Inside out
Colin Chinnery
The opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympic Games began at eight o’clock in the evening on the eighth day of the eighth month of the year 2008. The political party that tried for decades to stamp out superstition in China could not resist the allure of a lucky number, an invisible ally in which the whole country could believe.
and national prestige. The hosting country must take advantage of these opportunities, while the IOC must at least try to keep the Olympics a sporting event. The importance that countries place on hosting the Olympics demonstrates the potency of the Olympic brand. Thus, despite China’s extensive power, to work with the IOC was to play by their rules, even on Chinese soil. Very rarely will any powerful country allow that level of foreign jurisdiction in its own territory. The IOC effectively takes its own sovereignty everywhere it goes. Like a Russian doll, there was a structure within a structure: the IOC within China. China the host; IOC the boss.
The first half of 2008, however, started with a distinct lack of good luck. In January, inexplicable snowstorms hit subtropical Guangzhou, stranding hundreds of thousands of people trying to get home for Chinese New Year. Riots in Tibet then erupted in March, sparking a chain of events that eventually turned an Olympic torch relay into an international protest route against China, focusing the world’s media attention on everything China was trying to avoid, and turning an Olympic public relations dream into a nightmare. This was followed in May by the worst natural disaster in China for over thirty years, as a catastrophic earthquake killed close to 70,000 people in Sichuan province. The magnitude of human suffering resulted in an outpouring of international goodwill, and the Chinese government’s efficient reaction to the disaster contrasted strongly with the Bush administration’s response to Hurricane Katrina the year before. China’s image was saved, but at a strange and awful cost. The response to each event either directly or indirectly became part of the complex political matrix the Beijing Olympics was creating. It became a symbolic black hole from which nothing could escape association. For the first time, China was conducting a public relations campaign beyond its borders and beyond its control. By placing itself in the global media spotlight, the country was exposing itself to unprecedented scrutiny. Just as celebrities both crave and fear the media, China’s need for attention was a double-edged blade. For a government so accustomed to control, this exercise in celebrity was quickly turning into a lesson in humility. So it was with a great sense of relief that the torch eventually arrived in China, restoring a sense of control and harmony needed to properly prepare for the Olympics. The slogan “One World, One Dream,” which had lost its rhetorical edge during the torch relay, rediscovered some sense of decorum on billboards all over the country, and the world’s media went back into Olympic stand-by mode. While all this was going on, Sarah Morris was applying for behind-thescenes access to the Olympic Games to make her film Beijing, navigating a labyrinthine trans-continental bureaucracy that had become politically hyper-sensitive. At the heart of this labyrinth lay, in fact, two bureaucracies: the IOC (International Olympic Committee) and the Chinese government. This was the two headed beast protecting billions of dollars of investment, matters of authority and control, and the relationship between sport, business, power, and politics. With such high stakes, the relationship between the world’s most influential sporting brand and the world’s most populous nation was naturally fraught with tension. As the Olympic Games have become more popular over the past century, the believed transformative qualities for the city hosting them have reached almost religious proportions. The Olympic Games have come to represent a major opportunity for economic regeneration, infrastructural investment and environmental improvement, as well as a means of achieving international prominence
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China’s bureaucracy is the oldest on earth. Its roots are buried deep in history, where everything is connected via systems that have continued unbroken to this day. For example, there is a direct connection between this age-old bureaucracy and the shape and structure of Beijing. The central point of Beijing city – the heart of the old Universe and seat of Imperial power – is the Forbidden City. Streets arranged in a grid aligned on cardinal points radiate away from the palace, where everything knows its place within a clear system. Here, architecture embodies the power structure of government, which in turn is based upon the family structure of Confucian ethical codes. However, this idealized structure has been disfigured over the past century by both revolution and modernism. Its clarity of form has been replaced by a confused tangle of competing and contradictory messages, like thousands of people thinking out loud. The Imperial center of Beijing has become empty of function, except of that of a potent symbol, and the search for China’s new identity can be read in Beijing’s architecture like an illustration. One sees the old city destroyed in parts, replaced by cheap and drab modern housing. Elsewhere, tall concrete buildings have Chinese ‘hats’ in response to strange and short-lived government regulations. Government planning got into bed with an aggressive real estate market to encourage home buying, retail facilities, and office construction, developing vast swathes of the city in a confusing variety of styles influenced by Hong Kong, Taiwan, Singapore, Japan, and the United States. The Olympics formed the latest chapter in Beijing’s architectural odyssey by adding major statements from world famous architects. These grand gestures have become a defining feature of New China, of how a city relates to its people and to the world. Traditional clarity of form and thought has been replaced by a constant state of uncertainty, an uncertainty of direction. This lack of philosophical conviction has been replaced by a common sense of purpose. The way of achieving this purpose has been relegated by the importance of having purpose itself. The gestures of the Olympics and all its accompanying accessories mirrored, fed, and affirmed the empowering sense of purpose China has adopted in the past thirty years. The Olympics in Beijing was a historical moment. For Chinese citizens, it meant a coming of age, the arrival of recognition. Beijing was acknowledged as a member of an exclusive club of important cities around the world. Beijing citizens had a genuine glow of pride that they wanted to impart on visitors from abroad. For foreigners, the Beijing Olympics became the moment in the new land of opportunity, a place where anything is possible. To miss the moment would be to lose out to the moment, to lose a piece of history.