The Religious Landscape of West CUmberland During the Mid-Late Victorian Period

‘THE RELIGIOUS LANDSCAPE OF WEST CUMBERLAND DURING THE MID-LATE VICTORIAN PERIOD.’

A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the degree of Master of History

By James Alexander Graham Perry, B.A, University of Lancaster University of Lancaster, September, 2014

Abstract James Perry

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This study provides a detailed analysis of the religious landscape of West Cumberland in the mid-late nineteenth century, and puts forward an argument for why and how it experienced significant change. Each chapter seeks to explore the various factors that affect and change religious demographics. This work will assist both historians and genealogists as they seek to understand the evolution of religious thought, behaviour, and demographics in this area, during this period. Using previously unused archived material, this study manages to explain how and why change occurred in places of worship during the mid-late Victorian period, and the subsequent correlation between religious demographics and socio-economic trends.

Key terms: evangelicalism, nonconformity, society, economy, industrialisation, census, irreligion, and migration.

Words: 24,894

CONTENTS 2

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Map 1: Highlighted West Cumberland townships analysed in this study ……………………5

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Map 1: Highlighted West Cumberland townships analysed in this study (taken from Roger J. P. Kain, and Richard R. Oliver, Historic Parishes of England and Wales – Electronic Map (Colchester, 2001)

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CHAPTER 1

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THE RELIGIOUS LANDSCAPE OF ENGLAND 1850-1900 5

A. The Diversity of Religious Thought in the Later Nineteenth Century During the nineteenth century both the Established Church and most Nonconformist denominations underwent ideological and ecclesiastical transformations. Evangelical revivalism, meaning the renewed emphasis on spreading the message of Jesus Christ and the powers by which a person could be saved, influenced each denomination. The Church of England experienced both a surge in Evangelicalism and Orthodoxy during the Victorian period, which operated in stark contrast to one another. 1 Religious Orthodoxy is the traditional and conventional approach to beliefs and practices, operating in opposition to Evangelicalism. Those who had an Orthodox approach feared the surge in Evangelical thought as threatening to the position of the church and its doctrines. 2

1. What this chapter will do This chapter is an attempt to understand the national religious landscape of England in the mid-late Victorian period. It is anticipated that by examining existing literature concerning the subject of Victorian religion, whilst seeking to answer a number of pertinent questions, that it will be possible to understand the religious landscape of the nation. The questions that will be asked in this chapter are; what religious movements existed within the Church of England? How did evangelicalism feature and influence both the Established Church and Nonconformists? And finally, where were the ‘heartlands’ of each religious denomination? By answering these questions, it is possible to gain a formative understanding of what was going on during this period. By exploring the spatial distribution of religious denominations, and by investigating prominent movements within them, this study intends to present a picture of religious attitudes and behaviour that will help us understand patterns at a localised level. Consequently, by using secondary materials, this 1 Desmond Bowen, The Idea of the Victorian Church (London, 1968), p. 45.

2 David W. Bebbington, Evangelicalism in Modern Britain (London, 1989), p. 58.

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study will be building upon a plethora of well-developed arguments and data, all of which will aid the discussion on religious landscapes. This chapter will subsequently conclude by detailing the methodology that this study will use.

2. Church of England Parties It is difficult to address the topic of religion in the nineteenth century without first discussing the socio-political constitution of the Established Church, also known as the Church of England. It is generally accepted that in the nineteenth century, within the Church of England, there were three sections, or parties. Each had a different position on how they understood the Church of England’s claim to divine authority, and although they are referred to as a party, they do not comprise an official party; rather it is the broad collection of ideas, opinions, and beliefs about the way in which the Church should operate. 3 The ‘High’ church comprises Church of England clergy and members who believe that services should be sacerdotal, more traditional, and include Catholic elements of worship. 4 The ‘Broad’ church chiefly represents latitudinarians, who are those connected with the Church of England that had tolerance for both parties, and had a more liberal approach to interpreting and understanding how faith should be practiced. In essence the Broad church party served as a mixture of high and low church practices, whilst allowing reason to inform their beliefs and interpretations.5 Finally, the ‘Low’ church incorporates the evangelical elements of the church, and who opposed Catholicism in its practices and its ritualistic emphasis. Therefore, the Low Church denotes a simpler, more Protestant approach to its worship. 6 The resulting 3 Hughes Oliphant Old, The Reading and Preaching of the Scriptures in the Worship of the Christian Church: Vol. 6 The Modern Age (Cambridge, 2007), pp. 347-349.

4 Dennis Brathcer, 2013, Christian Resource Institute, ‘Low Church and High Church’, available at: http://www.crivoice.org/lowhighchurch.html, accessed: 16 July 2014.

5 See W. J. Conybeare, ‘Church Parties, October, 1853’ in W. J. Conybeare, Essays: Ecclesiastical and Social (London, 1855), pp. 57-164, for a more in depth analysis and introduction to the three parties.

6 Dennis Brathcer, 2013, Christian Resource Institute, ‘Low Church and High Church’, available at: http://www.crivoice.org/lowhighchurch.html, accessed: 16 July 2014.

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partitioning of the church saw numerous personalities emerge as champions for each party.

Each movement saw itself as ‘rallying to the defence of the Church’ with particular regards to the maintenance of doctrinal purity and resistance to further State aggression. 7

3. The Oxford Movement The Oxford Movement was a nineteenth century group led by a coterie of High Churchmen who were from the University of Oxford. They sought to reform the Established Church, which they viewed as the divine institution, and as a ‘branch of the wider Catholic Church’; they also sought to reinstate certain Catholic traditions. 8 The movement was referred to as Tractarianism and was later referred to as being Anglo-Catholic due to its shared heritage with Catholicism and its close association with ritualism and ceremony. 9 Consequently, the Oxford Movement is viewed and treated as a High Church of England movement, in opposition to what the Broad and Low Church stood for. 10 Denis Paz claims, using religious micro studies investigating Anti-Tractarianism, that Anglo-Catholicism spread rapidly amongst parishes during the 1840s and 1850s. 11 Both Nonconformists and Evangelical Churchmen viewed the Romanist revival within the Church of England with suspicion. Many claimed that its proponents were not only ‘theoretical heretics…but conspirators’; with others fearing that they were ‘intent on subverting the Protestant character of the Church, working by stealth to take over vital institutions’. 12 John Newman, who was the leading figure of the Oxford Movement in the pre-1850 period, retired in 1845 7 L.E. Elliott-Binns, Religion in the Victorian Era (London, 1946), p. 97.

8 Peter Nockles, ‘The Oxford Movement and the Legacy of Anglican Evangelicalism’, in Joris van Eijnatten, and Paula Yates, eds., The Dynamics of Religious Reform in Northern Europe, 1780-1920 (Leuven, Belgium, 2010), p. 53, and Paul T. Phillips, The Controversialist: an intellectual life of Goldwin Smith (Westport, 2002), p. 7.

9 Bowen, Victorian Church, p. 111.

10 David L. Edwards, Leaders of the Church of England 1828-1944 (London, 1971), p. 6.

11 Denis G. Paz, Popular Anti-Catholicism in Mid-Victorian England (Stanford, 1992), p. 135.

12 Paz, Popular Anti-Catholicism in Mid-Victorian England, p. 132.

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as a result of him having being received into the Roman Catholic Church on 9 October 1845, an event that Owen Chadwick identifies as disastrous for the movement. 13 Following the retirement of Newman, John Keble and Edward Pusey stepped forward as leaders of the Oxford Movement. Despite their efforts, they could not match Newman for his ‘bold and original mind’, or for his ‘force of mind nor…breadth of vision’. 14 Not long after, the Oxford Movement collapsed with many of its prominent members subsequently joining the Roman Catholic Church.15 Contemporaries, including Ignaz von Döllinger, a prominent German theologian, heavily criticized the movement. He had condemned it for failing to ‘revitalise the theological and ecclesiastical principles of Charles I and Charles II’, and for resulting in ‘the most important representatives of the movement [becoming] Roman Catholics.’ 16 While evaluating the impact of forces upon the Established Church, the Oxford Movement stands out as having had a long-term impression. C. Brad Faught states that William Gladstone, a longstanding member of parliament and Prime Minister, viewed the Oxford Movement as ‘a way to combat religious apathy’ and to ‘stimulate a new appreciation of the long history of the Church of England and its foundation in Catholic Christianity.’17 Based on existing works, it could be argued that the Oxford Movement was a dogmatically charged party that focused upon prayer and ritual, rather than theology and beliefs.18 Owen Chadwick, while exploring the Oxford Movement, states that it would not have existed in the form it did without ‘the impetus of ecclesiastical and secular politics’. 19 13 Owen Chadwick, The Victorian Church Part 1 (London, 1966), p. 197.

14 Chadwick, The Victorian Church, p. 198.

15 David Newsome, The Convert Cardinals (London, 1993), p. 162.

16 Angela Berlis, ‘Ignaz von Döllinger and the Anglicans’, in Stewart J. Brown, and Peter B. Nockles, eds., The Oxford Movement: Europe and the Wider World 1830-1930, pp. 236-248.

17 C. Brad Faught, Oxford Movement: A Thematic History of the Tractarians and Their Times (University Park, PA, 2003), p. 25.

18 Owen Chadwick, The Mind of the Oxford Movement (London, 1960), p. 11.

19 Ibid, p. 12.

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The Oxford Movement was a highly vocal element within the church and within society.

Consequently, many of the values of the movement can be seen manifest within the Victorian period, which is why today we view the Victorians as being highly religious and moralistic. It can be argued that the fear of the Oxford Movement drove people away from the Church of England, and consequently led them to aligning themselves to Nonconformity.

2. Evangelicalism in the Church of England In contrast to the Oxford Movement’s call for a return to traditional Anglo-Catholic practices, evangelicalism sought to encourage and motivate the Church to reach out to the unchurched masses. David Bebbington identified four key qualities that are associated with evangelicalism; ‘conversionism¸ the belief that lives need to be changed; activisim, the expression of the gospel in effort; Biblicism, a particular regard for the Bible; and… crucicentrism, a stress on the sacrifice of Christ on the cross’. 20 These four qualities remained a part of the church throughout the nineteenth century, and arguably remain as key elements even in the church today. According to Colin Buchannan, evangelicalism was ‘squeezed in the second half of the 19 th century by the growing forces of Anglo-Catholicism and liberalism’.21 Despite this, the movement had a profound impact both on the church and with its relationship with other denominations.

Some evangelical members of the clergy sought to use outside societies and activities to encourage greater church attendance and to build connections with the unchurched. One such example as related by Alan Mitchell in his socio-economic investigation Leisure and Recreation in a Victorian Mining Community, was how football was used and encouraged by churchgoers, presumably as a means to build relationships with

20 Bebbington, Evangelicalism in Modern Britain, p. 2.

21 Colin Buchannan, The A to Z of Anglicanism (Plymouth, 2006), p. 176.

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those who did not already attend church, a form of covert evangelism. 22 The rise of evangelicalism strongly influenced the development of what David Bebbington describes as ‘Victorian values’.23 Such values have been described as ‘Sabbatarian’ as a result of their emphasis on the strict observance of Sabbath values. 24 Additionally, there was a strong sense of morality that emerged in conjunction with evangelicalism; ‘responsibility, discipline in the home, and respect’ were all values that were introduced as a result of an increased importance for the Bible as moral and spiritual authority. 25 Owen Chadwick, a prominent historian on the subject of Victorian religion, explored the impact of evangelicalism on the Church of England. In his book, The Victorian Church Chadwick also explores in great detail, the strength of both the Established church and Nonconformist denominations, providing valuable insights into the theological and political elements of the Established church. 26 The categorical and methodical approach used by Chadwick in approaching the subject is sensible and balanced, providing a valuable picture of what was occurring and how the church was structured. The discussion concerning the movements within the church is of particular value as it addresses the relationship between the Oxford Movement and the emergent Evangelical party. 27 Throughout his work, Chadwick made use of original material, such as clerical directories and group membership records for certain Evangelical organisations, including church missionary societies, and Bible societies.

As a result, he was able to counter an existing hypothesis surrounding the degree of evangelicalism within the Church of England clergy. It had been asserted that a third of the 22 Alan Metcalfe, Leisure and Recreation in a Victorian Mining Community (Abingdon, 2006), p.

151.

23 Bebbington, Evangelicalism in Modern Britain, p. 105.

24 Ibid, p. 105.

25 Ibid, pp. 105-106.

26 Chadwick, The Victorian Church, p. 448.

27 Ibid, p. 446.

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clergy were Evangelicals, whereas he was able to counter that and revise the figure to 3,000 members of clergy, whilst the remaining 10,000 were regarded by a critic as being nonEvangelical.28 However, despite the claims that evangelicalism was not able to establish and maintain a strong presence in the Established Church, it is possible through the work of historians such as Chadwick and Bebbington, to see that evangelicalism had an important formative effect upon Anglican, and Victorian identity. 29

3. Evangelicalism amongst Nonconformists Whilst it faced challenges, Mark Smith has described evangelicalism as having had ‘significant representation among the most active clergy and laity’. 30 He goes further to claim that at least ‘two-thirds of churchgoers in mid-nineteenth century England attended evangelical churches’.31 Despite the significant headway evangelicalism made in the midnineteenth century, there was a serious reversal of fortunes by the end of the nineteenth century. Herbert Schlossberg makes reference to an article, entitled ‘The Waning of Evangelicalism’ which was published in 1898. 32 The article concluded that ‘in all the religious bodies of England evangelicalism was falling behind the population increase’. 33 For many denominations, it appears that the enthusiasm for evangelicalism was short lived; yet its

28 Ibid, p. 445.

29 Steven S. Maughan, Mighty England do good: culture, faith, empire, and world in the foreign missions of the Church of England, 1850-1915 (Cambridge, 2014), pp. 85-86.

30 Mark A. Smith, ‘Religion’, in Chris Williams, eds., A Companion to 19th Century Britain (Oxford, 2008), p. 341.

31 Ibid, pp. 341-342.

32 Richard Heath, ‘The Waning of Evangelicalism’, Contemporary Review, Vol. 73 (1898), p. 653.

33 Herbert Schlossberg, Conflict and Crisis in the Religious Life of Late Victorian England (New Brunswick, 2009), p. 127.

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impact was arguably far reaching.34 Numerous articles and books have been published seeking to play down the influence, effectiveness, and size of evangelicalism. 35 Hugh McLeod makes reference to evangelicalism and the ways in which Nonconformists practiced it in his book Religion and Society in England, 1850-1914. During the Victorian period, the ways in which evangelism was practiced began to change.

Preaching from street corners, and door-to-door contacting becoming more popular, rather than the older style of ‘itinerant preacher going from village to village’. 36 In the period of 1851-1902 that this study covers, the image and habits of missionaries, evangelists, and preachers changed during this period, as did the types of people who became preachers.

During the 1860s there was a religious revival, which led to a number of lower-middle and middle class female evangelists.37 According to Lydia Murdoch, Anglicans had far greater resistance to the concept of female evangelists than Nonconformists. 38 Despite this, there were contrasting opinions and beliefs amongst Nonconformists regarding the role of women in the church.39 The Society of Friends, Bible Christians, Primitive Methodists, and the Salvation Army all allowed female preachers to engage in evangelical ministry work. 40 However, in most cases female preachers were paid less, and by 1869 even Bible Christians stopped having them after the last female preachers retired. 41 Meanwhile, earlier in the century, Wesleyan Methodists had banned female ministers in 1803, sending a strong 34 Martin Wellings, ‘Methodist Fundamentalism Before and After the First World War’, in David W. Bebbington, and David Ceri Jones, eds., Evangelicalism and Fundamentalism in the United Kingdom during the Twentieth Century (Oxford, 2013), pp. 79-80.

35 Herbert Schlossberg, The Silent Revolution and the Making of Victorian England (Columbus, 2000), p. 78.

36 Hugh McLeod, Religion and Society in England, 1850-1914 (London, 1996), p. 140.

37 Lydia Murdoch, Daily Life of Victorian Women (Santa Barbara, 2014), p. 62.

38 Ibid, p. 62.

39 Ibid, pp. 61-62.

40 Ibid, p. 63.

41 Ibid, p. 62.

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patriarchal message to its member and society. 42 It was usually the ‘predominately workingclass’ denominations that did not require a professional and educated clergy that made use of female preachers.43 It could be argued that the use of female preachers came as a result of a shortage of available men.

In conjunction with an increase in female preachers, there were also a number of theological colleges that were established to train evangelists and preachers. 44 Colleges such as The Pastors College (Baptist), Cuddesdon College (Church of England), and Richmond College (Wesleyan Methodist), were established to train and provide clergy to minister in churches, and to serve as skilled preachers to local communities. 45 In addition to an increased number of educated preachers, there was also a rise in the number of lay preachers, some working in full time ministry, others part time. 46 These developments, it could be claimed, led to significant changes in the evangelical nature and behaviour of certain elements of Nonconformity.

When comparing the Established Church with Nonconformity, it is important to differentiate that there were often vast differences in religious thought, even within denominations. In many cases different parties within the Established Church had more in common with Nonconformists than with other movements within the Established church.

Figure 1 illustrates that when comparing ritualism and evangelicalism, the various Methodist connexions and the Low Church party were more in alignment than the Roman Catholics or 42 John H. Lenton, ‘Support Groups for Methodist Women Preachers 1803-1851’, in Geordan Hammond, and Peter S. Forsaith, eds., Religion, Gender, and Industry: Exploring Church and Methodism in a Local Setting (Eugene, 2011), p. 139.

43 Murdoch, Daily Life of Victorian Women, p. 61.

44 Dale A. Johnson, The Changing Shape of English Nonconformity 1825-1925 (Oxford, 1999), pp.

17-27.

45 Kenneth D. Brown, A Social History of the Nonconformist Ministry in England and Wales, 18001930 (Oxford, 1988), pp. 82-83.

46 Louis Billington, ‘Revivalism and popular religion’, in Eric M. Sigsworth, ed., In Search of Victorian Values: Aspects of Nineteenth Century Thought and Society (Manchester, 1988), p. 148.

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the High Church party. This disparity makes it difficult to reach conclusions regarding religious denominations, particularly as there are often a broad range of opinions, beliefs, and practices held by its members. Consequently, whilst the term Nonconformity is regularly used, it must be remembered that it covers a vast array of subset beliefs and values, with each requiring individual ascertainment. The simplest definition of a Nonconformist is someone who advocates the disestablishment of the Church of England as the state church, and is theologically and politically opposed to the idea of the government having control over the religious affairs of the nation.

Nonconformists Church of England

Ritual Evangelical Roman Catholic Methodists

Oxford Movement/High Church Low Church

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Figure : Illustration highlighting aspects of the relationship between Nonconformity and the Established Church

In addition to the rise in the number of evangelists, and the change in evangelical approach, there was also a rise in the use of religious tracts. Their use had emerged in earnest in the 1830s and 1840s, in part because of the Oxford Movement which had made extensive use of them to publish a number of religious essays, including the Tracts for our Times series, a move which earned them the nickname Tractarians. 47 The ease with which religious tracts could be distributed saw them become increasingly popular, particularly with the reduction of paper taxes in 1836 and their subsequent abolition 1861, thereby making it cheaper for religious societies and individuals to produce and distribute. 48 It was during the nineteenth century that the organization of evangelical activities really began to take shape, with an increase in the number of interdenominational and nondenominational partnerships emerging. Earlier in the century there had been an explosion in the number of Domestic Visitation Societies and ‘Missions’ which attempted to take the gospel back to the people who had fallen away from religion. For many evangelicals this included helping them return to church attendance, and also to live moral lives. 49 There 47 Faught, Oxford Movement: A Thematic History of the Tractarians and Their Times, p. 22.

48 Leah Price, How to do things with books in Victorian Britain (Woodstock, 2012), p. 141.

49 H. D. Rack, ‘Domestic Visitation: a Chapter in Early Nineteenth Century Evangelism’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, Volume 24, Number 4 (1973), pp. 357-358.

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were numerous societies formed during the mid-late Victorian period which sought to evangelise the un-churched. Such evangelical societies included the Protestant Truth Society,50 Church Association,51 the Church Army,52 and the Christian Instruction Society. 53 In addition to specific societies and organisations, the concept of evangelicalism permeated nearly every Christian denomination in some form or another. 54 Even more traditional and withdrawn forms of religious Nonconformity, such as the Society of Friends, experienced interior movements calling for a more evangelical outlook within the community. 55 For many organisations the evangelical perspective came as a result of declining church attendances, fewer congregations being formed, fewer born members remaining in the faith, the fear of increasing secularisation, and importantly the theological belief in evangelising the unconverted. This period of history is part of what David Bebbington describes as ‘The Evangelical Century’, comprising the hundred years from 1814-1914. This ‘Evangelical Century’ was a formative period for Victorian society, one where a crossover between conservative religiously related attitudes, such as respectability and morality, began to bleed into mainstream popular opinions and values. 56

B. Distribution Patterns of Religious Denominations

50 Protestant Truth Society, ‘History’, available at: http://protestanttruth.com/history/, accessed: 21st July 2014.

51 Church Society, ‘Church Association’, available at: http://www.churchsociety.org/aboutus/history/ChurchAssociation.asp, accessed: 21st July 2014.

52 Kenneth Hylson-Smith, Evangelicals in the Church of England: 1734-1984 (Worcester, 1988), pp.

180-181.

53 M. J. D. Roberts, Making English Morals: Voluntary Association and Moral Reform in England, 1787-1886 (Cambridge, 2004), p. 138.

54 Mark Hutchinson, and John Wolffe, A Short History of Global Evangelicalism (Cambridge, 2012), p. 70.

55 Bebbington, Evangelicalism in Modern Britain, p. 156-157.

56 Gordon Marsden, Victorian Values: Personalities and Perspectives in Nineteenth-century Society (London, 1998), p. 12.

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When considering the existing historiography, it is possible to gain a balanced perspective of each of the national major movements and ideologies that affected the Established Church and Nonconformists. David Bebbington is a prolific historian who has dealt extensively with nineteenth century evangelicalism, Nonconformity, and religious revivals. Another critical historian for this period is Herbert Schlossberg, who explored religious conflict, Victorian identity, and disestablishment. When dealing with the Church of England in the Victorian period, the work of Owen Chadwick is essential, he investigates the Oxford Movement, Anglo-Catholicism, and secularisation in great detail. These three historians, each distinguished in their own right, have contributed greatly to the discussion on Victorian religion, in many cases at both a national and localised level. Such works provide an understanding of what the national religious landscape looked like during the period of this study.

1. The Socio-economic ‘Landscape’ of Religion Through the efforts of these historians, and the work of others, we are able to gain a perspective of where each religious denomination could be expected to be strongly present.

In 1851, at the time of the national Religious Accommodation Census, there were certain areas of the country that had particular denominations as the dominant form of religion.

Writing in 1937, Reginald Underwood offered his perspective of the religious landscape in 1851, he argues that religious dissent struggled in both affluent and poor areas. 57 Underwood reasons that in affluent areas Nonconformists did not want to be limited socially or economically by associating with a form of religious dissent. On the other hand, he contests that the poor had little interest in Nonconformity as a result of Nonconformists having to bear the cost and burden of the chapel maintenance themselves, as well as

57 Reginald Underwood, Hidden Lights (London, 1937), pp. 7-8.

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funding ministers. For a socio-economic class already struggling financially, it was unlikely many would be willing to part with more of their money. 58

2. The Geography of Religion Historians K. D. M. Snell and Paul S. Ell are arguably the most significant contributors to the discussion of mid-nineteenth century religious geography. Through analysing the 1851 Census of Religious Worship and other denominational statistical reports, they present an image of where each denomination could identify as their strongholds. 59 This section will explore the existing understanding concerning the religious landscape of eight of the major Christian religious denominations; the Church of England, Wesleyan Methodism, Primitive Methodism, Independents, Presbyterianism, Roman Catholicism, Society of Friends, and Baptists.

Arguably the most important religious denomination in the nineteenth century was the Church of England, which was the state church for England. The church was present in every registration district although its heartlands were primarily in the south of England, with the Midlands and east Yorkshire also having considerable strength (see map 1.1 60).61 The Established church was relatively weak in the north and west of England, despite its proliferation of churches throughout the country. 62 For the remainder of the century, the church attempted to extend its reach further into the north, although it struggled to create a demand for new churches and additional services. 63 The Church of England invested major resources in evangelisation in the nineteenth century, and consequently increased 58 Ibid, p. 7.

59 J. F. C. Harrison, Late Victorian Britain, 1875-1901 (New York, 1991), p. 18.

60 All maps of religious denomination attendances across England are taken from K. D. M. Snell, and Paul S. Ell, Rival Jerusalems: The Geography of Victorian Religion (Cambridge, 2000).

61 Snell and Ell, Rival Jerusalems, Ibid, p. 71.

62 Ibid, p. 58.

63 Ibid, p. 67.

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attendance figures. Using Easter communicants’ statistics it is possible to see how they succeeded.64 Figures show that there were 875,000 attendants in 1851, and in 1901 there were 1,945,000 attendants.65 These statistics again confirm how the church succeeded in evangelisation during this period. However, it could be argued that the church succeeded in establishing a core nucleus rather than radically increasing the amount of people affiliated with the church. Furthermore, it could also be argued that Easter communicant statistics increased as a result of people changing their habits regarding church attendance. Rather than attending every week, they may have switched their lifestyle to attending a place of worship on special occasions, including Christmas, Easter, and other ceremonies. In addition, historians and sociologists have claimed that from 1851 to 1870 there was a renewed evangelical emphasis when the clergy became more involved, churches were built, services were made more frequent, and new parishes were being organised. After 1870 there was another period of decline with the end of the century seeing dramatic changes to society, something that John Gay explores in depth. 66 The Wesleyan Methodists were reported as having their strongest turnouts in a region that covered northeast England down to north Leicestershire and south Lincolnshire, whilst stretching across to eastern Cheshire (see map 1.2). 67 On the other hand, Wesleyan Methodism struggled in highly populated areas and in areas that were rapidly industrialising.68 In 1851 there were 285,000 Wesleyan Methodists, and over the course of the next fifty years, they experienced continual growth, reaching 412,194 members in

64 Andrew Saint, ‘Anglican church-building in London, 1790-1890: from state subsidy to the free market’, in Chris Brooks and Andrew Saint, eds., The Victorian Church (Manchester, 1995), p. 47.

65 Alan D. Gilbert, Religion and Society in Industrial England: Church, Chapel and Social Change, 1740-1914 (London, 1976), p. 28.

66 J. D. Gay, The Geography of Religion in England (London, 1971), p. 78.

67Snell and Ell, Rival Jerusalems, p. 124.

68 Ibid, p. 126.

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1901.69 In addition to the growth the Wesleyans experienced, they also lost a portion of their followers to a schism in 1857 when the United Methodist Free Churches broke away, which consequently reported 52,970 members in 1861. 70 Despite the schism, Wesleyans continued to grow at a steady pace and had considerable correlated growth in areas where the Established church was lacking, which is one reason why it did so well in the north of England.71

Map 1.2 Wesleyan Methodist Index of attendances (1851)

69 Gilbert, Religion and Society in Industrial England, p. 31.

70 Robert Pope, ‘ABC of Nonconformity’ in Robert Pope, ed., T&T Clark Companion to Nonconformity (London, 2013), p. 632.

71 Gay, The Geography of Religion in England, p. 145.

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Map 1.1 Church of England Index of Attendances (1851)

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The Primitive Methodists were the second largest Methodist denomination in the country following a schism in 1810. Their strength lay primarily in the east of England, particularly in the northeast and midlands, as well as along the Welsh border, with a strong concentration also in the county of Wiltshire (see map 1.3). 72 They had a similar pattern as the Wesleyan Methodists did, avoiding areas where the Church of England was in strength, which seems to have earned them a considerable number of converts in the regions they were present.73 In 1851 there were 106,074 Primitive Methodists and over the next fifty years they continued to grow and steadily increased their numbers, reaching 187,260 members in 1901.74 An older form of historical religious dissent present in England in 1851 was the Independents’ (later known as the Congregationalists), which were predominately independent, self-governing, and self-supporting congregations. 75 The Independents highest levels of attendance were concentrated in the south and east of England, Essex, Suffolk, and large parts of the midlands (see map 1.4). Most of the locations were rural in nature and urban centres typically had a lower demand for Independent services. Subsequently, the north, and especially the north east of England were locations of weakness for Independents, which are areas where Methodism did particularly well. 76 By the end of the nineteenth century the Independents had continued to increase their attendance numbers, in 1851 there were 165,000 Independent members, which grew to 257,435 in 1900. 77 72 Snell and Ell, Rival Jerusalems, p. 138.

73 Ibid, p. 141.

74 Carl W. Cheatham, ‘Primitive Methodist Church’, in Sally Mitchell, ed., Victorian Britain: An Encyclopedia (New York, 1988), p. 636, and Gilbert, Religion and Society in Industrial England: Church, Chapel, and Social Change, 1740-1914, p. 31.

75 Snell and Ell, Rival Jerusalems, p. 99.

76 Ibid, p. 101.

77 Edward Royle, Modern Britain: A Social History 1750-2010 (London, Third Edition, 2012), p. 371, and Gilbert, Religion and Society in Industrial England, p. 37.

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Map 1.3 Primitive Methodist Index of Attendances (1851)

Map 1.4 Independent Index of Attendances (1851)

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In 1851 the vast majority of Presbyterian congregations in England were associated with Scottish and Northern Irish immigrants. 78 Presbyterianism in England was broken down into three denominations, which were the Church of Scotland, the United Presbyterian Church, and the Presbyterian Church in England. Each denomination tended to coexist with all three having their strongest numerical showing being in Northumberland, and some of the larger urban areas with high levels of Scottish and Northern Irish immigrants, nearly exclusively located in the north of England (see map 1.5). 79 The Presbyterian denomination continued to grow over the century, with a synod for United Presbyterians being formed in 1867.80 Statistics show that there were about 15,000 members between the two major Presbyterian organisations in 1851. When the Presbyterian Church of Scotland and the Presbyterian Church in England eventually unified in 1876, there was a total membership of around 46,000.81 Roman Catholicism was a sizeable force in 1851 with congregations around the country, albeit high levels of attendance around industrial and rapidly industrialising areas. 82 The northwest stretching down to the midlands, and the north east of England were areas of particular Catholic strength, while the south and the east of England had relatively low levels of attendance (see map 1.6). 83 According to Edward Royle, there were 587 churches in England in 1850, and by 1900 there were 1,529 churches, an increase of 942 places of worship.84 Attendance figures for mass in 1851 showed there were 482,000 attendants, and 78 Snell and Ell, Rival Jerusalems, p. 95.

79 Snell and Ell, Rival Jerusalems, p. 97.

80 Charles D. Cashdollar, Spiritual Home: Life in British and American Reformed Congregations, 1830-1915 (University Park, PA, 2000), p. 5.

81 Paz, Popular Anti-Catholicism in Mid-Victorian England, p. 181, and Gilbert, Religion and Society in Industrial England: Church, Chapel, and Social Change, 1740-1914, pp. 41-42.

82 Snell and Ell, Rival Jerusalems, p. 179.

83 Ibid, p. 177.

84 Royle, Modern Britain: A Social 1750-2010, p. 377.

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by 1911 there were 915,000 mass attendants. 85 This growth was found to have come primarily from immigration as opposed to evangelicalism; Cardinal Manning claimed that around 80 per cent of the Catholic population was from Ireland. 86

85 Gilbert, Religion and Society in Industrial England, p. 46.

86 Royle, Modern Britain: A Social 1750-2010, p. 376.

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Map 1.5 Presbyterian Index of attendances (1851)

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Map 1.6 Roman Catholicism Index of attendances (1851)

As one of the oldest forms of dissent, the Society of Friends had meetinghouses in around a third of the 624 districts around the country. 87 However, overall attendance in 1851 was considerably low, with a large number of meetinghouses significantly empty.

Cumberland was the only real area where there was a significant number of Quakers, although there were other areas in the north of England where they had a strong showing (see map 1.7).88 Historians have made the point that the majority of Quakers were ‘from the rural and urban petite bourgeoisie’. 89 By the end of the nineteenth century, the Society of Friends were beginning to experience growth again, as a result of the expansion of the Quaker Sunday School movement, and also the change in marriage policies whereby Quakers were no longer expelled for marrying a non-Quaker. 90 Consequently, by 1900 there was a recovery with Quaker numbers having increased from the mid-1860s onwards, although they were never to rival that of other dissenter denominations. 91 Figures according to Alan Gilbert report that in 1847 there were 15,345 Quakers, and that by 1901 there were 17,476 members, showing a marginal increase over a fifty-year period. 92 Finally, the last of the major Christian denominations to be discussed here are the Baptists. Whilst the Baptists comprised two major strands, the Particular Baptists and the General Baptist New Connexion, this study is viewing them as a combined force; indeed they

87 Snell and Ell, Rival Jerusalems, p. 108.

88 Ibid, p. 111.

89 Ibid, p. 113.

90 Elizabeth Isichei, Victorian Quakers (Oxford, 1970), p. 115.

91 Isichei, Victorian Quakers, p. 111.

92 Gilbert, Religion and Society in Industrial England, p. 40.

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were united in 1891 as the Baptist Union of Great Britain and Ireland. 93 In 1851 the Baptists were the ‘second most common old dissenting denomination after the Independents’, having been present in most parts of England. 94 Baptist heartlands comprised a wide transect across the midlands, with a strong following in the south east, with a few areas of strength in east Lancashire and west Yorkshire (see map 1.8). 95 In 1851 there were 140,277 Baptists, and in 1900 there were 239,114, which indicates that the Baptists continued to experience overall growth for the remainder of the mid-late Victorian period. 96

93 Ibid, p. 37.

94 Snell and Ell, Rival Jerusalems, p. 103.

95 Ibid, p. 107.

96 Gilbert, Religion and Society in Industrial England, p. 38.

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Map 1.7 Quaker Index of attendances (1851)

Map 1.8 Baptist Index of attendances (1851)

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Most denominations continued to experience modest attendance growth during the mid-late Victorian period, despite this, it was often not in line with population increases.

When addressing the topic of religious geography, there is a disagreement amongst historians regarding the type of approach that should be used. Snell and Ell, Robert Currie, Alan Gilbert, and Lee Horsley along with John D. Gay are the historians who have paved the way on national religious geography. The benefits of a national approach include a broad perspective of religious affiliation, as well as highlighting any environmental and social correlations that may exist. Despite this, one vocal opponent of the national approach to religious geography is Robin Gill, who has made extensive use of local quantitative data to understand religious adherence and patterns of religious behaviour. He argues that a national approach is unrepresentative. Furthermore, he argues that it is difficult to understand ‘membership’, as the definition varies so much amongst the denominations. 97 Membership generally denotes a formal entry and status within an organisation, whilst attendance is simply the presence of an individual at a meeting. Consequently, this study makes reference to both membership and attendance, and to some extent refers to them as being somewhat similar. It is assumed that the majority of attendants at a place of worship were also members of one description or another. Gill argues further that creating a national picture using a variety of alternative sources results in a flawed image, he makes particular reference to Catholic estimates ‘by local Catholic priests’ as being heavily unreliable.98 This study, however, will use both national and localised religious quantitative data in conjunction with qualitative resources to explore religious landscapes.

C. How This Study Will Be Completed 97 Robin Gill, The ‘Empty’ Church Revisited (Aldershot, 2003), p. 12.

98 Ibid, p. 13.

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The overarching aim of this study is to explore what happened to the religious landscape of West Cumberland in the mid-late nineteenth century. It intends to answer specifically, how and why did the religious landscape of West Cumberland change during the period of 1851-1902? The term religious landscape has and is used a number of times in this study. It refers specifically to the number of religious denominations, places of worship, and religious attitudes that exist in a geographical area. England is, in many ways, marked and covered in religious history, notably with places of worship. Exploring not just the buildings, but the people who met there, as well as the theological beliefs of its proponents, can be described as investigating or exploring a religious landscape.

1. Methodology This thesis is a macro to micro study, using case studies as a method of investigating the ways in which the religious landscape of West Cumberland changed in the mid-late Victorian period. This study will use a narrowing approach to the subject, and is broken down into four key chapters, (see figure 2). Each chapter deals with an increasingly focused geographical area, which should assist in understanding how and why the religious landscape of West Cumberland changed during the mid-late nineteenth century.

National County Region National

Parish Figure 2: Illustration showing the approach of this study.

The subject of religion in Cumberland has a limited number of specific works, each typically relating to specific denominations. The most notable example of this was John Burgess, who has written extensively upon the subject of Methodism in Cumberland and

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explored, in great depth, the growth and development of it throughout Cumberland. 99 Another similar example is Donald M. Macraild, who has produced detailed works upon the topic of Irish migration and the subsequent impact upon religious affiliation. 100 It should also be mentioned that there are a large number of general histories on the subject of religion in Victorian England, focusing on both the Established Church and Nonconformity. Despite the works available, there is a serious absence of combined macro and micro studies for West Cumberland, as a result, this work will assist in bridging that gap.

2. Time period Based upon the available material, this study will use the period 1851-1902 as a chronological time frame to compare and evaluate change in religious denominations. This period is considered to be part of the Victorian period. The ‘Victorian age’ has been defined as stretching from 1837-1901, correlating to the reign of Queen Victoria. This era has subsequently been broken down into three periods, ‘the early-Victorian period’ (1837-1851), ‘the mid-Victorian period’ (1851-1875), and ‘the late-Victorian period’ (1875-1901). Due to the availability of data in 1851 and in 1902, this study is to focus upon and to draw conclusions regarding the mid-late Victorian period.

3. Study Approach Style This study is approaching this topic with a fifty one-year period operating as a longitudinal measurement. Change, membership, secularisation, and denominational movements serve as themes for this study to make use of. As this dissertation is using 1851 and 1902 as the two main specific dates, it will be unable to make references and draw conclusions to events between these dates except for where additional materials are referred to. Previously topics ranging from gender and sexuality, to liberty and freedom, 99 See John Burgess, A History of Cumbrian Methodism (Kendal, 1980) 100 See Donald M. MacRaild, Culture, Conflict and Migration (Liverpool, 1998) and Donald M. MacRaild, Irish Migrants in Modern Britain (London, 1999)

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have been used as a means to interpret the role of religion for society, and individuals. Béla Tomka states that a thematic approach results in the mapping out of history, and the systematization of knowledge.101 He also argues that the combination of ‘data and perspectives’ contributes greatly towards ‘establishing the connections between various phenomena as well as the causes of changes.’102 Each chapter has been given a chronological framework when discussing and analysing the narrative of the religious landscape, as well as for the comparison of its data. The combination of the thematic approach and chronological layout this study is using will enable a dual approach to the project that will yield substantive insights into the religious geography of West Cumberland.

4. Subsequent Chapters The second chapter of this study will look at religious adherence at a county level. As this study is exploring religion in West Cumberland, it is logical to analyse Cumberland itself.

It will seek to understand which denominations were well attended, and which locations they had managed to reach. Chapter two will use the 1851 Census of Religious Worship, which was conducted on 30 March 1851 by the government to assess what religious accommodation exists throughout the country. The census is in fact a unique survey with no comparable census having been taken since. The subjectivity of the census has been questioned even before it had been conducted, becoming a hot contested topic in the House of Lords.103 Further conversation regarding the reliability and accuracy of the census will be discussed in chapter two.

The third chapter will compare the data from the 1851 Census of Religious Accommodation of the West Cumberland region with data from the 1902 Religious Census

101 Béla Tomka, A Social History of Twentieth-Century Europe (New York, 2013), p. 450.

102 Ibid, p. 450.

103 Snell and Ell, Rival Jerusalems, pp. 35-40.

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conducted by the West Cumberland Times on Sunday 14 December 1902. The aim of the comparison is to explore change in religious attendance within a specific region. The region of this study consists of a number of townships along the West Cumberland coast. These townships are; Allonby, Arlecdon & Frizington, Brigham, Broughton Moor, Cleator, Cockermouth, Dearham, Distington, Egremont, Flimby, Great Broughton, Great Clifton, Harrington, Hensingham, Little Broughton, Little Clifton, Maryport, Seaton, Whitehaven, and Workington (see map 1). These townships have statistics for both censuses, which enables them to be compared over a fifty one-year period. By comparing religious attendance figures over this period, it will be possible to see how religious demographics changed within a geographic area.

Finally, chapter four will investigate the socio-economic correlation with religious affiliation at a congregation level. By comparing religious affiliation with occupation, it is possible to gain an understanding of how and in what ways they were connected. Chapter four will use membership records, and attendance rolls for six different Nonconformist congregations, to explore the relationship between the socio-economic status of its members, and their religious affiliation. These congregations are the Egremont United Methodist Free congregation, Workington Independent congregation, Cleator English Presbyterian congregation, Workington Wesleyan Trinity Methodist congregation, Allonby Society of Friends congregation, and Hensingham Wesleyan Methodist congregation. Using birth, marriage, death, and census information, each of the members will be identified and categorised according to a predetermined system that summarises the occupations into loose occupation categories.104 After this analysis a discussion will be held considering the relationship between religious affiliation and the socio-economic trends identified amongst the members of the congregation. Finally, it will draw this study to a conclusion, offer

104 See appendix 1.

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answers to the overarching questions of this study, and provide future angles of investigation.

5. Sources Each chapter of this study will make use of specific sources, some that have been used previously, and others that are new. This first chapter has used existing secondary material, primarily books, journals, and articles to present the standing religious landscape of the nation during this period. In the next chapters quantitative statistical data will be used to answer the questions of this study. Chapters two and three will use religious census data, whilst chapter four will use individual congregation membership rolls. By using these sources, this study will benefit from both qualitative and quantitative elements angles of investigation. Although not free of bias, they are able to present a representative picture of what the religious landscape of West Cumberland was like during this period. The top down approach to the subject will provide a useful context when seeking to understand how and why religious change took place in West Cumberland. Each chapter will serve as a means to answer how and why the religious landscape of Nonconformity in West Cumberland changed during the mid-late Victorian period, and whether it correlated with the religious landscape of England as a whole.

Consequently, this study will seek to understand how the religious geography of West Cumberland changed during the mid-late Victorian period, and the reasons for the growth and decline of different Christian denominations. This study aims to present and conclude how the religious landscape West Cumberland was intrinsically connected to the economic conditions of the people in the said area, whilst explaining how and why the religious landscape of West Cumberland changed between 1851-1902. By identifying the root cause of growth and decline in the mid-late Victorian period, it is possible to

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understand why religion, and religious adherence in West Cumberland is in the position it is today.

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CHAPTER 1

THE 1851 CENSUS OF RELIGIOUS WORSHIP IN CUMBERLAND

A. The Religious Milieu of Cumberland This chapter will investigate and examine the 1851 Census of Religious Worship, with particular relation to the county of Cumberland. As this study is seeking to narrow down its line of inquiry, the study at a county level is the next step. Consequently, this chapter has certain questions to answer that would help provide an understanding of the religious landscape of Cumberland. The structure of this chapter begins by exploring the initiation of the 1851 Census of Religious Worship and its administration, after which it will discuss the challenges of using it as a source. Following this, the chapter will explore Cumberland’s statistics, evaluating and comparing it to the national levels. To further understand Cumberland’s religious landscape, this work will analyse an alternative methodology used to understand the 1851, used to understand the census data, and then investigate the further breakdown of statistics by Registration Districts. This chapter will finish by discussing the role of irreligion in Cumberland and conclude by evaluating the religious landscape.

1. Questions To assist in the investigation of Cumberland’s religious landscape, certain questions will be asked to aid the extrapolation of data from the 1851 Census of Religious Worship.

These questions are; what was the 1851 Census of Religious Worship and how was it conducted? What does the census show? And what was the religious landscape of Cumberland? These three questions should assist in formulating a detailed discussion to take place concerning the religious landscape.

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2. Analysis of the 1851 Census of Religious Worship In 1851 George Graham, the Registrar-General responsible for the 1851 Census of Religious Worship, tasked Horace Mann, a twenty-eight year old barrister, to discover the levels of accommodation and attendance at public places of worship through a census of all the religious institutions. Writing six years after the publishing of his report, he related that he was given two, very specific and narrow objectives, firstly to ‘assess the mount of provision for public worship available throughout the land’, and secondly, to find out ‘the extent to which this available provision was made use of.’ 0 George Graham had wanted to conduct a census of both religious places of worship, and educational institutions. 0 David Thompson claims that there had been interest in extending the census to religion for some time, with a census of religious profession being held in Ireland in 1834. 0 Ultimately through Graham’s efforts and position as Registrar-General, it was agreed that a census relating specifically to finding out accommodation and attendance levels at churches and chapels in England, Scotland, and Wales could be held in conjunction with the 1851 Population census.

3. Horace Mann Horace Mann was an interesting choice to lead the religious census. He himself had been baptized at the Andover Independent Chapel on 4 January 1828 when he was four years old.0 However, historians have debated his religious affiliation, T. C. B. Timmins claims that his religious affiliation was ‘widely misrepresented in print’ and that he was actually an Anglican.0 Mann himself described himself as a ‘very passive and eclectic churchman’, in the wake of accusations that he was ‘an active dissenter’. In 1860 Mann had argued that he was 0 The Times, 22 July 1870, p. 4.

0 Horace Mann, Census of Great Britain, 1851, Religious Worship in England and Wales (London, 1854), p. 1.

0 David M. Thompson, ‘The Religious Census of 1851’, in Richard Lawton, eds., The Census and Social Structure (New York, 2005), pp. 241-242.

0 The National Archives; Kew, England; General Register Office: Registers of Births, Marriages and Deaths surrendered to the Non-parochial Registers Commissions of 1837 and 1857; Class: RG 4; Piece: 710.

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not a dissenter, albeit he had ‘friends and family who are dissenters.’ 0 Despite his ardent attempts, there remained considerable controversy surrounding the census and the subsequent report published in 1854.

4. Layout of Census The report of the 1851 Census of Religious Worship laid out its findings into two sections. The first dealt with the accommodation within places of worship. The second reported the levels of attendance at places of worship. There were in fact three specific census forms were used to gather the data, one form for the Established Church, one for religious Nonconformists, and another for congregations of the Society of Friends. The census came at a time when Victorian society was undergoing significant transformation, with industrial, demographic, economic and urban changes making the period incredibly challenging for the churches to adapt and deal with. In addition, throughout the century there was a steady stream of population migration from rural to urban areas, radically affecting the socio-economic landscape of England. 0 The movement of people from rural to urban centres resulted in the discussion regarding the availability and provision of places of worship. Ultimately, this is the main reason why the 1851 Census of Religious Worship was held, and why it focused upon the accommodation available, rather than the attendance figures.0

5. Challenges with using the 1851 Census of Religious Worship

0 T. C. B. Timmins, Suffolk Returns from the Census of Religious Worship, 1851 (Woodbridge, 1997), xiv.

0 The Times, 22 July 1870, p. 4.

0 Robert Currie, Alan Gilbert, and Lee Horsley, Churches and Churchgoers: Patterns of Religious Growth in the British Isles since 1700 (Oxford, 1977), p. 103.

0 R. W. Ambler, ‘The 1851 Census of Religious Worship’, Local Historian, Vol. 11 (1975), pp. 375-381.

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On the completion of the census, twenty to thirty clerks (of whom two were dissenters), compiled, tabulated, and calculated the gathered statistics. 0 The census and report were consequently published on 3 January 1854. Mann acknowledges that it was possible that the ministers of religion could have exaggerated the number of attendants, or made mistakes, however he argued that they could not have inflated the seating. 0 In turn he argues that by having accommodation cross-referenced by registrars, they would be able to avoid any extreme excesses.0 Mann continues the defence of his work by rebuffing five main objections that were raised by critics. Firstly, ‘the weather was unfavourable’, secondly, ‘dissenters made great efforts to fill their chapels, having special services and popular preachers’, thirdly, ‘children were taken from National schools to go to chapel’, fourth, ‘some who went to chapel in the evening, had been to church in the morning’, and finally, ‘the same persons attended at several chapels, and were thus counted twice over’. 0 The first three criticisms were quickly refuted by Mann as being insignificant or flimsy, although for the last two points he spends time to explain how the double counting is balanced out in the final figures.0 Furthermore, it should be mentioned that Sunday school attendances figures were combined with congregational attendance figures, meaning it is not possible to separate the figures.

Some of the fiercest critics of the census were the Bishop of Oxford and the Bishop of St. David’s. Both had attacked the impartiality of the census, and roundly accused the Nonconformists of loading their chapels full of people, then moving them to another

0 The Times, 22 July 1870, p. 4.

0 Horace Mann, ‘On the Statistical Position of Religious Bodies in England and Wales’, Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol. 18, No. 2 (June, 1855), p. 142.

0 Ibid, p. 143.

0 Ibid, p. 145.

0 For a more complete explanation regarding the treatment of morning, afternoon, and evening figures see Mann, ‘On the Statistical Position of Religious Bodies in England and Wales’, pp. 146-147.

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meeting in the next parish. The validity of such a claim is highly unlikely, primarily because a significant number of Nonconformists had meetings in their chapels in the morning, afternoon, and evening, meaning they would have to have attended church somewhere.

They also claimed that dissenters were making excessive returns, something that is difficult to verify. Despite this, it must be remembered that the Church of England was opposed to the census, as they feared being shown to not have a majority of the churchgoing population attending their services.0 Failure to represent the majority of the population would erode its credibility as the state church.0 Snell and Ell categorise the main criticisms of the census into a number of headings.

Firstly, the census was criticised for its focus upon accommodation rather than religious adherence, with many contemporaries arguing that by surveying accommodation and estimated attendances, it would not accurately represent the strength of the various denominations.0 Evaluating the strength of a denomination is difficult, because it assumes that attendance is strength. However, strength can also measured by the energy with which people live their faith and abide to its tenets. Consequently, it is difficult to assess and compare every aspect of a denominations strength. The census was, following the publishing of the census report, accused of being poorly completed. In reality, there were 34,467 total census returns, of which 390 (which equates to 1.1 per cent) had no information on both sittings and attendances.0 Although figures only indicate a small margin of non-returned information, the census has also been criticised for missing places of worship. Enumerators very easily may have missed many house group meetings and small dissenter places of

0 House of Lords Debates, The Census of 1851 – Religious Worship, 11 July 1854, Vol. 135, p. 29.

0 Neil J. Smelser, Social Paralysis and Social Change (Oxford, 1991), p. 150.

0 Snell and Ell, Rival Jerusalems, p. 35.

0 Snell and Ell report that there were 2,524 returns that contained no information on sittings, with 1,394 without information regarding attendances, see Snell and Ell, Rival Jerusalems, p. 36.

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worship.0 This in turn might account for some of the 5,288,294 people that Mann calculated were not at a divine service on Sunday 30 March 1851.

Finally, one of the major difficulties of using the attendance statistics was a result of the rounded estimation. Each minister of religion had the freedom to decide how to record the attendants; some counted either as people entered, and others when they left. An alternative method was just to make a rough guess during the service. In many cases these statistics would then be rounded up, something that is particularly true for large congregations. It was far more likely that the averages for the last twelve months of the congregation would record far higher attendance levels than the actual day. The true cause for this disparity is uncertain, for as David Thompson has said, ‘It is impossible to discover how many people went to church on 30 March 1851.’ 0 Despite the challenges and difficulties that surround the 1851 Census of Religious Worship, it should not be seen as a waste. Certainly with retrospect, the meticulous nature with which the census was conducted can be extolled. Increasingly in the last forty years, there has been a renewed interest in the census, with historians beginning to make greater use of it. Snell and Ell, have been arguably the two most influential historians in bringing the census out of obscurity and in methodically testing it as a body of data. 0 Horace Mann forever stood by his work and defended it for many years, with it regularly coming up as a subject every ten years as the arrangements for the next census were being debated in parliament. The census has been used for numerous purposes, both then and now, namely; to understand religious attendance figures, accommodation levels in places of worship, the 0 Cynthia Doxey, ‘The Church in Britain and the 1851 Religious Census’, Mormon Historical Studies, Vol. 4, (2003), pp. 107-138. LDS statistics show there were 572 places of worship in Britain in 1851, whereas there were only 222 meeting places recorded in the 1851 census.

0 David M. Thompson, ‘The 1851 Religious Census: Problems and Possibilities’, Victorian Studies, Vol. 11, No. 1, (1967), p. 91.

0 See Snell and Ell, Rival Jerusalems, pp. 23-53, for a detailed analysis and balanced discussion of the census.

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location of places of worship, the time of day services were held, the age of the place of worship, and other various pieces of information. Just as it was used and referred to in the mid-late nineteenth century, we can still learn about our Victorian ancestor’s religious behaviours and in particular the relative strength of the religious denominations.

B. The Results of the 1851 Census of Religious Worship in Cumberland There were seventeen different denominations within Cumberland in 1851 with a total of 389 places of worship. As a collective total, there were seats available for 101,608 people. Interestingly, the Great Britain Census of 1851 reported that there were 195,492 people living in Cumberland, meaning there would not have been room for 93,884 of the population had they all wanted to attend a divine service. In 1851, the population was comprised of 96,244 males and 99,248 females. 0 Cumberland’s population age range saw 45.4 per cent of the population aged under 20, and only 8.4 per cent of the population aged 60 and above. This in turn meant that 46.2 per cent of the population were between the ages of 20 and 60, which is the age range that arguably most working age people would fall into. In England, there were 16,921,888 people in 1851, and the average county population was 423,047.0 Cumberland, however, was almost half the national average with a population of only 195,492. Despite this, with regards to the size of the counties Cumberland covered 1,001,273 acres, whilst the average county size was 814,760.7 acres. Therefore, not only did the county have almost half the average population as other counties, it was also larger than average by almost 200,000 acres. When combining the county’s population and the area

0 Census of Great Britain, 1851, Population tables, I. Number of the inhabitants in 1801, 1811, 1821, 1831, 1841 and 1851. Vol. II, BPP 1852–53 LXXXVI (1632). Available at: http://histpop.org/ohpr/servlet/AssociatedView? path=Browse&active=yes&mno=2019&assoctitle=Census%20Act,%201850&assocpagelabel=, accessed: 1 September 2014, p. 2.

0 Ibid, p. xxv.

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they cover, the national average was 0.5 people per acre, although Cumberland’s was 0.2.

Based on these statistics, the age of Cumberland’s church going population should be relatively young, with many sizeable families, although with the data available, it is only possible to ascertain this at a microscopic level. It also indicates that Cumberland was geographically, and demographically different when compared to most other counties. In turn, after identifying the religious landscape of Cumberland it would be interesting to see if there is a correlation between Cumberland and other English counties in its religious demographics.

When combining the morning, afternoon, and evening attendance figures for Cumberland, there was a total of 72,872 people who were counted as having attended a place of worship on census day. This equates to 37.3 per cent of the population of Cumberland. Despite this, it is impossible to know how many people attended a place of worship more than once on the Sunday. No doubt a minister would include himself in the attendance totals of a service, so immediately he and other lay clergy present could be counted two, or three times.

1. Returns On the 1851 Census of Religious Worship returns ministers gave many reasons why there were diminished congregations at different times of year. William Luck, the rector of a parish church in Egremont claimed that his congregation was much smaller in winter due to the church being too cold.0 Another described the poor condition of his church, explaining that it suffered from severe damp and was consequently in such bad shape that they couldn’t hold regular services.0 A Nonconformist minister remarked that his attendance levels were much lower in summer months as the good weather led to ‘pleasure taking’. 0 0 The National Archive, Kew, HO 129/571, 571/4/2/2 0 The National Archive, Kew, HO 129/571, 571/3/2/6 0 The National Archive, Kew, HO 129/571, 571/3/2/2

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Other ministers complained that their chapels were situated at an inconvenient distance from the local congregation meaning their attendance levels were never very full, as was the case of a church in Keswick.0 One fascinating return indicates another issue that seems to have affected a number of congregations. The chapel warden of Wythop, near Cockermouth, wrote an extensive note in conjunction with the return explaining how the incumbent minister had neglected the congregation and that as a result the attendance figures had dropped dramatically. A large number of returns commented on the weather of the census day, with many claiming the ‘cold and boisterous state of the weather’ had put off many attendees.0 From the returns themselves and the accompanying notes it is possible to gain a better understanding and insight into how the ministers viewed and explained their attendance figures. Interestingly, where returns also included averages for the last twelve months, nearly all of them claimed higher figures than that reported on the day. This can be read in two ways. Either the weather was indeed so severe that a large portion of attendants remained home, or ministers were including all those who attended only occasionally, thereby portraying it as a larger congregation than it might usually be. In many cases there was a disparity between actual attenders and the twelve-month average with a large number of the attendances being 50 per cent smaller than average.

2. Places of Worship In 1851 there were 389 places of worship recorded by the census for Cumberland.

The Church of England operated 161 or 41.4 per cent of the places of worship, the majority of which were churches. Following the Church of England was the Wesleyan Methodists who operated 96, or 24.6 per cent of all Cumberland’s places of worship. These two denominations accounted for 66 per cent of all places of worship in Cumberland in 1851. 0 Interestingly, Nonconformist places of worship accounted for 58.6 per cent of the total for 0 The National Archive, Kew, HO 129/570, 570/1/7/14 0 The National Archive, Kew, HO 129/570, 570/11/10/16

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the county. On comparison, it would seem that Nonconformity was stronger, or more prevalent in Cumberland. However, places of worship alone do not present a clear image of relative denominational strength. Within Cumberland, a large number of dissenter places of worship had just been built prior to the 1851 census. For instance, Wesleyan Methodists in the Workington area had completed a large number of chapels in the district in 1848.

3. Size and use of chapels in Cumberland Whilst investigating the number of chapels in the county, it is also possible to gain an idea of the size of the buildings. Using the data provided regarding ‘sittings’, namely the number of people that can be seated in a place of worship. The Church of Scotland and Particular Baptists had the largest average number of seats in their places of worship, seating 500 and 430 people respectively. The Established Church could fit 348 people on average into a place of worship. Scotch and other non-defined Baptists used the smallest places of worship, seating only 45 and 65 people respectively. Two things to bear in mind when analysing these figures is that some congregations did not return figures for the morning, afternoon, or evening services, and that these figures come only as an average. 0 Table 2.1 presents the data from the morning of 30 March 1851. The table lists the denomination, number of places of worship open, the morning attendance, and seats available in the morning, the number of seats unused or empty, and finally the proportion of 0 The other smaller Nonconformist denominations percentage of the county places of worship are as follows; Church of Scotland, 05%, united Presbyterian Church, 2.6%, Presbyterian Church in England, 1.2%, Independents, 6.2%, Particular Baptists, 1.1%, Scotch Baptists, 1.1%, Baptists (not otherwise stated), 1.1%, Society of Friends, 5.1%, Unitarians, 0.3%, Wesleyan Methodists, 24.6%, Primitive Methodists, 5.9%, Wesleyan Association, 4.3%, Brethren, 0.6%, Isolated Congregations, 1.7%, Roman Catholic, 2.1%, and Latter-day Saints, 1.1%.

0 See Mann, 1851 Census of Religious Worship, p. cc. According to Horace Mann’s report, 12 places of worship in the morning did not return the number of seats available, with 15 afternoon services not reporting sittings, and similarly 17 not reporting in the evening. Mann further reports that 20 congregations did not return the number of attendants present that day. Without any ability to understand why, 34 places of worship did not return the number of sittings, Mann reports ‘five belonging to the Church of England, one to the Independents, one to the Baptists, one to the Unitarians, twelve to the Wesleyan Original Connexion, three to the Primitive Methodists, eight to the Wesleyan Association, one to Isolated Congregations, and two to the Catholics’.

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seats that were occupied. Straightaway it is evident that with a seat occupation rate of 42 per cent the churches of Cumberland were not full, but by contemporary standards, it is significantly higher. By dividing the attendance figures we can find that the average congregation size was 138 people. In total, the morning worship service was the bestattended service of the day.

Table 2.1 1851 Cumberland Morning Attendance and Occupation Figures Denominations

Places of Worship Open

Morning Attendance

Morning Seats Available

Empty Seats

Occupied Seats %

Average Congregation Size

Church of England

139

23,770

53,533

29,763

44.4%

171

Church of Scotland

2

232

1000

768

23.2%

116

United Presbyterian Church

7

1151

2680

1,529

43%

164.4

Presbyterian Church in England

5

612

1980

1,368

31%

122.4

Independents

20

2546

6,309

3,763

40.4%

127.3

Particular Baptists

4

235

1,720

1,485

13.6%

58.7

Scotch Baptists

1

10

45

35

22.2%

10

Baptists (not otherwise stated)

3

89

260

171

34.2%

29.6

Society of Friends

20

419

5,160

4,741

8.1%

21

Unitarians

1

28

Not stated

Not stated

Not stated

28

Wesleyan Methodists

42

3,579

10,514

6,935

34.1%

85.2

Primitive Methodists

7

519

1,155

636

45%

74.1

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49

Wesleyan Association

4

1,159

2,038

879

56.8%

289.7

Brethren

1

50

100

50

50%

50

Isolated Congregations

3

98

320

222

30.6%

32.6

Roman Catholics

7

2,739

1,853

+886

147%

391.3

Latter-day Saints

4

101

401

300

25.1%

25.3

Total

270

37,337

89,068

52,645

42%

138

For most Nonconformist denominations the morning service was their best attended, for example the Society of Friends, Unitarians, and the Roman Catholics. However, all three branches of Methodism represented in the Cumberland returns had their best attendances in the evening. The Primitive Methodists reported 519 attendants in the morning, 1,407 in the afternoon, and 2,225 in the evening. Meanwhile the Established Church had their strongest attendance in the morning, although they still had the highest proportion of attendees in the afternoon with 56.1 per cent of the total attendance being at a Church of England building (see table 2.2). The Roman Catholic figures are slightly warped as a result of the numerous services in the morning, resulting in it appearing as if there were more attendants then seats available.

It should be noted that in the mornings, the Society of Friends (8.1 per cent) and Particular Baptists (13.6 per cent) were particularly underutilised. It is possible that these congregations had suffered from membership losses in the area. The Society of Friends had strict membership criterion within their organisation with members being disfellowshipped for ‘marrying out’, essentially for marrying anyone who was not a member of the society. 0 Meetings had come to be seen as ‘unattractive to the rank and file membership’. 0 As 0 Richard Brown, Church and State in Modern Britain 1700-1850 (London, 1991), pp. 448-449.

0 Alastair Heron, On Being a Quaker (Kelso, 2000), pp. 8-9.

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Quakers became more liberal, they were allowed to have more social and recreational activities, which, as Elizabeth Isichei notes, led to a decreased attendance in local meetings. 0 Baptists were also undergoing their own challenges with regards to membership growth and decline. As a result of being Calvinistic in nature, many Particular Baptists, the prevalent Baptist denomination, believed that it was the duty of the individual to be converted. This led some Particular Baptists to hold the belief that evangelical efforts were not needed, although not all Particular Baptists understood it to mean this. 0 They were referred to as ‘Strict and Particular Baptists’, because they believed that the communion should be restricted only to those who had been baptised as believers. 0 Another key point of doctrine is the belief in ‘particular redemption’; this is the belief that Jesus Christ died for a definite number of people to be saved. It can be argued, that these beliefs had a negative impact upon attendance figures, ultimately resulting in membership attrition, most likely with a negative replacement rate.

By analysing tables 2.2 and 2.3 for the afternoon and evening census returns, there are five denominations that stand out as successful in filling their chapels; the Primitive Methodists (42 per cent), Wesleyan Association (163.9 per cent), the Presbyterian Church of England (58.7 per cent), the Christian Brethren (60 per cent), and the Roman Catholics (44.5 per cent). The Wesleyan Association figures are anomalous as not all of the sittings were reported. These figures at best show an attendance of around half what the accommodation was able to hold.

Table 2.2 1851 Cumberland Afternoon Attendance and Occupation Figures

0 Isichei, Victorian Quakers, pp. 75-76.

0 Michael E. Williams, Sr., ‘Baptist “Anti” Movements and the Turn toward Progressivism: 1820/1832/1845’, in Michael Edward Williams, and Valter B. Shurden, Turning Points in History (Macon, 2008), p. 150.

0 Strict Baptist, ‘History’, available at: http://www.strictbaptisthistory.org.uk/_private/strictbapt.htm, accessed: 26 July 2014.

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Denominations

Places of Worship Open

Afternoon Attendance

Afternoon Seats

Empty Seats

Occupied Seats %

Average Congregation Size

Church of England

72

6,926

24,762

17,836

28%

96.2

Church of Scotland

0

0

0

0

0

0

United Presbyterian Church

5

154

790

636

19.5%

30.8

Presbyterian Church in England

1

0

540

Not stated

Not stated

Not stated

Independents

6

247

735

488

33.6%

41.2

Particular Baptists

1

Not stated

120

Not stated

Not stated

Not stated

Scotch Baptists

1

10

45

35

22.2%

10

Baptists (not otherwise stated)

2

47

200

153

23.5%

23.5

Society of Friends

10

329

3,490

3,161

9.4%

32.9

1

25

Not stated

Not stated

Not stated

25

Wesleyan Methodists

46

2,487

5,321

2,834

46.7%

54.1

Primitive Methodists

19

1,407

3,606

2,199

39%

30.6

Wesleyan Association

8

393

145

+248

271%

49.1

Brethren

0

0

0

0

0

0

Isolated Congregations

0

0

0

0

0

0

Roman Catholics

2

207

1,130

923

18.3%

103.5

Latter-day Saints

3

107

349

242

30.7%

35.6

Total

177

12,339

41,233

28,507

30%

69.7

Unitarians

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Table 2.3 1851 Cumberland Evening Attendance and Occupation Figures Denominations

Places of Worship Open

Evening Attendance

Evening Seats

Empty Seats

Occupied Seats %

Average Congregation Size

Church of England

32

8,468

21,417

12,949

39.5%

264.6

Church of Scotland

2

169

1,000

831

16.9%

84.5

United Presbyterian Church

5

665

1,910

1,245

34.8%

133

Presbyterian Church in England

3

670

1,140

470

58.7%

223.3

Independents

17

2,424

6,074

3,650

40%

142.6

Particular Baptists

3

229

1,600

1,371

14.3%

76.3

Scotch Baptists

0

0

0

0

0

0

Baptists (not otherwise stated)

1

18

Not stated

Not stated

Not stated

18

Society of Friends

1

0

Not stated

Not stated

Not stated

Not stated

Unitarians

0

0

0

0

0

0

Wesleyan Methodists

62

5,131

13,567

8,436

37.8%

82.8

Primitive Methodists

22

2,225

3,961

1,736

56.2%

101.1

Wesleyan Association

10

1,549

2,323

774

66.7%

154.9

Brethren

1

180

300

120

60%

180

Isolated Congregations

6

244

554

310

44.1%

40.6

Roman Catholics

6

1,163

1,648

485

70.6%

193.8

Latter-day Saints

2

61

141

80

43.3%

30.5

Total

173

23,196

55,635

32,439

41.7%

134.1

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The Methodists had originated as a complementary organisation to the Church of England, which did not break away from the Church of England until 1795. Consequently, many Methodists attended both the Church of England and a Methodist chapel. This usually took the form of Church of England in the morning and then chapel in either the afternoon or evening. An interesting anomaly is that there were more Wesleyan Methodist chapels open in the afternoon than in the morning, whilst the Church of England had half the churches open in the afternoon than they did in the morning. Despite the reversal in proportions, Wesleyan meetings proved to be better occupied than that of the Church of England. It is possible to suppose from this that there was a group of people who would attend the Established church in the morning and then the Wesleyans in the afternoon; otherwise we might expect both morning and afternoon attendances to be in line with one another.

Through these three tables (2.1, 2.2, and 2.3), it is possible to identify patterns and trends in attendance. Robin Gill has previously explored this topic in his book The ‘Empty’ Church Revisited, where he looked at Cumbrian churches in 1821, 1851, and 1902. He found a pattern of declining attendance rates in most denominations with churches becoming emptier throughout the century.0 From Gill’s work, and the 1851 census, it is clear that attendances at places of worship in Cumberland in 1851 were at 37.9 per cent. Factoring in 0 Gill, The ‘Empty’ Church Revisited, p. 220.

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poor weather and other negative factors, it would still see most places of worship with only half of their seats being used. By comparing both attendance and sittings reported in the 1851 census, a picture emerges indicating that the Church of England was a considerable denominational force, enjoying large congregation attendances, with a significant amount of seats available for population growth and evangelicalism.

4. Horace Mann’s Model Horace Mann used a certain method to account for multiple attendances using the national data. In the 1851 Census of Religious Worship there were 10,398,013 attendances, which equates to 58 per cent of the population of England and Wales, with 4,647,482 in the morning, 3,184,135 in the afternoon, and 3,064,449 in the evening. He then supposed that half attending in the afternoon had not attended in the morning, and a third of those attending services in the evening had not been present at either the morning or afternoon services. This computation led to a figure of 7,261,032 individuals who attended a divine service. If we apply the same methodology to Cumberland, there were 51,238.5 individuals who attended a service on March 30 1851, which in turn equates to 26.2 per cent of Cumberland’s total population. Furthermore, it is important to mention the need to differentiate between attendance and membership. Each denomination had its own method of counting members, which makes it difficult to assess the actual numerical strength of a denomination based on who was at a place of worship. Even when considering the attendance figures for a denomination, there is no way of understanding how active or engaged in the faith an attendant might be. These attendance figures can, however, be useful in gauging the relative strength of the denomination, the popularity of the faith, and their success in attracting people to their services.

Table 2.4 1851 Census of Religious Worship Figures: Comparison of Official Returns and Mann’s Balancing Model Denomination

James Perry

Official

Official

Mann’s

Mann’s

55

Returns

Returns (%)

Model

Model (%)

Church of England

39,164

54%

30,056

59.1%

Church of Scotland

401

0.6%

288

0.6%

United Presbyterian Church

2.7%

1,449

2.9%

1,970

Presbyterian Church in England

1.8%

835

1.6%

1,282

Independents

5,217

7.2%

3,478

6.8%

Particular Baptists

464

0.6%

311

0.6%

Scotch Baptists

20

0.03%

15

0.02%

Baptists (not otherwise stated)

0.2%

119

0.2%

154

Society of Friends

748

1%

584

1.1%

Unitarians

53

0.1%

41

0.08%

Wesleyan Methodists

11,197

15.4%

6,533

12.8%

Primitive Methodists

4,151

5.7%

1,965

3.8%

Wesleyan Association

3,101

4.3%

1,872

3.7%

Brethren

230

0.3%

110

0.2%

Isolated Congregations

342

0.5%

179

0.3%

Roman Catholics

4,109

5.6%

2,860

5.6%

Latter-day Saints

269

0.4%

174

0.3%

Total (of tot. pop.)

72,872

37.3%

50,869

26.2%

This model is designed to counteract the double counting of individuals. It is not without criticism; it makes a number of sweeping assumptions, primarily about the worshipping patterns of each denomination, and applies it singularly. For instance, many Primitive Methodists had their main service in the evening, but by using this model it automatically eliminates a large portion of their attendants, thereby presenting them as a less attended denomination (see table 2.4).

When comparing Mann’s model with that of the official returns, there is an interesting disparity, worthy of discussion. It is interesting to note that only three denominations increase in proportion of the total attendants; the Church of England, the

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United Presbyterians, and the Society of Friends. Four denominations remained the same; the Church of Scotland, Particular Baptists, Baptists (not otherwise stated), and Roman Catholics. This leaves ten denominations as having a reduced individual attendance proportion and figure. The denominations were; the Presbyterian Church in England, Independents, Scotch Baptists, Unitarians, Wesleyan Methodists, Primitive Methodists, Wesleyan Association, Brethren, Isolated Congregations, and Latter-day Saints. It is debateable whether this model gives an accurate reflection, and with no individual records explaining who was at which place of worship at a certain time, we will never know if it resolves the issue of double counting. However, this methodology indicates that awareness of double counting existed, and it presents an alternative perception of what the relative strength of the denominations may have been like. According to his alternative methodology to interpreting the census data, it would seem that the Church of England was stronger than previously suggested, with the Methodist denominations and other Nonconformists being a smaller force than previously expected.

5. Registration Districts The 1851 Census of Religious Worship made use of the same enumeration districts as the main census, which meant that Cumberland was divided into nine registration districts.0 When comparing population figures along with attendance figures, there is a complicated and varied picture (see table 2.5). The highest attendance percentages were found in Alston, where 57.8 per cent of the population were attending a place of worship, with the lowest being in Longtown, where only 16 per cent of the population attended a divine service. On the whole, a Registration District in Cumberland could expect 36.2 per cent of their population to attend a religious service on 30 March 1851. By exploring the breakdown of religion by Registration Districts, it is possible to gain a better idea of which 0 The districts for Cumberland were, Alston, Penrith, Brampton, Longtown, Carlisle, Wigton, Cockermouth, Whitehaven, and Bootle.

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areas of Cumberland were experiencing good church attendance levels, as well as the relative strength of a denomination at a more localised level.

Table 2.5 1851 Census of Religious Worship: Registration District Statistic Breakdown Bootle

Carlisle

Wigton

Cockermouth

Whitehaven

Alston

Penrith

Brampton

Longtown

Totals

2,426

13,795

5,759

16,567

17,334

3,943

8,467

2,773

1,546

Popul ation

6,008

41,537

23,661

38,310

35,614

6,816

22,307

11,323

9,696

Perce ntage

40.4%

33.2%

24.3%

43.2%

48.7%

57.8%

38%

24.5%

16%

By analysing the returns for each registration district, a pattern emerges where areas with over 40 per cent of the population attending a place of worship, will usually experience high proportions of Church of England attendants, the anomaly being Alston, which experienced a 57.8 per cent place of worship attendance rate and a turnout of 83.7 per cent at Nonconformist places of worship. Indeed, it could be argued that the registration districts in the west of Cumberland had overall higher levels of attendance at a place of worship, with a strong showing by the Established Church, subsequently raising interesting questions regarding why certain areas of the county had such a varied level of attendance.

Table 2.6 1851 Census for Religious Worship: Cumberland Registration District Statistics Breakdown Registration District

Church attending population

Church of England (% of church attendance)

Church of England (% of population)

Nonconformist (% of church attendance)

Nonconformist (% of population)

Bootle

2,426

40.4%

76.5%

30.9%

24.5%

9.5%

Carlisle

13,795

33.2%

45.8%

15.2%

54.2%

18%

Wigton

5,759

24.3%

57.7%

14.1%

42.3%

7.5%

Cockermouth

16,567

43.2%

54.9%

23.7%

45.1%

19.5%

Whitehaven

17,334

48.7%

63.3%

30.8%

36.7%

17.9%

Alston

3,943

57.8%

16.3%

9.4%

83.7%

48.4%

Penrith

8,467

37.9%

55%

20.8%

45%

17.1%

Brampton

2,773

24.5%

63.2%

15.5%

36.8%

9%

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Longtown

1,546

16%

36.5%

5.8%

63.5%

10.1%

6. Irreligion The 1851 census for Religious Worship provides a snapshot of what condition religion was in during the mid-nineteenth century. However, those who were not attending a place of worship have often been overlooked and ignored. Within the census report, Horace Mann estimates that there were around 100,000 people in Great Britain who were atheists or professed no belief in a God. This figure is difficult to gauge and evaluate, as it would require an intrinsic understanding of each individual’s beliefs. When it came to the 1851 Census of Religious Worship, ministers of religion recognised that there was a very real challenge in encouraging people to attend divine services. It has been claimed that the growth of the industrial cities resulted in a diminished sense of community, which consequently meant that local churches could not be formed or sustained. 0 John Gay has confirmed that this trend of secularisation and decreased attendance at places of worship occurred in urbanising towns.0 E. R. Wickham argued that secularization came as a result of the religious denominations not keeping up to speed with demand for seating in the nineteenth century, meaning those left unseated turned away from religion all together. 0 However, even in the nineteenth century, it has been demonstrated that there was an ample supply of seating throughout Cumberland. Consequently, this theory does not explain why many of Cumberland’s inhabitants did not attend church in 1851. Many of the 1851 census returns

0 Gilbert, Religion and Society in Industrial England, p. 113.

0 Gay, The Geography of Religion in England, pp. 79-80.

0 Edward R. Wickham, Church and People in an Industrial City (London, 1957), p. 107.

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contained notes explaining general attendance trends in their congregation, with many claiming that people were choosing to spend more time with their families in good weather rather than attend church; others mentioned the difficulty in attending church due to distance. Therefore, the fact remains that people made the active decision to not attend church, despite efforts to combat irreligion. 0 Consequently there is a strong correlation between secularisation and industrially urbanising settlements in England. 0 This in turn leads to further questions regarding why urban areas experienced secularisation. Horace Mann’s estimated that 0.6 per cent of the population of England and Wales were atheists. In Cumberland, this would account for around 1,170 people. However, far more were missing from a place of worship on census day. Therefore, it can be argued that the increase of irreligion had a negative multiplier effect upon attendances at places of worship, consequently having a significant impact upon the religious landscape of West Cumberland.

7. Conclusion The 1851 Census of Religious Worship is a valuable and unique source of religious statistics for the nineteenth century. Despite the criticisms that exist, it should not be viewed as unusable. This chapter set out to understand the religious landscape of Cumberland in the mid-Victorian period, thereby providing a snapshot of what condition the religious denominations were in. The three questions this chapter set out to answer were; what was the 1851 Census of Religious Worship and how was it conducted? What does the census show? And what was the religious landscape of Cumberland? Through analysis, each question has been answered and has provided greater insight into what was going on amongst the various religious denominations in Cumberland. However, further questions have consequently arisen regarding the attendance and membership of religious 0 R. W. Dale, The History of English Congregationalism (Oswestry, 2008, first published in 1907), p.

110.

0 Callum G. Brown, ‘Did urbanization secularize Britain?’ Urban History, Vol. 15, (May 1988), pp. 23.

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denominations in Cumberland. In comparison to other regions of Cumberland, West Cumberland stands out with its higher levels of attendance at places of worship despite it being an industrialising and urbanising region.

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CHAPTER 2

A.

RELIGION IN WEST CUMBERLAND 1851-1902 Charting Change in West Cumberland

In the pursuit of understanding how and why the religious landscape of West Cumberland experienced change during the mid-late Victorian period, this chapter will be making extensive comparisons between certain townships in West Cumberland between 1851 and 1902. These comparisons will analyse change within both religious denominations, and the socio-economic situation of the townships. To obtain the context to change that the religious denominations experienced, it is also necessary to understand other factors that are likely to have influenced it. As this is the third stage of the investigation, it is again seeking to narrow down the line of enquiry by examining the region of West Cumberland.

In the case of religion, there are a number of factors that can influence religious adherence. Politics, social status, economics, education, and even the distance to places of worship have had an impact upon individual’s membership with a religious organisation and attendance at a place of worship. This study is focusing upon the factors that affect the growth and decline of religious denominations. Consequently, this chapter will ask questions that help to understand the correlation between religious affiliation and socio-economic circumstances, these questions include; what was the socio-economic condition of West Cumberland in the mid-late Victorian period? What was the state of Cumberland’s religious denominations during this period? And finally, how did religious change correlate with population and economic transformation? It is anticipated that by exploring mid-late nineteenth century society and economy, how it experienced change, and how attendance and membership at places of worship changed it will be possible to understand the pressures faced by the various religious denominations.

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1. The West Cumberland Case Study The townships chosen for this case study have data available concerning religious attendances in both 1851 and 1902, allowing it to be effectively compared. 0 West Cumberland historically referred to the western elements of Cumberland, typically along Cumberland’s coastline, including parts of the interior regions. The settlements of this case study are a mixture of small and large townships in the West Cumberland region. The small towns are Allonby, Arlecdon & Frizington, Brigham, Broughton, Cleator, Clifton, Dearham, Distington, Egremont, Flimby, Harrington, Hensingham, and Seaton. Meanwhile, the large towns are Cockermouth, Maryport, Whitehaven, and Workington, each with a population of over 5,000 in 1851. These townships were chosen based upon the availability of data for religious attendances in 1851 and 1902, as well as social and economic data provided by the general censuses of 1851 and 1901.

2. The Socio-Economic Condition of West Cumberland With regards to socio-economic change, the first step of analysis is population change. Table 3.1 explains how the population for the townships of this case study changed over the period of this study. On the whole, the population more than doubled over a fifty one-year period, with most townships experiencing high rates of growth. In fact, Allonby, and Cockermouth townships were the only two townships to experience an overall decrease in population over the period of this study. 0 The remaining eighteen townships all experienced growth, in many cases dramatically. The total population of the West Cumberland townships in this study doubled from 46,508 in 1851, to 97,232 in 1901, an increase of 50,724. In comparison, during the fifty years between 1851 and 1901, West 0 The townships of West Cumberland are; Allonby, Arlecdon & Frizington, Brigham, Great Broughton, Little Broughton, Broughton Moor, Cockermouth, Cleator, Great Clifton, Little Clifton, Dearham, Distington, Egremont, Flimby, Harrington, Hensingham, Maryport, Seaton, Whitehaven, and Workington.

0 In the case of Allonby, it became a separate parish from West Newton in 1891, which is one of the reasons for its lower returns at the end of the century.

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Cumberland grew by 109.1 per cent, whilst England and Wales grew by 81.4 per cent. 0

Table 3.1 West Cumberland population change between 1851-1901 Township

1851 Population

1901 Population

Population Change

Allonby

749

421

-328/-43.8%

Arlecdon & Frizington

643

5,341

+4,698/+730.6%

Brigham

446

723

+277/+62.1%

Great Broughton

619

Little Broughton

439

1,334

+715/+115.5%

Broughton Moor

920

Cleator

1,779

8,120

+6,341/+356.4%

Great Clifton

374

1,029

+655/+175.1%

Little Clifton

239

486

+247/+103.4%

Cockermouth

5,775

5,355

-420/-7.3%

Dearham

1,209

2,147

+938/+77.6%

Distington

1,106

1,922

+816/+73.8%

Egremont

2,049

5,761

+3,720/181.2%

Flimby

555

2,482

+1,927/+347.2%

Harrington

2,169

3,679

+1,510/+69.6%

Hensingham

1,336

2,090

+754/+56.4%

Maryport

5,716

7,368

+1,652/+28.9%

Seaton

835

1,594

+759/+90.9%

Whitehaven

14,190

19,324

+5,134/+36.2%

0 Census of Great Britain, 1851, Population Tables, II. Ages, civil conditions, occupations and birthplace of the people with the numbers and ages of the blind, the deaf-and-dumb, and the inmates of workhouses, prisons, lunatic asylums, and hospitals. Vol. II BPP 1852–53, LXXXVIII Pt.II. Available at: http://histpop.org/ohpr/servlet/AssociatedView? path=Browse&active=yes&mno=2019&assoctitle=Census%20Act,%201850&assocpagelabel=, accessed: 1 September 2014, p. 746.

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Workington

6,280

26,139

+19,859/+316.2%

Total

46,508

96,235

+49,727/+106.9%

3. Population Change in West Cumberland By comparing the decennial population growth in table 3.2, it is clear that the greatest growth in this West Cumberland case study took place between the years 1871 and 1881. During this time the population grew by 17,068, or 26.3 per cent, making it markedly the largest period of expansion. Chris Brooks has argued that from the 1850s onwards, ‘virtually every exclusively agricultural parish was depopulated’, something that continued in earnest following the ‘agrarian depression of the 1870s’. 0 Brooks also claimed that ‘a large majority of parishes had fewer people living in them in 1901 than they had in 1801’. 0 The depopulation of agricultural parishes in Cumberland as a whole therefore, appears to have benefitted the industrial townships of West Cumberland, as they continued to increase throughout the period between 1851 and 1902. 0 A significant portion of the increase was from economic migrants from Ireland, who had come to work in the industrial centres along the coast of West Cumberland. This consequently had a lasting impact upon the social and religious landscape of the area.0 Table 3.2 Population Change in West Cumberland 1851-1901 Township

1851

1861

1871

1881

1891

1901

Allonby

749

649

572

868

497

421

Arlecdon & Frizington

643

1,550

3,426

6,651

5,697

5,341

Brigham

446

504

745

790

818

723

Great Broughton

619

836

1,024

1,121

1,447

1,334

0 Chris Brooks, ‘Building the Rural Church: Money, Power, and the Country Parish’ in Chris Brooks and Andrew Saint, eds., The Victorian Church (Manchester, 1995), p. 54.

0 Brooks, ‘Building the Rural Church’, p. 54.

0 Mark Freeman, Social Investigation and Rural England (Bury St Edmunds, 2003), p. 158.

0 Donald MacRaild, Culture, Conflict and Migration (Liverpool, 1998), pp. 64-65.

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Little Broughton

439

641

Broughton Moor

792

798

820

Created in 1894

920

Cleator

1,779

3,995

7,061

10,420

9,464

8,120

Great Clifton

374

609

660

974

950

1,029

Little Clifton

239

476

599

489

507

486

Cockermouth

5,775

5,388

5,115

5,353

5,464

5,355

Dearham

1,209

1,509

1,935

2,246

2,598

2,147

Distington

1,106

785

955

1,289

1,819

1,922

Egremont

2,049

3,481

4,529

5,976

6,105

5,761

Flimby

555

1,178

1,713

2,123

2,415

2,482

Harrington

2,169

1,788

2,294

3,019

3,535

3,679

Hensingham

1,336

1,538

2,066

2,064

2,078

2,090

Maryport

5,716

6,150

6,938

7,439

7,939

7,368

Seaton

835

1,102

1,971

2,904

3,229

1,594

Whitehaven

14,190

14,064

13,298

13,374

12,182

19,324

Workington

6,280

6,467

8,413

14,361

23,749

26,139

Total

46,508

52,710

64,106

82,259

91,313

96,235

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3. Population Migration By now turning the attention to analysing population migration, it is possible to get a clearer picture of the scale and impact of migration on the industrial urbanisation of the area. In 1851, the registration districts that can be described as covering West Cumberland (Cockermouth and Whitehaven), reported that 7.3 per cent (Cockermouth) and 14.7 per cent (Whitehaven) of their inhabitants had been born outside of the county of Cumberland.

This would coincide with the fact that the existing large towns (Maryport, Whitehaven, and Workington) along with other industrial townships experienced population growth as skilled and unskilled workers moved to the area for work. However, by 1901 the Cockermouth and Whitehaven registration districts had experienced a significant transformation in its demographics. The population of the Whitehaven registration district had grown to 69,536, an increase of 33,922, whilst Cockermouth had shrunk to 11,336, a decrease of 27,174.

Whilst we don’t have the data in 1901 concerning the origins of people for each registration district, we do have the totals for Cumberland. By 1901, only 7.9 per cent of the population was from other counties, whereas 17.1 per cent of the population had come from outside of Cumberland in 1851.0 From these figures alone we can hypothesise that during the mid-late Victorian period, possibly following the economic depression in the 1870s, there was a decline in opportunities for work in the area. This in turn led to fewer people moving into the area from outside of the county. The correlation between economic migration and religious attendance would appear to be a significant factor in the religious landscape of West Cumberland, and will subsequently be more fully explored in chapter four.

4. Occupations and the Economy 0 Census of England and Wales, 1901, County of Cumberland, Area, Houses and Population; and Population Classified by Ages, Condition as to Marriage, occupations, Birthplaces, and Infirmities (London, 1902). Available at: http://histpop.org/ohpr/servlet/TOC?path=Browse/Census (by geography)/England/1901&active=yes&mno=79&tocstate=expandnew&display=sections&display=ta bles&display=pagetitles, accessed: 29 August 2014, p. 53.

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With regards to the economy of West Cumberland, in 1855 it was reported that 887,000 tonnes of coal had been raised during 1854. 0 Of the coal raised in 1854, 580,241 tonnes were shipped from the ports of Maryport, Workington, Harrington, and Whitehaven, 36,000 tonnes were used for the local Iron Furnaces, with a further 24,346 tonnes carried by railway from Whitehaven. At this time coal was still used throughout the country as the main source of heating and fuel in domestic homes, consequently, it was estimated that 246,411 tonnes of the coal raised in 1854 was used for local home consumption. 0 Additionally, there were four iron works in the area in 1856, three of which were within the West Cumberland area (Cleator Moor, Seaton, and Harrington), which operated a total of seven furnaces. 0 Furthermore, according to Robert Hunt’s report, there were twenty-three coalmines in operation in Cumberland in 1856.0 By 1901, the number of coalmines was forty-two, having almost doubled since 1856.0 These statistics present the picture that the development and proliferation of mines and industrial works in the area led to the emergence of a new socioeconomic class in West Cumberland society. Consequently, newly emerging industrialists moved away from farming and began investing heavily in the coal trade, providing thousands of jobs for the local economy.

Those in search of work appear to have headed to work in the ironworks, mines, and manufactories that were emerging along the industrial belt of West Cumberland. In turn, this caused a high demand for housing between 1851 and 1902. According to the census report of 1851, there were 36,763 inhabited houses in the whole of Cumberland, and in 0 Robert Hunt, Memoirs of the Geological Survey of Great Britain (London, 1855), available at: https://archive.org/stream/mineralstatisti01britgoog#page/n2/mode/2up, accessed: 29 July 2014, p. 57.

0 Hunt, Geological Survey of Great Britain, p. 57.

0 William Whellan, History and Topography of Cumberland and Westmoreland (London, 1860), p.

78.

0 Hunt, Geological Survey of Great Britain, p. 57.

0 Durham Mining Museum, ‘1902 List of Mines under the Coal Mines Act’, available at: http://www.dmm.org.uk/lom/1902_301.htm, accessed: 4 August 2014.

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1901 there were 54,696, an increase of 17,933 or 48.8 per cent. 0 In table 3.3 West Cumberland townships record 9,478 inhabited houses in 1851 and 19,463 in 1901, a 105.3 per cent increase (see table 3.3). 0 These figures show that housing construction managed to keep up to speed with the population growth.

Table 3.3 Housing and Industrial/Commercial Buildings in West Cumberland, 1851 and 1901

Township

1851 Inhabited Houses

1851 Industrial or Commercial Buildings

1901 Inhabited Houses

1901 Industrial or Commercial Buildings

Allonby

179

4

123

0

Arlecdon & Frizington

106

1

1,066

0

Brigham

104

0

257

0

Great Broughton

136

0

Little Broughton

90

0

Broughton Moor

0

0

173

20

Cleator

251

9

1,592

2

Great Clifton

75

1

187

0

Little Clifton

49

1

100

0

Cockermouth

1,176

18

1,224

9

Dearham

251

1

433

0

Distington

224

1

367

0

Egremont

417

5

1,209

5

Flimby

109

2

452

0

Harrington

485

1

699

25

Hensingham

252

8

421

6

276

0 0

0 Census of Great Britain, 1851, Population Tables, II. Ages, civil conditions, occupations and birthplace of the people with the numbers and ages of the blind, the deaf-and-dumb, and the inmates of workhouses, prisons, lunatic asylums, and hospitals. Vol. II BPP 1852–53, LXXXVIII Pt.II. Available at: http://histpop.org/ohpr/servlet/AssociatedView? path=Browse&active=yes&mno=2019&assoctitle=Census%20Act,%201850&assocpagelabel=, accessed: 1 September 2014, pp. 1-2.

0 Census of England and Wales, 1901, County of Cumberland, Area, Houses and Population; and Population Classified by Ages, Condition as to Marriage, occupations, Birthplaces, and Infirmities (London, 1902). Available at: http://histpop.org/ohpr/servlet/TOC?path=Browse/Census (by geography)/England/1901&active=yes&mno=79&tocstate=expandnew&display=sections&display= tables&display=pagetitles, accessed: 29 August 2014, pp. 17-18.

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Maryport

1,243

12

1,679

10

Seaton

175

0

321

0

Whitehaven

2,727

13

3,959

1

Workington

1,429

5

4,925

42

Total

9,478

82

19,463

120

In his book, The Victorian Economy, François Crouzet claims that from 1851 to 1873, England experienced a boom, with ‘prices, profits, and wages’ rising instead of falling, allowing the mass of the nation’s inhabitants to finally enjoy the ‘benefits of industrialization’.0 Crouzet links his claim with the growth of industrial production, with economic factors such as inflation being at an advantageous level for businessmen. 0 This period of economic growth was similarly marked with a period of economic decline, from 1873 till 1896. Referred to as the ‘Great Depression’, this period of 23 years was illustrated by ‘declining profits, interest rates, and a fall in prices’. 0 Whilst this depression would have affected West Cumberland, it did not appear to have stalled or hindered its industrial development.

0 François Crouzet, The Victorian Economy (London, 1982), pp. 46-47.

0 Ibid, p. 47.

0 Ibid, pp. 47-48.

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With regards to agriculture in Cumberland, it was still the primary and single most important occupation of its inhabitants throughout the nineteenth century, albeit that it experienced significant change. 0 Many farms in Cumberland were small, often fewer than 100 acres, with a mixture of arable and pastoral farming taking place. The industrialising landscape of West Cumberland proved to be both advantageous and yet a disadvantage to both large and small farmers. The improved transport network and accessibility enabled produce to be easily transported to markets. However, the possibilities afforded to dissatisfied farm labourers meant that they could seek better paid opportunities in other towns and cities. Following the ‘Great Depression’ of the 1870s, farming still remained an important feature in the economy of Cumberland; however, it was experiencing a decline that continued well into the twentieth century.

When comparing the available statistics for 1851 and 1901, a pattern emerges illustrating an area of rapid industrialisation along the West Cumberland coast. Map 2 highlights where coalmines have been in operation in Cumberland. Meanwhile, map 3 illustrates the coal seam in West Cumberland that stretches from north of Egremont, to just below Allonby, then across to Penrith. By analysing population growth, increased mining outputs, the doubling of coalmines, and the greater accessibility afforded by the railway, it can be strongly argued that West Cumberland was an industrialising belt of economic activity between 1851 and 1902.0 The urban scene created by this industrialisation saw towns such as Whitehaven, Workington, and Maryport; become major centres of industry, trade, employment, and population throughout the nineteenth century. According to Marshall and Walton, one-tenth of the United Kingdom’s iron production in 1900 was produced in West Cumberland, which indicates the position that it had in the nation’s 0 John D. Marshall, and John K. Walton, The Lake Counties from 1830 to the mid-twentieth century (Manchester, 1981), p. 55.

0 L. A. Williams, Road Transport in Cumbria in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1975), pp. 208-209.

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economy.0 However, despite its high iron ore output, West Cumberland only accounted for 3 per cent of the total national population, which in turn shows the productivity and industrialised nature of the area.

0 Marshall and Walton, Lake Counties, p. 51.

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Map 3: West Cumberland Coal Mines (Northern Mine Research Society, ‘Cumberland Coal’, available at: http://www.nmrs.org.uk/mines/coal/cumberland/, accessed: 4 August 2014.)

It can be argued that the conditions of West Cumberland between 1851 and 1902 were highly conducive to the creation and further development of industrial operations. The population of towns in West Cumberland grew as a result of migration, thereby providing a willing and ready workforce. As a result, society began to be filled with people who had no existing familial or societal connections to the area. In turn, this allowed evangelical movements such as Methodism, and the Salvation Army, which provided not just spiritual, but also social support, to succeed in attracting new members. 0 It was to this backdrop of growth, expansion, and industrialisation that religious denominations had to compete.

Those who were successful in adapting their message to the needs, interests, and lifestyle of the industrialising society, also succeeded in maintaining their congregations, and increasing their presence within West Cumberland.

B. The 1902 Religious Census of West Cumberland Having established the socio-economic conditions of the 1851-1902 period in West Cumberland, attention will now be turned towards the 1902 Religious Census, which can be used to compare the attendance figures of 1851. The 1902 Religious Census was organised and conducted by The West Cumberland Times newspaper on 14 December 1902, and then published on 20 December 1902. Using reporters, correspondents, and other helpers, the number of worshippers at various churches and chapels around West Cumberland were counted. The census was organised at a time when a number of religious censuses were also being held around the country, which was the result of renewed interest in religious demographics and the prevalence of religion in society. 0 0 J. Burgess, ‘The Growth and Development of Methodism in Cumbria: The local History of a Denomination from its Inception to the Union of 1932 and After’, Northern History, Volume 17, Number 1, June 1981, p. 138.

0 For other examples see; Western Daily Express, 8 November 1881, ‘The Religious Census’, London Daily News, 16 March 1900, ‘A Religious Census’, and Cornishman, 26 November 1903, ‘A Cornish Village Religious Census’.

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The religious census primarily investigated the number of people attending religious services on 14 December 1902, but it also divided the attendance down to the number of men, women, and children present. In addition, it also separated meetings in the morning and evening, giving the total breakdowns for each. One key difference between the 1902 Religious Census and the 1851 Census of Religious Worship, of which there are many, is that in the 1902 census, afternoon sessions were reported along with evening services, making it nearly impossible to accurately compare afternoon attendances between the two.

Furthermore, the purposes of each census were vastly different. Whilst the 1851 sought to gauge the level of attendance, its main purpose was to discover how many people could be accommodated in existing places of worship, and to assist with helping to discover where church-building efforts should be directed. The 1902 census, however, was explicitly designed to discover church attendance figures in the West Cumberland areas. Despite the differences between the two, it is possible to extract and construct a perspective of what the religious landscape of West Cumberland was like in the mid-late Victorian period, and how it had changed since 1851.

1. Problems with the census From the onset, the original newspaper article containing the Religious Census made it clear that results for the census were not necessarily the most accurate, notably because of the poor weather. The Sunday itself was described as being ‘remarkable for an exceptional downpour of rain’.0 To counter the poor weather, the newspaper recommended doubling, or even trebling the figures. Whilst the weather does raise the issue of accuracy, it is important to remember that the 1851 Census of Religious Worship was also conducted on a wet and miserable day. Nevertheless, it could be argued that from both censuses we can

0 The West Cumberland Times, 20 December 1902, ‘Religious Census’

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see which denomination had members who were willing to travel through stormy weather to attend divine services, thereby connoting a level of commitment.

There are occasions when the type of denomination is not specified, making it difficult to assess whether it is of the Established Church, or a Nonconformist place of worship. To counteract this, gazetteers have helped reveal which denomination it adheres to. Due to the fact that reporters and correspondents reported the number of attendants, it is impossible to know of any biases held, or mistakes made, that would compromise the figures provided. For instance, most reported the separate number of men, women, and children at each meeting. For some however, they gave only the total number of people at each service. Despite the difficulties of using the census data, it is still a valuable source and insight into religious attendance and behaviour in the late Victorian period.

2. Changes in the Religious Landscape of West Cumberland Table 3.4 illustrates how attendances at places of worship changed for each township in the area of this West Cumberland case study. Some areas experienced relatively significant growth, whereas others underwent dramatic decline. Broughton Moor and Little Clifton were two areas that had no established place of worship within the township in 1851, but did in 1902. Arlecdon & Frizington, Great Broughton, Cleator, and Seaton experienced dramatic growth in the number of people in attendance at places of worship, increasing by 380.3 per cent, 727.3 per cent, 286.3 per cent, and 212.3 per cent respectively.

Meanwhile, townships such as Allonby, Brigham, Dearham, and Whitehaven saw their attendances at places of worship decrease significantly, 71.6 per cent, 72.2 per cent, 70.9 per cent, and 59.1 per cent respectively.

Table 3.4 Total attendances in 1851 and 1902 at places of worship per township Township

1851

1902

Change

Allonby

461

131

-71.6%

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Arlecdon & Frizington

183

879

+380.3%

Brigham

435

121

-72.2%

Great Broughton

33

273

+727.3%

Little Broughton

50

56

+12%

Broughton Moor

0

120

Cleator*

540

2,086

+286.3%

Great Clifton

72

110

+52.7%

Little Clifton

0

87

Cockermouth

2,527

1,488

-41.1%

Dearham

887

258

-70.9%

Distington

354

297

-16.1%

Egremont

791

1,241

+56.9%

Flimby

189

271

+43.4%

Harrington

840

776

-7.6%

Hensingham

463

374

-19.2%

Maryport

2,978

1,842

-38.1%

Seaton

73

228

+212.3%

Whitehaven

11,091

4,540

-59.1%

Workington

3,587

5,653

+57.6%

Total

25,554

20,831

-18.5%

*Including Cleator Moor Overall, the attendance figures at places of worship in West Cumberland decreased by 18.5 per cent, even though the population for the same area had increased by 109.1 per cent over the same period of time. In 1902 there were 20,831 attendants at places of worship within this case study, whilst the total population was 97,232, meaning that only 21.4 per cent of the population had attended a place of worship on census day in 1902. In fact, it could be inferred that when accounting for double counting, attendance figures would have actually been even lower. Despite this, it is clear that the majority of the population were not attending places of worship in either 1851 or 1902.

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3. The Distribution And Configuration of Worship Services An alternative methodology that can be used in comparing the 1851 and 1902 census data is by examining the number of services and places of worship provided for worship. Table 3.5 compares attendances, services, and places of worship by denominations both in 1851 and 1902. By comparing the places of worship and services totals of the Established Church with the Nonconformists, it becomes clear that the Established Church experienced a collapse in attendance figures, despite the fact they had significantly increased the number of services and places of worship it provided. The Nonconformists on the other hand experienced considerable improvements in all areas; attendance, services, and places of worship. Nonconformist services increased by 70.6 per cent in 1902, despite the average service size declining from 82.8 attendees in 1851 to 58.1 in 1902. This decline was even more marked in services held by the Established Church, in 1851 the average service size was 351.7, which by 1902 had dropped to 89.8.

Table 3.5 Denominational Growth and Decline 1851-1902, Attendance, Services, & Places of Worship 1851

1902

Denomination

Attendance

Services

Places of Worship

Attendance

Services

Places of Worship

Baptists

402

6

3

617

9

4

Church of England

13,716

39

20

5,724

64

30*

Christian Brethren

89

2

1

571

16

8

Independents

1,338

8

4

1,093

14

7

Presbyterian

1,929

10

4

831

11

7

Primitive Methodists

1,886

18

8

1,682

29

17

Roman Catholics

996

5

3

5,356

26

9

Society of Friends

193

10

5

33

4

3

Wesleyan Methodist Association

969

8

4

562

10

5

Wesleyan Methodists

3,794

30

14

3,440

45

23

Other Nonconformists

267

7

3

902

16

10

Nonconformist Total

11,838

143

69

15,087

244

123

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Established Church Total

13,716

39

20

5,744

64

30*

*Children’s services held in existing places of worship The decline in meeting sizes could have had a number of possible causes. It is conceivable that the deterioration may have been caused by rising disinterest or increasing disbelief. Alternatively, the increased frequency of meetings may have led people to have more meetings to choose from, and in so doing diffusing the number of attendants across more meetings. Most denominations experienced an increase in services; the Primitive Methodists doubled the number of services they offered, whereas the Christian Brethren (inclusive of all schisms) had increased eight fold. The only denomination to reduce its number of services was the Society of Friends, which had experienced a continued decline throughout most of the nineteenth century. 0 The provision of additional services, although attendance figures had declined, is perhaps indicative of the emergent evangelical attitudes within both the Established church and Nonconformists that had emerged during the nineteenth century.0 However, by the turn of the twentieth century, it became apparent that the building of new places of worship, increased services, and evangelical outreach did not succeed in reversing the growing irreligion.

4. The Usage and Provision of Places of Worship In 1851 there were at least 89 places of worship, which by 1902 had grown to 153, an increase of 71.9 per cent, despite the fact that the population had increased by 109.1 per cent, and that attendance at places of worship had declined by 18.7 per cent. Most places of worship had two services on a Sunday, typically morning and evening service. In many areas with a strong Anglican presence, Methodists would hold their meetings in the afternoon and evening to avoid having to compete with each other. Funding for the new places of worship 0 Kenneth Inglis, Churches and the Working Classes in Victorian England (London, 1964), p. 13.

0 Underwood, Hidden Lights, p. 6.

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came from numerous locations. Local taxation and government grants paid for a large number of church extensions and constructions until what Andrew Saint describes as the ‘tacit semi-disestablishment of the Church of England in the Age of Reform’. 0 This ultimately led to a large number of privately funded churches being built or expanded, despite the lack of need for them. It was around the time of the 1851 Census of Religious Worship that church building organisations such as the Incorporated Church Building Society became more ambitious, seeking to build upon the lasting concept that every person should be able to have a seat in their local parish church. 0 Table 3.6 Distribution of Seats Between the Established Church and Nonconformists in 1851 Denomination

Places of Worship

Seats

Morning

Morning Attendance

Afternoon

Afternoon Attendance

Evening

Evening Attendance

Established Church

20

29,476

13,623

7,672

5,348

1,556

10,505

4,488

Nonconformist

69

33,767

14,001

5,180

7,170

1,507

12,596

5,151

Total

89

63,243

27,624

12,852

12,518

3,063

23,101

9,639

There were a total of 63,243 seats made available for religious worship in West Cumberland in 1851, 29,476 of which were provided by the Established church, and 33,767 afforded by the various Nonconformist denominations (see table 3.6). There were 25,554 people who attended a place of worship on census day in 1851, which in turn means that 40.4 per cent of all available seats were filled. The morning seems to have been the best attended with 46.5 per cent of all seats were occupied; this was similarly followed by the evening service, with an occupancy rate of 41.7 per cent. Interestingly however, the afternoon sessions were only 24.5 per cent occupied, meaning that they were significantly less attended (see table 3.7).

0 Andrew Saint, ‘Anglican church-building in London, 1790-1890: from state subsidy to the free market’, in Chris Brooks, ed., The Victorian Church: Architecture and Society (Manchester, 1995), p.

30.

0 Frances Knight, The Nineteenth Century Church and English Society (Cambridge, 1995), p. 2.

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Table 3.7 West Cumberland Denomination Occupancy Figures in 1851 Denomination

Places of Worship

Morning

Afternoon

Evening

Established Church

20

56.3%

29.1%

42.7%

Nonconformist

69

36.8%

20.8%

40.5%

Baptists

3

31.1%

15%

28.2%

Christian Brethren

1

19.5%

None

25%

Independents

4

40.2%

None

45.6%

Presbyterian

4

38.5%

9.8%

40.4%

Primitive Methodists

8

28.1%

31%

43%

Roman Catholics

3

91.1%

None

52.7%

Society of Friends

5

6.8%

4.1%

None

Wesleyan Methodist Association

4

43.8%

52%

45.1%

Wesleyan Methodists

14

38.9%

24.4%

38.2%

Others

3

48.1%

40.6%

47%

Total

89

46.5%

24.5%

41.7%

The population of these West Cumberland townships in 1851 was 46,508, which means that if every person had attended a place of worship only once on Sunday, then 73.5 per cent of the seats would have been used. When leaving aside the issue of double counting and poor weather, the figures would indicate that 54.9 per cent of the total population attended a place of worship in West Cumberland in 1851. However, this figure had dramatically decreased by 1902. Although there are no figures that explain or reveal accommodation figures in 1902, it is possible to take the average seating figure for 1851, and use this as an average for the places of worship that existed in 1902. Whilst not a perfect measure, it does help compare the two sets of data and answer whether attendance at places of worship had increased.

5. Seating in 1902

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In 1851, on average a place of worship could accommodate 439.5 people. However, there was a clear difference between the Established church and Nonconformists. The Established church typically had bigger buildings, many having been extended and rebuilt over the centuries, leaving a series of larger churches. Nonconformists however, opted for smaller, more functional chapels. Many of the Nonconformist chapels were designed for small to modest growth, perhaps instead anticipating to use the chapels to the full capacity before investing money into building new ones or providing extensions. The Established church could typically hold 708.6 people at any one time, whereas Nonconformists could hold approximately 324.1. Operating with these figures, it is possible to work out the occupation ratios for attendance at places of worship in 1902.

Using the existing number of seats provided by the Established church in 1851 (29,476), and then taking the average seats per each place of worship (708.6), thereby multiplying it by the number of new places of worship provided (10), means that around 7,086 new seats were added up to 1902. Additionally, there were three places of worship operated by the Established church that were no longer in use by 1902; Frizington schoolroom (100 seats), Whitehaven Poor Law Chaplaincy (no figures regarding seats available was provided), and Seaton schoolroom (150 seats). Multiplying the seats by two, thereby accounting for the two services held, meant that 500 seats were then subtracted from the seats available, thereby resulting in an average of 36,062 seats in the thirty Established church administered places of worship.

In 1851 there were 33,767 seats in Nonconformist places of worship. Using the same formula as above, the additional fifty-four places of worship on average, contributed 17,501.4 new seats available for services. However, there were seven places of worship no longer in use in 1902, which when accounting for two services a day, meant a loss of 4,330

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seats.0 This in turn meant that there were around 47,038.4 seats available in Nonconformist chapels and meeting rooms in 1902. Therefore, between the Established church and the various Nonconformists, there were 85,100.4 seats provided by all of the places of worship, which would accommodate 85.5 per cent of the case study population. Consequently, when considering the increase in seats in places of worship, it must be remembered that only 24.5 per cent of the seats in places of worship were used in 1902, compared to 40.4 per cent in 1851.

C. Changes Between 1851 and 1902 in West Cumberland Having previously identified in chapter 2 that there is a relationship between irreligion and industrialisation, it is clear that this trend was also present in West Cumberland. The more urbanised and industrial the area became, the lower the percentage of people attended a place of worship. There is clearly an analogous relationship between irreligion and industrialisation. Based on the comparison of 1851 and 1902 attendance figures it was the new and smaller religious denominations that experienced success in West Cumberland during the mid-late Victorian period. Without interviewing the people who were, and were not in attendance, we will never know for certain what affected their respective decisions.

1. Transformations In The Religious Landscape of West Cumberland Having explored population and economic change, as well as investigating what we can learn from the 1851 Census of Religious Worship and the 1902 Religious Census, we are now able to answer the question of how religious change correlated with a socio- economic transformation. The population growth of West Cumberland has been examined, and it is clear that the area was experiencing a period of significant growth; one further example of this was in the number of houses built. The number of houses doubled between 1851 and 0 The Nonconformist buildings no longer used in 1902 were; Distington GIllgarron school room (100 seats), Hensingham farmhouse (60 seats), Maryport Presbyterian church (630 seats), Whitehaven Presbyterian church (700 seats), Maryport Society of Friends meetinghouse (450 seats), and Whitehaven St Gregory’s chapel (225 seats).

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1901, indicating that not only was there a demand for more houses, but also that the demand could be matched by supply (see table 3.3). Consequently, the movement of people into West Cumberland had a dramatic impact upon the religious landscape of the area, the most notable effect being the migration of Irish workers into the industrial towns along the coast of Cumberland. In line with the migration of Irish workers, there was a similar rise in the number of Roman Catholics, going from 996 attendants in 1851 to 5,356 in 1902. It was the Established church’s attendance figures in West Cumberland that suffered at the expense of Nonconformist gains decreasing by 58.1 per cent between 1851 and 1902. There are numerous theories for the cause of their decline in attendances. It could be argued that the lack of organised evangelicalism within this area of the country by the Established Church could not replace nor halt the loss of attendants to the more evangelical forms of Nonconformity. Furthermore, J. Burgess has argued that Nonconformity had a particular appeal to those living in Cumberland, with many inhabitants feeling alienated from the Established Church.0 However, the lay preachers and ministers of the various Methodist connexions appealed to the working class as many of them were involved in similar occupations. Consequently, the growth in the number of the industrial working class meant that Methodists and other evangelical Nonconformists had a vast and growing body of disaffected Christians that they could appeal to.

With regards to economic transformation, there is more to consider. There was not a total transformation of the West Cumberland economy during this period. Instead, farming and other agricultural works continued throughout the century as the major source of occupation. Mining however, had been an important employer for quite some time before 1851. During the course of the remainder of the century, mining continued to grow as a source of employment amongst the population. However, it was beginning to be matched by 0 J. Burgess, ‘The Growth and Development of Methodism in Cumbria: The local History of a Denomination from its Inception to the Union of 1932 and After’, Northern History, Volume 17, Number 1, June 1981, p. 135.

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other industrial occupations. In 1901, 11.2 per cent of males aged over ten years of age were engaged in occupations relating to metals, machines, and the distribution of manufactured goods, this was an increase from the 3.1 per cent of the workforce engaged in such employment in 1851. This meant that by 1901, 28.3 per cent of the population were engaged in what can be deemed as industrial, namely mining, quarrying, metal works, and similar work.0 Consequently, rather than changing completely, the economy continued its movement towards a more industrial composition.

The pace of change in West Cumberland was a significant factor. It appears from the number of places of worship built, as well as the number of services held that Nonconformists were far more willing to adapt their meetings to the needs of their congregations. The decision to focus upon church planting methods in the West Cumberland region saw most of the Nonconformist denominations benefit by increasing their presence in the many townships. On the other hand, the Established Church’s decision to focus on a centre of strength approach, with fewer but larger places of worship, saw them gradually lose members as it was easier for them to attend Nonconformist chapels closer to their homes (see map 4 and map 5). Consequently, the movement away from agricultural work saw an increasing body of people no longer feeling constricted to worship where their employers did; instead they had the flexibility to choose a place of worship based on convenience or on their personal theological beliefs.

0 Census of England and Wales, 1901, County of Cumberland, Area, Houses and Population; and Population Classified by Ages, Condition as to Marriage, occupations, Birthplaces, and Infirmities (London, 1902). Available at: http://histpop.org/ohpr/servlet/TOC?path=Browse/Census (by geography)/England/1901&active=yes&mno=79&tocstate=expandnew&display=sections&display= tables&display=pagetitles, accessed: 29 August 2014, pp. 41-46.

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Map 4: Places of Worship in West Cumberland (1851) Map: 5: Places of Worship in West Cumberland (1902)

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In conclusion, West Cumberland is a region that in the mid-late nineteenth century underwent a period of industrialisation that lasted roughly from 1840-1890s. During this time, the population of the area significantly increased, railway networks expanded, industrial buildings were built, and industrial occupations began to become part of everyday life. As has been argued, the Established Church failed to hold onto its membership, experiencing decline in both urban and rural districts. Nonconformist denominations however, had mixed fortunes. Generally most experienced static or modest growth, such was the case for Roman Catholics, Baptists, and ‘Other Nonconformists’.

Yet, there was also decline, the Society of Friends, the various Presbyterian groups, Independents, and even the Methodist denominations all experienced a decline in attendances. Consequently, it can be argued that as West Cumberland industrialised, attendance at places of worship decreased. Additionally, it can also be seen that attendances had a pattern of correlation with socio-economic trends. As areas industrialised attendance at places of worship also dropped, a pattern that has been previously identified in other parts of the country. Table 3.8 illustrates the ratios of attendances between the Established Church and Nonconformists; in so doing it reveals that in 1851 nine out of twenty townships had a Nonconformist majority, which by 1902 had risen to fifteen out of twenty. When tables 3.2 and 3.8 are compared, it is clear that townships that were growing and heavily involved in industrial activities, such as Workington, Cleator, Harrington, and

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Arlecdon and Frizington, were also the locations where Nonconformity succeeded in emerging and developing itself. Table 3.9 also shows how the industries of these townships shifted during this period, again indicating an evolving and developing economic region. As a result of this, a localised investigation exploring this relationship will involve investigating a number of specific churches and socio-economic conditions of their attendants will be the subject of this next chapter.

Table 3.8 Township Ratio of Religious Attendance 1851-1902 Township

Established Church 1851

Nonconformist Attendance 1851

Established Church 1902

Nonconformist Attendance 1902

Allonby

80%

20%

37.4%

62.6%

Arlecdon & Frizington

51.9%

48.1%

19.5%

80.5%

Brigham

85.1%

14.9%

40.5%

59.5%

Great Broughton

None

100%

75.1%

24.9%

Little Broughton

None

None

None

100%

Broughton Moor

None

None

None

100%

Cleator*

56.9%

33.1%

17%

83%

Great Clifton

None

100%

72%

38%

Little Clifton

None

None

None

100%

Cockermouth

47.5%

52.5%

41.3%

58.7%

Dearham

57.5%

42.5%

43%

57%

Distington

33.9%

66.1%

41.4%

58.6%

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Egremont

38.7%

61.3%

30.8%

69.2%

Flimby

40.2%

59.8%

55.7%

44.3%

Harrington

34.4%

65.6%

18.8%

81.2%

Hensingham

87%

13%

66%

34%

Maryport

37.7%

62.3%

24.5%

75.5%

Seaton

100%

None

56.6%

33.4%

Whitehaven

60.3%

39.7%

19.1%

80.9%

Workington

49.8%

50.2%

31.9%

68.1%

*Including Cleator Moor

Table 3.9 West Cumberland occupation change between 1851-1901 Township

Main Industry 1847

Main Industry 1901

Allonby

Tourism & Fishing

Agriculture

Arlecdon & Frizington

Mining

Agriculture and mining

Brigham

Mining & Quarrying

Agriculture, with some mining and quarrying

Great Broughton Little Broughton

Not stated

Broughton Moor

Coal mining Coal mining

Cockermouth

Flax & Wool Milling

Flax & Wool Milling

Cleator

Coal works, iron works, & flax mill

Coal works, iron works, & flax mill

Great Clifton

Mining

Mining

Little Clifton

Mining

Brickworks

Dearham

Mining

Mining & Brickworks

Distington

Mining, tool manufacture, coke ovens

Mining, limekilns, hats, linens, threads manufactured

Egremont

Mining, limestone & freestone quarrying

Mining

Flimby

Mining

Mining

Harrington

Shipping, naval supplies, mining

Mining

Hensingham

Quarries, thread manufacture

Limestone quarry, mining

Maryport

Mining & Shipping

Ironworks, shipping, ship building

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Seaton

Mining, ironworks

Brick making, coke ovens

Whitehaven

Shipping

Shipping, mining, ironworks

Workington

Shipping, mining & Market

Ironworks, Railways, & Shipping

See Mannix & Whellan, Hsitory, gazetteer & Directory of Cumberland (Beverley, 1847), and T. Bulmer, History, Topography, & Directory of Cumberland (Preston, 1901)

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THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONSTITUTION OF NINETEENTH CENTURY NONCONFORMIST CHAPELS CHAPTER 3

A. Micro Study of Nonconformist Denominations To bring this study to a close, this chapter will explore the socio-economic constitution of attendants and members of Nonconformist congregations in West Cumberland in 1851 and 1902. Primarily this will come from the identification of the occupation and birthplace of each attendant or member, and where possible that of their family members.

1. Questions To Be Asked To assist the investigation of socio-economic parallels in religious attendance, this chapter will attempt to answer a number of very specific questions that help address the overarching question of this study, namely, how and why did the religious landscape of West Cumberland change during the mid-late Victorian period? This chapter is seeking to understand the relationship between religious affiliation and socio-economic factors, such as employment, place of birth, and age. Consequently, the three questions this study will ask are; is there a relationship between religious affiliation and place of birth? How did the employment classification and average age of the various congregations change over this period? Finally, what differences exist between the various denominations and the socioeconomic conditions of their members?

2. Nonconformist Congregation Case Studies By identifying the occupation of members and attendants of various denominational congregations, it is possible to gain a socio-economic picture of religious attendance. Having identified certain West Cumberland townships as having experienced significant economic

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transformation, it remains to be seen if there is a correlation between socio-economic activity and that of the attendants at places of worship. This chapter in relation to the previous chapters will enable this study to clearly answer how, and why the religious landscape of the West Cumberland region experienced change in the period of 1851-1902.

The sources for this chapter come from the Whitehaven Record Archive and Local Studies Centre in Whitehaven, Cumbria. Due to the limited amount of membership and attendance records available, the places of worship chosen were the result of what was available. It was possible to obtain Sunday school attendance rolls for children aged 4-11 in the Egremont United Methodist congregation in March 1851, August 1886, and September 1902.0 The archives also contained the membership records for the members of the Workington Independent Chapel, in 1855 and 1883, indicating the date of admittance, occupations, and what ultimately happened to them. 0 There was also a Roll of Communicants for the Cleator Moor English Presbyterian church, of which it was possible to identify the communicants who attended the church in October 1867, and in October 1902. 0 In addition, there is also a register of the Workington Trinity Wesleyan Methodist Chapel Sunday school, of which many who were in attendance on 14 December 1902 have been identified.0 To complement the existing sources, this study will analyse the membership records for the Society of Friends in Allonby in 1908. Although out of the period of this study by six years, it still provides a valuable insight into what occupations the members had at the

0 Whitehaven Record Archive; Egremont Methodist Sunday School Membership Roll August 1886, and September 1902; YDFCM 2/455 and Egremont Methodist Sunday School Membership Roll; March 1851; YDFCM 2/449 0 Whitehaven Record Archive; Workington Independent Church Membership and Meeting Notes Record; 1855, and 1883; YDFCCL 4/3/3 0 Whitehaven Record Archive; Cleator Moor English Presbyterian Church Roll of Communicants 1867; YDFCP 5/2/1 and Cleator Moor English Presbyterian Church Roll of Communicants 1902; YDFCP 5/2/2 0 Whitehaven Record Archive; Workington Wesleyan Methodist Trinity Methodist Church Sunday School Register; YDFCM 1/6/64

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start of the twentieth century. 0 Finally, it was possible to identify the members of the Hensingham Wesleyan Methodist society in 1902. 0 The variety of denominations and the array of time periods covered means that it is possible to assess and compare change within Nonconformity in West Cumberland during the mid-late Victorian period.

However, there are difficulties in using the aforementioned material. The constant challenge in using these sources is the lack of integrated individual identifiers; instead they had to be individually identified and located using census returns, a process that is never perfect, although every care was taken to ensure accuracy in the transcription process.

3. Egremont United Methodist Association Egremont was a township that saw its population grow by 3,712 over the fifty-year period of this study. It had two places of worship in 1851, which had grown to six by 1902. In 1851 there was a United Methodist Free church and a Wesleyan Methodist chapel meeting in Egremont. The United Methodist Free church Sunday school attendance rolls list eleven boys in 1851, fourteen girls in 1886, and seven girls in 1902. 0 Using geographical parameters and census information for 1851, 1891, and 1901, it was possible to identify 84.4 per cent of the Sunday school attendees and their families. Using the categorisation system detailed in Appendix 1, the occupation of the fathers and mothers could be categorised accordingly.

The parents of the children in the Sunday school are being treated as if they were members and attendants of the church.

0 Whitehaven Record Archive; Allonby Society of Friends List of the members of Cumberland Quarterly Meeting 1908; YDFCF 1/160 0 Whitehaven Record Archive; Hensingham Wesleyan Methodist Society of Friends 1902 Roll of Members; YDFCM 2/95 0 Whitehaven Record Archive; Egremont Methodist Sunday School Membership Roll; March 1851; YDFCM 2/449, and Egremont Methodist Sunday School Membership Roll; August 1886, and September 1902; YDFCM 2/455

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Table 4.1 illustrates that the majority of the United Wesleyan Methodist attendants in Egremont were involved in low-level industrial occupations, such as mining, and shoemakers, with smaller percentages involved in professional, commercial, and agricultural occupations. The attendance in 1851 totalled 283, but in 1902 it was only 143, a 49.5 per cent decrease. However, the socio-economic condition of the attendants remained relatively similar throughout the period.

Table 4.1 Egremont Wesleyan Methodist Association Congregation Professional 1851 1886

2

8.7%

1902

1

7.7%

Commercial

Industrial I

Industrial II

1

1

2

18.2%

8

34.8%

3

23.1%

2

9.1%

15.4%

1

9.1%

7.7%

Agriculture II

1

4.3%

Other 7

63.6%

12

52.2%

6

46.2%

The pattern that emerges from table 4.1 is that small portions of the Wesleyan Methodist Association society were involved in skilled and commercialised professions.

Meanwhile, the majority of the membership were involved in low skilled jobs or were economically unproductive. It can be concluded that the Wesleyan Methodist Association had a relatively broad appeal; it was not exclusively comprised of industrial workers, nor was it a congregation of wealthy professionals. Despite this, the Wesleyan Methodist Association suffered a significant drop in attendances during the period of this study. It would seem that whilst the denomination had a broad appeal to a wide range of occupation types, it did not succeed in attracting new followers, perhaps failing to utilise lay preachers as other successful branches of Methodism had.

4. Workington Independent Chapel The material discovered in the Whitehaven Archive and Local Studies centre for the Workington Independent congregation is of special mention. The church which the congregation met in had been originally built in 1780, enlarged in 1855, and was enlarged

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and renovated in 1884. In 1855 Reverend Thomas Hind became the minister of the church and continued to lead it until 30 December 1883 when Reverend Charles Burrows and his congregation of independents merged with the existing congregation. 0 However, the detailed records that exist from 1855 and 1883 have been of significant use, in many cases containing occupations, and death dates of every member, as well as their date of admittance. The quality and detailed nature of the record ensured the transcription and identification process was as accurate as possible.

Table 4.3 Workington Independent Congregation Year

Average Male Age

Average Female Age

Male’s Place of Birth

Female’s Place of Birth

1855

48

59.1

100% from Cumberland

100% from Cumberland

1883

58.5

53.2

37.5% from Cumberland

70.6% from Cumberland

By using tables 4.3 and 4.4, it is possible to explore the relationship between religious affiliation and the socio-economic condition of members. Comparing the membership roll for the years 1855 and 1883, it is clear that change took place during this period, with less people being from Cumberland and a change in the occupations of the members. One instantly striking point is that there was no one involved in any way with agriculture (omitted from the table for this reason). The industrial nature of Workington is consequently confirmed in the economic activities of the members of the Workington Independent congregation. There were only 12 members in 1855 and then 24 members in

0 Whitehaven Record Archive; Workington Independent Church Membership and Meeting Notes Record; 1855, and 1883; YDFCCL 4/3/3

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1883, although the 1851 census claims there were 58 people in attendance in the morning, with 40 present in the evening. By 1902 this had grown significantly with 62 people attending worship meetings in the morning and 151 present in the evening. The primary reason for the growth within the congregation appears to have been the result of a significant increase of Independents who moved to Workington when the Charles Cammell and Co. steel and iron works relocated from Sheffield to Workington in 1879. 0 Table 4.4 Workington Independent Congregation Professional 1855

Commercial

Industrial I

Industrial II

Other

4

28.6%

2

14.3%

2

14.3%

6

42.8%

1883

1

4%

3

12%

3

12%

5

25%

13

52%

Total

1

2.6%

7

18%

5

12.8%

7

18%

19

48.7%

A significant number of those who were members of the congregation were classified in table 4.4 as others, 42.8 per cent and 52 per cent respectively. This group was comprised of annuitants, wives, widows, and other non-productive economic occupations.

The next significant element highlighted by table 4.4 is the number of people who were involved in professional, commercial, and industrial management. By 1883 however, a significant portion of members (25 per cent) were industrial workers, showing a shift from being a solely educated and commercialised congregation. However, a correlating explanation for this might be in the form of where people were born. Table 4.3 reports that in 1851 every member was from Cumberland, almost exclusively from Workington. By 1883 this had changed to only 37.5 per cent of men being from Cumberland, with 70.6 per cent of women being from Cumberland. The main locations where people moved from were other industrially related areas, such as Derbyshire, Wales, and Scotland. The occupations for members from outside of Cumberland include a coachman, and a printer. It can be therefore argued that the members of the congregation from Workington were engaged in more 0 Grace’s Guide, ‘British Industrial History’, available at: http://www.gracesguide.co.uk/Charles_Cammell_and_Co, accessed: 25 August 2014.

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professional and commercial ventures than those who later moved into the area and joined the congregation. Ultimately, it can be argued that Independent Nonconformists were more likely to have occupations that required higher levels of education, and were more related to commercial and industrial works, rather than agriculture.

5. Cleator English Presbyterian Congregation To continue the investigation into the socio-economic condition of Nonconformist adherents, the Cleator English Presbyterian congregation Communicant’s Roll was examined. As the Communicant Roll contained extensive records from 1867 to well into the twentieth century. Due to the scale of the source, it was impractical to investigate every communicant, as a result this study focused upon those who had attended in October 1867 and October 1902.0 As the congregation was formed in 1867, it was decided to choose that date along with the records for 1902 as they best represented and fit into the period of this study. In October 1867 there were 44 communicants who attended a divine worship, whilst in October 1902 there were 40. Applying the same analytical methodology to this congregation as had been done previous; it was possible to discover the occupation, and birthplace of 48 of the 84 communicants, despite the significant illegibility of the original record.

Using table 4.5 as a starting point it is clear that there was a shortage in attending males who were from Cumberland. None of the men who attended the Cleator English Presbyterian congregation in 1867 were originally from Cumberland, and only 25 per cent of the women who attended were from Cumberland. By 1902 only 15.2 per cent of the males were from Cumberland, although for women this had grown to 70 per cent. There are two notable arguments that could be raised as a result of these statistics. Firstly, the change in 0 Whitehaven Record Archive; Cleator Moor English Presbyterian Church Roll of Communicants 1867; YDFCP 5/2/1, and Cleator Moor English Presbyterian Church Roll of Communicants 1902; YDFCP 5/2/2

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where the attendants of the place of worship were from would indicate that men were attracted to the area for work where they met and married more local women over the period. Secondly, it could be contended that as men moved to the area for work, they married locals who then joined the Presbyterian faith. This second claim can be correlated with the low level of Cumberland born males, in contrast to the high level of females who were born in the county.

Table 4.5 Cleator Moor English Presbyterian Congregation Year

Average Male Age

Average Female Age

Male Place of Birth

Female Place of Birth

1867

42.4

39.8

0% from Cumberland

25% from Cumberland

1902

46

35.7

15.4% from Cumberland

70% from Cumberland

In the comparison of occupation classifications in table 4.6 it is evident that the congregation was strongly involved in the industrial works of the local economy. However, there was a significant change in the ‘Other’ category. By 1902 a larger number of communicants were retired or involved in domestic occupations, such as wives, widows, and annuitants. Furthermore, table 4.5 shows that the average age of males was increasing, although the average age for females had decreased over the period.

Table 4.6 Cleator Moor English Presbyterian Congregation Year

Professional

Commercial

1867

1

3.7%

4

1902

1

4.5%

Total

2

4.2%

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14.8%

8.3%

Industrial II 13

48.1%

8

36.4%

21

43.8%

Agricultural II 1

1

3.7%

2.1%

Other 8

29.6%

13

59.1%

21

43.8%

101

It can be ascertained from these tables that from 1867 to 1902, those from outside of Cumberland heavily influenced the membership of the English Presbyterian congregation in Cleator. A high proportion of the members were from Scotland, Northern Ireland, and other northern English counties. Iron ore mining was the dominant source of employment for the members of the congregation, and continued to be an important element in the local economy throughout this period. Consequently, it would appear that the congregation was unable to significantly appeal to the local community, failing to secure any significant increase in the number of males from Cumberland.

By exploring the socio-economic constitution of the members of the Cleator English Presbyterian congregation, it is possible to gain an understanding of what occupation types were synonymous with Presbyterian Nonconformity during the period of this study.

Ultimately it shows that this congregation primarily consisted of industrial workers from disparate regions of Great Britain, in turn this shows that the effects of migration significantly transformed the religious landscape of West Cumberland.

5. Workington Trinity Wesleyan Methodist Congregation On 14 December 1902, there were 190 teachers and students who were present at the Workington Trinity Wesleyan Methodist Sunday School. 0 It has been possible to identify 104 of the attendants using the 1901 census material. This included their place of birth, parents, and the number of siblings they had, in addition to occupations, ages, and marital status.

The process of identifying the socio-economic constitution of the families of those attending Wesleyan Methodist Sunday School is designed to provide valuable insights into whether or not there is a correlation between religious affiliation and socio-economic factors. It has been assumed that those attending the Sunday school also had their families 0 Whitehaven Record Archive; Workington Wesleyan Methodist Trinity Methodist Church Sunday School Register; YDFCM 1/6/64

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attend the worship services. This assumption is relying upon the point that religious affiliation amongst adults would extend to ensuring their children attended Sunday school services.

Through analysing the economic activity of the families, it is possible to answer the question of what relationship exists between the religious affiliation and place of birth. It will also manage to shed further light upon the topic of correlation between religious affiliation and economic occupation. The majority of children in the Sunday school had been born in Cumberland, with only 5.8 per cent of them being born outside of the county. However, when compared with the parents, there is a stark difference. 47.6 per cent of males were originally from outside of Cumberland, whilst 40.6 per cent of females were born outside of Cumberland. This indicates that the congregation was significantly made up of migrants to the area, arguably bringing with them elements of their regional and cultural identity.

Chapter one of this study investigated the national religious landscape and it revealed that Wesleyan Methodism had areas of strength throughout the West Country, the Midlands, and Yorkshire. Consequently the majority of the Wesleyan Methodist migrants in Workington were from these regions, which indicates that the religion was heavily supplied and supported by those who had moved to the area.

The Trinity Methodist Church had been built in 1890 following a fire at the William street chapel in 1889. The Wesleyan Methodists had continuously had a place of worship in Workington since 1791; therefore, whilst the congregation had been in existence for many years, its growth had come significantly from the movement of families moving into the area for work in the local coal, iron, and steel industries.

The male Wesleyan Methodist population of the Trinity Methodist Church in Workington were found to only comprise four of the classification categories. Table 4.7

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illustrates that the vast majority of the male working population of the congregation were involved in industrial works, such as the railroads, iron works, and coal mining.

Table 4.7 Workington Wesleyan Methodist Trinity Methodist Congregation Professional 3

4.7%

Commercial 5

7.8%

Industrial II 52

81.3%

Agriculture II 2

3.1%

The average age for men in the congregation in December 1902 was 45.9, whilst for women it was 44.5. For families, the average number of children was 4.1, which was higher than the national average of 3.5.0 As a result of all these statistics, Wesleyan Methodists in Workington during the end of the Victorian period could be described as being predominantly working class families, who had migrated to the area for work. Therefore, the development and progression of industrial works in the region resulted in the growth of Wesleyan Methodism in the area, albeit primarily from people moving rather than stemming from conversions.

From analysing the socio-economic constitution of the Workington Trinity Methodist church it has been possible to identify that a significant number of Wesleyan Methodist’s moved to the area during the mid-late Victorian period as they sought work in the local industry. As they moved and stayed in the area, a large number of children were both brought to the area, and more were subsequently born in the area whilst they were there. It could be argued that the influx of members to the area contributed towards the funding of the building of the Trinity Methodist church in 1889. Again, these figures reinforce the

0 Joe Hicks, and Grahame Allen, ‘A Century of Change: Trends in UK statistics since 1900’, Social and General Statistics Section, House of Commons Library, 21 December 1999, available at: http://www.parliament.uk/documents/commons/lib/research/rp99/rp99-111.pdf, accessed: 26 August 2014, p. 6.

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perception that Wesleyan Methodism was the ‘church for the respectable poor’. 0 It was the socio-economic changes to West Cumberland that granted Wesleyan Methodism the opportunity to mobilise and improve its position.

Interestingly, there were no women who were engaged in productive economic activities, this would suggest that there were theological beliefs that were affecting the way in which they participated in the economy. Simply put the women were engaged in domestic work whilst the men went out to work. The large number of women who would have stayed home may have meant that social and religious meetings provided through the society would have been attractive and welcomed as an opportunity to meet others.

Ultimately it is clear that the Wesleyan Methodist faith appealed to the newly emerged industrial class, whether through its tenets and evangelistic approach, or perhaps because of its success in socially reaching out to the increasing number of migrants.

However, Wesleyan Methodism stood out as one of the most successful Nonconformist denominations in reaching out to both the local population and migrant groups.

6. Allonby Society of Friends To further explore the religious landscape of West Cumberland, attention must be turned to one of the oldest forms of religious Nonconformity – the Society of Friends. One community of Society of Friends that existed throughout the nineteenth century was the Allonby society. Having established a meetinghouse from a converted cottage in the village in 1703, Allonby has had a long established relationship with the Society of Friends. 0 Using membership records from the Whitehaven Archive and Local Studies Centre and the 1901

0 Burgess, ‘The Growth and Development of Methodism in Cumbria’, p. 147.

0 Allonby, ‘A Brief History’, available at: http://www.allonbycumbria.co.uk/a-briefhistory/4559045130, accessed: 25 August 2014.

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England Census, it was possible to establish the occupations of those associated with the Society who had full membership.0 Unfortunately, there are no easily accessible statistics that reveal the membership of the Allonby society in 1908. However, a snapshot of membership and the subsequent socioeconomic analysis does reveal interesting insights into the religious landscape of West Cumberland and the relationship it has to the Society of Friends. Despite the fact that the membership record falls slightly outside of the time period for this study, it does however provide an insight into the types of people who were members of the Society of Friends, and their occupations.

Table 4.7 Allonby Society of Friends

1908

Male Average Age

Female Average Age

36.4

37.6

Industrial I 1

4.3%

Industrial II

Agriculture I

2

3

8.7%

13%

Other 17

73.9%

When compared to the previously examined Nonconformist congregations, the Society of Friends in Allonby stands out considerably. Table 4.7 indicates that the congregation was a relatively young congregation when looked at as an average. The majority of the congregation were also predominantly non-productive in economic terms, either being retired, involved in domestic activities, or in education. Those who were engaged in productive occupations were mostly farmers. In turn, it can be inferred that the Society of Friends in Allonby were relatively wealthy and were predominately families with a small number of widows and widowers within the congregation.

0 Whitehaven Record Archive; Allonby Society of Friends List of the members of Cumberland Quarterly Meeting 1908; YDFCF 1/160

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With regards to where the members of the Society of Friends came from, table 4.8 illustrates that the overwhelming majority of males came from Cumberland itself, with over half of the females also coming from Cumberland. The Society of Friends was well established in the county with many generations having been born and raised as members of the Society.

Table 4.8 Allonby Society of Friends Males Born in Cumberland

Females Born in Cumberland

100%

57.1%

It can be concluded that the Society of Friends, whilst a small portion of the society, still had notable members and either attracted or retained members who had occupations that were significant to the local economy. Yet, it was also a faith that had a number of people who were economically unproductive. Consequently, it could be claimed that this indicates a measure of wealth amongst its members.

7. Hensingham Wesleyan Methodist Congregation The final congregation to be addressed here is the Hensingham congregation of the Wesleyan Methodist denomination. In 1851 there was only a Wesleyan Methodist Association congregation meeting in Hensingham that had begun meeting in1838, just two years after the association was formed. But by 1902 the Wesleyan Methodist’s were rebuilding a chapel, which subsequently provided room for 200 people that was opened on 1 February 1902.0 According to the 1902 census there were was 34 attendants in the morning and 93 in the evening service. Using the membership roll for the Hensingham society, there were 32 adults who were members in 1902, 29 of whom have been identified.

0 Whitehaven Record Archive; Hensingham Welseyan Methodist Society of Friends 1902 Roll of Members; YDFCM 2/95

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When examining where the members were born, it is clear that by 1902 Wesleyan Methodism in Hensingham consisted predominately of local born members. Only 13.8 per cent of the population were born outside of Cumberland. In turn, this is a significant difference from that of the Workington congregation. Ultimately, Workington was a location of significant population migration, both from within Cumberland and from outside the county. Of those from Cumberland, nine members of the congregation were born in Hensingham, whilst the remainder were from nearby locations such as Whitehaven and Gosforth. Again, this indicates that West Cumberland had a particular appeal to Nonconformity, as a result of both people moving into the area, and as a result of concentrated efforts to evangelise within the local communities.

Table 4.9 Hensingham Wesleyan Methodist Congregation Professional

Commercial

Industrial II

Agriculture II

Other

1

3

9

1

15

3.4%

10.3%

31%

3.4%

51.7%

According to table 4.9 we again see a strong pattern of occupations falling in the Industrial II and Other categories. This solidifies the argument that Wesleyan Methodists were primarily involved in working class occupations. Again, the most common productive occupations in the Hensingham congregation were coal and iron ore miners, whereas all of the women were classed as just wives or widows, consequently being classified as ‘Others’, just as the women in the Workington congregation were. 0 When comparing the two Wesleyan Methodist congregations, it would seem that the use of local lay preachers by Wesleyan Methodists appears to have been successful in attracting both those born in Cumberland and those from outside of the county. The alienation perpetuated by some denominations through the paying of clergy is not present

0 William Rollinson, History of Cumberland (Sussex, 1978), pp. 104-105.

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in Wesleyan Methodism, which might explain the fact that it managed to retain its numerical position during this period.

B. Socio-economic change and its impact upon the Religious Landscape Having investigated six Nonconformist congregations in West Cumberland, it is apparent that there are certain trends that exist within each denomination. It can be surmised that different forms of Nonconformity had certain appeals to different elements of society. There is no doubt that West Cumberland experienced a socio-economic transformation during the period of 1851-1902. Chapter three introduced and explained the ways in which changed, highlighting the role that mining, railroads, and other industrial activities had. Yet, in the socio-economic transformation, there was also a dramatic shift in the religious landscape of West Cumberland. In 1851, the Church of England had prevailed in the area and remained the dominant Christian denomination. However, over the following fifty-one years, it experienced a cataclysmic collapse in attendances. Despite this, Nonconformists were not immune to the challenges of falling attendances at places of worship.

Trends that began to emerge within the congregations concerned the relationship between religious affiliation and occupations. Table 4.10 reveals what the dominant productive economic category for each congregation was. In each of the three Methodist congregations analysed, it was clear that industrial workers (classification Industrial II) were the majority. Meanwhile the Independents were predominately involved in commercial occupations. The Independents, or the Congregationalists as they increasingly preferred to be called, were chiefly made up of manufacturers and shopkeepers. 0 Meanwhile, the English Presbyterian congregation of Cleator, similar to the Methodist denominations, also had a predominately industrial working congregation. English Presbyterianism had its own 0 Bebbington, Victorian Nonconformity, p. 8.

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challenges during this time, with significant portions of the educated members leaving the faith, often becoming Unitarians, whilst still faced with the additional difficulty of internal schisms.0 Consequently, Presbyterianism was in fast decline in West Cumberland by 1902, having more than halved in fifty-one years. In many places it existed solely because of the migration of Scottish and Irish Presbyterians. 0 Finally, the Society of Friends has been previously referred to as possessing ‘a higher social profile and greater per capita wealth than any other denomination’.0 As a result of this investigation, it would seem that this assumption is again reinforced. The majority of those engaged in work were occupied as farmers, a job that by the end of the nineteenth century denoted significant social status in rural communities, as many subsistence farmers had faded out during the agricultural depression of the 1870s.0 Table 4.10 Correlation between religious denominations and economic categorisation Congregation

Dominant Productive Economic Category*

Egremont United Methodist Free Church

Industrial II

Workington Independent

Commercial

Cleator English Presbyterian

Industrial II

Whitehaven Wesleyan Methodist

Industrial II

Allonby Society of Friends

Agriculture II

Hensingham Wesleyan Methodist

Industrial II

*In 1902, or closest available data Consequently, it can be argued the largest socio-economic factor to affect the religious landscape of West Cumberland in the period of 1851-1902 was the population 0 Gerald Parsons, ‘From Dissenters to Free Churchmen: The Transitions of Victorian Nonconformity’, in Gerald Parsons, and James Richard Moore, Religion in Victorian Britain: Traditions (Manchester, 1988), p. 71.

0 Snell and Ell, Rival Jerusalems, p. 98.

0 Bebbington, Victorian Nonconformity, p. 10.

0 B. A. Holderness, ‘The Victorian Farmer’, in G. E. Mingay, The Vanishing Countryman (London, 1989), p. 7.

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migration from other countries and areas of England to West Cumberland. Outside of other northern counties, Scotland, Ireland, and the West Country counties were the main locations where migrants to Cumberland had come from. 0 Each location was well known for their various forms of Nonconformity; Scotland for Presbyterianism, Ireland for Roman Catholicism and Presbyterianism, and the West Country for Methodism. In addition, it can be surmised that the religious landscape of Cumberland was shaped by the population migration caused by industrialisation.0 Therefore, this chapter confirms existing theories advocated by David Bebbington, Kenneth D. Brown, and others, that certain denominations appealed and attracted certain types of adherents, based heavily on occupation and social class.0 C.

Conclusion

This study set out with a single, multi-faceted question; how, and why, did the religious landscape of West Cumberland change during the period of 1851-1902? However, the subject of religion and Christianity is a complex and challenging topic to address. As was discussed in chapter one, there were at times vast differences within denominations, and at times, some might have had greater similarities with members of other denominations than with those of their own faith. Yet, it was the new pluralistic society that emerged in the midlate Victorian period that caused the Church of England to reassess its role in society, and the ways in which it interacted with the general populace. 0 Despite the fact England had a state religion, there was a strong Nonconformist conscience and identity that prevailed around the country at this time, significantly affecting politics and society as a whole.

Despite the successes of Nonconformity that were manifested in the 1851 Census of 0 Census of England and Wales, 1901, County of Cumberland (London, 1902), p. 53.

0 Marshall and Walton, Lake Counties, pp. 18-54.

0 Bebbington, Victorian Nonconformity, pp. 8-15, and Brown, Social History of the Nonconformist, pp. 19-55.

0 Bowen, The Idea of the Victorian Church, p. 376.

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Religious Worship with regards to the percentage of the worshipping population it had, the group was still fundamentally divided, albeit they were uniformly united in the disestablishment of the Church of England. 0 As a disparate social group, it was difficult to achieve uniformity on any single issue, often struggling to view each other without suspicion.0 So, how did the religious landscape of West Cumberland change during the period of 1851-1902? Well, from chapters two, three, and four, it has been possible to compare and contrast the changes in the various religious denominations, primarily in attendances, but also in membership figures and seats provided. Through the subsequent analysis, it was possible to conclude that both the Established Church and Nonconformists had failed to match the growth in population. The main fact is that the Established Church suffered a dramatic collapse in attendance, whilst the Nonconformists as a collective, managed to significantly increase their portion of the attendance figures, arguably at both the expense of the Established Church and through population migration into the region. Furthermore, there were definite changes in the constitution of Nonconformity. The older forms of religious dissent struggled to attract new followers or retain those born into the faith. The Independents, Quakers, and Presbyterians all experienced significant decline during the 1851-1902 period. However, the Baptists succeeded in growing their attendances by a third during this same timeframe, whilst the Roman Catholic’s experienced the largest numerical increase of all the denominations, growing by over 4,000 attendants during the period of this study. The only two other denominations that succeeded in growing during this time were the Christian Brethren and ‘Other’ Nonconformists, including the Salvation Army. It can be argued that the failure of the old forms of Nonconformity to increase their attendances 0 B. G. Worrall, The Making of the Modern Church: Christianity in England Since 1800 (London, 2003), p. 134.

0 Bowen, The Idea of the Victorian Church, p. 378.

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was through the contraction of evangelical thought during this period. 0 Eric Culbertson argues that the collapse of evangelicalism in the Established Church was the result of poor leadership, being badly managed by Bishops and other clergy. 0 Whereas, Nonconformist evangelical thought as discussed in chapter one, failed to retain momentum and was ultimately short lived. However, it can be argued that the injection of energy that evangelicalism had upon Nonconformity had a lasting impact.

A valuable way of examining change in the religious landscape is by categorising the population who attend a place of worship as one hundred people, then representatively illustrating them according to their religious denomination. Image 4.1 and image 4.2 show the breakdown of denominational attendances in West Cumberland in both 1851 and 1902 respectively.

0 Bebbington, Victorian Nonconformity, p. 2.

0 Eric Culbertson, ‘Victorian Evangelical Theology’, Churchman, Vol. 106, (1992), p. 308.

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Image 1: The Breakdown of Religious Attendance by each Denomination in 1851 (West Cumberland) Image 2: The Breakdown of Religious Attendance by each Denomination in 1902 (West Cumberland)

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From images 4.1 and 4.2, it is clear that by 1902 Roman Catholics rivalled the Church of England in terms of representation, whilst the Wesleyan Methodists retained a sizeable portion of the population that attended a place of worship. Furthermore, it is evident that older forms of religious Nonconformity had suffered a collapse in attendance, despite retaining the majority of their places of worship. In conclusion, it is clear that evangelical thought was not enough to enable the continued growth of a religious denomination. The growth alone of Roman Catholicism, which was not a notable evangelical movement, indicates that migration not evangelicalism was the overwhelming factor that had a lasting impact upon the religious landscape of West Cumberland.

Having established how the religious landscape had changed, the final remaining question is, why did the religious landscape of West Cumberland change during the period of 1851-1902? The answer to this question is twofold. Firstly, the critical impact upon the religious landscape was the result of the economic transformation of the region. With increased accessibility, and constant industrialisation, there was a steady stream of migration into the area, with people bringing their religious practices and theological beliefs with them. It is for this reason that Roman Catholicism multiplied exponentially in the area, albeit at the expense of elsewhere. Secondly, the rapid increase in the rate of irreligion decimated many places of worship and denominations, causing the closure of a number of congregations. These two reasons, it can be argued, are the main explanations as to why the religious landscape of West Cumberland changed. However, there were other reasons why attendances declined. The changes to Victorian recreation habits meant that increasing numbers of society made use of Sundays as a day of rest and time for family, rather than attending a place of worship.0 Furthermore, with the development of Victorian liberalism, there was greater tolerance in society, which in turn enabled agnostics and atheists to be 0 Dominic Erdozain, The Problem of Pleasure: Sport, Recreation and the Crisis of Victorian Religion (Woodbridge, 2010), p. 155.

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more open about their disbelief. In turn this meant, that with the continual development of an open, pluralistic, and tolerant society, those with closeted beliefs and doubts could no longer feel compelled to attend a place of worship. 0 Consequently it can be argued that the industrialisation of West Cumberland and subsequent migration to the area, along with the rising issue of irreligion in society all significantly contribute to why the religious landscape of West Cumberland changed during this period.

This study has succeeded in answering the two chief research questions it set out with, and in so doing has also advanced the existing understanding of religion in West Cumberland during the mid-late Victorian period. Future studies will be able to use this work as a starting point when researching religion and the ways it interacts with society in West Cumberland. Meanwhile, other socio-economic studies that might focus upon religion could investigate the wills and probates of Nonconformists in this area and compare amounts of wealth left at death, both within a denomination, and in comparison with other Nonconformists.

0 S. J. D. Green, ‘Unestablished Versions: Voluntary Religion in the Victorian North’, Northern History, Vol. 30 (1994), p. 207.

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Bibliography: Primary Sources 1.

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Census of Great Britain, 1851, Population Tables, II. Ages, civil conditions, occupations and birth-place of the people with the numbers and ages of the blind, the deaf-and-dumb, and the inmates of workhouses, prisons, lunatic asylums, and hospitals. Vol. II BPP 1852–53, LXXXVIII Pt.II. Available at: http://histpop.org/ohpr/servlet/AssociatedView? path=Browse&active=yes&mno=2019&assoctitle=Census%20Act, %201850&assocpagelabel=, accessed: 1 September 2014.

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1851 England Census; available at: http://search.ancestry.com/search/db.aspx?dbid=8860, accessed: 3 September 2014.

-

Allonby and West Newton, Enumeration District 8

-

Arlecdon, Enumeration District 3a

-

Brigham, Enumeration District 7

-

Cleator, Enumeration District 1a & 2b

-

Cockermouth, Enumeration District 9a-9g & Cockermouth Union Workhouse

-

Dearham, Enumeration District 11a-11b, 12 & 13

-

Distington, Enumeration District 21-2b

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Egremont, Enumeration District 2a-2c

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Flimby, Enumeration District 14

-

Frizington, Enumeration District 3, 6, & 8

-

Great Broughton, Enumeration District 18

-

Great Clifton, Enumeration District 6

-

Harrington, Enumeration District 1a-1d

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Hensingham, Enumeration District 1a-1c

-

Little Clifton, Enumeration District 5

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Maryport, Enumeration District 10c-10e

-

Seaton, Enumeration District 1

-

Whitehaven Civil Parish, Enumeration Districts 1-15

-

Workington Civil Parish, Enumeration Districts 8a-8k

1901 England Census; available at: http://search.ancestry.com/search/db.aspx?dbid=7814, accessed: 3 September 2014.

-

Allonby, Enumeration District 2

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Arlecdon, Enumeration District 7-10

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Brigham, Enumeration District 1

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Broughton, Enumeration District 15

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Broughton Moor, Enumeration District 16

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Cleator, Enumeration District 1-4, & 19

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Cockermouth, Enumeration District 1-6, District Cockermouth Union Workhouse, and District Cumberland County Industrial School

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Dearham, Enumeration District 15-16

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Distington, Enumeration District 5-6

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Flimby, Enumeration District 6-7

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Great Clifton, Enumeration District 5

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Harrington, Enumeration District 1-4

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Hensingham, Enumeration District 25-26

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Little Clifton, Enumeration District 6

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Netherhall, Enumeration District 9-14

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Whitehaven, Enumeration District 1-24, & District Whitehaven Union Workhouse

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Whitehaven, Harrington Sub-registration District, Enumeration District 15

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Workington, Enumeration District 11-23

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Workington Rural, Enumeration District 10

Record Archive The National Archive, Kew Ecclesiastical Census Returns 1851; HO 129/571 Whitehaven Ecclesiastical Census Returns 1851; HO 129/570 Cockermouth

Whitehaven Record Archive and Local Studies Centre Egremont Methodist Sunday School Membership Roll; March 1851; YDFCM 2/449 Egremont Methodist Sunday School Membership Roll; August 1886, and September 1902; YDFCM 2/455 Workington Independent Church Membership and Meeting Notes Record; 1855, and 1883; YDFCCL 4/3/3

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Cleator Moor English Presbyterian Church Roll of Communicants 1867; YDFCP 5/2/1 Cleator Moor English Presbyterian Church Roll of Communicants 1902; YDFCP 5/2/2 Allonby Society of Friends List of the members of Cumberland Quarterly Meeting 1908; YDFCF 1/160 Workington Wesleyan Methodist Trinity Methodist Church Sunday School Register; YDFCM 1/6/64 Hensingham Welseyan Methodist Society of Friends 1902 Roll of Members; YDFCM 2/95

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Dennis Brathcer, 2013, Christian Resource Institute, ‘Low Church and High Church’, available at: http://www.crivoice.org/lowhighchurch.html, accessed: 16 July 2014.

Durham Mining Museum, ‘1902 List of Mines under the Coal Mines Act’, available at: http://www.dmm.org.uk/lom/1902_301.htm, accessed: 4 August 2014.

Grace’s Guide, ‘British Industrial History’, available at: http://www.gracesguide.co.uk/Charles_Cammell_and_Co, accessed: 25 August 2014.

Joe Hicks, and Grahame Allen, ‘A Century of Change: Trends in UK statistics since 1900’, Social and General Statistics Section, House of Commons Library, 21 December 1999,

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available at: http://www.parliament.uk/documents/commons/lib/research/rp99/rp99111.pdf, accessed: 26 August 2014.

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APPENDIX Appendix 1: Occupation Classification This list categorises the various types of employment that were in existence during the period and puts them into one of seven categories. The classification enables the details for each individual in this study to be used efficiently, assisting in the analysis of a vast amount of data.

Professional Educated and highly skilled individuals, including; clergy, teachers, solicitors, and clerks.

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Commercial Educated and trained employers and employees, including; shop assistants, bankers, shop owners.

Industrial I Owners and proprietors, skilled and experienced in business; mine owners, house proprietors, industrialists, and highly skilled master craftsmen.

Industrial II Workers and unskilled labourers, including; miners, road labourers, shoemakers, and so forth.

Agricultural I Agricultural landowners and large-scale farmers.

Agricultural II Workers and unskilled labourers, including agricultural labourers, dairy workers, and so forth.

Other Those involved in domestic services, unproductive individuals, retired, and the unemployed.

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