities to particularities. with us and being in- one, like speed.’ He observes, of eroding shorelines and speThese peculiarities are bound ‘The low initial entropy of the cies extinction, abject poverteracted with.” up in space and time. Meanuniverse might be due to the ty and wars, plastics piling up ings depend on where, when, totally to surround, to go in- particular way in which we— and habitats being destroyed. and what. side, to suffuse. They are pow- the physical system that we But amidst all these disasters, erful and intangible. This at- are part of—interact with it. “The apocalypsing Time impacts objects but ob- mospheric view of time might We are attuned to a very parjects also impact time. Time help us better understand the ticular subset of aspects of the times of today, ... is and space are modified by interplay of time/space/mat- universe, and it is this that is also the promised fumatter. The mass of the object ter, as time seems to work more oriented in time.’ ‘slows down time around itself.’ like an atmosphere than a line. ture.” Matter modifies the space and While definitions of entropy time that surrounds an object. What might it mean to think of can diverge significantly based new worlds flourish in the Time is not a stable entity in time as an atmosphere during on the context in which they rubble: mushrooms thriving which things exist or occur. the Anthropocene, a time emerge, many scholars who in decay and ivy-covered brick But maybe time works like an when Humans are destroy- incorporate the concept into buildings; oppressive systems atmosphere, surrounding and ing Earth’s literal atmosphere? their work argue that the pre- dismantled and uprisings revsuffusing events while also af- What might it mean to think olutionising socioeconomic fected by them. about liberating time when the “But amidst all these relations. The rubble provides destruction of the Earth’s atfor possibility in the material Atmospheric Time mosphere means we Humans, disasters, new worlds needed for new worlds and as Perhaps we can consider a and other Earthbound crea- flourish in the rubble.” the debris the many must exist model of time as something tures, are running out of time? within to allow for a paradise akin to Giuliana Bruno’s atdominant focus on disorder for the few. The apocalypsing mosphere, one that is ‘itself Things Fall Apart can be misleading. Entropy, times of today, with the exa transitory site, an interme- The ephemerality of atmo- Caitlin DeSilvey, suggests is tended, horrible, excruciating diate space—a moving place spheric times might also help then better ‘defined as a mea- and lingering event of many between internal and exter- us to theorise political possi- sure of the multiplicity of po- and overlapping apocalypses, nal, subjective and objective, bilities located within dissolu- tential arrangements of matter is also the promised future, as private and public.’ Perhaps tions. Atmospheres eventually within a given system. Systems for so many of us this is also a temporal boundaries are more dissipate. Everything returns with a greater range of po- time in which we can luxuriatmospheric than sequential. to dust. And time arrives as tential configurations are de- ate in great freedoms and inLike times, atmospheres are a co-designer of creation and scribed as existing in a state of dulgences. very much of their moment, dissolution. All things of the high entropy.’ The higher state fleeting, but they also act upon universe, ourselves included, of entropy we are attuned to is The tempo of the Anthropothe figures they enclose. Like are temporary beings made also a mode of higher poten- cene is multiple, plural, and times, atmospheres are vague, of time. As we impact time, tial. full of opportunities, both without visible and discrete we are being made and falling dangerous and salvific. boundaries. Like times, atmo- apart in time. We are beings As things fall apart in the Anspheres envelope and suffuse, created through the passage thropocene, what potentials Through Rovelli, we can apsurround and penetrate. Like of time just as much as we are might be lurking in its disso- proach politics with new untimes, atmospheres are ‘an in- beings unmade by time. lutions? derstandings of time. Not just terrelated field and the intanone that aids our understandgible yet tangible wave of res- Speaking of beings dissolv- Apocalypsing and Salvific ing of the nonlinear, overlaponance of a place outside and ing can easily evoke entropy. Times ping, and intimate nature of inside.’ Entropy, or the second law of Taking inspiration from Rov- time, as Rovelli does, but one thermodynamics, states that elli, we might consider politics that builds upon his observaTime and atmospheres are the processes of the universe as containing an abundance of tions to provide for new possiboth the thing we are in and the tend toward disintegration, temporalities. Yesterday’s uto- bilities and new politics during thing interacting with us and and as entropy increases, the pias furnish today’s disasters, the apocalypse of the Anthrobeing interacted with. They universe tends to move ‘from while today’s disasters open pocene. 30

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Cover Editor’s Letter Economic and Political Implications of Extending Daylight Saving Time

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Does Time Legitimate Territorial Claims?

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Wars of Attention: the Battle for Our Attention is Driving International Politics

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Expert Pressure and Political Inertia: The case of German Innovation Policy

Olaf Scholz as Sisyphus - Edited images from Public Domain

Against ‘Postliberalism’ Hegel and the Lessons of History

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Timelessness in Pre-Modern Politics

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The Temporal Turn in Historiography

Hugh William Williams, The Erechtheum, Athens (1981) - Wikimedia Commons A Doorway in the Acropolis, Athens Yale Center for British Art

90 Seconds to Midnight

Artwork by Dowon Jung

Time in the Anthropocene

Artwork by Dowon Jung

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JANUARY 2024 OXFORD POLITICAL REVIEW