Research porto

R E S E A R C H PORTFOLIO Payam Tabrizian

Research papers

1

CONTENTS From city- hills to Metropolis

2

The origins and dilemmas of Landscape urbanism in Iran

Dynamics of a shrinking city Case study Masjed Soleyman /Iran

19

20

On Legitimacy of landscape urbansim

34

Entrepreneruralism and patterns of exclusion

38

Architecture of Displacement

42

Reviving the cresent

46

Canal park Bossuit Kortrijk / Belgium

Case of Brussels International development plan (IDP) /Belgium

Critical thoughts on development policies i.c. De Koninkplein, Antwerp /Belgium

Between catastrophes, strategies,and utopian expectations i.c. New Orleans /USA

From ray to metropolis

Tracing the patterns of colonialism in Iran(1921-1940) /Iran

58

* Only the first 2 papers are provided with full text, the rest include ,only, turncated versions of the original essays

3

“FROM CITY- HILLS TO METROPOLIS The origins and dilemmas of Landscape urbanism in Iran

From City-Hills to Metropolis

The Origins of Landscape Citation : Tabrizian, Payam.

“From city-and hills to Dilemmas Metropolis: The origins and dilemmas of Landscape urbanism in Iran.”paper presented at the 11th N-Aerus international conference on the use, production and dissemination of urban knowledge in cities of the South, Brussels, 2010

Urbanism In Iran

Payam Tabrizian Post graduate student in the Masters of Urbanism and Strategic Planning KULeuven University

Abstract The contribution of productive and cultural landscapes in Iranian urbanism practices has a long standing tradition. Historically, the trialogue between living, ritual and productive landscapes structured the traditional urbanism and used as a guideline for any development and urban practice in Iranian contexts. This is vividly mirrored by random and organic patterns of the Iranian cities in one hand and entangled networks of urban and agricultural landscapes in territorial scale on the other hand. In the late twentieth century, The Urban knowledge and perspectives towards sustainable development and territorial building immensely altered by the new stereotypical European models mostly focused on the city centers. As a consequence of this unbalanced expansion, the entangled relation of urban and agricultural areas faded away and new ecological and socio-economical dilemmas emerged. This paper takes Isfahan and Yazd regions situated in central Iranian plateau as case studies and kicks off by illustrating the spatial configuration of the traditional city in order to identify the historic knowledge and techniques as driving forces behind its development in local and regional scale. Later, it will try to critically highlight the contemporary efforts which have tried to address/disregard the relation of agricultural and urban landscapes for developing strategies and guidelines for the future sustainable development of Iranian contexts both in the city and territorial scale.

Introduction Iran is a land of incredible natural prosperity, whose extraordinary range of cultures and ecologies is further expressed in the varied agricultural practices featured throughout its varying territory. The Iranian landscape is dominated by rugged mountain ranges that separate various basins or plateau from one another. These mountain ranges are stretched along the Northern and Western borders, the Caspian Sea on the north and the Persian Gulf to the south resulting in diverse ecological conditions.

From great plains to massive highland plateaus, from deserts to rain forest, from marshlands to salt lakes, and from mountain forests to alpine pastures on mountain ranges each feature has its own beat and rhythm .The wide-ranging adaption of human activity to the natural characteristics is reflected by a vast cultural spectrum, with no fewer than forty two distinct languages being spoken, belonging to four major linguistic groups. The relation between agricultural practices and natural features has not only shaped living environments but has also embraced the economical, cultural and social activities of the country throughout history. As echoed by Mohsen Habibi the first urban node founded in Iran was based on three elements of ideology, economy and the environment.” In the Mad1 territory each one of ‘Shahr Tappeh’2 is a ‘Shahrmaabad’ a ‘Shahr-ghodrat’ which is located in a spot where all environmental forces meet each other.” (Habibi 2000) 1 Mad ‘s(.the Medes), were an ancient Iranian people who lived in the northwestern portions of presentday Iran. They entered this region with the first wave of Iranian tribes, in the late second millennium BC (the Bronze Age collapse). By the 6th century BC, after having together with the Babylonians defeated the Neo-Assyrian Empire, the Medes were able to establish their authority, lasting for about sixty years, from the sack of Nineveh in 612 BC until 549 BC when Cyrus the Great established the Achaemenid Empire by defeating Astyages, king of Media.

2 litteral translation for ‘Shahr-tapeh’ is ‘City-Hills ‘, ‘Shahr maabad’ is “City-Temple’ and ‘Shahr Ghodrat’ is ‘City –Power’ .Thet refer to to early inspiration of Iranian from Mesopotamien villages in 9th century B.C .

This as a knowledge/reference for urban practices and decisions was maintained, evolved and promoted generation after generation and led to remarkable achievements by them throughout history.

These accomplishments as historic references on one hand and the country’s archeological and natural wealth on the other, absorbed many researchers and scholars’ attention to explore and document Iranian urbanism as far back as the seventeenth century (Olearius ,1647: Kaempfer,1727; Texier ,1852;…) . Unfortunately, many of these accounts are based on superficial assumptions and biased misinterpretations, approximating Iranian contexts with other Middle Eastern environments labeled as Islamic urbanism. Although the impact of Islam as a religious/cultural practice has had an evident influence on the shaping of planning ideology, design knowledges and on the configuration of cities, but it undoubtedly cannot be considered the cornerstone of every development assigned to Iranian vernacular urbanism.

The first part of this writing is the outcome of an exploration of historic and contemporary studies in order to highlight the elements contributing to framing the current biases and perceptions of Persian/Iranian urbanism, interpreted both as a set of knowledges and practices.

Later it will employ landscape urbanism discourses as a lens to morphologically read across contexts in order to reveal the effective role of productive landscapes in the development and creation of Iranian cities and underscore the ingredients of knowledge creation and dissemination followed by planners and local professionals throughout time. Here the term ‘landscape’ is conceptualized beyond its contemplative narrowed labels (green space, natural elements).It entitles the definition of J.B Jackson for landscape which defines the spatial (infrastructural, ecological) aspect of human activity (cultural3,religious, economical,…) on earth4 .This essay is a modest effort to reclaim landscape urbanism as a knowledge having deep roots in Iranian architecture and planning and as such, an activity which has been practiced over millennia. Reclaiming it will have an immense impact in dealing with contemporary (urban) issues.

The illusion of a “Unique West” and Islamic interpretations “A town was a settlement in which [a Muslim’s] religious duties and his social ideals could be completely fulfilled.”

Von Grunebaum, 1955 The concept of the Islamic city and the religious interpretation for describing the Iranian city emerged from the formulations of orientalists5, a group of researchers and scholars researching the languages and religions of the Middle East (W.Said, 1979;Bonine, 1979; Kamali, 1998;Rizvi & Isendstadt, 2008). In the early years of the 20th century, intellectuals both in Europe and the Middle East turned to the idea of the ‘East’ in search of alternative modes of living. This interest was filtered through notions of racial and cultural superiority and the Middle Eastern contexts became the subject of oriental interpretations. As echoed by Edward Said colonial discourse was intrinsic to European self-understanding: it is through their conquest and their knowledge of foreign peoples and territories (two experiences which usually were intimately linked), that Europeans could position themselves as modern, as civilized, as superior, as developed and progressive vis-à-vis local populations that were none of that (W.Said, 1979). On the other hand, Islam and Islamic groups with different worldviews and interpretations of Islam have always been part of a modernization discourse in Iran.

The great illusion of a ‘unique west’ has dominated social and architecture-related discussions for a long time, misleading many researchers who were investigating the difference between the ‘West and the rest’, more particularly the gap between the 3 ‘Introduction ‘in W.J.T Mitchel (Ed.),Landscape and Power , 4 “A landscape is a space deliberately created to speed up or slow down the process of the nature.”

5 See Maxime Rodinson, “The Western Image and Western Studies of Islam,” in Joseph Schacht and Clifford E. Bosworth, eds., The Legacy of Islam, 2nd edition (London: Oxford University Press, 1974), pp. 9-62. A discussion of the Islamic city with further references is found in Michael E. Bonine, “From Uruk to Casablanca: Perspectives on the Urban Experience of the Middle East,” Journal of Urban His- tory, Vol. 3 (1977), pp. 141-80; specifically pp. 148- 57, 173-75.

5

imagined ‘unique west’ and the imagined ‘Muslim world’ (Kamali, 1998,2001,2006).

Moreover the research for oil intensified the idea of a ‘cohesive Middle East’ held together by the increasing industrial thirst for sources of fuel. The image of Arab states unified by oceans of oil lying unseen beneath their soil emerged in the nineteenth century with the advent of a British controlled Anglo-Persian oil company in Iran.

(Rizvi & Isendstadt,2008) Akin to the mentioned intentions and interpretations, the interpretation of Islam was one of an all-encompassing value system embracing both the social and physical morphology of settlements in the so-called ‘Muslim world’ including Iranian cities. In other words the city summarized as a by-product of Islamic faith, which could be understood only by understanding Islam. In their view, everyday practice of religion was considered as an urban activity governing the social and spatial configuration of the city. In his descriptive reading of Iranian urban history Mohsen Habibi’s places religion as a subcategory of Ideology, running parallel to other cultural and social elements which has been practiced in Iran sixteen centuries before Islam, (Habibi,2000).This aspect can also be observed in early urbanistic practices in South and Southern Asia.

Shannon and Manawadu in an investigation of the roots of urbanism in Sri Lanka reveal a remarkable relation of reflective (Religious), productive (agricultural) and technological (flood/drought control engineering) landscapes as the main driving force behind indigenous urbanism practices.

Orientalist points of view concerning Iranian cities characterize them main features of a typical ‘traditional middle eastern Islamic city ‘ as an environment which is spatially structured by the four elements of the mosque, the royal palace, the Bazaar and other institutions or a combination of these (Von Grunebaum, 1955;Planhol, 1959; Dettman, 1969; Anschilt, 1967, Ehlers & Floor, 1979;...) .In this perspective, the relation between these elements has framed the structure of the traditional city and their variation defines different typologies for the settlements [fig.1].This also has become the basis and reference for further research about the more recent and contemporary transformation of the Iranian context. For instance Ehlers and Floor in their research about urban change in Iran based their assumption about pre 1920 Iranian cities in the following way: “ … Characteristics [of a typical Iranian city] included the central position of the Friday mosque, The Bazaar, Public baths and other institutions, located mostly very center of the city. Surrounding these public structures were the residential areas, concentrically ethnic separation. Arranged, divided into quarters and often distinguished by ethnic separation. The winding narrow alleys often linked up with the bazaar on one hand and ended in cul-de-sacs on the other“ (Ehlers & Floor,1979).

Fig 1: Typical model of Islamic city associated to the Iranian cities Source: Eckart EHLERS and Willem FLOOR, Urban Change in Iran, 1920-1941

The feature of ‘winding alleys’ described by Ehler and Floor relates to the first and the most evident characteristic associated with Islamic cities (Von Grunebaum, 1955;Planhol, 1959; Scharlau 1960; …). The typical Islamic (and Iranian city) is often

described as a maze of twisting and narrow pathways, a disordered array of dark streets and blind alleys or as a “labyrinth of twisting alleys and cul’-de sacs “(Ehlers and Floor, 1979) .This has been associated with most Middle Eastern contexts and cities with a systematic pattern are identified as exceptions. Although this assumption partially applies to some contexts in Iran (for example the cities of Kerman,Semnan and Hamedan), it undoubtedly cannot be considered the principal driving force behind the development of Iranian environments. In his influential article titled “The Morphogenesis of Iranian Cities”, Michel Bonine affirms that in Iran and particularly in the central plateau this commonly accepted description of the Middle Eastern urban environment has been misinterpreted. In Yazd a consistently defined pattern is evident at a closer inspection, and the overall grid can be easily identified amongst the main perpendicular branches (Bonine, 1979). In fact several Iranian cities feature a geometric and orthogonal pattern rather than an irregular and organic pattern forming the urban structure, in turn integrated with the irrigation network and related agricultural activities. [Fig.2] The other aspect deriving from the interpretation of Iranian cities as based on the Islamic model concerns settlement orientation. Donald Wilber postulated that two factors influenced the orientation of Iranian cities in medieval times, namely a major artery running between the palace and the Friday mosque, and the ‘necessity of turning the mosque so that the ‘qibla‘6 wall would be in the direction of Mecca.“Iranian mosques are rectangular with open courtyards and the ‘qibla’ wall must be to the south-west, in the direction of Mecca Streets often parallel the mosque and the grid system might have developed from an extension of streets around a mosque-oriented perpendicular to and toward the southwest. Even in cities founded in pre-Islamic times, when Mosques were later established, the same principle might apply to nearby, newly established quarters“(Wilber1974). Bonine’s sophisticated studies about the orientation of Iranian cities reveal that traditional linear streets of these contexts have limited correspondence when compared with the direction to Mecca (Bonine, 1979)”.

Fig 2: Yazd contemporary and historic pattern. [(Re) drawing Source: Michael E. BONINE,”THE MORPHOGENESIS OF RANIAN CITIES”].

One of the other biased interpretations of traditional urbanism related to orientation is the articulation of settlements in rows of streets with respect to the climatic conditions of the context. As described by Shetalov7 Yazd, located in the central plateau has long linear streets because every house was aligned in one direction to maximize 6 ‘qibla’ technically refers only to the direction of Mecca. However, the term also is used for the wall of the mosque which has the mihrab. See “kibla,” The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 1st edition, Vols. 2 and 3 7 Doctor, N. Shetalov astute Russian, lived in Yazd in 1898-9 and wrote several notes about the city .

7

seasonal usage. Dwelling environments usually are composed of single-story structures implemented around an open courtyard and certain sections seasonally accommodate the inhabitants. Enclosed rooms are used in the winter while the open vault is used in the summer and the warm seasons [fig.3]. The underground basement shelters the family from the extreme temperature of summer afternoons. In order to gain maximum benefit from the energy deriving from solar exposure, the enclosed sections of the house are located on the Northern side while the ‘Iwan’ 8is found along the shaded south wall. The sequence articulated by the repetition of this typology dictated the linear orientation of the city’s pattern. Bonine argues that although the climatic influence on the internal structures of the Iranian houses has not been fully determined, climate cannot have been so crucial in creating geometric street plans.

The observation of two different samples in the city of Yazd testifies the fact that the streets may determine residential patterns and not the reverse [fig.4] .In other words, the climatic considerations are used for infill fabric along a specific trajectory, but do not determine the direction of the main arteries within the urban configuration.

However, this interpretation has deep roots in Iranian planning policy, still followed to regulate settlement construction.

Needless to say, the inextricable relation of the people with their living space and to the cultural and religious landscapes has had an immense impact in framing mindsets and influencing the planning and construction of urban environments but it definitely cannot be considered as the only indicator of urbanistic practices. Nevertheless, this paper is by no means an effort to disregard the contribution of religious factors to the configuration of the Iranian environment, but it rather hopes to underscore the other components of vernacular urbanism, which can clarify the specificity of Iranian contexts vis-à-vis the rigid idea of a ‘fully-fledged‘ typical Muslim town. Following Habibi’s terminology and the notion of ‘productive landscape’ as employed by Shannon and Manawadu, the paper hopes to contextually illustrate the inherent dependency between indigenous agricultural activities, irrigation interventions and urbanization.

Fig 3, Right: Iwan.

Fig 3, Left: Yazd historic Pattern Source: Google images

Landscape urbanism as an indigenous knowledge The contribution of productive landscapes has had an immense influence on the creation and expansion of many urban environments both at the local and the territorial scale. In fact landscape urbanism as a discourse is not yet fifty years old but the practice of it as an indigenous knowledge has a long-standing tradition. As one of the pioneers in irrigation technology and water management, Iran has seen such practices occur many centuries well before the emergence of Islam9. These 8

Iwan is defined as a vaulted hall or space, walled on three sides, with one end entirely open.

9 The first engineering invention of water management and irrigation technology was “Qanats”The precise dating of qanats is difficult, unless their construction was accompanied by documentation or, occasionally, by inscriptions. Most of the evidence we have for the age of qanats is circumstantial; a result of their association with the ceramics or ruins of ancient sites whose chronologies have been established through archeological investigation, or the qanat technology being introduced long ago by people whose temporal pattern of diffusion is

interventions were mainly employed as survival tactics and adaptation to the harsh climatic rhythms and to consequently provide maximum use and optimal management of natural resources.

Yazd, rural suburbs and m of ‘Qanats’ (Yazd City in r),(re)drawing:author.

From the highly engineered ‘Qanats’ (aquifers) within the alluvial fans of the central plateau and on the foothills of the north western heights to the extensive river water management and water channels of Isfahan, each technique resulted in different spatial and cultural configuration of urban and rural environments.

In the most deserted central parts of Iran a coherent relation of urban and rural areas can be observed. For instance, if one is to look at Yazd at a regional scale, it is the invention of ‘Qanat’10, which not only promised their survival but organized a complex interaction of cultural and economical flows across the region [fig5]. As referred by Spooner, “historical patterns of settlement on the plateau, as they are presently represented, would by and large not have been possible without ‘Qanats’.

Although dry farming, riverine, spring and even well irrigation may be important in some localities, ‘Qanat’ irrigation is with very few exceptions of paramount importance throughout the country.”(Spooner ,1974) In Yazd, the irrigation system is significantly organizing the mobility and infrastructure networks of the cities’ patterns. The extensive underground ‘Qanat ‘ system has evidently structured the street and alley network with respect to the topography. Many of the aquifers flow to cultivated lands and orchards around the city or to villages at a greater distance and located downhill. The direction of these ‘Qanats’ within the basin usually follows the same orientation as the main arteries of the city, both intimately related with topography and tied to the logics of landscape. The street network is comprised of linear passages oriented toward or perpendicular to the main slope and perfectly aligned with the water channels. known. Written records leave little doubt that ancient Iran (Persia) was the birthplace of the qanat. As early as the 7th century BC, the Assyrian king Sargon II reported that during a campaign in Persia he had found an underground system for tapping water. His son, King Sennacherib, applied the “secret” of using underground conduits in building an irrigation system around Nineveh.

English, P., 1997, “Qanats and Lifeworlds in Iranian Plateau Villages,” Proceedings of the Conference: Transformation of Middle Eastern Natural Environment: Legacies and Lessons, Yale University, October.

10 ‘Qanats’ were aquifers constructed as a series of well-like vertical shafts, connected by gently sloping tunnels. They tapped into subterranean water in a manner that efficiently delivers large quantities of water to the surface without need for pumping.

9

Looking at one of the smaller towns located in the Yazd region as a part of this consistent landscape network,’Mehriz’ reveals a significant relationship between infrastructure, water channels, and walled fields; all are oriented in the same direction.

The major streets have irrigation channels while smaller passageways provide entry to the walled plots. Wider streets are associated with the main channels and smaller lanes follow the secondary branches. Hence, a grid network of irrigation channels and streets exists to reach a quadrangular field system or else such plots are designed to conform to an orthogonal irrigation distribution. It appears, then, that the rectangular, irrigated walled fields are organizing street patterns perfectly. In spite of not being able to identify the exact rationale for the field system, the important fact is that channels and fields are orthogonal and they are oriented in the direction of greatest slope [fig.6].

Fig 6: Mehriz . Settlements and agricultural fields in relation to water channels and topography.

Source: Michael E. BONINE,”THE MORPHOGENESIS OF IRANIAN CITIES”

The hierarchy of infrastructure in terms of length and width is carefully organized with respect to the water distribution policies. The main irrigation ditches and branch channels are associated with streets or alleyways because the ditch needed to be accessible to the person in charge of diverting water to channels and fields [Fig.7].

Particularly among walled fields and orchards the straight public water channels and passages are advantageous for keeping a watch on the channels and preventing any theft of water. The Yazd region is an extreme example of ‘Qanat’ development providing for large populations of high density in localities where settled agriculture would otherwise be scarcely feasible. This strongly stands against the smaller scope of religiously driven perspectives on the formation of Iranian cities; it also campaigns for extensive research at a regional scale, which allows one to comprehend the landscape network within its wider implications.

: The configuration of ucture in relation to and hannels in Mehriz.

The engineering techniques for irrigation in Iran were not only used as means of survival, but were also employed for the development and expansion across territories. The 17th century intervention of the Safavid dynasty in Isfahan11 strongly testifies this argument. An ancient and picturesque city, rich in history, Isfahan has long been known for its splendid historical buildings and sites. Among the Iranian cities, Isfahan holds an extremely distinguished place, originating in its emergence during the Sassanid period before the birth of Islam12. The urban development to the south of old city, was the most important planned city in Iran which led to its glory and maintained it for many centuries after. This triggered many Iranian and European architects, researchers and scholars to write about Isfahan when it has become a benchmark for Persian architecture and planning schools.

After picking Isfahan as his capital The King’Shah Abbas I ‘and his first consultant’ Sheikh Bahayi’ designed a master plan for the city’s development. This plan followed a monumental scale from the south of the old city center and skillfully welded the new palatial and its series of gardens and bazaars with the ‘Zayandeh rood’ River.

The orthogonal intersections of the ‘Charbagh ave’ and the river created ‘Charbagh’ (four gardens) operating at the scale of the city, and moreover producing a synthesis between Persian and Islamic concepts of paradise, Turkic nomadic traditions of ritual and social uses of gardens, and the principle of the royal capital city [Fig8]. From that point onwards in the history of Persia Isfahan has earned its most glorious appellations such as ‘Paradise ‘, ‘Half of the world’ and ’Face of seven Spheres’ and such new image of the city was illustrated in many paintings. Undoubtedly the city’s new royal, religious and political identity stems from the strategic utilization of the river as a 11 Isfahan City located about 340 km south of Tehran and is the capital of Isfahan Province and Iran’s third largest city. The city has a population of almost 1.600.000 people. It is Situated in the central part of Iranian Plateau at the eastern foothills of Zagros mountains and lush plain of the Zayandeh(Birth giving river) River. Heading north with a slight deviation to the west it goes towards foothills of the Alborz mountain range and Tehran.The eastern boundry of the city almost touches the Great Kavir and Gav khooni marshlands several minor basins with infrequent desert stretches.

12 The first dynamic development of Isfahan started in sixth century B.C. in the southern neighborhood of Yahoudiah and in a village called Kushinan , As settlements began to develop around this new nucleus, the first real center of the town called Isfahan emerged at the juncture of the new and old settlements.[Fig17]The city of Isfahan has been in constant evolution for more than 2000 years ago till now. Each time a new nucleus was born in response to new demands and rose in the vicinity of the old center and gradually developed. Isfahan has experienced two major transformations till now. The first major change occurred in the late 16th century when the Safavie dynasty took control of Persia.

11

strong east-west axis, counter-balancing the imperial Northwest axis. The skillfully designed circulation of flows from the Bazaar and the delicate dialogue between the built infrastructures testifies the richness of landscape urbanism in shaping identity and forming the spatial structures of the city. “ The formation of Safavid dynasty followed by ‘Maktab Isfahan’ in urbanism can be compared with the reinforcement of central Europe after the Renaissance and the creation of Baroque in 18th century. When intellectuals and innovators are still struggling to structure their medieval towns and building their ‘Ideal-City’,’Maktabe Isfahan’ has built its ideal model and depicts a sharp and clear portrait of what exists and what is appropriate. “ (Habibi, 1996) However, there is much to be found in numerous books and writings about this plan with respect to Islam and its relation to traditional Iranian concepts of urbanism. A closer inspection of such descriptions makes apparent the scarcity of documentation about the ingenious integration of the city plan with the extensive irrigation system and the river, a network rooted in a million years of practice and expertise in pre-Islamic irrigation systems. Even in the few references from agricultural or geographic fields, none of them place emphasis on the intense relation of the irrigation technology to the configuration of the city structure. What is evident from the plans and areal pictures is the skillful integration of the organic geometry dictated by the water channels and lining the agricultural plots with the imperial capital city center. This network, known as ‘Bahaee Toomar’ (scroll) designed for water transfer traverses Isfahan and its suburbs from Zayanderood onwards [Fig9]. These irrigation channels named ‘Madi’13 had major impacts in water management and transfer to agricultural fields and to the gardens of Isfahan.‘Madis’ were a dendritic irrigation system that branched from the river and supported the production of cultivated lands and royal gardens .The successful integration of nature and the human environment propelled the expansion of Isfahan at the regional and global levels and made the city the symbol of the rise of Safavid Iran. In this respect Spooner’s words efficiently reflect such features: “The agriculture on the plain of Isfahan was intensified to the degree of “involution” comparable to the classic case of Java under the Dutch empire described by Geertz in order to support this population and the imperial system.” (Spooner ,1974)

Left Fig 8: The integration of rive to the old center and the roya gardens in Isfahan.

Right Fig 9: Madi channels and the agricultural fields.

13 “Madi”s were dendritic irigations systems branched from the river to agricultural plots and royal gardens. MADIs are essential in agricultural, Industrial and urban development in Isfahan. Based on the reports from Isfahan Regional Organization of Water Resources (Isfahan Water Administration 1993), the MADIs provide 91% of agricultural, 4% of industrial and 5% of urban water requirements .there are seventy seven MADIs branched from left side (north) of Zayanderood river while there are only seventy one MADIs branched from right side (sough).( Sattari et al.. 2003).

Modernism and the downfall of Landscape Urbanism The disappearance of landscape urbanism in Iran can be registered as early as the eighteenth century, more precisely when akin to the formation of the ‘Ghaja’r ‘‘dynasty in 1786 the country entered a new period of world history, a moment commenced with the French revolution in 1789. The evolution of imperialism placed the city as its center of influence and made the European city a model to be followed time and time again, regardless of context-specific features. The formation of the ‘Ghajar’ Dynasty would travel hand in hand with the dramatic transformations of the social, economical and cultural configuration of Europe, marking a new order and organization in the centennial urbanistic practices defined for the Iranian context through time (Habibi;2005).This is when the Ghajarian king will strive to establish his government based on production by a united social working system, failing to do so due to the direct and indirect influence of 19th century powers spearheading globalization. This trend continued seamlessly but started from the provision of large loans14 to Iran and receiving long term concessions in return15 (Blair Brysac,2007).

The search for oil in the second half of the nineteenth century reinforced Britain’s influence on the institutional structure of the Iranian government. For British companies cities never had a specific identity or unitary character, but were rather treated as an ubiquitous ‘native city’ within colonial imagination. On the other side, for Iranians oil seemed to define the country’s future: “It was the blood of the earth and the means to catapult people into the twentieth century”(M and R Farman farmaiyan ,1999) . Many planning decisions steered the development of cities situated in the proximity of oil wells (for example Abadan,Islam shahr, Isfahan,…) entailing the provision of housing foreboders and for British engineers and employers. These cities did not show any consideration for traditional urbanism and its embededness with irrigation systems and productive landscapes. The traditional water management was transformed into to the excavation and distribution of oil, fostering a completely different representation of the Iranian city. Although having a totally different environment, the new oil city model resembled the central plateau city in a sense that both of them established and developed in a deserted and infertile area. One prospered thanks to the ‘Qanats’ and irrigation channels, the other by oil wells, refineries and pipelines. Less than a century later oil cities appeared as a collection of urban forms gathered around oil refineries, an ever expanding industrial zone of tank farms, distillation units, electrical pylons and cracking plants (Crinson, 2003).

On the other hand, the integration of Iran in the global market and new industrial economy diminished the role of t local production and market. This aspect, proceeding hand in hand with the newly defined land tenure policies, the substitution of agricultural production economy with the importation of raw materials and manufactured goods diminished the role of agriculture in the social and spatial configuration of the city.

Therefore unlike the “Isfahan canon” which was fostered by an entangled relation of the urban and suburban environments, the contemporary Iranian city represents itself in contradiction with the village. This was reinforced by the introduction of the oil economy, sealing the demise of landscape urbanism in Iran.

By the late 19th century, Iran was looking more and more toward the West, and in 1873 ‘Nassereddin Shah’ became the first Persian monarch to visit Europe. Although still a very traditional Iranian, major cities (Tehran,Isfahan,Tabriz) began to sport a ‘European veneer’in such new structures as a theatre that resembled Victoria and Albert Hall in London and the city’s first public clock tower, reminiscent of Big Ben(Ethlers and 14 Naser o-Din Shah, 1848 – 1896 contracted huge foreign loans to finance expensive personal trips to Europe. He was not able to prevent Britain and Russia from encroaching into regions of traditional Iranian influence. In 1856 Britain prevented Iran from reasserting control over Herat, which had been part of Iran in Safavid times but had been under non-Iranian rule since the mid-18th century.

15 In 1901 William Knox D’Arcy, a millionaire London socialite, negotiated an oil concession with the Shah Mozzafar al-Din Shah Qajar of Persia. He assumed exclusive rights to prospect for oil for 60 years in a vast tract of territory including most of Iran. In exchange the Shah received £20,000, an equal amount in shares of D’Arcy’s company, and a promise of 16% of future profits(Kinzer,2003)

13

Floor 1993 :254). However, the strong contribution of tradition revived and defined Floor 1993 :254).

However, the a strong contribution of tradition revivedknowledge and defined by ‘Isfahan cannon’, represents thoughtful integration of vernacular in by ‘Isfahan cannon’, represents a thoughtful integration of vernacular knowledge in designing the new cities and public buildings in Tehran as the new capital. (Habibi, designing the new cities and public buildings in Tehran as the new capital.

(Habibi, 2000) 2000) Iran remained thus a land in chaos, a playground for the Russian and British empires Iran thus aofland chaos,dynasty; a playground for thewas Russian and Britishup empires with remained the domination the in Pahlavi the country literally opened to the with the domination of the Pahlavi dynasty; the country was literally opened up toIran the West. In fact, for most of the twentieth century before the revolution, the history of West.

In fact, for most of the twentieth century before the revolution, the history of Iran coincided with the story of two Pahlavi Shahs and their attempts, often in the face of coincided with the story two Pahlavi Shahs and theirtoattempts, the face of foreign interference and of domestic religious opposition, turn Iranoften into ainprogressive foreign interference and domestic religious opposition, to turn Iran into a progressive modern state before its oil ran out. The advent of ‘Reza khan’ in Iran brought new modern of state before oil ran out. reforms The advent ‘Reza khan’ mostly in Iran borrowed brought new modes judicial anditseducational and of deregulations by modes of judicial and educational reforms and deregulations mostly borrowed by European models, in an effort to forge homogeneous and native identities. The European models, in an effort to forge homogeneous and native identities.

The modernization and unification was much embraced by the country leaders as it was modernization and unification wasideology much embraced by the leaders as it was imposed by European power and (Eisenstaedt andcountry Rizvi, 2008). imposed by European power and ideology (Eisenstaedt and Rizvi, 2008).

The new government established through a military coup16, and alternating the 16 The new government a military , and the traditional organization established of living andthrough production with thecoup concept of alternating “Nuance”, has traditional organization of living and production with the concept of “Nuance”, has placed city transformation as its first objective (Habibi, 1996). The city is realized as placed city transformation as its first objective (Habibi, The city is realizedand as a manifesto of the disconnection with the ancient eras,1996). a symbol of ‘progress’ a manifesto of the disconnection with the ancient eras, a symbol of ‘progress’ and ‘development’. In respect to this idea different measures took place for the creation ‘development’. respect to this idea different measures took placeoffor creation and development ofIncities.

They included the policy of modernization thethe urban system, development of cities.

They included the policy of modernization of the urban system, approval of urban planning laws, construction of streets, squares and freeways, approval of urban laws, construction of streets, squares and freeways, political, social and planning cultural changes, implementation of national development plans, political, social and cultural changes, implementation of national development the role of oil revenues in the national economy, the consequences of theplans, land the role the of oil revenues of in the theagriculture national economy, consequences of the land reforms, deterioration sector, thethe industrialization of the country, reforms, the deterioration of the agriculture sector, the industrialization of the country, the expansion of roads and railways, the establishment of development poles, land the expansion of building roads and railways, the establishment of development poles, land transactions and constructions. transactions and building constructions.

Industrialization as the government’s major development policy, offered new job Industrialization the government’s development policy, offered new job opportunities for as under-employed malemajor and female laborers.

The industrial growth opportunities for under-employed male and female laborers.

The industrial growth centers such as Tehran, Isfahan and some new Caspian towns, offered employment centers such of asindustrial Tehran, Isfahan some new Caspian offeredsituated employment to thousands workers.and Consequently, the urbantowns, boundaries along to thousands of industrial workers.

Consequently, the urban boundaries situated either highways or railroads became, at the same time, the preferred locations foralong new either highways or railroads became, the same time,industrialization the preferred locations for new industrial enterprises and workshopsat[Fig10] .British policy, although industrialon enterprises and workshops .British industrialization policy, although focused a few cities and sectors of [Fig10] industrial activity, had a profound influence on focused on a few cities and sectors of industrial activity, had a profound influence on urban development. It created the rudiments of an industrial working class, which urban development.

It created the rudiments of an industrial working class, which marks the beginning of the modern Perso-Islamic class structure and massive rural17 marks migration the beginning of the modern Perso-Islamic class structure and massive ruralurban . urban migration17.

16 In order to stabilize their situation on Iran industry and to control over the nationalism movements, British commissioned military a team stabilize situation andthe seek for a new movements, figure that can 16 In order tothree stabilize theirGenerals situationand on Iran industry andthe to control over nationalism apply strategies in Iran[Baussani 2000:49].The head of this team general sidefigure which with Britishtheir commissioned three military Generals and a team stabilize the was situation andEdmond seek forIron a new that can assistance Reza khan a military coup which dynasty and with putting Reza shahwith on apply theirof strategies in arranged Iran[Baussani 2000:49].The headled ofQajar this team wasfall general Edmond Ironthe side which power ,Pahlavi reign established. was the launch point that European colonizers directly dictate their assistance of Reza khan arranged This a military coup which led Qajar dynasty fall and withcould putting the Reza shah on speculations onreign the hinterland. power ,Pahlavi established. This was the launch point that European colonizers could directly dictate their 17 Around approximately 2.47 million Iranians lived in cities, 9.3 million in rural areas. While by 1934 speculations on the 1925, hinterland. the had risen to 13.3 million, the percentages remained unchanged, that there been 17 total population Around 1925, approximately 2.47 million Iranians lived in cities, 9.3 millionindicating in rural areas.

Whilehad by 1934 no significant net rural-urban the total population had risenmigration to 13.3 million, the percentages remained unchanged, indicating that there had been no significant net rural-urban migration

Fig 10: Industrial conce and the Fig 10: railway.

Industrial conce and the railway.

Industrialization policies went hand in hand with several regulations such as the ‘open gates’ policy, concerning the freedom of foreign investment in 1953, which guaranteed the downfall of production industry that relied mainly on agriculture and similarly provided a suitable platform for the shrinkage of the rural system . The chaos originated from the 1963 ‘White revolution’ 18can be recognized as the last blow to the old age agricultural industry followed by massive rural-urban migration.

Isfahan as the second largest city of Iran, known for its central location and abundance of water and natural resources, became the second largest industrial pole of the country. With the assistance of German architects a new industrial suburb was built in the south of the Zāyandarud. The expansion of the textile industry grew so successfully that Isfahan became known as the Manchester of Persia. By 1941 there were at least ten large textile mills employing some 11,000 workers, a sizeable proportion in a city of 210,000 inhabitants. Many wage earners worked in modern factories making paper, matches, cigarettes, and boots, a hosiery, an electric plant, and a grain silo (Floor, p.

59). The population of Isfahan which certainly had not exceeded 50,000 residents in the early 20th century, doubled up to 100,000 in the 1930s, 254,000 according to the census in 1956, then 661,000 in 1976 and 1,266,000 in 1996. The streets began to witness rush hours filled with bicycles thrice a day, shortly before and after the simultaneous sound of a dozen factory sirens announcing the change of shift—the fixed rhythm Isfahan followed for most of the twentieth century.(Borjian,2007) The ongoing migration trend toward cities concomitant with the injection of oil dollars into the internal market provoked many to invest on real estate in suburbs and at the edges of the industrial cities. The formation of small towns around metropolitan cities (especially Tehran) increased the land price. As a result an immense surface of agricultural areas was converted to residential quarters or flattened and bulldozed awaiting further development. Productive landscapes alternated with deserted quarters crossed by a few of main infrastructures and vacant plots framed the typical landscape of industrial city’s outskirts. Subsequently, through the application of the ‘freedom of land– use changes in the outskirts of cities in 1976 this trend has officially continued to date.

With the policy of road expansion, infrastructure did not function as a complementary spine to the old city structure but represented an individual dominating edge. In other words a shift occurred in the city from social, cultural and mental boundaries to economic, political and contemplative ones (Habibi,1996). The implementation of road construction as a means of progress mirrored the first sign of the Haussmannian model cultivated by European theorists of 1920. Infrastructure as one of the main elements of the urban landscape presented a new artificial manifestation applicable to any context. The grid as an indicator of such approach was fully executed out of a sense of symmetry rather than towards any other specific purpose. Although impacts of these interventions were dramatic in larger urban nodes, they became much more apparent in smaller cities. In Yazd a major road cut through the historic center and agricultural plots in the immediate proximity of the city.

18 The White Revolution was a far-reaching series of reforms in Iran launched in 1963 by the Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. Muhammad Reza Shah’s reform program was built especially to strengthen those classes that supported the traditional system.The White Revolution consisted of 19 elements that were introduced over a period of 15 years, with the first 6 introduced in 1963 and put to a national referendum on January 26, 1963.Among them Land Reforms Program and Abolishing Feudalism, Nationalization of Forests and Pasturelands immensely influenced agricultural production system .

15

Fig 11: French Master plan Isfahan.(1968) Source: The tale of t cities:Urban planning of the c Isfahan in the past and prese (Karimi,2001)

Isfahan, like any other Iranian city, has also been the subject of a major program of road building and physical reshaping in that period (1920,1941,1962,1968).

Followed by these radical initiations, two comprehensive plans for the city have changed Isfahan considerably (1940,1968). After the first program of road building in Isfahan, a comprehensive plan was produced by French architect E.E. Beaudouin19, in collaboration with Organic Consultants, an Iranian architectural and planning firm [Fig.11]). A rectangular grid of roads designed for cars has been superimposed on the city without slightest regard to the historic evolution and older patterns of growth. For someone unfamiliar with Isfahan, there is no way to understand anything about the character of the city before this master plan (Karimi & Motamed, 2004). With respect to the impact of this planning document numerous investigations had emphasized the historic fabric, heritage and the city structure, whereas the dramatic consequences of such radical decisions on agricultural and the ecological system of the city remain unsaid. The superimposition of the new grid on the organic pattern effectively threatened the organic structure of the city and represented an important perturbation for ecological rhythms. Recent research proves that about %35 of Isfahan MADIs have been destroyed, a result which leads to a significant reduction in agricultural water resources (Karimi & Delavar ,2006). This not only had an adverse effect on the urban economy - especially in the agricultural sector20(Yavari, 1980) but it also has doubled the risk of Zayanderood River overflowing.

Fig 12: The comprehens master plan of Isfahan produc

by Naghse Jahan Pars. 1984

19 E.E. Beaudouin :A French architect and planner who had studied Isfahan as a Roman Scholar and published a special issue of Urbanism (no. 10) on Isfahan 20 After implementation of the master plan damages to cultivated areas reported as around 42%. (Yavari, 1980)

Conclusion The story of master planning in Isfahan has continued till now. The inability of the master plan to function as an effective development calls for its frequent revision. The most recent proposal was the plan prepared by Naghshe-Jahan-Pars Consultants in 1984, working therefore in a very different environment when compare to the years of the first modernist master plan. Although the latter suffered from a develop mentalist approach, the issues addressed and the terms of reference set forth represented a big push for changing the perspectives of Iranian urbanism. The main objective of the new plan was to revitalize the historic organs of the city and to sustain and improve the ecological and biological processes of the environment. The project also tried to expand the irrigation system partially destroyed by the French master plan and turn the abandoned textile industries to residential use. Although the master plan was never implemented, with an optimistic viewpoint its implementation can be relaunched or at least can serve as a case in point to study, analyze and design with a different perspective [Fig 12].

The planning and design policies in Iran experienced major alternations and transformations after the Islamic revolution. The major objectives of the new towns after and as one of the strategies of urban development is to absorb the overflow population of large cities, to offer housing to low income groups, to prevent population growth and the atomic enlargement of cities, to decentralize population and industries, and to accommodate workers employed in the industrial sector close to the industrial poles. These tenets are mostly are based on radical planning models or clones of a western model (Micarelli,2008). In present day planning, practices and designs, landscape is often not part of the scene and its role is narrowed down to its aesthetic and symbolic meaning and ‘productive capacities are agglomerations at an unprecedented speed and scale’.(Shannon,2004). Planning, zoning , bulldozing, clearing, refining and eventually greening are the repetitive procedures applied to any context regardless of the needs of contemporary society. Highways, underpasses, flyovers and metro lines are running over the old and new city fabrics slicing the landscape leaving behind a series of meaningless leftovers greened by municipalities and maintained by a considerable amount of budget.

The dramatic failure21 of seventeen new developed towns in Iran (Ziari & Gharakhlou ,2009) as an experience accompanied with serious water and natural sources shortage, environmental and ecological problems calls for a new organization of practice and knowledge. The perception that modernism is still capable of envisioning the future and providing a sustainable new city has encapsulated the fluid and intermittent nature of spatial and temporal structures of today’s country. While we are willingly celebrating our new modern interventions and proudly stand for it in the name of progress, many landscape urbanism scholars are trying to underscore its inflexibility and rigidity and to generate new impulses for the provision of more adaptive strategies capable of addressing the uncertain, complex and ephemeral issues of the city (Mostafavi; 2003 ;Hight,2003;Shannon,2004,…).

The multiplicity of recent approaches, researches and practices in landscape urbanism discourse has opened up a new horizon for many planners and architects to test the contemporary issues of the post modern context by relying on landscape urbanism.

Many South Asian cities are trying to develop their landscape image in parallel with city development (Shannon,2004) .From abandoned railways and highways to highly polluted post industrial sites in United States, from the problematic expansion of Paris to the huge abandoned industrial fields of Germany and from the highly flooding vulnerable lands of Spain, to the highly fragmented territories of Italy each represent a successful experiment of landscape urbanism.

Beneath this renewed interest in landscape urbanism lies an implicit promise that ‘bringing back’ the planning and design practices of urbanism and into contact with landscape will open up new terrains of knowledge and possibilities in order to tackle 21 the new town have generally failed to achieve the 10-year envisaged goals and have converted into housing warehouses. At present these 17 new towns has been able to attract only320548 persons while the three new towns of Ramin, Ramshahr, Tis, have not yet been successful to attract population.

17

the contemporary challenges of the Iranian cities.

References Reza ABOUI “Urban Planning of Isfahan in the Seventeenth Century”, Unpublished Paper,The University of Sheffield School of Architecture.

Alessandro BAUSANI, Religion in Iran: From Zoroaster to Baha’u’llah ,(New York: Bibliotheca Persica Press, 2000) Shareen BLAIR BRYSAC,”A Very British Coup: How Reza Shah Won and Lost His Throne” In World Policy Journal, (Cambridge ,MIT press . 2007) pp 1-7 Michael E. BONINE,”The Morphogenesis of Iranian cities”, in Annals of the Association of American Geographers (Association of American Geographers, Volume 69, Issue 2, pages 208–224, June 1979),PP. 208-224 James CORNER, “Landscape Urbanism” in:Mohsen Mostafavi and Ciro Najile (Eds.)Landscape Urbanism a manual for the mechanic landscape,(London, AA books ,2003) Mark CRINSON,”Oil and architecture” in Modern Architecture and the End of Empire: British Art and Visual Culture Since 1750,(Ashgate publishing limited,2003) Xavier DE PLANHOL, The World of Islam (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1959), p. 22 Eckart EHLERS and Willem FLOOR, “Urban Change in Iran, 1920-1941” in Iranian Studies ,( Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of International Society for Iranian Studies. , Vol. 26,No. 3/4 Summer, , Autumn, 1993),pp. 251-275 Mohsen HABIBI , De la Cite A la Ville, (Tehran: Tehran University Press. 7- 2001) Bernard HOURCADE, “Iranian Studies in France” in Iranian Studies(Taylor & Francis, Ltd., Vol. 20, No. 2/4, 1987) pp. 1-51 S.ISENSTADT & K.RIZVI , “Introduction” in Architecture and politics in the twentieth century,(Seatle,University of Washington press,2008) J.B ,JACKSON,” Concluding with landscape”in J.B Jackson (Ed.)Discovering the vernacular Landscape(New Haven,Yale University press, 1984) Masoud ,KAMALI ,”Iranian Islamic maternities” in Multiple Modernities in Muslim Societies :Tangible Elements and Abstract Perspectives,(I.B. Tauris, July 2009) K. Karimi, ”The spatial logic of organic cities in Iran and in the United Kingdom” in Proc. 1st International Space Syntax Symposium, M. Major, L. Amorim, F. Dufaux (eds), (University College London, London, vol.

1, 05.1-05.17 ,1997).

A.KARIMI & M .DELVAR ,”The devastation of Isfahan Artificial water channels in Isfahan” Tehran University press,2007 Stephen KINZER, All the Shah’s Men : An American Coup and the Roots of Middle East Terror, ( John Wiley and Sons, 2003)p.48 Ali MADANIPOUR, “Urban planning and development in Tehran” in Cities, (Elsevier Ltd, Vol. 23, No. 6)p.

433–438 Thomas. R METCALF, 1996 Colonial Urbanism in the French and British Empires, in: Journal of Urban History 22, pp.264-268 William,MITCHEL,”Introduction” in Landscape and Power ,(Chicago,University of Chicago press.1994) Mohsen ,MOSTAFAVI, “Landscape of Urbanism,In: Mehesen Mostafavi and CIro Najile” , 2003 Ralph PINDER-WISON,”The Persian Garden: Bagh and Chahar Bagh”,In Studies in Islamic Art, R. PinderWilson, ed.( London: Pindar Press.graduate school of design and Washington,1885) Kurt SCHARLAU, “Moderne Umgestaltungen” in Grundriss iranischer Stidte,( Erdkunde, Vol. 15 (1961), pp. 180-91) Kelly SHANNON, Rheorics and realities. Addressing Landscape Urbanism, Three cities in Vietnam.

(Doctorate,2004) Kelly SHANNON & ,Samitha MANAWADU,Indegenous Landscape Urbanism :Sri lanka’s Reservior and Tank System, In Jola,(Journal for Landscape Architecture, 2007) N. SHETALOV, Gorod Iezd: Obschchestvo Vosto-kovendeniia Sredne-Aziatskii Otdel (Sbornik, Vol. 1 (1907), pp. 44-197) Bagher SHIRAZI, “Isfahan, the Old; Isfahan the new” in Iranian Studies,Studies on Isfahan: Proceedings of the Isfahan Colloquium. (Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of International Society for Iranian Studies,1974) Brian SPOONER, “City and river in :Iran Studies on Isfahan” ( Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of International Society for Iranian Studies,1974)PP.681-713.

G. E. VON GRUNEBAUM, “The Structure of the Muslim Town,” in Islam. Essays on the Nature and Growth of a Cultural Tradition, (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1955, 2nd ed., London, 1961, pp. 141 -58. A. ) Edward W. Said, Orientalism, (New York: Vintage 1979).

Heidi WALCHER, Between Paradise and Political Capital: The Semiotics of Safavid Isfahan,(Yale University Press ,1998) Heidi ,WALCHER, ,”Face of the Seven Spheres: Urban Morphology and Architecture in Nineteenth-Century

19

DYNAMICS OF A SHRINKING CITY i.c. Masjed Soleyman /Iran Citation (persian translation); Tabrizian,Payam. “Dynamics of a shrinking city: case of Masjed –Soleymen”, Tagh (11):34 , Mashhad, 2012

Abstract

T T

he story of ‘Masjid-i-Soleiman’, called MIS, Abstract as the first oil producing city of Iran and the Middle East region, is an of obvious example of the called emergence, he story ‘Masjid-i-Soleiman’, MIS, growth and decline of a contemporary small city, which as the first oil producing city of Iran and the Middle marked the most socio-cultural economEast region, is animportant obvious example of theand emergence, ic changes in the history of contemporary Iran’s growth and decline of a contemporary small city,cities. which Today, MIS is confronting serious social and econommarked the most important socio-cultural and economic high unemployment rate, aIran’s greatcities. numic problems. changes inAthe history of contemporary berToday, of lowMIS income citizens, inadequate urban services, is confronting serious social and economic problems. A high unemployment rate, a great num-

lack of information, huge environmental problems, old urban infrastructure, and many closed businesses show visibly existing situation of the city. problems, old lack ofthe information, huge environmental This infrastructure, essay seeks toand contribute to thebusinesses understanding urban many closed show of local economic regeneration specific in visibly the existing situation of the city. both the way it isThis carried outseeks and the way it canto bethe achieved by relatessay to contribute understanding ing it explicitly to cultural values.

This as an alternative of local economic regeneration specific in both the way approach exemplified rendering a regenerait is carriedwill outbe and the way itin can be achieved by relattion strategy for MIS ing it explicitly to cultural values. This as an alternative approach will be exemplified in rendering a regenera-

Key ber ofWords low income citizens, inadequate urban services, tion strategy for MIS

Nomads, Oil Industry, Shirinking city, Culture valuue, Economic regeneration, Tourism

Key Words

Nomads, Oil Industry, Shirinking city, Culture valuue, Economic regeneration, Tourism

K. Aghasi, P.Tabrizian, S.Seifollahi

January 2011

Turkmanistan

Caspian sea

Mashad

Tehran

Afghanistan

Isfahan

Iraq

Kuwait

Pakistan

Saudi Arabia Persian Gulf

It has been the first Iranian Oil-City, but “the present Masjed-e Soleyman vividly mirror the future face of City Masjed-­‐e Soleyman Iran without OIL.” (Iran-e farad Magazine, 1998) Coordinates

31°56′N 49°18′E

The contemporary image Country of Khuzestan province in Iran made by government could not help to make it alive. southwest of Iran is merged with Oil industry, in which Thus, the identity of the MIS was changed again and reProvince the Masjed-e Soleyman (briefly in oil industry MIS) wasKhuzestan turned to its traditions but in a modern city. (BBC PerPopulation (2010) 101,000 leading. sian, 22 May 2008) Masjed-e Soleyman lies in foothills of Zagros in northNowadays, MIS is confronted to aforementioned ern part of Khuzestan. The province can be basically di- challenges: vided into two regions: the rolling hills and mountainous • Oil spill has monitored in 6 neighborhoods ac regions in north and the plains and marshlands in south. com modating 25000 people.

On the other hand, Because of existence of rivers as • Residential patterns located in 320 active and such Karun, there is a variety of great potential of aginac tive wells, which needs to be removed. riculture productivity in Khuzestan, which have been • Drinking water scarcity and extreme air pollu faded by Oil industry. tion.

Although there are lots of evidences that show Mas• Unemployment and poverty jed-e Soleyman was one of the most ancient cities in the • TO be ealborated world, as a small village, it have not been known since medieval era until its second born that happened by oil The paper tries to claim that the existing problems discovery.In the other words, the only significance of the and urban decline in MIS are not summarized in the exvillage was seasonal settling of “Bakhtiari nomads” who haustion of oil resources in the area. Rather, the most arrived after spring migration. The majority of the popu- significant reason was the breaking down of the sociolation in this area is Bakhtiyari tribes. economic and cultural solidarity of the people, which led The discovery of oil was a turning point in whole life to changes in the characteristics of the residents. of MIS and even Iran: Drilling the first Middle East ‘s oil In fact, during about half a century of domination well in 1908 in center of the city and development of by western culture and the capitalist economy over the petroleum industry was a driving force for evolution of city, the residents of MIS were used as instruments for modern Masjed-e the extraction of economic benefits by foreign investors.

Persian GulfSoleyman. Afterwards, the city seized paved roads, railway, new dwelling, sport facilities, wa- They had gradually been excluded from their rich culture ter and swage system, hospital, telegraphSINCE and etc. that and traditions.Michiel They hadDehaene changed from being producing THEORY and PRACTICE of URBANISM 1945 many of them were the first in Iran. and active self-sufficient people of their past to become MIS was not only a new modern city, but also dis- consumers and passive wage earner. similar in form: The paper therefore takes socio-economic and cul“ Masjed-e Soleyman is named “fragmented city”. tural challenges as a lens to read the MIS characteristics It is not similar to any other cities in terms of in relation to spatial and institutional transformation of urbanization.”(“Paper of Iran Oil Industry, 1968) the city. This will be elaborated in 3 different periods : • The Period of Before the Discovery of Oil In contrast with golden age, MIS began to be on the • After the Discovery of Oil wane after exhaustion of oil sources since 1966. After• The Period of Oil Exhaustion (Decline Period) wards, in 20 years, the city went to be dead and decision Masjed Soleyman

THEORY and PRACTICE of URBANISM SINCE 1945

Michiel Dehaene

21

I . The Period of Before the Discovery of Oil The essay launches the investigation as early as beginning twentieth century prior to the discovery of oil.

The indigenous people lived under a nomadic self-sufficient life-style, Mostly scattered around the foothills of Zagros surrounding the existing city . The economic necessities was mostly fulfilled by own production and trading goods. The consumer was mostly the producer himself.

In general the paradigm of the production cycle was endogenous. In other accent, it was self-sufficient autonomous and sustainable.

Due to good geographic situation (immediate access to the other side of Zagros), variant topography and appropriate climatic condition MIS (Masjed soleymen) was the most important centres for husbandry economy within the region.

The most significant cultural aspect of ‘Bakhtiari ‘nomads, In the period before discovery of Oil, was entangle relation of people’s traditions and cultural values

and their strong ideology towards life.

In anthropologic definition, the Bakhtiary tribe can be classified as a ‘folk society’, which has its specific characteristics, clearly distinguished from an urban society (Redfield, 1953).

The folk society is normally defined as a system of common understanding: in which the technical order is subordinated by moral order (or cultural values). In other language, nomadic society can characterized by Cultural homogeneity ;organization of conventional understanding into a collective perception of meanings; Adjustment to the landscape; Strong tribal and family institutional structure; Strong religious beliefs and traditions (Redfield 1941).

However, the question arises, in this context, as to how social organisation and the people’s culture could be sustained in terms of values, beliefs and attitudes?

And how were social relations and cultural values transformed by new European alien norms?

To answer such questions, it is necessary to focus on the emergence of new socioeconomic conditions after the oil discovery in MIS.

Nomads lifstyle before discovering of OIL in MIS. Husbandry was the main occupation of the nomads and they had had seasonal migration to find grass fields.

K. Aghasi, P.Tabrizian, S.Seifollahi

January 2011

II . After Discovery of Oil: The development period The Story of the evolution and development of MIS, in this period, is a clear pattern of the confrontation of the past, with the present, and traditions with modernity. The city was a node in a wider network of interaction where the indigenous met the foreign and the global was articulated and interpreted at the local level. Within such a place, traditional economic system and cultural values were dramatically altered by new attitudes and life styles.

This economic achievement in the oil industry seriously undermined the pre-existing traditional economy.

The main factors for people’s perceptions and their rational choice to move from one place to another are the difference between income levels. So, undoubtedly, income and revenue were one of the main factors of MIS’s attractiveness and consequent immigration.

Furthermore, this demand increased job opportunities in the area. So, the rapid growth of MIS attracted some small firms and services, while they were mostly dependent on the oil industry and its development or decline.

This provided adequate conditions for the prolonged domination and further growth of the British culture as the creator of such development and improvement in the city. It meant that, under the capitalist system, through determined social and economic relations and extensive formal norms, people were directed to consume their time, thought and money under specific manners and styles (Sa’edy, 1995).

Employment by Sector in MIS 1956 - 1986

70

Oil(Mining) Services Comercial Construction Industry

60

Percent

50 40 30 20

Agriculture

10 0

1956

1966

1976

1986

Year Source: Iran’s National Census 1986

Immense Job Vacancy created by the oil industry attracted people to the city. The increasing population created more demands and more job availability as well. Again, new job availability attracted new people and a causal positive loop was generated. On the one hand, remarkable investment in the oil sector caused a rapid growth in income per capita and also a very high rate of employment in the oil industry.

This also invited in huge number of immigrants seeking for job to the city.

The increased population not only increased the demands for the city service Industries, but also made the area attractive to business enterprise. Population growth also allowed economic activity to develop by providing a readily available labor supply. The additional economic development created demand for additional labor.

To be involved in most western consumption patterns and systems of prestige needed high levels of income as well as freedom from traditional and cultural values and obligations.

In this situation, only those people who had a good connection to central government or tribal chiefs could get a suitable job in the company. Insufficient vacancies caused a serious competition between the majority of local people for a good job and a higher position.

This was another reason for social conflict and the breaking of social relations. Furthermore, those who achieved the new high positions tended to develop new attitudes and consequently separated themselves from the past and other people. This process caused economic conflict and social stratification. Such a process altered in the family structure and education system as well as other socio-economic institutions (Sa’edy, 1995).

In MIS during the period of foreign domination, a serious conflict between cultural values derived from traditions and religion on the one side, and Western values based on their own culture and economic benefits occurred. Individuals’ attitudes towards the new urban life were shaped through the challenge between such values.

Reviewing the evolution of MIS shows that economic and political domination of the OC over the city was inseparable from the rise of the city as a center for the provision and appropriation of resources. That emergence was accomplished by western cultural symbolism that considered city building as a place for the British oil company employees to live, as well as a place for more

THEORY and PRACTICE of URBANISM SINCE 1945

Michiel Dehaene

23

production and more profits.

Indeed, urbanization and industrialization are interconnected, and constructing a base for production and export manufacturing has essentially expanded the interventions of the state and the companies for building new cities and the growth of the old ones.

In MIS, this process began with the establishment of a company town and continued with the provision of the basic infrastructure needed for the workers and the oil industry.

This gradually created social class divisions, which in turn led to considerable social segregation and tension. People’s cultural values, traditions and social relations were the only forces confronting such tensions.

The visible indications of European stereotypical approaches appeared in the economic relations and physical shape of the urban infrastructure.

The structuring of urban space was directed by the Oil Company that was, in turn, the embodiment of western norms and practices. The Oil Company also shaped the division of labor, and the definition of work relations and rules.

The subsequent activities concentrated on housing, a shopping center, leisure facilities, transpiration and medical services. But, such facilities were only specified for the Oil Company employees who were already classified by occupation. That resulted in effectively depriving ordinary citizens of land, housing, and a healthy, pleasant urban environment.

At the same time, people’s living places, shopping center, transportation, and leisure center were classified and allocated based on occupational classification.

However, these cultural and social values were progressively affected by new western norms and behavior which were economically dominant and controlled all urban activities (MIS without Oil, 1992).

“In ‘Masjed-e Soleyman topography was the dominant factor of spatial configuration of city. Settlement and institution scattered around oil wells and often enti-

K. Aghasi, P.Tabrizian, S.Seifollahi

tled the same as the wells name such as number 1, number 4 and Naftak (Small Oil) neighborhoods. The Neighborhoods were often enclosed spiral shape or set of parallel “cull de sacs” interconnected within the neighborhood and disconnected from outside. The Company residential and neighborhoods are classified by occupation hierarchy.” (Goft-o-gou Quarterly paper, 1999) Urban forms were intended to satisfy the social and economic needs of the civil society, in particular Europeans. The built environment also served a symbolic function, expressing western culture, guiding public behavior and expressing social meanings. (Heynen Semantic gaps) For instance, the hospital, the factory, or the shopping center served the people needs designed for utilitarian purposes (maximizing individual preferences).

Each of these physical buildings, carried and indicated a symbolic meaning of the western culture.

Western style bars and cafe, cinema, and swimming pool (uni-sex) were the examples of these physical environments, which were developments and activities opposed to the indigenous people’s culture.

It would seem that during the early 1920s and the late 1940s the notion of a westernized urban culture, as the consciousness and practice of a way of life in the modern city, was created and expressed in physical form. In this situation, the city of MIS emerged as the specific space of contradictions and social tensions, whilst the atmosphere of the city represented economic

January 2011

vaz & Shus

10

910-50

950-80

980-2000

hvaz & Shus

development, planning and Implementation as well as dealing with significant industrial projects.

Overall, the Oil Company, as the provider of instituAhvaz & Shus tional structures and allocator of resources, has dominatAndika ed the urban environment in MIS from the oil discovery era to nationalization. The history of MIS demonstrates Andika the dominant role of the Oil Company in creating and transforming urban space, embedding and manipulating European stereotypes in the city. common understanding: in which the technical order is subordinated by moral order (or cultural values).

In other language, nomadic society can characterized

by Cultural homogeneity ;organization of conventional understanding into a collective perception of meanings; Adjustment to the landscape; Strong tribal and family institutional structure; Strong religious beliefs and traditions (Redfield 1941).

Oil Well However, the question arises, in this context, as to Heritage how social organisation and the people’s culture could Road be sustained in terms of values, beliefs and attitudes?

River And how were social relations and cultural values transCity in1910 by new European alien norms? formed City inTo 1910-50 answer such questions, it is necessary to focus on thein 1950-80 emergence of new socioeconomic conditions after City thein 1980-2000 oil discovery in MIS. City

British style accommodation with small areas and spaces divided by fences, in fact, by-passed both the traditional Islamic architecture (in other Iranian cities such as Dezful and Shushtar) identified with large spaces, surrounded by a high wall for privacy, and the Balchtiari’s traditional large house with a veranda and two or three rooms attached to it (Oliver, 1997). Indigenous people had to be accommodated in such European flats. However, different types of such accommodation were allocated to employees in accordance with their occupation in the company.

Andika

Ahvaz & Shus

Andika

Oil Well Heritage

910

910-50

950-80

980-2000

Road River City in1910 City in 1910-50

Forms of architecture, such as the “bungalow” appeared; European styles and symbols were erected in all official buildings, parks and City in 1950-80 other public spaces. This was accompanied by the western bureauCity in 1980-2000 cratic systems of governance, including city management and planning.

zian, S.Seifollahi

These “Western-style” buildings and the urban environment they created departed from the structure of Iranian-Islamic traditional urbanism. The transformation they brought about was sudden and strong. Rather than being additional to the existing fabric (in the region or country), they acted as the center of a new order. They occupied the landscape, providing an explicit, in the physical and visual sense, but perceptual environment. These new technologies, shapes, and symbols were, to many, embodiments of modernity itself.

January 2011

THEORY and PRACTICE of URBANISM SINCE 1945

ghasi, P.Tabrizian, S.Seifollahi

Michiel Dehaene

January 2011

25

III . Decline Period Some years after the nationalisation of the oil industry in the oil resources of the MIS field dramatically exhausted, in 1966. Most activities of the Oil Company dramatically declined, the number of employees sharply decreased, many small industries related to the oil industry were closed.

Although As a result of ‘nationalization movement’ the economic and executive domination of the western people did not continue, the socio-economic institutions and their manifestation in older layers of the built environment of the city still existed; i.e., the dominant role of British Petroleum on the oil industry had been removed, but the western rules and regulation still remained. The most important indication of this era was the rapid growth of the city and the high immigration rate from rural areas to the city.

The Islamic revolution in Iran changed every thing, in social and cultural aspects, quickly and significantly. In MIS, like other parts of the country, the direction of all Urban facilities and activities reversed from supporting western culture to the Domination of the Islamic cultural and religious values.

After the Islamic revolution, there were some tensions as people wanted to “switch back” from a western mode to the Islamic-Iranian one. For example in political terms the high pressure of the dictatorial Shah regime, in economic terms, the exhaustion of the oil resources and the high rate of unemployment and deprivation; in

Unconsiquently, migration to MIS was increasd in decline period.

After decreasing the oil industry activities, the chity started to decline

In fact, nationalisation of the oil industry mostly opposed the economic domination of the British Petroleum Company over the oil resources of Iran, and MIS. But this nationalist movement did not cause significant change in the socio-cultural institutions and in consequence in the cultural values; i.e., it was just a replacement of foreigners with westernised Iranians at the top of oil industry.

K. Aghasi, P.Tabrizian, S.Seifollahi

social terms the huge gap between different classes and the obvious discrimination in society, and more importantly the new appearance of a powerful religious values, derived from Islam, all together caused a rapid cultural shift in MIS. In fact, this was the second significant cultural transformation for MIS in this century.

Indeed, during the early years of the Islamic revolution, people struggled to remove all western symbols from their lives, although this could not be achieved, because of many overlaps between the two cultures.

Nowadays, the idea of the acceptance of such overlaps, and some parts of western development, which are not in contradiction with the traditional cultural values, is dominant.

January 2011

The challenge today

Strategy Formulation

Nowadays a real tension has appeared in the city.

This tension is not based only on cultural conflicts and class differences. Rather, the reason for such a tension is much greater rooted in the economic shortages, unemployment and deprivation.

On the one side cultural and moral values, shared backgrounds, traditions and interests, and on the other side economic problems, material benefits and shortages, and individual interests.

Today MIS is facing serious cultural and environmental problems, but what seems to be the trauma for the city is disappearance of economic and production regenerators. The oil industry decline hand in hand with transparency of the self-dependent nomadic economy is threating the city to complete evacuation in a near future.

Now, a substantial challenge is taking place, cultural values, shared backgrounds, traditions and interests, and in a word values on the one side, and economic problems, material benefits and individual interests on the other side. What should be done for such a city in conflict? Is it possible to resolve this conflict and combine both cultural values and economic benefits together?

Although most of the MIS ‘Bakhtiari’ citizens are civilized and are not considered as nomads, but we can observe a high potential for unity and integration among the society under the new conditions .We can benefit from such a unity to stimulate people for serious participation in public policies and schemes for urban regeneration. On the hand, the high rate of educated and skilled people provides an adequate knowledge capacity for economic development. Moreover, the remaining Nomads, which are still relying on, the traditional economic activities (handicrafts and Husbandry) can taken into account as a potential.

People would like to stay in their city because of their traditions, but they could not because of their economic needs and environmental problems.

On the other hand, the Colonial city fabric still plays an important role in keeping the sharp boundaries public from private, formal from informal, rich from poor.

•

•

•

What are the new economic generators, which could create job opportunities appreciating the nomadic endogenous and autonomous econo my?

If we take economic impulses as the key role for survival of MIS how can we strategically em ploy it to revitalize the Nomadic cultural values as well?

How these strategies can provoke the people to participate in building their future effectively and act as active agencies for development?

The next part tries to respond these by formulating a strategic policy proposal for development of MIS and tries to spatially render the potentials in a face of a strategic map.

The Public spaces have no clear definition of a place an still mobilizing people and traffic rather than creating a space for socilizing.

THEORY and PRACTICE of URBANISM SINCE 1945

Michiel Dehaene

27

LEGEND Neighborhoods LEGEND Erased Neighborhoods Industrial Green Space Road River Neighborhoods Erased Neighborhoods Industrial Green Space Road River

K. Aghasi, P.Tabrizian, S.Seifollahi

January 2011

Developing Regeneration strategy As revealed earlier the essence of this paper is developing an approach to show how an urban problem specific to a small city like MIS should be identified analysed and tackled. The research concentrates more on the way and the stages of dealing with an urban problem rather than finding solutions in detail. In this way we try to show the connection between the conceptual and empirical parts of this process. Indeed, MIS is used as an illustration of the approach.

With this respect, this section mostly seeks to present general policy principles and significant essential considerations, which follow from our alternative approach with respect to a city such as MIS, rather than precise plans and programmes. Our policy recommendations are categorised in 2 groups: 1) Economic impulses 2) Socio-cultural policies As mentioned earlier, people are the centre of all

these strategic policies (fig) As the diagram shows our proposed policy approach is divided into two main general groups of socio-economic and Cultural strategic (long-term) policies.

Include improving trust, consensus, motivation, social relations and knowledge of local residents as the main target and capital for development. The main economic strategic policies, for the case study area, are focused on Regional economic, education, cooperative sector and small businesses. Improving and flourishing all these elements together, increases economic development, social mobilization and cultural integration of the society in a systemic way.

In order to evaluate the mentioned strategy we should need to contextually illustrate the potential spaces and nodes, which can generate the desired impulses for development both in the local and regional scale.

K. Aghasi, P.Tabrizian, S.Seifollahi

I. Economic Regenerators (Re) encouraging Endogenous economy

As discussed earlier the nomadic economic system was entirely endogenous. This means that revitalizing such system can both address the traditional values as well as a practical strategy for survival.

This demands a clear shift away from a functionalist perspective of government as the active agency, local people as passive agency and places as the inactive location, to a new realistic and normative view of local people and places as active, constructive and effective elements of economic development.

On the other hand, it is neither appropriate nor realistic to assume that there should be large public expenditure in tackling urban decline in MIS. The government will not be able to perpetuate themselves by means of encouraging dependency among the people of MIS. Instead, main efforts must now turn towards the in-

tegration of local residents into the economic structure of the city of MIS. Needless to say, the quest for such opportunities demands a careful contextual analysis and investigation to take the most benefits of the available human capital and local material resources. • Development of Small Business sector In MIS, with a great potential for social relations and skilled people, and due to the nature and specification of small firms supporting and empowerment of the small business sector is recommended to provide adequate conditions and opportunities of employment for all local residents. • Encouraging traditional nomadic economy (Husbandry, Handicrafts and Etc.)

IS

M To m

Da

To MIS

LEGEND New Dwelling New Settlement Zone Husbandry and Farm Field Secondary Road Nomads Migration Path Primary river basin Lake of Dam

K. Aghasi, P.Tabrizian, S.Seifollahi

To MIS

January 2011

29

(Re) linking to the regional economic chains

As revealed earlier, before discovery of oil, the Nomadic economic transactions were operating in the regional level. After the discovery of oil .The concentration of the tribes in MIS significantly disrupted the territorial economic chains.

On the other hand, realization of several mega projects like ‘Masjed-e Soleyman’ dam on the northern part, the ‘Getvand ‘ dam in the northeast promising a bright future for the region, either as production or recreation. Moreover the abundance of historic sites in the region hand in hand with immense ecological values has been recently attracted tourist economy mostly concentrated along the ‘Karun’ river stretch.

These create an opportunity to (re) embed the city

into the regional economic chain through series of strategically interventions as elaborated below: • Appreciation of abandoned Oil wells and indus trial infrastructure as strong heritage values and fuse it into the Regional tourist flow.

• Realization of agricultural and husbandry industrial units in strategic locations.

• (Re) Generating occupation opportunities nourished from Heritage, the ecological wealth and the adjacent economic and popu lation nodes.

• Refurbishment, Modification and implementa tion of the necessary roads and transportation to the heritage sites.

Getvand Trailhead

LEGEND Preserves Nomadic Housing Heritage Accommodation Trailhead Services Touristic activities

Andika

MIS Trailhead

Tourism Primery Road Secondary Road Nomadic Migration Path Primary river basin Lake of Dam

THEORY and PRACTICE of URBANISM SINCE 1945

Michiel Dehaene

II. Essential complementary approach: Socio-Cultural Interventions Although in the current condition economic regeneration seems to be the survival kit for the city, but as revealed earlier, it cannot address the huge social problems emerged from the period of British dominance and more importantly after the exhaustion of oil.

This leads us to consider that economic regeneration alone will not bring prosperity to MIS, and sustainable development cannot be summarised in economic growth. Much greater attention must be paid to investing in human capital as an effective strategy for longterm socio-economic regeneration. Cultural factors such, as traditions and social relations and family relationship must also be considered seriously. Such strategies should re-consider individuals, groups and commu-

nities, and be capable of providing an adequate sphere for people in order to enable them to feel confidence and self-esteem to be involved in building their future effectively, as active agencies rather than victims of the development and change.

• • • •

Mobilizing the vernacular life (the rural and nomad) in the region.

Bind programmatic (economic, religious) flows into the public spaces.

Appreciating Traditional Tribal activities and ceremonies The temporary and permanent residents to re inforce

Getvand Qal’e Khaje

Shushtar

LEGEND Permanent Housing Temporary Housing Seasonal Housing Primery Road Secondary Road Nomadic Migration Path Primary river basin Lake of Dam

K. Aghasi, P.Tabrizian, S.Seifollahi

Andika

Masjed-e Soleyman

January 2011

31

Getvand Trailhead

Getvand

Shushtar

LEGEND Tourism Trailhead MIS Dam New Settlement Zone Husbandry and Farm Field Presereved Area Primery Road Secondary Road Nomadic Migration Path Primary river basin Lake of Dam

THEORY and PRACTICE of URBANISM SINCE 1945

Michiel Dehaene

Qal’e Khaje

Andika

MIS Trailhead Masjed-e Soleyman

33

K. Aghasi, P.Tabrizian, S.Seifollahi

January 2011

ON LEGITIMACY OF LANDSCAPE URBANSIM

PAGES 1-4

CANALPARK BOSSUITKORTRIJK AS A CASE-STUDY

THE LEGITIMACY OF LANDSCAPE URBANISM & CANALPARK BOSSUITKORTRIJK AS A CASE-STUDY Exam Paper – Course Landscape Urbanism (Prof. Kelly Shannon) - May 2010 Philippe Vandenbroeck (MAHS) 1- The legitimacy of landscape urbanism The ‘Landscape Urbanism’ course has revolved around the central question whether its subject matter can be considered a legitimate field. The short answer to this question is an unequivocal yes: as a distinctive and synthetic set of design principles at the intersection of urban design, ecology and civil engineering, landscape urbanism can be said to have provided a complex and multidimensional response to a changed set of contextual requirements.

Instability, uncertainty and contingency have trailed in the wake of a variety of momentous driving forces: rapid de-industrialization, unprecedented connectivity, a growing acknowledgment of cities’ burgeoning ‘ecological footprint’, an accelerating regime of boom-and-bust cycles, the global spread of political violence (Berger, 2006; Rees and Wackernagel, 2008; Castells, 2000; Posner, 2009; Graham, 2006). The unfolding of urban life has become spasmodical, volatile and potentially violent, confronting urban planners and architects with the question how, in this melee, to provide at least some form of order (Allen, 2001).

The response formulated by landscape urbanism theoreticians and practitioners is potent but by its very nature also tentative. Landscape urbanism counters complexity with a refusal of the comprehensively and authoritatively inscriptive. The practice pivots on a number of distinctive and cross-linked design principles.

First, as can be deduced from the ambiguous label, landscape urbanism situates the city in its surrounding biotic environment. The issue of scale is significant. The view expands from the narrowly urban to the bio-territorial. It is essentially a processual view that wants to capitalize on the metabolic flows that link the urban to its hinterland as a scaffolding for design-led interventions: “this emphasis on urban processes is not meant to exclude spatial form but rather seeks to reconstruct a dialectical understanding of how it relates to the processes that flow through, manifest and sustain it” (Corner, 2006). This metabolic perspective goes beyond merely keeping track of resource transfers between a city and its bio-region. It reconstitutes the relationship between city and nature. We move from the city as ultimate ‘object trouvé’ (“an alien object accidentally dropped in a place where it was never intended to be”, Heynen and Loeckx, 1998) to a fundamental interpenetration of the natural and the urban in undifferentiated expanses of surface organization (Hight, 2003).

1

Second, landscape urbanism connects to the material and immaterial qualities of a given site to provide the rationale and raw material for new projects. This is a layered, threedimensional perspective that relies quite literally on an in-depth reading of open space with concomitant intimations of topography, soil, drainage and previous patterns of human exploitation – as opposed to a mere surface vision (Marot, 2003). This anchors landscape not only in nature and ecology but also in deeper layers on cultural and national identity (Bergue, 2008). However, this three-dimensional reading is as much about unmooring as it is about anchoring. There is a performative dimension to site which is the direct consequence of its specific material characteristics – slope, hardness, permeability, depth, soil chemistry - allowing it to shed or hold water, support traffic, events or plant life. These characteristics circumscribe an open ‘field’ wherefrom a full range of possible events can emerge (Allen, 2001).

This leads to a third distinctive design principle or rather an ethos of provisionality and adaptability that is encapsulated in a series of novel spatial design concepts with a particular bearing on dispersed cities. There are several elements to this complex notion of provisionality. To start with, landscape urbanism calibrates itself on activating residuality – voids, empty lots, interstitial spaces - rather than on imposing definitive programs on the built-up area. Voids have a distinctive malleability that allow them to be inserted in both resistive and facilitative strategies. For Koolhaas, the void is perhaps the last subject that extricates itself from the continuous onslaught of whirlwind political, financial and cultural forces and where some degree of ‘control’, or resistance is still possible (Koolhaas, quoted by Maciocco, 2008). For Adriaan Geuze, to the contrary, the void is the conduit par excellence for continuing colonization and urbanization (Shannon, 2004). The provisionality also manifests itself in the gradual and to an extent contingent unfolding of differentiated activities in the dispersed urban fabric. Not only voids and clearings but also grids, receptacles (cascos) and generative layerings (to be connected in an unfolding montage) provide formal, spatial archetypes that are able to accomodate the condition of pervasive, contextual uncertainty. They do this by allowing for incremental growth and shifting programmatic objectives (Smets, 2002). Designers such as Andrea Branzi and Eduardo Arroyo take this line of reasoning to its logical conclusion with algorithmic approaches (‘weak urbanism’, ‘genetic urbanism’) that substitute form with a network program that specializes activities in real time (Branzi, 2006, Carenini, 2006).

The design principles briefly traversed above point to a landscape urbanism discipline that hovers between safeguarding potentiality and actualizing definitive options, between process and form, between diagram and plan, between micro and macro, between surface and depth.

However, this is only the short answer to the question that opened this essay. Because we can press on and ask: legitimate for whom? Indeed, we need to ask whether this hovering, interstitial position does not come at a price, and if so, who pays that price.

2

35

How does the ethics of difference and assemblage underpinning the ethos of landscape urbanism (Hight, 2003) hold up confronted with the inexorable march of predatory capitalism?

There has been a critical dimension to landscape urbanism from the very start. The discipline’s genealogy reaches back to as early as 1981 when Alexander Tzonis and Liane Leflaive came up with critical regionalism as a means of criticizing postwar modern architecture and creating a renewed sense of place (Shannon, 2006). Kenneth Frampton expanded the concept beyond urbanism to include re-engagement with the landscape as a critical and compensatory strategy in relation to the ongoing commodification of our man-made world. However, as the dystopia of the megalopolis is, from his perspective, an irreversible historical fact, Frampton is rather cautious about landscape’s resistive capacity: what is at stake is not the return to an arcadian past but the ability to protect land for use as reserves of open space and natural resource parks in the midst of what is likely to become low-density urbanized areas. “With what power is left to us, it is our ethical responsibility to use our ingenuity to engender an urban fabric aggregated out of topographic fragments within the metabolic interstices of the modern megalopolis” (Frampton, 1995). We hear similar echoes in Sébastien Marot’s concept of sub-urbanism as a strategy to adopt site or landscape as the ultimate infrastructure in every urbanistic project. The latter, as does Frampton, accepts the irrevocable and radical change of character of the ‘third territorial estate’ found between city and country. Suburbanism is a strategy to ‘let the current flow again’ through the disconnected elements of a mutilated territory, to reconnect the human body by inviting it to experience the indissolubly spatial and memorial fabric of a situation (Marot, 2003).

We can briefly point out two other dimensions in landscape urbanism’s resistive capacity.

Landscape urbanism is first and foremost ‘design’, a form of agency that is fundamentally oriented towards the experimental and a disruption of the status quo. Janis Birkeland (2008) sees design as a powerful, positive intervention strategy in its own right, a fundamental alternative to both regulation and market-based incentives. The designerly intervention is bound up with a voluntaristic, pragmatically utopian stance, enacting the desire to flee fatalism, linear reductionism, the straightjacket of the bottomline and ‘death by committee’.

There is a final argument that sees landscape urbanism as potential vehicle to ‘repoliticize’ society. French sociologist and philosopher Bruno Latour has been advocating a new sense of the political which revolves around both meanings of the word representation: “The first one (…) designates the ways to gather the legitimate people around some issue. (…) The second one, well known in science and in technology, presents or rather represents what is the object of concern to the eyes and ears of those who have been assembled around it. (…) The first question draws a sort of place, sometimes a circle, which might be called an assembly, a gathering, a meeting, a council;

3

the second question brings into this newly created locus a topic, a concern, an issue, a topos. But the two have to be taken together: Who is to be concerned; What is to be considered?’ (Latour, 2005). In this ‘politics of disputed things’, landscape urbanism can be a potent force in making public controversies related to nature and the built environment. As we will see further, landscape urbanism connects to a descriptive tradition in urbanism which relies on sophisticated, generative mapping techniques geared towards revealing the potentialities of a given territory (Corner, 1999). Today with digital technologies, this capacity has been greatly extended (McGrath, 2008).

4

37

INTREPRENUALISM AND PATTERNS OF EXCLUSION Case of Brussels International development plan (IDP)

PAGES 1-4

INTREPRENUALISM AND PATTERNS OF EXCLUSION

CASE OF BRUSSELS INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMNET PLAN (IDP)

Payam Tabrizian I H02N1a I Strategic Spatial Planning I Final assignment Department of Architecture, Urbanism and Planning Katholieke Univeristeit Leuven I Spring 2011

ABSTRACT

Realization of an International Development Plan (IDP) by the regional government at the end of 2007 reveals a significant shift in urban policies in Brussels. Highlight-­‐ ing ten ‘Strategic’ sites in the city, IDP marks essentially the formalization of a relatively new framework for Brussels aiming development of significant portions of the regional territory for the purposes of private real estate developments of a speculative character. Conceived to operate as strategic levers of marketing and urban ‘revitalization’ IDP seems to be transparent in regarding its impact on the social fabric particularly on the low-­‐income central neighborhoods of the city.This research aims to categorize IDP as a model for a ‘project based planning’ which been realized to establish the exceptionality measures in planning and policy procedures of the city and finally, it encourage rehabilitation of city’s historic centres intensify-­‐ ing the social and spatial divisions. In the first part, the paper elaborates a theoreti-­‐ cal framework based on previous case studies as a lens to inspect relationships between local and global dimensions of IDP as a ‘large scale urban development project’. This as an analytical method will be employed in the second part to analyze the political, social and institutional dynamics and socio-­‐economic processes of polarization/exclusion in different spatial scales.

Keywords: International development plan, Brussels, Large scale urban development projects, Social exclusion and inequalities, Entrepreneurial policy, city branding

1 INTRODUCTION: IDP, the content and the objectives

Brussels as well as many other European

cities has been facing a significant growth in social and spatial inequalities during the past 30 years (Kesteloot et al 2009,Van Criekingen 2009,Loopmans et al, 2006,Moulaert et al, 2003,). This has been charged by ‘global’ shifts and transformation of contemporary cities intensified or mediated by local urban policies and strategies (Swyngedouw et al, 2003). The reflection of such transfor-­‐ mation has resulted to a significant transition towards a more ‘elite-­‐driven’ market-­‐led urban planning policy 1 emphasizing the promotion of ‘territorial resources’and ‘large-­‐scale development ‘projects.

1 For example available and well-situated

pieces of vacant land, a qualified and multilingual workforce, Enhanced architectural heritage, etc.). The organization Enhanced architectural heritage, etc.). The organization of events with wide media coverage or the realization of large-scale real estate projects (e.g. museums, stadiums, blocks of flats or office towers, stations or air terminals, etc., adorned with the signature of a worldfamous architect) are recurring characteristics of such new urban policies.

International Development Plan for Brussels (IDP), launched in 2007 by the Brussels Government pushed such new type of urban political action into the foreground forming new priorities in political, social and economic order of the city. Through introduction of the IDP, Brussels inscribed within a rationale based on interurban competition, and narrowed its ambitions down to consoli-­‐ dating its place within international business ranking. (Van criekingen, 2008)

‘Today, most studies comparing the competitive position of European cities place Brussels between the 4th and the 6th position. The maintenance of this situation is not guaranteed.’ (Feuille de route, p.1)

The primary objective of the regional government within the framework of IDP is expanding the region’s tax basis through Valorization of large territories within the Brussels region (BCR) and implementation of large-­‐scale supra-­‐ regional facilities (such as a shopping mall, a football stadium, exhibition spaces, congress and concert halls). Focusing on certain areas within of the territory designated as ‘strategic sites’, these developments are thought to be conduct-­‐ ed by new public-­‐private coalitions, and framed by ad hoc planning procedures (e.g. speeding-­‐up the procedures for granting building permits) (Van Criek-­‐ ingen, 2009).

The primary plot of “the Plan for Interna-­‐ tional Development of Brussels” (PWC-­‐ report) presented in August 2007 and its approved successor “Fuille the route” (the road map) released in January 2008.The PWC report has been elaborated by a

ENTREPRENEUALISM AND PATTERNS OF EXCLUSION Case of Brussels IDP

2

39

worldwide known consultancy office “Price Water Coopers”, under the authori-­‐ ty and launched by the Brussels Govern-­‐ ment. The first chapter of the plan is an evaluation of Brussels’ international position. Through benchmarking analysis and interviews with 55 experts, this international role is assessed by indica-­‐ tors referring to its international busi-­‐ ness-­‐climate. Outlining 5 directive guidelines, the IDP states that a future vision should be based upon the SWOT-­‐ analysis that resulted from the previous benchmarking analysis and expert-­‐ interviews. The second chapter puts forth a “city-­‐marketing strategy“ for achieving this vision. In the third chapter, the report highlights “ten strategic areas for the future of Brussels” (Feuille de route, p.6) announcing several major projects, including a conference centre (3,000 seats), an exhibition hall (15,000 m2), a concert hall (15,000 seats), a stadium which would meet FIFA standards (in the framework of a possible Belgian-­‐Dutch bid for the 2018 football World Cup) and a new shopping centre (60,000 m2). New office areas and housing are also an-­‐ nounced in most of these areas (figure 1).

This concerns large sites which are uninhabited or emptied of their inhabit-­‐ ants (e.g. West station and Tour and taxis), whose (re) development cannot take place by simply accumulating individual building renovation opera-­‐ tions, but requires the injection of a large amount of capital. Together, these ten areas represent a combined surface area of about 7% of the regional territory, and cover the main part of the Region’s last remaining land stock (Van Criekingen, 2008,Vermeulen, 2009). The budget allocated for ‘development of strategic areas of the IDP’ was €130 million as a

result of a cooperation agreement between the Region and the federal state (Beliris, amendment n°10, period 2008-­‐ 2010).

A closer inspection of IDP scheme reveals its fundamental orientation in favour of marketing real estate stakes and inter-­‐ ests. Perhaps, initiation of the IDP can associated with the current situation of the Brussels real estate market. For instance the renewal of existing vacant and relict offices 2 can be regarded as important stake, in particular in the city centre (administrative quarter, European quarter, e.g.). This paper argues that IDP, cannot be simply perceived as another comprehensive plan for the city, it marks a significant transition toward new forms of governance (economic and urban) and establishes a new relationship between the ‘strategic projects’ and political, social and economic power relation in the city (Moulaert et al, 2003).

2 THEORITICAL FRAMEWORK: Neo-­‐ liberal urban policy and bypassing strategies

As a result a comparison between 13 large-­‐scale development projects in Europe (URSPIC-­‐research), Moulaert, Swyngedouw and Rodriguez (2003) developed an model to analyze the

2 In this respect, the office market shows obvious

signs of oversupply, with almost 2 million m2 of unoccupied space in the regional territory (general vacancy rate: 18%), of which only just over one third is available on the market. The remainder (i.e. the empty offices which are not on the market) 13 doubled between 1994 and 2008 (i.e. from 600,000 to 1.2 million m2), whereas the total stock of offices ‘only’ increased by 37% during the same period (AATL and SDRB, 2009).

ENTREPRENEUALISM AND PATTERNS OF EXCLUSION Case of Brussels IDP

3

dynamics between global economic dynamics and transforming urban policies and changing political priorities between most North-­‐American and Western European cities (Moulaert et al,2003).There they identify contributing elements of the contemporary shift from the former classic (modernist/fordist) comprehensive plan and their statutory legislation to the post-­‐fordist emblematic project.The post-­‐fordist project, they argue, relies on marketing purposes, benefits from flexibility, targeted actions and symbolic capacity to mobilize economic growth and mutates segments of the city into emblems of restructuring, improvement and economic suc-­‐ cess(Vermeulen,2009).

“The main objective of these projects is to obtain higher social and economic returns and to revalue prime urban land, and to re-­‐ enforce competitive positions of the economy of a city”. (Swyngedouw et al, 2002)

Such Large scale urban development projects (UDP’s), like museums, sport stadium, Concert venues etc., are often represented as emblematic projects in a spatially targeted area, Intimately in touch with real estate development and realized through privatization of public funds, but often executed by local authorities. The main argument of URSPIC-­‐research is that: “Large-­‐scale UDP’s have increasingly been used as a vehicle to establish exceptionality measures in planning and policy proce-­‐ dures”(Swyngedouw et al, 2002). It is argued there that exceptionality is a fundamental component of the ‘the new urban policy’ – a project-­‐based urbanism, as noted above. UDP’s normally, replace existing planning instruments and

legislation. Furthermore, the primary conception, design and implementation of them, is often situated at the margins of formal planning structures. Decision-­‐ making therefore, is equally positioned in the area of non-­‐democratic decision-­‐ making, bypassing statutory procedures (Swyngedouw et al, 2002, Van criekengen, 2008, Vermeulen, 2009,).

Shifting political priorities and govern-­‐ mental justifications range from scale issues, the emblematic character of the operation, timing procedures, the need for more flexibility, efficiency criteria, etc.

On the practical level, these measures of exceptionality, encompass the following by-­‐passing strategies:(a) Freezing of conventional planning tools, (b) Bypass-­‐ ing of statutory regulations and institu-­‐ tional bodies, (c) Changes in national or regional regulations and (d) emergence of project agencies with special or excep-­‐ tional powers of intervention in decision-­‐ making (Swyngedouw et al, 2002, Moulaert et al, 2003).

These results as an analytical model will serve this research to understand mentality of the transformation process, the actors, agents and institutions involved in IDP from the concept devel-­‐ opment to valorization of the plan. This would allow the paper to achieve its main premise which is examining the IDP effectiveness in addressing /intensifying the process of social polarization and exclusion in Brussels. Two official documents, The basic scheme (PWC, 2007) and the revision (Fuille the route, 2008) will be central as sources in this paper.

ENTREPRENEUALISM AND PATTERNS OF EXCLUSION Case of Brussels IDP

4

41

Architecture of displacment 1 ARCHITECTURE OF DISPLACEMENT PAGES 1-6 Critical thoughts on development policies i.c. De Koninkplein, Antwerp

Architecture of Displacement Payam Tabrizian ,Katholiek Universiteit Leuven ,Jan 2011

Abstract This paper is an effort to employ the theories and rhetoric of displacement both as its prevalent spatial aspect and the metaphoric concept in order to analyze the impact

Antwerpen urban regime can reinforce/foster the condition of Physical displacement in the De Koninckplein square. In the second part it employs metaphorical aspect of displacements as described by Heynen and Loeckx to critically question these policies through events and architectural projects realized and intertwined by the city administration and its actor(s). This will be tackled through examination of multiple theories which underpin both quantitative and qualitative understandings of

Introduction : In recent literature ,the current interest of the current European urban regimes towards illuminating the cities within the international scale has been abundantly revealed(Christiaens,2003, Christiaens et al ,2007, Moulaert et al ,2007,..). tion. Realization of large-scale projects, implementing emblematic Architectural buildings the most public administrations.

(Moulaert et al ,2007).In Antwerp(Belgium) with dominance of the extreme right party mostly applied by VESPA(Vast goed En Stadsontwikkelings bedrijf Antwerpen) . (Chrishas been progressively followed by substitution of low income/migrant residents with white middle class Belgian under the umbrella of ‘Attracting better residents to the city’ , ‘increasing livability’(Loopmans,2008) and providing ‘Safety’. The ‘successful’ experience of Antwerpen Zuid has been re-prescribed for the Antwerpen Nord district were the majority of the residents are from low -income immigrants and white working class. The

|H02S1a| Urban Studies: Research Methodology ,Assignmnet paper. Katholiek Universiteit Leuven ,Jan 2011

Architecture of displacment 2

integration of Gentrification as a policy in the VESPA agenda in one hand and the Quest of profitable opportunity by private investors on the other is effectively transforming the spatial and social configuration of the deprived neighborhood.This as a great concern has provoked many researchers and scholars to historically and analytically render the logics behind this shift in urban policies hoping to generate new alternative social innovative Ideas and to elaborate a framework for counter hegemonic ideologies to emerge.

(Christiaens et al, 2007).

Maarten Loopmans in his essay about gentrification policies in Antwerp stresses on the necessity of proper understanding of the ‘negative social externalities ‘and ‘inequalities’ caused by gentrification policies in order to develop a viable alternative for urban renewal strategy. Displacement as one such dramatic consequences of gentrification has been always a theme within the critical gentrification debates . As Marcuse stated : Displacement from home and neighborhood can be a shattering experience. At worst it leads to homelessness, at best it impairs a sense of community. Public policy should, by general agreement, minimize displacement. Yet a variety of public policies, particularly those concerned with gentrification, seem to foster it (Marcuse, 1985a: 931).

The paper argues that displacement is vital to a coherent understanding of such impacts and providing a critical perspective on the gentrification process. Within the current debates on gentrification Displacement has been addressed in utilized in two different ways : a)Quantitative (physical): Which statistically calculates/counts measures the impact gentrification on displaced /subject to displacement residents. b)Qualitative(metaphorical) : Which studies the socio–cultural impacts of gentrification on the interaction between people and their built environment.

The paper takes both aspects of displacement and employ it as a lens to see through the policies and spatial interventions realized by the City and VESPA . This will be tested on De Koninckplein square based on the research ,observations and local interviews.

Patterns of Physical Displacement in De Koninckplein The First and the most prevailing definition of displacement refers to physical migration of a social group to an alien context. This as a term later has been expanded and embodied gentrification where it has been described as ‘neighborhoods change such that inflated rents and prices push out the low paid or the unpaid.’(Atkinson 1998) .In other language physical Displacement can be defined whereby households have their housing choices constrained by the actions of another social group. As Marcuse put: “gentrification is as inherently linked with the displacement of lower-income households as it is abandonment’ (Marcuse, 1985: 934).”

At the center of the north Antwerp neighborhood ,‘De Koninckplein’ square is situated at the meeting point of three ethnic streets and hosting hundreds of migrants and lower class Belgian residents every day. The tram stop situated in front of the north –southern edge of the square multiplies the number of local passengers. As on the most controversial locations in the Antwerpen Noord, De Koninckplein has been experiencing dramatic transformation in its spatial,social and configuration in the current decade. Considerable level of spatial intervention such as implementation of the Permeke library and construction/renovation of residential apartments aligned with the policy of ‘Attracting higher income middle class ‘ is putting tremendous strain on the availability of affordable housing.

The iconic manifestation of the architecture and the huge advertising panels branded with the logo of ‘A’ and ‘VESPA’ in front the under construction apartments warmly invites the new wave of middle class to the neighborhood (fig1). The ground floor has been foreseen for ‘New’ ‘Better’ commercial activities hoping to replace the night shops and ethnic café’s . |H02S1a| Urban Studies: Research Methodology ,Assignmnet paper. Katholiek Universiteit Leuven ,Jan 2011

43

Architecture of displacment 3

[fig1] “The project has a commercial groundfloor of approximately 200m ². The upperfloors are filled with one or two apartments per level. The fourth and top floorpenthouse with a rooftop terrace includes a focus on the square. Thus, a total of 6apartments realized which vary greatly in size (60m ² to 130m ²).”(Avg Vespa official website)

On the northern side of the square three buildings are recently renovated ,six has been announced to sell which three of them has been completely evacuated.(fig 2).According to the interview held with two real state agencies, the renting prices is subject to raise after construction of the apartments and completely clearing the square from illegal activities which inevitably will price out the existing tenants in a near future.

One of the other symptoms of the gentrification emergence in the square is the newly built modern building occupied by an artist and two architects(fig3). Composition of the library and the under-construction VESPA residential project claiming a complete edge and the emergence of the new Artistic businesses on the other side of the square, promises a completely different appearance of the place in an early future. These accompanied by the future ’higher level’ commercial activities is putting an immense pressure for the local shopkeepers to survive in the given condition .(Fig 4) Although highlighting and framing the gentrification as an on-going process is possible through observation but measuring the accurate extent of displacement as the product of such intentions seems to be facing considerable challenges . In regard to the interest of our quantitative analysis on displacement the main concerns remained enclosed: .How many people has been priced out and replaced as a result of gentrification? .How many people are subject to leave the neighborhood?

The first challenge was measuring the extent of displacement due to inaccessibility and invisibility of the displaced residents, which were priced out or displaced. Empty apartments , the bulldozed and cleared plots ,The Vespa’s under construction buildings and the on-sale announcement attached to many apartments , all testified a considerable number of people displaced or subject to displacement but there were no one trace of these people to interview !!

Consulting relevant literature surrounding displacement and gentrification, the same concern could be easily observed. Atkinson (2006) brings up this issue of invisibility of displacees who are no longer to around to be counted. Newman and Wiley refer to the same observation as Atkins by stating: “It is difficult to find people who have been displaced, particularly if these people are poor. By definition, displaced residents have disappeared from the very places where researchers and census takers go to look for them” (Atkinkson,1998:3) However, Atkinson puts forth four methods for measuring the impact of displacement on a specific neighborhood: a) Economic/Physical, b) Last resident, c) Chain d) Exclusionary. |H02S1a| Urban Studies: Research Methodology ,Assignmnet paper. Katholiek Universiteit Leuven ,Jan 2011

Architecture of displacment 5

[fig 4] Metaphoric Displacement Arriving Atwerpen Central station on Tuesday fourth of Janurary an announcement absorbed our attention. A billboard installed in front of the central station entry announcing a comic strip exhibition being held at De koninkplein (fig4). Two questions immediately raised at the first glance: “ Why the Comic strip exhibition as a purely Belgian traditional hobby has to be placed in the heart of a multi ethnic neighborhood? “ “How does this as a cultural event correspond to the gentrification policy of the city?”

As revealed earlier, recent gentrification literature in general and specific debates around North Antwerpen Neighborhood is accompanied by a concern about the extent of physical displacement occurring within gentrifying neighborhoods and the associated politics of method bound up in the empirics. In other language Displacement as a discourse has been purely understood as spatial dislocation.This in one hand marks an (abstract) reading of displacement as spatial process and trivializes the power of displacement theory in positioning the current spatial attempts on the other hand. In other language, it is impossible to conclude with displacement purely from the tracking movement of people between locations (e.g. McKinnish et al., 2008). As mark davison states People can be displaced unable to (re) construct place without spatial dislocation or in contrary people can be spatially dislocated without losing place if they did not engage in every day practices defining that place before (Davidson,2009).

By employing Heynen and Loex categorization of displacement and respecting Lefebvre’s understanding of space, we could ‘construct’ displacement in a way that avoids the abstraction of displacement-as-out-migration and instead emphasizes the lived experience of space. This as a lens assisted us to analyze our case from a different perspective. “a general failure to understand lived space in its entire dimensions in recent gentrification scholarship represents a particularly significant problem for critical commentary.” (Davidson,2009:229) Heynen and Loex described displacement as confrontation of an alien element to the a ‘more or less stable context. This as a shift alters different socio-cultural value systems and eventually opens up gaps where “Conventional wisdom gives no clue about how to react in given situation.” (Heynen et al ,1998:101) .

The Comic strip exhibition project is a perfect emblem of such dramatic transformation

45 |H02S1a| Urban Studies: Research Methodology ,Assignmnet paper. Katholiek Universiteit Leuven ,Jan 2011

Architecture of displacment 6

in meanings and values where a Belgian traditional intrest manifests itself a multi ethnic neighborhood and immensely alters the meaning of the public space where place-making has been practiced in every-day life for years.The Semantic gaps coined by Heynen and Loex clearly explains such condition “where a meaning of a particular phenomenon is no longer legible.” (Heynen et al ,1998:101) . Going deeper into the debate about such voids as the consequence of displacement helped us to comprehend how ‘place-making activities are altered, commodified and/or destroyed by the gentrification process’ .

This can be easily traced in De koninck plein most everyday practices of people both as individual and collective have been immensely altered by the spatial and strategical modifications of the city behind the label of ‘clearing the drug dealing and prostitution‘,’attracting honest business’ , ‘changing the atmosphere of deterioration‘ and ‘Promoting the livability’. It is not surprising then to see the local newspaper with in the title of ‘verbod op samenscholing in the maak ‘ celebrates the safety and cleaning regulation on the cover page stating : “… not more than two people are allowed to gather on the square or the police will arrest you and can keep you in jail for 24 hours”.(Berchem newspaper, 14 nov 2010:cover) It is interesting to notice that emergence of such gaps as a concern has been expressed in an artistic practice in the middle of the square. An installation of several balloons each rendering a former resident or drug addict as snapshots of different moments of the square (fig). Although a positive effort to revive the collective memory of the place, the installation reveals dramatic evacuation of specific signifiers corresponding to single moments the every-day life of the neighborhood. “Semiotic gaps emerge when displacement results in a lack of signifiers carrying a particular meaning.”(Heynen et al ,1998:101).

Digging deeper in the metaphoric displacement literature we could eventually elaborate the analysis in a way to specifically address the impact of architecture in the given condition on displaced people .

In the following part the paper puts ‘Architecture’ in the center of discussion and tries to see how different actors from architects to VESPA have a role in creating the condition of displacement and to what extent addressing them would critically point out the social impact of gentrification.

[fig 5]

|H02S1a| Urban Studies: Research Methodology ,Assignmnet paper. Katholiek Universiteit Leuven ,Jan 2011

spect to the DCP-neighbourhood as a case.

It tries to position itself in the on-going discussion around the new hegemony on Urban Policies in Antwerp on the one hand and the search for new social innovation-modes in order to propose a modest step towards an alternative hegemony as coined by Loopmans and looking for a “third way” (conclusion part of the paper).

Can architecture save the neighbourhood?

Turning apartment buildings into interesting architecture is often an hazardous undertaking. The low budget, an unknown future inhabitant, impose the architects too often to propose mainstream, average, and by the large public known typologies and plans.

Generally speaking one can say that the proposed Vespa-projects respond to a higher qualitative standard than most of the neighbouring social housing projects. The latter only recently increase the attention to qualitative architecture for their projects by introducing and managing architectural competitions.

Vespa’s strategy is slightly different. In order to work in a more efficient way than the mere public corporations, they made a selection of architects forming a pool out of which Vespa can choose the architect for their project directly or through a small competition.

This pool is renewed every four years.

This system is at once a means of giving chances to a selection of younger architects, leaving out the others though!

It’s a system. Ok. But what happens once the architect is chosen? What briefing is given? How does the project definition gives way to a real qualitative project?

These questions will be asked in an interview –next stage of elaboration of the paper-with Steven Decloedt of Vespa, responsible for the development of urban renewal projects.

We are curious to know how the initiator of these projects defines the relation between the projects and the neighbourhood? If there is any reflection on the morphology and architectural expression of the projects taking into account the specific nature of the neighbourhood, its ethnic mixture, its colourful livelihood, the popular connotations….

Without talking to them we can only react on what we can see.

Our impression is that the architects involved are undoubtedly skilful in managing the architectural project itself. But it’s hard not getting suspicious about them addressing their own agenda by introducing quite bold features into their projects in order to draw attention at a moment and place where in our opinion it is not justifiable enough.

This attitude can be read as part of a larger phenomenon into the architectural discipline where competition between practitioners is getting tougher and the success becomes more dependent on publications in architectural magazines, and of architectural institutions. In line with the general tendency of authority control on all issues of urban development – in the hegemonic urban policy sense- the “Stadsbouwmeester” and his team are increasingly taking this attitude for granted and reinforce it in the name of “qualitative architecture”.

But what kind of architecture deserves this label? Quality seen through the eyes of whom? A small elite? A privileged section of architects and designers frequenting the “salons” of the established and often self-declared architectural elite? Is there enough understanding of the contextual features? It is doubtful.

Within the Urban Policy of the moment, with a large and regained centralised vision on urban development by the local authorities, letting somehow orphaned the socially embedded bottom-up oriented neighbourhood initiatives, the implementation of projects –project-based development- is now preponderantly steered by VESPA (independent municipal company) together with the strategic cell from the city administration. |H02S1a| Urban Studies: Research Methodology ,Assignmnet paper. Katholiek Universiteit Leuven ,Jan 2011

47

PAGES 1-12 REVIVING THE CRESENT Between catastrophes, strategies,and utopian expectations i.c. New Orleans

The cataclysmic devastation which occurred in the City of New Orleans resulting from its direct exposure to the two consecutive major scale hurricanes in 2005 (Katrina and Rita) is perceived to be a momentous reference in portraying how extensively the hazardous impact of climate change is able to affect the city. As a response to its loss, immediate and long term initiatives to rebuild the community and the city were instigated by establishing a comprehensive methodology incorporating leading notions of resiliency into its retrieval process.

Nature in Power This paper discloses the appreciation of contextual The approaches urban planning and design in addressing the consequences of macro environmental issues. We believe that the change of climate condition should be particularly positioned as a crucial basis toward urban development strategy. To begin with, inventories of New Orleans as an urbanism situated in a delta area with extreme natural rhythms and a direct exposure to pressures of global weather change [sea level rise] will be unfolded. Then the previous ‘survival techniques’ which were in place and the reasons behind their failure will be investigated to better understand the ‘Post Katrina’ paradigm shifts.

“The metaphysical model of the two To this end, several urban projects proposals will be worlds looked atofin man an and nature is placed attempt to trace these ideological changes, by means of reading to each other, and in opposition them in light of theoretical frameworks of resilient cities and urban their interactions cannot be avoided” utopias, and in conclusion the discourse between the interpretation (Tjallingii, 1996). of the challenges of climatic change and its transplantation in the strategies in urban projects will be thoroughly assessed.

Records of sea level rise over the years as one of the climate change symptoms (Source: UNEP, 2009, redrawn by authors)

Reinterpreting Disaster Disaster. One powerful word we do not wish to undergo no matter how insignificant it could be. Disaster is defined as a sudden calamitous event bringing great damage, loss, or destruction; or, broadly: a sudden or great misfortune or failure (Webster dictionary).

Disaster can be portrayed in our minds clarified in words as follows (Quarantelli, 2005; Alexander, 2005) the enormity of the event; the paradoxical beauty—or at least the visual novelty—of destruction; the courage of rescuers; humanity reasserted amid terrible physical destruction; the pathos of charity and solidarity; the triumph of moral purpose over arbitrariness or malevolence; the value of determination and staying power; the wonder of an indomitable spirit.

Disaster may draw its own specific and perceptive definition, in terms of changes in culture, society, and international relations (Quarantelli, 2005); the roots, the scales; afflicted object; affected area; and the effects. The affordability of mitigating disaster diverges from the ones capable to the incapable in coping with. Disaster can be ‘affordable’, if we look at it from the recovery and capable coping efforts standpoint to allow resiliency (Cutter, Quarantelli, 2005).

“On average about 220 natural catastrophes, 70 technological disasters and three new armed conflicts occur each year.”

(IFRCRC,2002) Urban disasters happens due to an extreme event causes extensive damage to some or the entire built environment, the people and institutions that inhabit the built environment, and the relationships among those people and institutions and the outside world.

For the purpose of our paper, we narrow our clarity on perceiving disaster in urban context, as a result of disturbance in extensive or some of the entire area of an existing urban system, affecting multi elements (community, the built and non built environment, institutions), which represents the components, temporality or permanently, lethal in its performance, roles, and functions within that complex system and with respect to elements of its environment (Alesch, 2003).

49

Social Resiliency In the past theoretical concepts and studies in the frame of mitigation research have primarily focused on approaches addressing risk and vulnerability of people and socialecological systems. Only lately the conceptualization was broadened towards a positive and prospective approach – resilience. This approach focuses on analyzing the ability of people and social-ecological systems to positively adjust to change, risk and adversity. The resilience concept looks into both reactive capabilities of people to cope with, recover from and adjust to various risk and adversities and their proactive capacity to create options and anticipate responses to health risks and adversities.

51

In order to build up the frame work for this argument we launch with rendering the key principles of social resiliency through cross referencing to the scholars.

Social Resiliency in general Refers to the ability of a nation-state to preserve the cohesion of its society when it is confronted by external and internal stresses . But if we narrow down our scope to environmental change issue the key concept in resilience would be the ability of human societies to learn from hazard events and use their accumulated social memory to better contend with future catastrophes. (Craig E. Colten Æ Amy R. Sumpter ,2008) Needless to say ,the issue of Social resiliency directly addresses the social infrastructure and considers the unity and cohesion of that as a key principle for resiliency. Colten defines Social cohesion as solidarity or ability to mobilize social assets for the benefit of all.(Colten2005).Since human activities dominate social-ecological system, The cohesion and eventually the resilience of these systems is mainly a function of ‘Social infrastructure’ which has divided into two dimensions.

1. The actions (intentional or unintentional) of individuals and groups affect the system 2. Their collective capacity to manage resilience, intentionally, affects whether they prevent the system crossing into an undesirable system regime, or succeed in moving into a desirable one.

On the opposite side of resiliency On the opposite side of resiliency lies the notion of vulnerability .In resilience community (Resilience Alliance) The key to increasing social resilience is to reduce its overall vulnerability arises from the loss of resilience. levels from of vulnerability—the potential Determining for harm and social disruption multi-hazard threats—before hazard events occur. Social resilience resilience is less a specific methodology, although cyclical behaviour of has economic, spatial and social dimensions and hence a its observation and appraisalare require interdisciplinary understanding system and the positive and negative feedbacks common elements. and analysis at various scales. Reasons for vulnerability can be While resilience emphasizes the “rooted” system, vulnerability often atin in society and the history and may not looks be apparent everyday life (wisner,et al..,2004) individual actors and vulnerable populations.

Threfore ,Social vulnerability is the exposure of groups of people or individuals to stress as a result of the impacts of environmental change.

Stress, in the social sense, encompasses Disruption to social infrastructure (groups’ or individuals’) livelihoods and forced adaptation to the changing physical environment.

Policies Institutions Processes Vulnerable

Hazard

low level of assets Memory limited livelihood strategies insecure living environment lack of voice in decisionmaking lack of social protection

drought flood landslide earthquake/volcano pest/disease illness

Increased risks of disaster eg. extreme hardship destitution hunger early death

Long term trends environmental degradation population change urbanisation economic/policy change

Vulnerability Framework

Diagram :The social volnerability (Source http://practicalactionconsulting.org)

Figure 1

1. Vulnerable people: what makes people vulnerable?

The key to increasing social resilience is to reduce its overall vulnerability—the potential for harm and social disruption from multi-hazard threats—before hazard events occur. Social resilience has economic, spatial and social dimensions and hence its observation and appraisal require interdisciplinary understanding and analysis at various scales. Reasons for vulnerability can be “rooted” in society and the history and may not be apparent in everyday life (wisner,et al..,2004) Memory and social resiliency Hazard investigators have not ignored the long-term human role. inquiry into the human adjustments to floods and Haas et al.

(1977) examination of recovery draw on historical records of human responses to hazard events. The socialconstruction of disaster perspective considers long-term processes and acknowledges that human changes to the landscape contribute to calamities (Mileti 1999). Consequences of hazards events are not experienced equally by all and a variety of social factors contribute to both vulnerability and resiliency (Cutter et al. 2000; Wisner et al. 2004; Pelling 2003;Enfield 2004a, b). Humans and their organizations and Policies networks play a prominent role in the outcome of hazard events and Institutions community resiliency.

Processes The most conspicuous difference between nonhuman and coupled human–environment systems is the ability of humans to learn from Hazard Vulnerable Increased risks extreme events and institute individual and institutional adjustments low level of assets drought of disaster (Colten2005). Learning and adapting deliberate strategies occur Memory flood eg. extreme hardship landslide limited livelihood strategies through social organizations and processes and unfold destitution over a period earthquake/volcano insecure living environment hunger argues that time.Memory in social resilience discourse pest/disease lackof of voice in decisionearly illness making substantive and deliberate accountingdeath more of both past lack of social protection events and the human dimension in them must be factored into effective hazards research for greater community resilience(colten2008).

A key concept in resilience studies Long term trends environmental degradation is that human societies can learn from hazard events and use population change Vulnerability their accumulated social memory to better contend with future urbanisation economic/policy change Framework catastrophes.

Indeed, flood protection structures have transformed regularevents (such as annual floods) into rare events that few are prepared to contend with. Not only do they create a false sense of security (White 1945), but also they allow social awareness of Diagram :The social volnerability (Source http://practicalactionconsulting.org) Figure 1 to fade. extreme and unsafe situations Social memory is a critical element of human vulnerability that hazard researchers deem important in reconstructing past adjustments to climate change, but all too often neglect it in contemporary contexts.

For but instance in New Orleans case it There is a close connection between poverty and vulnerability they are not identical discusses that how preparations for Hurricane Betsy ina 1965 and concepts. Vulnerable people live in circumstances where they are liable to, or live in fear of, Hurricane Katrina in 2005 to gauged the loss of social memory and sudden, traumatic loss of their means of livelihoods and of their social or physical environment the corresponding increase in Vulnerability by engineering resiliency that they are powerless prevent. This loss may be caused byMemory a range of hazards includinga system to out oftohazards plans.

Therefore can assist natural disastersprovide or civil conflicts whichawareness affect many, or shocksthe suchdisaster as sickness and or injury a social against lead to social which may affectresiliency. individual households. In each case vulnerable people lack the resilience to

1. Vulnerable people: what makes people vulnerable?

cope with and recover from such shocks. The resulting loss is enough to push them into a crisis situation where they are unable to continue with their old means of livelihoods.

Poor people have a low level of assets (physical, financial, natural, human and social) on

53

Memory of the past (Before Katrina)

“It may be astonishing that American citizens should have had to remind their fellow Americans of this, but let us not pretend we do not know the reason.

They were black, and for all that poor blacks have experienced and endured in this country, they had good reason to be surprised that they were treated not as citizens but as garbage�

(Michael Ignatieff ,New York Times Magazine 2005)

Marginalization Since the beginning of the city’s history, poor and working class black New Orleanians have been forced to live in ecologically and economically marginal land. In these areas, property values remained low, schools were segregated and then abandoned by the majority of white citizens, and job opportunities remained limited. In the last decades of the 20th century, Louisiana had the highest per capita incarceration rate in the nation and was continually listed among the states with the highest rankings in measurements of poverty, unemployment, crime, and diabetes. It also ranks among the lowest in literacy, insurance coverage, and public funding of the arts and education. The aftermath of Hurricane Katrina can be viewed as part of a much larger pattern of structural violence affecting lower income residents of the majority black city, a disaster of longue duree.

It will probably be asked, Why not retain and incorporate the blacks into the state...? Deep rooted prejudices entertained by the whites; ten thousand recollections, by the blacks, of the injuries they have sustained; new provocations...will divide us into parties, and produce convulsions which will probably never end but in theextermination of the one or the other race.

- Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia

It will probably be asked, Why not retain and incorporate the blacks into the state...? Deep rooted prejudices entertained by the whites; ten thousand recollections, by the blacks, of the injuries they have sustained; new provocations...will divide us into parties, It will probably be asked, Why not retain and and produce incorporate convulsions which will probably never end but in the blacks into the state...? Deep rooted prejudices theextermination the oneten or thousand the other recollections, race. entertained by theofwhites; -byThomas Jefferson, onthey the State of Virginia new the blacks, of the Notes injuries have sustained; provocations...will divide us into parties, and produce convulsions which will probably never end but in theextermination of the one or the other race.

- Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia 2. U.S.A top down Construction policies The contemporary city arguably bears the markings of prototypical U.S. urban policy as well (Eckstein 2006). Urban renewal and slum clearance, discriminatory homeownership programs and segregated 2.

U.S.A top down Construction and policies public housing, suburbanization gentrification, along with the rise of gated communities,have all fractured, bulldozed, or reconfigured The contemporary city arguably bears prototypical elements of the 19th-century city thatthe hadmarkings more in of common with U.S. urban policy as well (Eckstein 2006).

Urban renewal and slum the Caribbean archipelago than the U.S. South (Eckstein and clearance, discriminatory homeownership programs and segregated Throgmorton; Gottdiener 1985). After the storm, these histories of public housing, suburbanization and gentrification, along with the rise restructuring remain strangely absent in the rebuilding discussions of gatedby communities,have all fractured, bulldozed, or reconfigured hosted city and state planning commissions.

Nonetheless, they elements of the 19th-century city that had more in common with are an important part of the collective memory and discourse the Caribbeanresidents, archipelago U.S. South (Eckstein and of displaced who than recallthe how these top-down policies Throgmorton; Gottdiener 1985).

After the storm, these histories of disproportionately impact black and low-income communities. Public restructuring remain strangely in the rebuilding discussions skepticism over current debatesabsent about reducing the urban footprint, hosted by city and state planning commissions.

Nonetheless, they reintroducing wetlands into the city in the form of new urban parks, are an important part ofhousing the collective memory and discourse or building mixedincome in low-income neighborhoods is of displaced residents, who recall how these top-down policies informed by a mindfulness of long histories of urban renewal and disproportionately black and low-income communities. interstate highwayimpact and park construction, which caused theirPublic own skepticism over current debates about reducing the urban footprint, form of devastation in mostly black residential neighborhoods. reintroducing wetlands into the city in the form of new urban parks, or building mixedincome housing in low-income neighborhoods is informed by a mindfulness of long histories of urban renewal and interstate highway and park construction, which caused their own form of devastation in mostly black residential neighborhoods.

55

Memory of the present(During and After Katrina) Technical Failure Previously, we already cited the technical failure of the Government in building the flood resistant levee structure.

The main objective is in this part is to quickly trace the retention or abandonment of elements of hurricane planning resiliency in New Orleans and vicinity between two landmark hurricanes. What becomes obvious is that despite a massive series of programs to reduce hurricane impacts after Hurricane Betsy in 1965, resilient strategies fell by the wayside and authorities placed their trust in a rigid and perpetually unfinished levee system that only offered a fixed degree of safety. This occurred partly due to inadequate preservation and appreciation of past events and a failure to incorporate historical understanding into hazards management plans.

Levee protection and flooded area in New Orleans, 1965.

Cartography by Clifford Duplechin

According to Hurricane Betsy 1965 statistics, about 90 percent of the threatened population evacuated successfully and found shelter locally, which kept the death toll low (only 81).

Quickly after Betsy Huuricane, new technical designs for the new Levees prepared. It included massive levees that would replace the modest tidal barriers that protected eastern New Orleans and the downstream parishes.

Designed to guard against a hurricane with 100 mph winds and a forward speed of 11 knots, it sought to employ a structural levee system that followed the successful model employed against Mississippi River floods.

The levee designs provided protection against a storm with a 200-year return frequency. (Craig E. Colten Æ Amy R. Sumpter,2008) The thrust that people put on the levees in one hand and the resistance of black communities on the other hand, dramatically increased the death number. Although from 1965 to 2000 New Orleans population decreased from 627,000 to 480.000 but number roughly 80 percent of the people evacuated while at least 1,836 lost their lives. The Evacuation process itself put an unforgetable trace in the memory of New orleans Poeple .

Evacuation Scandal The evacuation of people before Katrina mirrored the worst aspect of the american Racism and is considered as the worst scandal of the U.S.As cited before nearly 80 percent of New Orleans residents evacuated the city before the hurricane. But the evacuation system was dramaticly racial.

For instance the ninth ward which mainly accommodates black African and some other low income ethnicities As people were airlifted from rooftops and dropped off on the ramps and elevated sections of the interstate by neighbors who had “commandeered” boats, a larger public discussion developed in the newspapers and on television about the poverty that the storm exposed and how it was entangled with race. No longer was the discussion about what went so wrong with New Orleans levees and the rescue operation that followed after they failed, but what went wrong before the storm. The Economist (2005) ran a cover story called “The Shaming of America” with an image of a black woman in a New Orleans T-shirt crying.

Similarly, Newsweek’s headlines read, “Poverty, Race, and Katrina: Lessons of a National Shame,” and the cover featured a close-up of Faith Figueroa, a one-year-old black child from the Lower NinthWard (Atler 2005). As these stories developed,the Ninth Ward and the other poor communities became a metaphor for poverty,race, and neglect as well. The reality of a majority black city seemed to take the United States by surprise.

57

Memory of the future as an Agency(Specter) Previously we tried to frame an image of what has been carved in the memory of the New orleans. Now we try to see that how future memory can be employed as an agency and substantively manifst itself in a project.In their controversial paper in Columbia university they opened a wide horizon to employ the memory as an agency to address New Orleans as a whole .By using the term Specter they address collective and individuals memory .Epistemologicallyu speaking ,Specter means : A haunting or disturbing image ,or prospect or a mental image of something unpleasant or menacing.

Interestingly enough ,the term inherently has a negative meaning which makes it capable of stimulating the emotions as reminder of a tragedy and the hate reflecting what happened to the marginalized community. It also flies beyond the time scale, In between the past and the future, exile and return, life and death, presence and absence, emerges the figure of the specter, embodied by the disavowed and forgotten citizens of New Orleans whose traumatic removal haunts the contemporary urban space.

“Specters are haunting New Orleans – the specters of injustice, racism, and forgetting. New maps, new plans, new ways of thinking about New Orleans’ past must be mobilized before the future succumbs to this forgetting. “ Avram Alpert,Columbia University” Jacques Derrida has also written a movingly and presciently of this figure of the specter.

“In each and every instant, we live only in and through the possibility that in another instant, perhaps the next, we might die...[Thus] each time we have survived into the next moment...we are grateful, but also anxious because this may already be a surfeit of life, and we don’t know whether it will occur again” (Derrida,2003)

In privous chapter we touched upon the fact that New Orleans has received the gravest of warnings that they hover between life and death. Therefore, The image of the specter is akin to the image of the forgotten citizen, as they equally signal both presence and absence, both life and death, both a past slipping away and a future yet to be realized.

In opening New Orleans up to the memories that are haunting it, we must recall this weight of life, the pressing need to be responsible to the living, to ensure that the specters of Katrina impress upon us the need to remember the precious gift of life, in each individual house rebuilt, in each citizen, in each new memory projected onto public space as against the forgetting of disaster . “ Avram Alpert,Columbia University,2008�

Inorder to frame a clearer picture of Specter as an agency the following diagram is envisioned. Here the specter has seen as a figure that can make the transition between both elements of the social infrastructure and the times scale. This allowed us to put one step further into the projects with the perspective of Specter as an agency.

Social Resiliency

Individual Specter (Future) Collective

Memory

Social Volunerabilty

Structural Violence

Social Cohesion

Social Infrastructure

Social Awareness

Marginalization Top-Down Policies Structural Corruption Discrimination

Technical trust

59

PAGES 1-6 PAGES 1-4

Abstract Iran’s archeological wealth and natural resources has been always absorbed the west’s interest towards itself .The story of their competition to monopole, colonize or dominate the Iranian landscape is not a new one. But in 1921 after the British coup, these ambitions deliberately contextualized and dramatically transformed urban configurations and diminished the historical identity of the Iranian Landscapes. Needless to say, the modernism as the main driver for these speculations played a key role on satisfying their orientalism and colonialism incentives . While the Iranian Architects Abstract and scholars trying to find the links between the emergence of modernism and dramatic alternations of the spatial and social configurations happened in this period ,The critical role of colonialism in this game is still encapsulated. paper by no means is anatural try to relate this has dramatic flux to the western colonial nor aitself position Iran’sThis archeological wealth and resources been always absorbed the west’s speculations interest towards .The against the Imperial colonization and modernism as an enlightment project .It is a modest effort to find the story of their competition to monopole, colonize or dominate the Iranian landscape is not a new one. But insymp1921 toms colonial in ambitions the applieddeliberately policies andcontextualized plans for Iran and in the period of the “Pahlavi” dynasty.

It kicks off afterofthe Britishincentives coup, these dramatically transformed urban configurations by demonstrating the traditional and vernacular configuration of the spatial pattern of Tehran and Isfahan as case and diminished the historical identity of the Iranian Landscapes. Needless to say, the modernism as the main driver studies, and then structures the investigation by comparing the British and French colonial characters parallel to the for these speculations played a key role on satisfying their orientalism and colonialism incentives . While the Iranian urban morphology of Tehran and thebetween mentioned frame. of modernism and dramatic alternations of the Architects and scholars trying to Isfahan find theinlinks thetime emergence spatial and social configurations happened in this period ,The critical role of colonialism in this game is still encapsulated. This paper by no means is a try to relate this dramatic flux to the western colonial speculations nor a position against the Imperial colonization and modernism as an enlightment project .It is a modest effort to find the symptoms of colonial incentives in the applied policies and plans for Iran in the period of the “Pahlavi” dynasty. It kicks off by demonstrating the traditional and vernacular configuration of the spatial pattern of Tehran and Isfahan as case studies, and then structures the investigation by comparing the British and French colonial characters parallel to the Keywords: Modernism, Iran, frame.

British coup, Urbanism Iran 1920,Pahlavi , Colonization urban morphology of Tehran and Isfahan in theColonialism mentionedintime

Keywords: Modernism, Colonialism in Iran, British coup, Urbanism Iran 1920,Pahlavi , Colonization

Anglo-Persian Oil refinery 1300 Architect :James M. Wilson Employer: William Knox D’Arcy Britian [Source: Crinson ,1996]

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial Urbanism and post-colonial Professors De D’Auria Meuder.spring Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010Page .Payam From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and post-colonial Course .Urbanism ProfessorsCourse Bruno.De Meuder Bruno Vivianda 2010 .Payam Tabrizian 1 Tabriz

FROM RAY TO METROPOLIS Tracing the patterns of colonialism in Iran(1921-1940)

Fig1.,Nassereddin Shah Paris 1850

Fig2.The Golestan Palace , 1875 [Sourcehttp://www.Flickr.com]

Inroduction The Entry gate to the modernism in Iranian architecture opened around 19th century in the Qajar reign era. It was the time that cultural dialogue with the Europe started by orientalism approach of the imperial west to the archeological 1 and architectural wealth of Iran and the appreciation of the European modern architecture particularly France and England by the Qajar Kings. But fundamentally, what interested the Europe imperials mostly Britain and Russia ,were the abundance of the natural resources and strategic location of Iran within their colonial trajectories. Therefore, they always strived to dominate the political landscapes and monopole the oil industry2 of the country by any means possible[Fig1]. This trend seamlessly started from giving the large loans to Iran and getting long term contracts in return [ Blair Brysac,2007:2] By the late 19th century, Tehran was looking more and more toward the West, and in 1873 ‘Nassereddin Shah’ became the first Persian monarch to visit Europe.This became apparent in the design of government monuments like the ‘Shams al-Emareh’ and ‘golestan palace’[Fig2]. Although still a very traditional city, Tehran began to sport a “European veneer”[Ethlers and Floor 1993 :254] in such new structures as a theatre that resembled Victoria and Albert Hall in London and the city’s first public clock tower, reminiscent of Big Ben.Afterwards, Persia remained land in chaos, a playground of Russian and British empires and resistant of the nationalist forces . It was not until the 20th century and the Pahlavi dynasty that Tehran was literally opened up to the West. This was after the first Russian revolution which splitted the Ottoman Empire into two pieces. This victory for the proletariat of the world was the greatest enemy of British colonialism4 [Blair Brysac,2007:3] . .One of the pillars of Iranian Studies in France, is archeology. From 1894 to 1931, the French Ministry of Public Education had the monopoly on archeological excavations in Persia. In charge of uncovering the past, of unearthing the splendors of the pre-Islamic era, French archeologists thus helped embellish the image of a prestigeous Iranian civilization distinct from the Muslim, and mostly Arab, Middle East.

[Hourcade,1987:2] . In 1901 William Knox D’Arcy, a millionaire London socialite, negotiated an oil concession with the Shah Mozzafar al-Din Shah Qajar of Persia. He assumed exclusive rights to prospect for oil for 60 years in a vast tract of territory including most of Iran. In exchange the Shah received £20,000, an equal amount in shares of D’Arcy’s company, and a promise of 16% of future profits.[ Kinzer,2003,48] .This influence of the British and Russian on Iran has a long-standing story In Iran. starting from the Qajar dynasty (1785) renowned for the shameful bribes they took and the vices they allegedly practiced. This originally stems from their naïve strive to retain their independency from the Russian Threats. They believed that by giving the British a large economic stake in the country they would become committed to defending that independence. As a result, in less than a century, Britain secured their position on the Persian landscape, winning extraordinary concessions. Financiers, traders, speculators, and adventurers flocked to Persia, most of them from Britain and Russia. Markets opened in the hinterland, consulates blossomed and foreign shipping began competing for Persian markets draining all the resources as fast as possible.

For instance Baron Julius de Reuter, a naturalized Briton born in Germany and founder of the British press agency, brought off the most spectacular coup in 1872. In one stroke, he privileged to build railways, found a bank, and collect customs for 20 years. That was not all. He was granted exclusive rights for 70 years to mine minerals, , operate tramways and water works; to build irrigation canals, and fell timber, plus an option to found utilities, post offices and other enterprises.

61

Page 2

4.Throughout the end of nineteenth and early twentieth century, many Iranians living in the northern Iran, would go to the city of Baku for work. Azarbaijan was one of the territories that the Tsars had taken away from Iran in the early 19th century. The city of Baku had an abundance of oil fields. The Iranian nationals, motivated by poverty, would travel to Baku to take the most dangerous jobs of the time that Russian people would not take. Living in Russia meant exposure to European ideas and specially those of Marxism. The first Iranian communists were trained in Russia, and brought those ideas to Iran. The First World War was followed by a soviet takeover of Russia. This victory for the proletariat of the world was the greatest enemy of British colonialism. Although they were victorious in WW1, they had to deal with Marxist Leninist Russians who were by far more dangerous and appealing to the poor people of the colonies.

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and Post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

I

In order to stabilize their situation on Iran industry and to control over the nationalism movements, British commissioned three military Generals and a team stabilize the situation and seek for a new figure that can apply their strategies in Iran[Baussani 2000:49].The head of this team was general Edmond Iron side 1 which with assistance of Reza khan arranged a military coup which led Qajar dynasty fall and with putting the Reza shah on power ,Pahlavi reign established[Fig3,4]. This was the launch point that European colonizers could directly dictate their speculations on the hinterland. The dramatic transformation of the cities in this period is the vivid manifestation of this phenomenon. For most of the twentieth century before the revolution, story of Iran was the story of two Pahlavi Shahs and their attempts, often in the face of foreign interference and domestic religious opposition, to turn Iran into a progressive modern state before its oil ran out.

However, the intention of his paper is not to review the Iranian history, but to reveal the direct influence of the western countries specifically Britain in Iranian king’s decisions for planning the new modern and industrial cities. Reza Shah’s Modernization policy, although focused on a few cities and sectors of industrial activity, had a profound influence on urban transformation throughout the whole country. These developments mark two basic events. First, they are a decisive break with the past and traditional urban growth was directed towards new modern and Westernized forms of development Ethlers and Floor 1993 :267 In order to clearly illustrate this phenomenon which is the main premise of this paper, the following chapter will describe the main characteristics of pre-1920 Iranian city focusing on Tehran and Isfahan as case studies.

Traditional Persian Urbanism Principles Tehran is a city of 7 million in an urban region of 12 million inhabitants. As the capital city of Iran, it acts as a centre of gravity for economic, political and cultural affairs of the country. The history of its foundation goes back to more than six thousand years ago when it was a small village outside a city named Ray(raga) Its strategic location on the Silk Road and even more important on the Khorasan highway, which connected east to west in the Iranian plateau ,made the city of great importance in ninth and tenth centuries [Fig5].

After the Mongol raids, the city was demolished and never regained its importance until the eighteenth century when it selected as the capital city of the newly established kingdom of Qajar in 1795. Like many other Iranian cities, Tehran was founded by three main elements: state, religion, and market. The physical manifestation of these elements was the Friday mosque, the royal palace(Citadel), and the bazaar [Fig6].

The relation between the bazaar and the royal family or the government is what determines the shape and story of many Iranian landscapes. The Friday mosque and the place of government were symbolically placed at the centre of the city in concentric planning concepts, as the top or head of the town in anthropomorphic plans, which relates to the slope of the landscape and the natural flow of water[Madanip 1 Field Marshal William Edmund Ironside, 1st Baron Ironside GCB, CMG, CBE, DSO, (6 May 1880 - 22 September 1959) was a British Army officer who served as Chief of the Imperial General Staff during the first year of the Second World War.His third overseas posting of the year was to Persia in late August 1920, where - among other things - he appointed Reza Khan to command the elite Cossack Brigade;[7] Khan oor,2006,438]. would later seize control of the country, and rule as Shah from 1925 to 1941. The exact level of British involvement in Khan’s coup is still a matter of historical debate, but it is almost certain that Ironside himself at least provided advice to the plotters. On his departure from Persia in 1921, the Shah awarded him the Order of the Lion and the Sun.[Source:Wikipedia.com]

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

Fig3. Edmund Iron side in the centre Source [www.Wikipedia.com]

Fig4. 1922 Reza shah(left) and Attarurk(right) old rivals competing to modernize their countries. .Source[www.Iranhistpics.com]

Page

Fig13 Naghse jahan Square [Source:http://www.panoramio.com]

The orthogonal network of water channels naturally followed to the slope of the landscape. Passageways follow these channels to reach various plots of cultivated land. Isfahan city expanded along the existing streets and water channels and the morphology of residential quarters cities s created by houses filling in adjacent rectangular fields and orchards.To put it in a nut shell,the essential structure of Isfahan in the Safavid period can be described by two major axes of development: first, the north-south axis alongside the old backbone of the city, which was formed alongside the main chains of the bazaar and extended through Chaharbagh Avenue to the south of the river; and second, the east-west axis alongside the Zayandeh-Rood river and its artificial branches, or madi’s. Whereas the first axis of development shaped the built environment in Isfahan, the second axis provided the natural element and its influence on the urban life.

The New Metropolis The previous part was an attempt to provide a perspective to the original pattern typical Iranian cities which assists this essay to follow its main premise which revealing the intensity of the transformation in one hand and tracing the symptoms of colonial speculations s on the other hand. The planning policies that Reza shah applied to the cities were almost following Progressive principles of British and French1 modern plans for their colonized territories. The indicators for a typical French plan were, designing streets before buildings, Allowing public spaces to generate the plan and give it order, turning away from monumentalize and basing urban design on local traditions and vernacular motifs rather than on universal standards which is interpreted as “modernist evocation of the efficient well-ordered metropolis”[Wright 1991:361] .The new dictated policies for urban growth and functional change in Iranian cities generated three basic patterns of urbanization; Urban renewal of traditional centres, expansion of old cities and establishment of new towns. But if we want to narrow down our scope to Tehran as one of our case studies this will be translated into two main goals. On one hand, it included clearing and reconstructing degraded areas, in particular in the central and north-western parts of the old city. On the other, the “construction of very impressive administrative buildings(ministries, banks, museums, universities and schools), together with several palaces in a quasi- European style2 mostly designed by the European architects (Andre Godard, Maxim Siroux, E.E. Beaudouin,…).Other constructions, in a pre-Islamic style, such as the Police Headquarters, the Ministry of Justice and National bank kept as before .This vividly mirrored the British colonial attempts of 20th century establishing a dialogue between “a modernist vision of formal order ‘ and an ‘‘exotic dream of voluptuousness” [Wright 1991:361]] or the juxtaposition of the ‘nouvelle ville’ and ‘medina’ in French colonized contexts [METCALF,266]. As to reinforce this assumption it good to mention that new modern centre of Tehran named “Shahre no “ (new town ).

1 Henri Prost the Famous French conial planner believed that progressive design are vital to the furure of the city.[Metcalf,1996:264]

63

Page

2 It was also strongly influenced by nineteenth-century Neoclassical European architecture. This style was applied to the design of governmental buildings or schools and banks and its influence was particularly felt in the plans of the buildings through an application of symmetry,hierarchy and geometric forms: buildings like the National Police Headquarters (1933) are a good example. The combination of these two approaches – European and Iranian – was such that European architecture, and especially the Neoclassical style, found a specific expression of its own. The entry gateways of Maidan Mashgh (1931) and Hassan Abad Square (1935) are superior examples of this trend.

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and Post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

Fig11 Madi water chanells in Isfahan ,1890 Fig12 Charbagh ave 1900 [Source:(Re)drawn from water system Isfahan] [Source:http://www.Fuoman.com]

Fig6.Tehran and the silkway Source[http://www.wikipedia.com]

Tehran bazaar 18th century Source[http://www.Flickr.com]

The city was protected by walls, as were some quarters within the city. The citadel, usually the seat of the governor, symbolized the security aspect of the walls. Within these ideal plans, the public spaces of gathering were situated in an orderly and mutually self-supporting manner according to a hierarchy, commencing with the major elements of the city centre and continuing to the minor nodes of residential districts.[Ardalan 1996:124] . Surrounding these public structures were the residential areas, concentrically arranged, divided into quarters and often differentiated by ethnic divisions.[Fig7] The labyrinth of alleys often connected with the bazaar and terminated in cul-de-sacs 1 [Fig8].These randomly orientated mazes are also typical for the traditionally Persian -Islamic cities. The French geographer, Xavier de Planhol, in his The World of Islam states that “irregularity and anarchy seem to be the most striking qualities of Iranian cities,” while Paul Ward English has called the labyrinth of twisted alleys a hallmark of the Islamic city. The prevailing viewpoint is that “the organic, irregular plan is universal in the Muslim world,” The devisions of the quarters was mainly accentuated by the gates which were closed against hostile outsiders[Fig9]. [Madanipoor,1998:95]. While Tehran exactly follows the typical Persian principles of Iranian traditional urnbanism, Isfahan has developed around two different geomentris.

Fig6.The configuration of a Typical Iranian city Source[http://www.fouman.com]

Fig7.Tehran 17th century Source[http:// www.fouman.com]

Fig8 Narrow alleys [Source Iranhistoricpics .com] Fig9 Tehran Southenr gate 18th century [Source http://chestofbooks.com]

Page 4

1A cul-de-sac (literally “bottom of bag”) is a word of French origin referring to a dead end, close, no through road (UK and Australian English) or court (American English and Australian English) meaning dead-end street with only one inlet/outlet. While historically built for pedesterain use, its modern use is to calm vehicle traffic.[www.Wikipeida.com]

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and Post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

Tehran

Fig11 Isfahan 17 th Century The new addition to the old center

Isfahan city has a population of almost 1.6 million people. It is Situated in the central part of Iranian Plateau at the eastern foothills of Zagros mountains and lush plain of the ‘Zayandeh’ River. Heading north with a slight deviation to the west it goes towards foothills of the Alborz mountain range and Tehran.The eastern boundry of the city almost touches the Great Kavir and Gav khooni marshlands several minor basins with infrequent desert stretches. The first dynamic development of Isfahan started with the emergence of Islam in Iran dating to the sixth century B.C.In the region of Isfahan ,the first Islamic node was stablished in the southern neighberhood of Yahoudiah and in a village called Kushinan ,As settlements began to develop around this new nucleus,the first real center of the town called Isfahan shaped at the juncture of the new and old settlements.[Fig10]The city of Isfahan has been in constant evolution from more than 2000 years ago till now.Each time a new nucleus born in respond to new demands and rose in the vicinity of the old center and developed organically.[Shirazi,1998:6] Isfahan has experienced two major transformations till now; The first one occurred on the late 16th century and the other one at 20th which will be discussed further .But to briefly mention the first acceleration start point of the city ,It goes back to the time that when Safavie dynasty took control of the Iran .The King Shah abbas I chose Isfahan for the capital and designed a master plan with his first consultant Sheikh bahayi for the city development.They designed a plan on a monumental scale on the south of the old city center and integrated the formation new palatial city with a series of gardens and bazaars into the River. The orthogonal intersections of the charbagh ave and the river created Charbagh(Four gardens)at the scale of the city which produced a synthesis between Persian and Islamic concepts of paradise ,Turkic nomadic traditions of ritual and social uses of gardens,and the principle of the royal capital city[WALCHER,1998:4]. From that certain point in history of Persia Isfahan called “Paradise “, “Half of the world” and Face of seven Spheres “and amazingly the new image of the city illustrated in all the paintings . [Fig11,12,13] How ever, The pattern followed the same principles of the typical Iranian –Islamic city .But after introduction of the ecologic intervention of the Madi’s 1 (water channels) oriented it towards the other typology of the Iranian cities and partly shaped it along the agricultural fields[Fig12].

65

Page 5

1 There are seventy seven MADIs branched from left side (north) of ‘Zayande rood’ river while there are only seventy one MADIs branched from right side (sough).Based on the reports from Isfahan Regional Organization of Water Resources (Isfahan Water Administration 1993), the MADIs provide 91% of agricultural, 4% of industrial and 5% of urban water requirements. ). [Sattari et al.. 2003]

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

Fig10 Isfahan 11th Century