ANALYSIS OF
DR.
XEWMAX S APOLOGIA PRO VITA SUA
ANALYSIS OF
A
DR.
A
NEAVMAN S APOLOGIA PKO YITA SUA WITH
A GLANCE AT THE HISTORY OP
POPES, COUNCILS,
AND THE CHURCH.
BT
J.
N.
LONDON"
:
W. H. BROOM, PATEKNOSTER ROW. 1866.
:
ANALYSIS OF
DR.
I
NEWMAN S APOLOGIA PRO
HAD had no thought
of even reading Dr.
practice,
the popes
Newman s
know pretty well, in theory what Eomanism is and the history of
Apologia pro Vita sud.
and
VITA SUi.
I
;
But the book has open hands by others, and so far pressed my and I have read it I cannot say it has to every one.
is
been put into
upon me
:
;
won my respect.
It has certain
charms about
the present state of things clothes
think of
it
minds.
surface, "
likely to attract
There
and men
s
are just
manhood
when
with
it;
and
interest.
I
and win no small number
a seeming candour on the
is
minds are prepared for it, and The circle of uni
quod volumus facile
versity affections is
it
credimu>s"
most powerful
the heart
is
formed as they fresh and growing to
and amiable, and the reference
to
them
is
one of the attractive points of Dr. Newman s book, but cannot decide what salvation and the Church
God is. If we penetrate below the surface, I do not think the charm of the book remains. The
of
must judge when we
reader it
shall
have examined
together.
The
secret of the course of Dr.
is this
sensuous;* and
it is
so is
Newman s mind Eomanism. He
never possessed the truth, nor, in the process he de he had never found rest or peace scribes, sought it :
in his
own
soul, nor sought
it
where
it is
to be found,
according to the holiness of God. He sunk into that system where the mind often finds quiet from rest
when wearied in judging for but never peace with God. That is positively denied and denounced in the Eoman Catholic system. less search after repose,
itself,
In his search, he was never all -important --on
true faith at
From
all.
and
this difference is
the true ground or principles of
These things his book shows.
Oxford influences he came under, he had a horror of Protestantism. I understand that horror.
the
first
How
earnestly,
when
I
was in the
state I
have referred to elsewhere in these pages, I should have disowned, and did disown, that name. I looked Not having peace in my soul, nor for the Church.
knowing yet where peace is, I too, governed by a morbid imagination, thought much of Eome, and its professed sanctity, and Catholicity, and antiquity, not of the possession of divine truth and of Christ
Protestantism met none of these feelings, and I was rather a bore to my clergyman by acting
myself.
on the
rubrics.
I
looked out for something more
like reverend antiquity. *
No
I
was
really
much
reader must confound this with sensual.
in Dr.
Xewman s
state of
Protestantism I
is
But such a
mind.
shallow, and
little
feeling as to
founded on
fact.
do not think, now, that Protestantism has restored
the Church to purity.
It did not see, I judge, the true
more than Dr. Newman.
doctrine of the Church, any
Protestantism occupied itself with the positive evils and practice that pressed upon men s
in doctrine
knew how
consciences, and did the best
it
national churches, so-called.
Still, its
apprehended. As
to the
in raising
nature
word Protestantism,
is it
mis
came
from the act of several German princes at the second Diet of Spires. The previous Diet of Spires had left each prince free in his own dominions as to religious matters. At the second, the emperor, having settled matters with the pope, succeeded with the legate in
Nothing O was to be changed Q till the The principal general council was held. northern princes and many free cities protested, nor
this rescinded. getting O C*
held the recess for valid, as
it
was passed only by a Further, on the Con
majority when they had left. tinent, half those separated from Protestants, but Reformed.
Kome
are not called
The Lutherans
are Pro
testants.
But the matter
lies
deeper than all this. It is a well it should be known.
past history;
but
Protestantism
practically
gences.
The pope-
Newman- -the time,
it
when
is
broke out
-infallible
about indul
according
to
Dr.
centre of infidelity in fact, at that
infidelity
was the fashion
set the sale of indulgences
at Eome, had on foot to get money to
build
St.
Peter
The
s.
was formed
sale
out,
through
the Archbishop of Mayence, to the Fuggers and the well known Tetzel, in Germany, and Samson, ;
But
in Switzerland, were the agents for the sale.
of this hereafter. I
do not enter on the sparring between Mr. Kings-
ley and Dr. Newman. poor and low on both
N. dishonest,
To say the
truth, I think it
If Mr. K. thinks Dr.
sides.
about gentle
all this shilly-shallying
men s points of honour is folly. The eternal truth If he thought in his of God is beyond this fencing. heart Dr. N. told the truth, he should not seek to
prove that he did not by subsequent writings. did not, there
honour.
All this
is
below the dignity and serious
ness of an enquiry into
hand, Dr.
IN",
is
If he
affectation in treating of points of
is
God
On
s truth.
vexed and undignified too
;
the other his blots,
one, two, &c., are poor, and, as I judge, a failure
undignified,
and often very poor in reasoning and
That he was vexed with being charged with dishonesty, one can conceive but vexation is a bad
tone.
;
I
counsellor.
example.
say,
poor in reasoning.
What
is
I take
an
there between accepting
analogy devoutly a false historical statement, and Sir D. Brewster s dreams of inhabitants in the stars ? This is
a very poor come-off.
The author
of St.
tine s life says, with the evident wish so,
it
Augus
should be
that a statement, historically false, but which has
serious effects
who
believes
on the whole it,
"will
state of
mind
of
him
not be without effect on the
devout mind/ and that pious
It
opinion."
is
"it
lias
been received as a
admitted, that
the alleged
visit of Peter,
which
tended
hut devout minds will be influenced
visit
;
have this
is to
by what has been received
a pre
effect, is
as a pious opinion.
It is
be kept quite distinct from documentary evi This Dr. tells us dence," but to have its effect. "to
K
Is it sober to look for the effect of a
is sober.
con
fessed lying legend on the mind, as a pious opinion
Now
the legend has for
its
?
object to exalt St. Peter,
and Rome through him. For this purpose, false hoods have been told, and minds encouraged in receiving lieve
it,
them
and
;
it
and not without
tells us, is
is
a pious opinion to be This, Dr. Newman
effect.
a sober judgment, because
it is
said
it is
to be kept distinct
from documentary and historic That proof. people may have believed it piously, I may admit; but to justify the reception of a con fessedly false legend as a pious opinion, saying that will have its effect on devout minds, I cannot
it
call sober.
It is a
sider
devoutness
thing,
how
hoods
;
for
proof of what Eornanists con
and
It proves piety. the Church was deceived early
we
another
by
are here told, that Innocent
I.
false (A.D.
416) lets us know, that it was then received as a pious opinion, that St. Peter was instrumental in "
the West O enerallv." We do not but a of the kind of get, sobriety, specimen called devoutness and piety. I have men thing the
conversion of
*.
tioned, however, this part of the
book only
to say,
that while I think
poor in reasoning, it character which in detail calls for no remark.
is
important
is
is
it
of a
AVhat
mainly elsewhere, and to that I turn.*
be a falling away, an apostacy; and, though faith may be answered in arresting judgment, when impending, no efforts of It is written, that there will
This evil ours will avert finally the predicted evil. a in the are have we double character will, told, course of
its
denial of
its
development
power
the form of godliness and
:
or religious evil, and open denial
of Christianity or infidelity
;
superstitious idolatrous
religiousness, devoid of spiritual truth,
and open in
fidelity.
It is a singular, but, providentially, a notable fact,
that two brothers should be eminently conspicuous in these two forms of
evil.
Mr. F.
Newman
has
given his personal history in his progress to infi delity
;
Dr.
popery.
Newman,
in his progress in falling into
There are some passages almost
identical in their form.
The
literally
fact, of course,
would
have been the same, whoever it might have been but, as striking in its effect on the mind, two brothers ;
being representatives of the double form of depar ture from the truth, is, I repeat, providentially re markable. The more so, as they have both come *
I find,
on
my
return to England, that Dr. Newman has sup He has judged, I suppose, as I
pressed all this in his second edition. do, or received counsel to that effect.
I have judged rightly in not But as many most probably will have the edition I had noticing it. in writing this, and the point itself has its importance, I leave the
paragraph as
it is.
not by any direct reason the truth or falsehood of what they
forward to account for to
as
ing
have the
fallen
which
in
way
that
or
left
it,
into
an account bv V
is,
known how
each
in
but,
;
minds were
their
in
with
it,
Both have
of themselves.
to render their
case,
filled
books attractive, and
by them. Both of them un questionably able men, but I do not, for my own part, think possessed of any depth of moral percep
themselves attractive
tion.
speak entirely from their respective works, I must say I do not put them on a par
I
of course.
:
I think the low,
and what
I
tions of Mr. F.
Newman,
in his
must
call filthy, insinua "Phases
of
Faith,"
ought, though but short and occasional, to have at once condemned the whole book, and the state of
mind
of the writer, in every
mind
that
of elevation, any sense of
what
what
From such
N.
is
is
comely and pure.
entirely clear;
judgment contents.
One thing
his
to persuade us
by
had a spark
of good report, of
a reproach Dr.
I shall defer pronouncing
book
of
is
is
till
I
have examined
striking in both
;
any its
they seek
shewing, in their respective books,
that they were wrong, and
had each
of
them
to give
up everything he held on the points in question. This is singular. Each of these books shews us a mind step by step giving up what they held as true, and finding they were wrong an air of candour. But, did themselves
?
at each step.
This has
them
to distrust
it
lead
Quite the contrary. They would have us
embrace the conclusions they have come
to,
and in
8
which they profess to have the greatest confidence, though in every previous step they had found them Mr. F. N. has given up Christianity
selves wrong. altogether,
and gives us the phases of his discoveries
of mistake
mistake given up; Dr. N., the apology for his life, in which he has relinquished, not the general truths of Christianity, no doubt, but after
he once held on the particular points in question. seem to me that this shews, not confidence
all
It does
what they supposed such they gave but the attaching an immense importance to their
in the truth, (for up,)
own views I am afraid I must say, to themselves, mean by that, to the processes of their own minds. I
the
have no doubt that there
enemy
of souls in all this
is
I
a direct action of
of Satan.
On
this I
do not enlarge but I am bound to say so. But is it not singular that I should put forward the discovery ;
being wrong in everything I held, not as a lowly acknowledgment of error, but seeking thereby confidence in the conclusion I have arrived at as a of
my
motive to influence other minds, and that they should be influenced by it, and attracted to the persons who thus acquaint the public so very elaborately with
all
that has passed, as they tell us, in their minds
The
public,
?
no doubt, likes confidences, likes secret it has them, and has them very
histories,
and here
cleverly
written;
seemingly
very
naturally
and
It innocently, and on topics which are in vogue. is admitted behind the scenes in an interesting
epoch, and has the actors familiarly and confidingly
brought before O
it.
This, of
course, attracts.
like to be thus trusted with secrets, to
We
know what
has gone on.
But here
must go a
I
little
deeper into the nature
of this disposition to have secret histories, though I fear I
not please the public if they condescend I must tell the truth, and it bears
may
me; but
to read
Men like to
on the character of these books. secret history,
hear the
and learn the progress of what
is evil,
much more than of what is good. Take a young man, in the human sense innocent, gradually getting away from what
is
honourable and pure, making impulsive but still sinking, getting,
efforts to recover himself,
alas
gradually degraded,
!
and
terrible
end.
till
lie
Men
are
recovery cast a halo
efforts at
man.
fatal
at
some
interested.
The
arrives
round the sinking
His degradation is, comparatively speaking, of. Pity surrounds his end: we like to
lost sight
know
the details.
A young
female, shining in early
youth, wickedly and heartlessly seduced, struggling against the engulphing stream for a while, the moral
tone of her mind sinking, sorrow often (if innocence be met), with longings of heart that she were back to innocence, but her career till
still
onward
in evil,
she sinks in destitution, and shame, and sorrow
There cases),
is
not merely pity (for that
but
man
is
!
right in both
likes to read the process
;
and the
person whose secret history he follows becomes in teresting to him. Now let these persons be recovered from their evil, instead of sinking to ruin will the ;
10 steps of their recovery interest
?
Most surely
be traced with the same
not.
Put one and the other
in a newspaper, in a pamphlet, and try.
I do not say
our moral judgment approves this tendency of mind grace surely will correct
Such
is
public
is
Mr. F.
W.
it.
I
:
speak of the fact.
human human
nature, such is the public for the nature locally modified. Suppose Newman or Dr. Newman were to return, ;
the one to Christianity, the other to scriptural truth,
would
their phases of return, or the history of their
religious recovery, be read with the
same
interest
?
am
fully persuaded they would not. Eight-minded people would be glad, individuals would trace it
I
with
interest.
Dr. N.
s
present publication might cause the sale of some of that; but no bookseller
would undertake an edition of the history of their Alas that it recovery as he would of their fall. !
should be so
;
truth and into is
what
but the history of their evil,
that
their history
is
it is
fall
away from But that
that interests.
a history
of.
No
one questions that at this moment the power of evil is rampant; its forms are the deceit of Koman-
ism and the insolence of open infidelity. Dr. New man avows in result that he knows only the one or the other
Catholicism (that is, Papal infallibility) Atheism; not the truth for himself. (Page 231 of What is fearful (though the Christian first edition.) or
has nothing to fear, far from it) is not that evil is there, but the perfect impotency of existing forms and corporations (I mean of such as ought, from
11
and profession, to stand against
their position
This
resist that evil.
is
the sign of of God.
judgment, of being given Satan
s
it),
to
approaching It was not
up power which drove the blessed Lord out of
it brought Him into it. not cast demons out, could disciples could not use the power which had come in, then He
the world: as
its
occasion,
But when His
and perverse generation, how long
says,
Faithless
shall I
be with you
"
how
"
long shall I suffer you ? in progress towards these two
?
The country is forms of evil. The National Schools in Ireland are founded on the avowed principle, that it was a vital defect to have the Scriptures read in them, and this professedly to please the priests.
A lay tribunal has
decided that clergymen are not bound to hold the Scriptures to be inspired, and that if they do not
contravene articles
made
for another state
of
the
teach anything they like that is, that the Church is no guardian of the truth at all.
Church, they
On
may
the other hand,
;
when men
stultified fatuity that a red
Ghost, there
is
are subjected to the
gown
is like
the
Holy
no way of meeting such imbecility
in public service,* because there is a rubric attached to the liturgy, the expression of patience, ill-advised
or not, at the time
when men were emerging from
these things, which permits
what was done
in the
second year of Edward VI. *
Since this was written, some little righteous energy (I would I could say, consistency) has been shown by Dr. Tait, for which I desire to be abundantly thankful.
12
Now,
not the evil I
it is
like red gowns, I
to worship
God
what
notice,
the word of
is
am
am judging
here.
sorry they do not instead love
and in truth
ii\ spirit
fatal in its character
God
is
cially authorized to
men
If
;
is,
but what I that while
surrendered, and men are judi give it up, there is no autonomy,
no power, avowedly no power, to stand against or remove evil. The authorities of the national body seek to tide is
it
over with the power of evil but there to God and we have Father Igna ;
no faithfulness
:
tius at the Episcopal gathering as a
deacon of the
Church of England, and having a right to be there and we have Colensos and Williamses openly setting ;
aside the word with impunity.
neither can be dealt with as
evil.
tatively or judicially accepted
power
at all to
meet
fulness of the Lord
;
evil.
I
Neither can be met,
I
;
They
there
is
are authori
no
intrinsic
do not doubt the faith
have no
fear
;
I
hold
it
to be
a time of great blessing for faith I believe the Lord is at hand. But it is sorrowful when what, in some ;
sense at least, was the professed seat of righteousness declares it
be
so,
tocratic
its
incapacity to remove or resist
evil.
If
we are on the way to judgment. The aris mind tends to popery; the popular to in
Ecclesiastical authorities are powerless the former; they are the chief abettors of against the latter. Truth remains, blessed be God, always fidelity.
and grace cannot fail. As I have spoken of these two forms of
itself,
me add
a few words on
them
evil, let
before I formally take
13 to these lines.
up the book which has given occasion It
is,
best
as regards the true object of these remarks, the
judgment on the book.
I
am
greatly confirmed
Eomanism
in the conviction, that at the root of
lies
in the gross form of denying infidelity, not of course Christianity, in its fundamental truths, or the his
but in the annulling those truths on which the blessing of the soul de
torical basis of Christianity;
It is a sensuous pends, or their application to it. fills the imagination with gorgeous cere religion,
monies, noble buildings, fine music, stately proces It feeds it with legends and the poetry of sions. gives no holy peace to the con
antiquity; but
it
science, ease it
may, but not peace,
and while ac
with asceticism,* accepts for the mass votaries full association with the world. It
crediting itself
of its
holds sin over the conscience as terror, and relieves
from that terror by human intervention, so as to put power into man s hand into the hands of the priest
Looked
hood.
imagination,
and
(in
its
at as a picture, it
in practice
it
fills
degrades.
largely the
Christianity
true sense, whatever its shortcomings
may have
I shall refer been) Protestantism elevate. to this last in a moment: it has largely failed in
but in
result, it
its
nature, as
compared with Romanism,
elevates.
Christianity brings us directly, immediately, to God.
Each individual *
"I
looked at
precepts,
and
is directly,
her,"
I said,
immediately, in relation-
her says Dr. N., is a religion."
This
rites,
her ceremonial, her
14 ship to God,
his conscience before God, his heart
confidingly in
His presence.
Judaism had a
hood, the people could not go into
They might
God s the
priest
presence.
receive blessings, offer offerings, celebrate
goodness, have a law to
way
God s
command them
was closed by a
into the holiest
veil
but
;
"
:
the
Holy Ghost this signifying, that the way into the was not yet made manifest." When the Lord
holiest
Jesus died, this veil was rent from top to bottom, and we have boldness to enter into the holiest by the
"
blood of Jesus, by a new and living way which He has consecrated through the veil, that is to say, His "He
flesh;"
cross to
"
;"
God
has
made peace by
the blood of His
suffered, the just for the unjust, to bring "
;"
His blood cleanses from
all
sin."
us
Hence
the essence of Christianity, as applied to man, is, that the Christian goes himself, directly, personally to
God
;
in Christ
s
name, and through Christ, but and with boldness. He has
himself, into the holiest,
by Christ
access through the one Spirit to the Father,
the Spirit of adoption. This being brought nigh by the blood of Jesus, characterises Christianity in its
The holiness
nature.
brought "
said, fear,
to bear
in the light, as
which
repels, for
God s own If we soul,
of
on the
He
presence
"
is
in the
walk,"
light,"-
it
is is
-yet not as
we know
perfect love through have boldness to enter into the
the gift of Jesus; we holiest, that place where the presence of God him self assures that the confidence of love will be the adoration of reverence, while
we go
forth to the
15 world, that the
of Jesus
life
may
be made manifest
in our mortal body, the epistle (as Christ.
I
realizes
it,
am
not discussing
but that
is
how
far
it
is
of
said)
each Christian
what Christianity
practically
hath made us kings and priests to God and His Father. This elevates truly. Man is not elevated
He
is.
intellectual pretensions
by can
get,
beyond
intercourse with
vates
him
is
himself.
what
is
for
;
he never
What elevates him above him
;
gets, is
nor
heart-
what truly
ele
heart -intercourse with God, fellowship
(wondrous word !) with the Father, and with His Son Jesus Christ. But, even where the heart has not found
its
blessed
home
there through grace, this
principle morally elevates
;
for it at least puts the
natural conscience directly before God, and refers the soul, in its estimate of
good and evil, personally and There may be self-will and
immediately to Him. but the standard of responsibility is preserved for the soul. I do but sketch the great principle on
failure,
which
I insist.
Komanism
has,
wherever
closed the veil again.
The
it
exercises its influence,
faithful are not reconciled
to God, they cannot go into the holiest, do not (as they quote from Ecclesiastes with so application) love and hatred by all that
know
false is
an
before
them, they have a priesthood between them and God,
and
saints,
divine
and the virgin Mary.
Christianity
work which, through the redemption and
is
a
life
a heavenly Mediator, has brought us to God; Eomanisin, a system of mediators on earth and in of
16 heaven, placed between us and God, to whom we are to go, and who go for us we are too unworthy to go :
sounds lowly, this voluntary humility, shuts out the conscience from the witness of
ourselves.
but
it
God s puts
It
it
presence,
casts us
back on our worthiness,
away and denies the
known
to us (shed
Ghost given
God
perfect love of
it
as
abroad in the heart by the Holy
to us)
through Christ.
It repudiates
the blessed tender grace of Jesus, that
High
Priest
who can be touched with the feeling of our infirmities; we must go to the heart of Jesus through the heart Surely I would rather trust His, blessed and honoured as she may have been and
of Mary, they tell us.
was
own
in her
me
It
place.
removes
me from
God, to
exalted, for
immediately with creatures, however my heart, and with sinful men, for my
conscience,
who
connect
All this
not in
is
its
are to judge of
degrading
:
it is
and absolve me.
the denial of Christianity,
power and applica few illustrations of what I mean.
original facts, but in its
tion to man.
A
They hold the great facts or truths of Christianity the Trinity, the divinity and humanity of Christ, the atonement, so far as
its sufficiency goes, not,
as effectual substitution, that
men
however,
are sinners (this
and the need of regenera scorn the true force of the word tion, though they they hold the inspiration of the Scriptures, though also very imperfectly);
:
they have falsified them, both in adding books which every honest man knows are not genuine Scriptures,
and giving a translation
as the authentic Scriptures.
17
They own
in
agency of the
a
Holy
the personality and My object is not here
way
general
Ghost.
to state exactly every point, but to say in general
that they
own
tianity.
It is
shows
the great fundamental facts of Chris not there that the spirit of infidelity
But the moment you come
itself.
men
application of these facts to value, all is lost.
The Scriptures
that they are addressed
the
are inspired, but
In vain
the faithful are incapable of using them. it
to
to their efficacious
is
by God himself through
the inspired writers to the body of believers they must not have them but by leave of others. In vain
a Holy Ghost ; He does not so lead and guide individuals as that they can walk in peace and grace, and understand withal His word. They is it
that there
mock
is
thought of His dwelling in believers. the divisions and faults of believers to They bring be there that is, they use man s sin cannot He prove at the
;
to
deny God
Even
s
goodness and truth, just as infidels do.
as to the Scriptures their universal question is
the same as the infidel to be the Scriptures
believe in
not
God s and
faith in
that
they do
is,
is
man
he reject them, just as the infidel says. word must be believed because God has spoken, at
no other reason, or it is not believing His all. Grace, no doubt, is needed for it, as for
everything; but
Lord
:
and by themselves, nor
if
for
word
Their doctrine
?
know them is, You must
do you
them through the Church
command
guilty
How
s,
said,
"If
man s
responsibility
ye believe not that I c
is there,
am
he,
as the
ye shall
18 die in
your
They were responsible
sins."
receiving Him, with
Him
jecting
;
so are
all Ecclesiastical
men
for not
authority re
as to the word.
Again, the sacrifice of Christ, they do not deny it. They repeat it in the mass in an unbloody sacrifice,
But Scripture says it was accomplished once for all, and contrasts it in its efficacy with the Jewish sacrifices, the repetition of which proved that they
sin
say.
was
offered once for
him who believer
Whereas the
still there. all,
sacrifice of Christ,
having perfectly put away sin
for
believes, there could be no repetition, the
is
perfected for ever, and
God remembers
his
Their repetition shows The believer is not unbelief in this blessed truth. sins
and
iniquities no more.
the sacrifice must be repeated.
perfected for ever is
not true that
soul,
;
its
efficacy,
is,
the sacrifice
is
not
once offered for the believer s
is.
Again, take Christ
s
dwells
all
intercessional mediatorship.
to
Christianity presents
whom
me
man tempted in all points one who also can be touched infirmities,
who has
able to succour
the Son of
sorrows and
God
that blessed
One, in
the fulness of the Godhead bodily,
a
is
It
not remember their sins and
That
any more.
iniquities
denied
God will
as
we
are,
without sin;
with the feeling of my and thus
suffered being tempted,
them
that are tempted. In a word, himself has descended into our
trials, arid
passed through them in tender
gracious love, that I might confide in His sympathy and love, and know He could feel for and with me.
19
Do
they deny His priesthood and intercession? No. But in fact there are a crowd of mediators above all, ;
And why? He is too high and seek a friend at court glorious. Any poor man would it is the heart of Mary I am to have the king s ear Mary His mother.
;
to trust,
and get the
heart through of Christ
s
and get at His The whole truth and value
saints intercession,
Mary s.
intercessory love
is
destroyed and denied
in practice. The saints and Mary s intercession is trusted, their tenderness and nearness believed
not Christ
in,
God
s.
Heathenism denied the one true
the Creator (though in a certain sense owning
Him as a dogma) by a multiplicity of gods
in practice.
God by a Mediator in the most perfect system of blessing, and Komanism, while admitting the mediatorship of Christ as a dogma, has denied intervenes
the one true mediatorship in practice by a multi It is the heathenism of Chris plicity of mediators. tianity, that
is,
of the blessed truth of a redeeming
Mediator.
more immediately to Dr. Newman s book. be forgiven speaking for a moment of myself, as what I say has a bearing on these points. I know I turn
Let
me
I
the system.
knew it and walked
in
it
years before
from his book, thought on Dr. Newman, the subject and when Dr. Pusey was not heard of. as I learn
;
Lent so as to be weak in body at the end meat on week days nothing till evening no of it ate on Wednesdays, Fridays, and Saturdays, then a little I fasted in ;
;
bread, or nothing; observed strictly the weekly fasts, c 2
20 I went to my clergyman too. always if I wished to take the sacrament, that he might judge of the matter. I held apostolic succession fully, and the channels of
grace to be there only.
I
held thus Luther and
Calvin and their followers to be outside.
them
their judge, but I left
to
I
was not
the uncovenanted
mercies of God. I searched with earnest diligence into the evidences of apostolic succession in England, and just saved their validity for myself and
my
The union of Church and State I held to be Babylonish, that the Church ought to govern itself, and that she was in bondage, but was the conscience.
Church. I would guard this part of what I say. I still think fasting a useful thing in its place, if spirit I still think there were sacramental ually used.
ordinances instituted.
I still think the
State has
nothing to do with the Church. Only I add, that if be so, the Church must not be an imperium in
it
imperio, but a lowly heavenly body,
portion on earth at all; as suffering as its
Head
did,
it
was
which has no
at the beginning,
unknown and
well known,
an unearthly witness of heavenly things on earth. What saved me then, I think, from being a Eomanist
was the ninth and tenth of Hebrews. for priesthood,
up our
great
livered
me
The word over
my
which
High
I could not
I believed in, give practically
Priest
and His work.
What
de
from this whole system was the truth. of
soul,
God had
its
own,
and maintained
its it
divine authority
through grace.
I
21
was looking dark.
in
its reality
to
Him by
Church on
power
of
Church now, but
only as the living the
Holy Ghost.
body
I
know
it
of Christ united
I believe there is a
by the apostles, an external thing, and ruined,
earth, but, as is prophesied
utterly corrupted as "having
Church honestly, but in the
for the true
I believe in the
the form of godliness, but denying the I see the causing perilous times. it,"
Church, the body of Christ, composed of living members united to Him by the Holy Ghost. I see
an outward system, the habitation of God through the Spirit but there I see wood, and hay, and ;
may be
stubble,
God s
but that
and has been, and worse, faithfulness will continue His own built* in,
work.
Christ will build
power
shall prevail against
till all it,
be finished, and no
until the time
come
to
take those that are His to glory. I believe the appro priating the privileges of the members of Christ s
body, as a fact, to all that are built into the house, is the fundamental principle of popery, and all that I admit a sacramental system, but to clings to it. identify
and
it
false
;
with actual spiritual power is unscriptural one may be corrupted by man, the other
the work of God, and secured
is
*
and
What
by Him.
I
know
Christ builds will be infallibly maintained to the end;
to this Peter refers in
1 Peter ii. But, also, as in every divine dispensation from the beginning, what God had established in a right state has been trusted to man s responsibility, and man has uni
So of the external failed, and the system has been judged. the day will declare the work, for it will system of the Church, be revealed by lire. The corruption will be destroyed. formly
22
no salvation out of the true Church Catholic Church soul are,
is
;
but the
Roman
ridiculous as a security for the
they admit that men may be, and hundreds members of it, and lost after all. I would not for
;
thank you
for
such security as
I
that.
do not think
Protestantism was fully delivered from this identify ing the external sacramental system, and the divine
power of life- -these two distinct revealed aspects and hence its present difficulties. of the Church
Romanism
and
specifically
a system
as
identifies
them, denies the spiritual power, and regeneration by the Word, and the indwelling of the Holy Ghost; in practice, mocks at it, as an infidel might. It is essential falsehood in this respect.
Protestantism
does not. It owns the spiritual power and the Word, but I do not think there was deliverance from con fusion as to
We I
it.
It is bearing the
said, I believe
God has
this
now.
come a falling away. As The apostle has declared,
are told there shall
have
burden of
it.
thee [the engrafted Gentile] goodness, if thou continue in His goodness; otherwise, thou also shalt be cut Falling away,
that
is,
declared,
"Upon
off."
the opposite of continuing in God s goodness, is pro phesied of; the lot of the Church, as an outward professing system,
present success for gination,
ment
is to
be cut
Romanism
and especially in
but to make a
way
off.
I look for partial
the unbelief of ima
its
influence over govern
for
open apostacy, or
infi
delity, the instrument of desolating judgments on it when Antichrist and judgment will close the scene.
23 Into that system of corruption which shall thus be destroyed, though for the moment successful, Dr.
Newman
has cast himself, as
of the uncertainty in
open for
infidelity.
him the Pope
others have, out
which he has found his mind.
His brother, as we have Dr.
many
seen, publicly represents the
Newman
is infallible.
on authority have found (through rests
I
;
me
pure grace, I fully own) the truth deliver
and the sure stay of
all difficulties,
word
of
God
abides for ever.
my
soul
;
out of for the
I rest, through grace,
on the truth; on divine authority; on apostles, not on the Pope. Dr. Newman cannot say, I know of
whom
I
have learned
it.
I can.
I
of Paul, John, Peter--! need not yea, of the blessed I will
;
myself;
name
I
the rest
Newman s
before us for the purpose.
it
it
Lord himself.
examine the process of Dr.
He has set Newman
have learned
I feel his difficulties
do not judge him.
;
I
But
mind.
I pity Dr.
have
felt
as his
them
book
is
calculated to interest and influence many, I do not
think he can complain if I dissect it freely. It is to do so without of Dr. Newman impossible speaking himself;
for the
comment on
is
whole part of his book which I I must neces
an account of himself.
sarily expose his state in
account of
In
commenting on
his
own
things I agree many of his I have in my own mind. Strange over thoughts gone it.
many
;
to say, I rind I admit constantly all that infidels
hold metaphysically. Only the truth remains, the truth of God untouched. I account for some of their
24 thoughts; cannot for others. liberalism
mind
man
is infidelity
Newman
calls
meddling, with his
own
"What
Dr.
as competent, in divine things.
utterly as he does.
I reject this as
In the two points he professes
to name, I do in a measure, I suppose, pretty as he does; but
Tie
AVhat
is truth.
hates
it
much
need not be so afraid of liberalism. Its latitudinarianism will
favouring -Popery at present more than anything else does, and has been. I believe the time favour
will
is
come when
down Popery.
will pull
it
Newman
the time will come, as Dr.
I believe
says,
when
a
ria rued id will disappear as satisfying nobody,
iin -re
ami the struggle delity directly.
will be
between Popery and
I believe infidel
and Popery disappear
;
will triumph,
but triumph to
by the judgment
struction
power
its
the Lord.
of
Infi
own de l>ut
at
present the liberal principle, and the majority of Dissenters with it, are attacking the Establishment, the via
It stands in their
i/irdia.
me
boasted to
of their doing so, looking for the that is, putting himself anticipates the Establishment, and then having a final
result Dr.
down
1ST.
struggle with this in
;
Romanism.
any sense or way.
selves, too.
They
system among them, will active
religious or infidel
for a
I
have no sympathy with
They
are deceiving
What
is
what
religious, as
not, does not satisfy
mind now.
time by the ruin of others
letting loose
them
will find liberalism too strong for
themselves as a system.
grow
Some have
way.
;
a
any
They may but they are
will ruin themselves.
But there
25 is
another thing besides and behind what Dr.
man
That will subsist and have
God.
when
New
the truth of God, the people of
looking at
is
its
place in heaven
the fashion of this world has passed away.
There will be a people, not liberal so-called, not Romanists, but heavenly, Christian men, resting on the word of
God
Spirit, kept,
whatever the ruin, against
in true
and lowly
faith, led
by the
whom
gates of hell shall not and never can prevail.
the
They
be kept, I mean, in the world, where alone danger for them is. They will have the sacraments, will
for
such there are
;
but they will have what
is
in
ward and
essential true, divinely-wrought faith, and the Spirit of God kept by the power of God through faith unto salvation ready to be revealed. May Dr. ;
Newman
be found among them, and
liberals too; yea, his
now poor
many
of the
infidel brother; for
I am perfectly grace can gather from every quarter. assured, that the gates of hell shall not prevail against the Church that Christ builds; and I mean
He
that
the
will
keep
it
moment known
own
to
as a public profession here until
God, when He will take His Himself in heaven. But that which man has to
and corrupted, the servant which has said, My Lord delays his coming, and has beaten the men servants and maid servants, and has eaten and drunk
built
with the drunken, will be judged, have his portion with the unbelievers, with the hypocrites, though called His servant to the end. It is well that men
who
tear
God should ponder
these things.
26
The Dr.
first
point which prominently strikes
Newman s book
is,
me
in
that, as far as I can find,
from diligently examining it, neither Christ, nor the truth, nor the word of God, nor any true solid foundation ever was in his mind at
am
say, I
I
am
not speaking of what
assuming
great
that, as
Christian
them now
He
he does.
foundations
sincerely, I
all.
I hasten to
called orthodoxy.
is
professed these
before;
he
professes
dogmas then But in his of James.
doubt
not, as
and now, the useless faith search on the point which occupied his mind, in what he discloses in this book, neither Christ, nor the truth, nor the word of God, nor any divine ground of faith, is found as an object of research, or
possessed as the foundation of his soul. As, to a divine foundation of divine faith, it is from beginning
end denied.
Romanism has
none. It has dogmas, fundamental immensely important, dogmas they are, but no divine ground of faith.* My business is here to
His enquiry was The sound between Anglicanism and Romanism. ness and fairness of that enquiry I will speak of;
to
show that
it is so,
as to Dr. N.
but there are deeper principles at the bottom of the I result he has arrived at, and to them I now turn. affirm that, as far as this
divine ground of faith at
converted at
fifteen.
book
all in
goes, there is
it.
Charity will
no
He says he was surely hope and
* I do not undervalue these They are essential to dogmas. Christianity, and we cannot estimate them too highly, or hold them too
fast.
27 trust
it is so.
hope
it is;
I do not pretend to judge, I earnestly
my heart
the thought of
gladly believes
There
it.
it,
and
rejoices in
One only who
judges.
and the principles laid down
I speak of his book,
Whether Christ ever appears
there.
must judge
who have
of
And
instance.
what
is
religion
read
it.
I
there, people cannot recall the
this is exceedingly important, as to
Possessing Christ, having the Son, it, gives a rest and peace to
is.
as Scripture expresses
the soul, which does not leave
beating about after
was, saying, Where is it? soul that has Christ knows it has got the truth
The
He
for
it
Newman s
Dr.
truth, as
is it
that
it
has found the Father.
does
It
not hunger, as not having what the soul needs and craves after. It is not looking O about for safetv, for i/
it is
safe in
Him
and through
Him
;
not in self-con
but trusting the good Shepherd, who knows His sheep, and keeps them. It does not slight
fidence,
the sacraments, but
ministry of
God
is
men whom
thankful for them, nor the the Lord has sent.
it
possesses the substance of
in Christ, shepherd -care in rest of heart in
connected with to
be
edly
where
heartily for all these things
them, but
satisfied
a
Him. this.
It blesses
Him.
It
And there What finally
is
all,
it
enjoys
eternal life
has peace and another point
led Dr.
Newman
with Ilomanism, which has confess
multitude
of
doctrines
unknown
to
the
primitive Church, was the principle of development. He was far down the hill, no doubt, long before,
but
tli at
plunged him into
its
waters.
Now
in
28 the person of Christ, and the value of His work
He
before God, there can be no development.
the same
and
so is the efficacy of
yesterday, to-day, and for ever. in the
I or Dr.
Newman
Christ.
Faithful
may grow zeal may resist and
knowledge of
which Satan seeks
to cloud the truth
faith
dispel errors
arise, and by and overthrow
which
but there cannot be a development of the
;
and completely revealed person of
infinitely perfect
whom
the Son of God, in the
is
His work
Godhead
dwelleth
Dr.
bodily.
spite of Bishop Bull,
and
all
the fulness of
Newman may
in
find,
as Pettau has admitted,
that the ante-Nicene fathers were worse than ob
scure as to the divinity of the blessed Lord;
Paul
is
not,
Godhead
who
declares that the fulness of the
(Qeorys not
OeLorys,
that
is,
divine character simply) dwells in is
not,
who
but
declares,
He
is
proper Deity, not
Him
bodily
;
John
the true God, was with
and the New Testament, so God, and was God plainly and blessedly making Christ known to us, is not. There He is Immanuel, Jesus, Jehovah the ;
Saviour.
He may
rejoice that the
But
affirmed this truth.
Mcene
to say that this
council re
was develop
ment, and that the Church of God for three centuries did not know the true divinity of Christ, is high It is the folly treason against Christ and the truth. of a mind who, to excuse itself, and make out a
up
point, gives
possess
does
;
it.
I
It
am
all
may sure
fundamental truth --does not
lead to it
does
Eomanism
I dare
not lead to God.
say
it
The
29 apostle tells us, on this very head, fore abide in
If
beginning.
"
Let that there
you, which ye have heard from the that therefore which ye have heard
from the beginning shall remain in you, ye also shall continue in the Son, and in the Father." There
might be the rejection of heresies, as Arianism, whose source was in Platonism and philosophy, or of other similar evil doctrines but it was not to ;
what was from the begin So the But continue thou in the apostle Paul, ning. which thou hast learned, things knowing of whom develope, but to maintain
"
I admit no development admit of no private judgment, Popery. when God has revealed the truth. I will touch on
thou hast learned that
them."
this subject further
NVs views
whom
:
I
is
when
I
come
of Protestantism.
to speak of Dr.
I learn,
but I
know
of
what we have heard from the beginning. The Eomish Church does not so I learn; I continue in
continue
;
it
does not
know
of
the faith of any individual in
whom
it.
it
learns, as to
The indiscriminate
reading of Scripture by Christians it condemns, which the apostle gives as the resource and security of the believer in the last
and
evil days.
We
are
perfectly sure why.
Xext, it is striking how absolutely foreign the search for the truth, or the conscious possession of He was looking out for it, was from Dr. N. s mind.
some via
to preserve from what threatened. The Evangelical system only occupied a space be tween Catholic truth and rationalism, (pp. 144, 145.) nmU<i
30 1 do not
know what
But
to do.
search for
God s "
expedient.
It
media of his own was
else a via
now
I refer to this
to
show there was no
truth in the matter
was necessary
Church theory erected on a
to
it
;
was some
have a definite
definite basis
;
this
took
me to the great Anglican divines." (146.) Then there were the parties in the controversy, the Anglican via media, and the popular religion of Eome. The Angli can disputant took his stand upon antiquity or AposIt is tolicity, the Koman on Catholicity. (148-153.) that at of the or end then, 1835, plain, beginning of "
1836, I had the whole question before me on which, my mind, the decision between the churches de
to
There was a contrariety of claims between pended. the Anglican and Koman religions, and the history of
my
conversion
out to a
solution."
is
simply the process of working It
was
it
Catholicity, or antiquity.
add that the unity of the Church as one body was It was Catholicity, or inde not in his mind at all. I
pendent dioceses. (148.) On reading Leo he suddenly Be my soul with the he was all in the wrong. "
felt
saints,"
such as Athanasius (who died excommuni
cated and banished by the so-called universal Church for the truth s sake) and Leo. "Anathema to a whole tribe of
Cranmers, Kidleys, Latimers, and Jewels
Perish the names of Bramhall, Ussher, lingfleet,
and Barrow from the face of the
should do aught but
fall
!
Taylor, Stilearth, ere I
at their feet in love
and
worship, whose image was continually before my eyes, and whose musical words were ever in my ears
31
and on
my
tongue."
Is there the
most distant idea
of an approach to the serious search of
God s
truth
on the subject from His teaching ? Dr. 1ST. moves in a circle of men s minds to decide a question of the merit of present rival schemes, never for the truth of God. Where he had learnt what he did hold we
Even here we
shall see in the next article.
shall see
he rests on no divine testimony. There is no serious ness. Dr. Wiseman s words from St. Augustine, Se"
curus yudicat orbis
sounded in his ears in
tcrmrum,"
"
cessantly, like "There
again Whittington (157-8.) was more evidence in antiquity for the neces !
unity, than for the Apostolical
sity of etc.
"Turn
The truth of God,
succession,"
as revealed, does not enter
He cannot say he possessed it, or thought he did; for he was uncertain and changing, and that even as to why he was to believe but in this
his mind.
;
state
never
enquired
for
God s
truth
on God s
authority.
Again, further on (231), he examines the concatena by which the mind ascends from its
tion .of arguments first to its final
religious idea
conclusion that there was no
ism and
"
:
And
I
came
to the
medium between Athe
and that a perfectly consistent mind, under those circumstances in which it finds itself here below, must embrace either one or the Catholicity,
Now, such a sentence could not by any possibility have been penned by one who pos sessed the truth himself. One who possessed Christ, knew Him as the Son of God for himself, (knew the
other."
(231.)
32
known
Father and His love), must have
that there
was the possession of truth without being what Dr. N. (when he wrote this) means by Catholic. No one
who
possessed divine truth, as taught of God, what ever the external means truth as to God, the Trinity,
the Lord Jesus, the Church as one with Him,
sin, sal-
I
vat ion (I might enlarge the
could have declared
list)
was no medium between Atheism and Catho
there
And
note his grounds virtue of my believing in a God
licity.
why
"
I
:
I believe in a
God,
it
am
and
;
a Catholic if I
am
by
asked
because I believe in
is
God s presence in his conscience makes him know God. Now, Dr. N. speaks of philosophical
myself."
It is
correctness.
not the question here.
Either
before joining Borne he possessed Christian truth, or
he did not,
not.
If he did, his position is false
any one can understand
He had
nothing.
truth.
He
stantiation
he did
why
did he arrive at
to authority, not faith in
did not believe, he till
if
Nor, indeed,
He came
anything.
;
he turned Catholic.
tells us, in
he was a Catholic.
Now
any
transub-
he receives
on authority. (265.) He believed that the Eornan TransubCatholic Church was the oracle of God.
it
stantiation passed muster with all the rest,
declared
but this
it
is
no true
all, it is
might add to
this list
fact.
I
;
faith in a truth, it is acquiescence
in authority, and, after
a
and he
to be a part of the original revelation
not possess the truth, nor seek as short expressions of
it
accrediting Borne for of proofs that he did it.
on his
I quote this only part,
and
so proofs.
33
The whole book shows of
it
it
runs through every part
it.
I shall
now show
had no divine ground
that he
of
His whole ground of believing was, not divine testimony, but probability, and no more; and such
faith.
is
the doctrine of the school, as I shall show from.
No wonder
Keble. It has
that
Komanism
no divine ground of
It
faith.
delights in this.
cannot give the
heathen and a Christian, same ground nor any sure one to either. It declares, I cannot believe in God s word but on the authority of the of faith to a
But how
Church.
The
first
am
I to believe in the
converts could not.
Church
?
Antiquity, catholicity,
They were called on to There was no Church, and believe in Christ alone. The all ecclesiastical authority was against Him. succession, did not exist.
foundation of the
first
disciples
faith is different
the Eomanist system from mine
;
on
and, even after
was
glorified, the faith of the converts could not be founded, and was not founded on the Church,
Christ
but on the testimony of the apostles. Nor could it be with heathens now; for they do not recognize the It is said that there is special grace for
Church.
them.
So heathens have special grace which Christians cannot have. And if, as believing in Christ, I seek, not Christianity, but honestly what church
am
is
the
must begin by owning the But this is absurd on the Church. that authority of face of it; for what I want to know is, has it au
best one, I
thority
?
told I
Is it the true
Church D
(
I return to the
34 ground Dr. Newman was on. Now, the truth rests on testimony. John the Baptist says, He that has received His testimony has set to his seal that God "
So the apostle John He that is of So Paul God heareth Continue thou in the "
is
true."
:
"
us."
:
tilings that thou hast learned,
hast learned
Lord
s
them."
Now,
testimony, or Paul
if I
or
s,
whom
knowing of
thou
believe the blessed
John
s,
or
any of the
inspired witnesses, I do not, I cannot, dare not speak I set to my seal that God is true. of probability.
There
no divine
is
faith
but
That Dr. N. never
that.
had in prosecuting his inquiry. He tells us so. It was one of the great underlying principles of a great portion of his teaching life."
(61, 62.)
cism,
i. e.,
he
The
Probability
difficulty
probability
by the doctrine, which makes us
"
intellectually."
"that
the guide of :
scepti
Keble met it
is
this,
not merely "
intellectually certain
He had
logical cogency of faith (62) is
is
was evident
certainty about nothing.
tells us,
mark,
"
put to account by faith and
"
spoken before of the but probability as it
love.
It is faith
and
love which give to probability a force which it has not in itself." (69.) Thus in itself it was only a pro
and something in myself gives it force. was reasoning plus right feeling but no divine
bability,
;
It tes
Dr. N. says that did not satisfy timony beautiful It was and religious, but it did not him. at
all.
Still
"
even profess to be line as follows:
we were
My argument is in out That that absolute certitude which "
logical."
able to possess, whether as to truths of
35 natural theology, or as to the fact of a revelation, was the result of an assemblage of concurring and con
verging probabilities, and that, both according to the constitution of the human mind and the will of its
Maker, that certitude was a habit of mind, that cer tainty was a quality of propositions," and so forth. There are degrees, consequently, creating cer
(70.)
titude, opinion, etc. is
of
God
is
quite certain that there
no testimony take these proba as that on which the reception of a testimony
no divine ground of
bilities is
Now it
faith at all here,
received as such
and
;
if I
based, the certainty of that testimony cannot be
beyond the certainty that
it is
a true one.
Nothing
can be clearer than that, whatever he might have had in his soul for the foundation of all his inquiry,
no ground of divine faith existed at all. He was of on the Komanism on this ground already point Such a process of reasoning that is, of infidelity.
may show
the folly of infidel reasoning, and so far
be useful as a means it is
I
:
it
never can give divine faith
not on the ground of
it
at
might multiply quotations
show he was always on
:
all.
;
I only
add a few, to
this ground.
Thus, page 202, he preached against the danger of being swayed by our feeling enO rather than our reason in religious O
wish to go by reason, not by feeling." This was in 1843-4, on the eve of his be
quiry. (223.) (232.)
"I
coming a Romanist: on a probability, that probability,
and that
say that I believed in
God
I believed in Christianity
on a
I believed in Catholicism
on a
"I
D 2
36 probability,
and that
all
three were about the
same
probabilities, a cumulative and a transcendant
kind of
still probability; inasmuch as He who made us has so willed, that in mathematics indeed we arrive at certitude by rigid demonstration, but in religious enquiry we arrive at certitude by accumu lated probabilities inasmuch as He who has willed that we should so act, co-operates with us in our
probability, but
;
acting,
and therefore bestows on us a certitude which
rises higher
(232.)
than the logical force of our
conclusions."
Thus we have God s grace helping us
taining probabilities; but, as Dr. N. says, bility.
Now
it is
in ascer
still
proba
perfectly certain that there
divine ground of faith here at
all.
is
no
No true believer, no
who has received God s testimony, and set seal that God is true, be he Koman Catholic
one
to his itself,
but knows this has nothing whatever to do with It would be a blasphemy to talk of divine faith.
God s testimony
being probably true, no matter
how
high the probability may go. Probability of conclu sions is not of the same nature as reception of a tes I
timony.
might here again add quotations, but
they are useless after these. The Komanism of Dr. Newman is not divine faith at all. I shall
led
him
now show further to the place
that the principles which
where he
is
were
all
derived
may be very clever with a view to involve Anglicanism in his present position, but is from man.
This
a distinct testimony that influences,
not on
God
s
all
was
built
on human
word or truth divinely
37 in
received
Sumner on
Hawkins gave him Thus he gave up preaching. Dr.
any way. apostolic
his remaining Calvinism,
of
baptismal
regeneration.
from Dr Hawkins
received tradition
"
:
to learn doctrine
them the
and creeds
Another principle he was the doctrine of
we must have
recourse
after learning
from
doctrines of Christianity, the inquirer
must
to the Catechisms
verify
and received the doctrine
them from
scripture."
.
.
.
Let
(61.)
me
say here,
distinguish fully between learning truth and a standard of it but this is a poor teaching. The first
I
;
Christians certainlv did not learn
from words or
it
\j
Catechism, for there were none to learn them from
;
and now a parent, as well as a catechism, a friend, a minister, may have taught us the truth, or Scripture
may have done The
so.
Scripture
is
the only standard.
fallacy of the statement is in this, that catechisms
and creeds are here introduced, not as teaching, but as authority that is, the Church is. We have re ;
ceived the truth from them, as truth, without saying so. Let it be true or false, it is a deceitful presenta
A
tion of the matter. are not an authority.
only means
me
is
to proceed
and creeds are
If catechisms
of learning, there are a
Their authority
But
parent, a friend, a minister,
hundred
"
:
The Rev.
the doctrine of apostolic
Wm.
has been to so many, as opinions."
it
(61.)
was
James taught
succession."
this date I read Butler s Analogy, the
religious
others.
at the root of this tradition.
to me,
"About
study of which an era in their
From him he
learned the
38
He had thus given up his early
doctrine of probability. religious convictions,
him
imbibed with what converted
and was prepared for his departure into Romanism. He had been taught by man, and was landed in the denial of divine faith, on the ground of to God,
probability as the basis of religious views.
Whately
then taught him to think and use his reason, with my own eyes, and to walk with my own
"to
(62.)
He
learnt from
him
"
see
feet."
the existence of the
Church as a substantive body or
corporation.
led, in its effects, to Tractarianism."
This
Keble
(63.)
s
is, the sacramental system, subsequently exercised a great influence over him, and what was
poetry, that
added
to the doctrine of probability, of
which we
have spoken. (68.) Froude, a hard rider, we are told, on horseback and in views, professed openly his admiration of the Church of Rome, and his hatred
His opinions arrested and in Dr. fluenced N.; he was his bosom friend. (73, 74.) Mr. Froude was evidently governed by the wild of
the reformers.
imagination of an unhealthy mind and a strong will. The theory of virginity, and the real presence, and
medieval antiquity, carried him away not the primi He went abroad ill, and was shocked tive Church.
by the degeneracy which,
says
Dr.
Newman,
lie
He died thought he saw in the Catholics of Italy. is one remaining source of my "There young. opiniom"
says Dr. N. (so
what that means, the (75.)
little
tale it tells),
conscious "to
be
is
he of
mentioned."
This was the study of Fathers and Church
39 history,
which resulted in
his
He
of the fourth century.
work
as to the Arians
delighted in and received
Clement of Alexandria s wild views.
They came
like
music to his inward
ear, reviving the self -invented Berkley anism he was in when young, of which we
From this school he learnt angels. As wild as need be. He
will speak further on.
what he held about then went abroad
ill
with Mr. Froude, visited Italy
Sicily, and (with a strong impression he w as called to some work, of which anon,) he began the
and
r
Tracts for the Times.
have gone through the proofs that God s truth was not what Dr. Xewman sought, but to settle the I
question between the principles of Catholicity and that antiquity, or Romanism and Anglicanism ;
men s
God s
word, was what gradually led him on, and that he had no divine foundation for opinions, not
but avowedly only probability, which in nature excludes the idea of the reception of a
faith at all, its
divine testimony.
I will
now
his actual progress, in which,
ishing levity of self-confidence,
the enemy.
I
mind
is
it
enquire a
little into
seems to me, aston
exhibited, a large share of
be some more direct power of shall be forgiven (as instructively
it
may
tracing the elements of a history, given to us by himself, which has taken the course Dr. Newman s
how much he was occupied with 20 or 23 he records the phases of his p. he youthful feeling; kept even his Latin verses and copy books, made and used when a young boy.
has) in remarking himself.
At
40 Small things, but which show the tone and character of mind which were fully developed in after life, as here depicted,
"\\lien
he
left his
tutorship for the
continent, he had a vision of some future before him, and on his return felt he had a work to do. I was "
naturally led to think that some inward changes, as well as some larger course of action, was coming upon me."
His imagination was wild and unre too, and somehow or other formed in a
(81.)
strained,
popish school. He headed his first copy book as a child with a crucifix and rosary, and crossed himself before going into the dark, before he
longed
that
the
Arabian
tales
was
should
fifteen
be
;
true;
thought life might be a dream, or himself an angel; the world a deception, and his fellow-angels conceal ing o him with the o themselves from him, and deceiving semblance of a material world. (53-55.) Nor when
In a clergyman had this character disappeared. 183-i he said of the angels in a sermon, "Every breath of
air,
and ray of light and heat, every it were the skirts of their
beautiful prospect is as
garments, the waving of the robes of those whose I ask, what would be the faces see God." "Again
thoughts of a man who, examining a flower, or an herb, or a pebble, or a ray of light, which he treats as something so beneath
him
in the scale of existence,
suddenly discovered that he was in the presence of some powerful being, who was hidden behind the
he was inspecting, who, whose robe and ornament these objects
visible things
&c.,
.
.
were?"
.
nay, (77.)
41 "Also,
besides the hosts of evil spirits, I considered
there was a middle race,
nor
in
hell,
fallen,
partially
neither in heaven
Scu/xovia,
capricious,
wayward,
noble or crafty, benevolent or malicious, as the case might be. They gave a sort of inspiration or intelli
gence to races, nations, and classes of men, hence the actions of bodies politic," &c. (78.) This is connected
with his study of Clemens Alexandrinus and Alexandrianism, that
is,
of
the
which
JSTeoplatonism
corrupted the gospel, and was the true source of This Clemens himself being unsound, Arianism.
and Justin Martyr expressly declaring that it was impossible the supreme God could be made flesh. ,
However,
my
present object
show the kind
is to
preparation there was in the state of his his further progress.
good and jection to
evil, it,
Depth
mind
of for
of conscience, sense of
the soberness of
one finds no trace
God s Word, sub
of.
It is superficial
And he imagination, and on such subjects levity. I cannot but think that there pursued this out. "
are beings with a great deal of
with great defects,
who
of certain institutions, &c. &c.
many This
is
high virtues in 1837.
good in them, yet
are the animating principles
and a low
Take England, with Catholicism."
of the question between Anglicanism
and Komanism
(152), so that these wild wanderings of
mind
and entered into his judgment of England s tical state.
(78.)
In 1835-6 he had the whole state
existed
ecclesias
Is there anything of earnestness or
exercised conscience here?
an
42
was self-confidence and
I have said there
dealing with solemn subjects.
the latter
what was the
believed, lead,
When
is this.
What
I
levity in
mean now by
he was uncertain what he
and where
truth,
it
would
Romanism, he on the minds of others.
though glowingly inclined
to
went on acting diligently He was not at rest himself (he tells us so), yet went on influencing others not always saying all he had ;
in his mind, but enough to prepare theirs for
it.
Now, on so solemn a subject as what is the true religion, to act w eek after week on others without r
knowing what
that true religion oneself, I call
is
moral levity of the worst kind. That he was not at rest, he tells us. (159.) "And first I will say, whatever
comes of saying it
leave inferences to others), that
(for I
must have had something of an habitual though it was latent, and had never led me
for years I
notion,
my own
to distrust
not found or other I
its
was on
early as 1833,
show?
convictions, that
ultimate
my mind
had
and that in some sense
rest,
journey."
This was the case as
and even 1829.
NOW what T
,
does this
That with the consciousness of changing mind on a journey he knew not whither,
views, his
he went on leading and directing others, by sermons, Now, I do think an earnest, serious, con tracts, &c. scientious
man would
man would
not have done this
he would have waited
not,
what the truth w as r
himself,
till
;
a modest
till
he saw
he was at the end of
did he go on when he knew he had not come to any settled conclusion ? Because his journey.
And why
43
had immense confidence in
lie
was led self,
own
to distrust his
himself.
He
convictions, that
never
is,
him
own mind, though they were changing every he was on journey." This is what I call moral
his "
day levity
and
self-confidence.
But we may have some other elements of is, that at this moment all was over
The truth
this.
as to
Anglicanism in Dr. N. s mind. It was in a ruinous, evil state he could and was to reform it. But we ;
have the sources of
was
this
movement
in his
mind
It
pehbles.
;
it
and
in full connection with angelical flowers
was not an earnest inquiry into what
Paul taught, or John presses on us in the power of the eternal Spirit, not a heart bowed by Christ s words, and because the Church does not answer to
what she ought to be It was not the truth,
it
God planted
not what (to
for her
make
heavenly Bridegroom.
was not God s word,
it
was
at the first wholly a right seed
use of Jeremiah
s
expression as to Israel),
nothing of the moral depth of the exercised con science which such thoughts are connected with, of
which heart-connection with that the
Him,
as
source of in the heart.
X.
tells.
Arians.
Christ,
He had been He had found
It
was Alexandria.
So Dr.
writing the history of the in the wild mysteries and
errors of Platonistic Christianity tery,"*
and the desire
Church might be what it ought to be for the word of God will show it to us, are the
"
the primeval
mys
that all nature was a parable, the world the
* I should have doubted what Dr. N. meant by the primeval
44 expression of the Aoyo?, or
Word
of God, the stars
For such was Alexandrian philosophy, and with which the Alexan
living beings.
as displayed in *Philo,f
drian fathers were more or less imbued.
"
In her
zeal in behalf of that primeval mystery,
triumphant to which I had so great a devotion from
my
youth,
movement of my spiritual mother, Dea. The self- conquest of her asce
I recognised the ince-ssu
intuit
the patience of her martyrs, the irresistible de-
tics,
mystery, but for the words, "to which I had so great a devotion in This was the Platonic system of ideas and demons, youth." material things being merely a representative to sense of Archetypal
my
truth.
This, though Neoplatonism properly speaking,
was a subse
quent system, a last effort of philosophy against Christianity, reigned among the Alexandrian fathers. Justin Martyr never gave up his
Clement had
cloak.
s
philosopher
his
common
teaching, and hia
esoteric for the initiated.
f That
this doctrine
all
about souls and angels, or demons,
half platonic, half philosopho- Mosaic,
is
unquestionable.
It
is
had a
semi-Jewish, semi-heathen origin, coming, I doubt not, as no one who has examined Manicheism, Gnosticism, and eastern or old Persian Philo represents the views, can, I think, question, from the East.
mixture in the Lord and the apostles time. He held that all was full of living beings the sun, moon, and stars were not only animals, :
but most pure minds that all the air, the space from the moon, the extreme of heaven proper, to the earth, was filled with souls as :
as the stars that the higher ones were very pure, and were demons, called angels by Moses, the lower ones loved getting down
numerous into
:
human
bodies
;
the root of
all
the doctrine being the evil of
matter. See Philo Trept Tev: (i. 263 Mangey) Trepi &VT: (i. 331) This Origen held to be ov: (i. 641), and elsewhere. Trtpi rs GIOTT No>
:
He
true.
into to
maintains
And
Rue.) it,
it
largely:
De
have denied
i.
7.
(i.
72, 73,
De
la
it.
first
I cannot find the passage.
to above, these demons, or angels,
Jews
Prin. lib.
had a body, and that then a soul entered Clement is said which desires to depart and be with Christ. that they
also taught.
were held
In the system referred to be intercessors, as the
45 termination of her bishops, the joyous swing of her advance, both exalted and abashed me. I said, Look
on
and on that (the Anglican Church).
this picture
my own
I felt affection for
ness
I felt
;
dismay
Church, but not tender
at her prospects, anger
...
at her do-nothing perplexity.
I
and scorn
saw that
refor
mation principles were powerless to rescue her. As never crossed mv ima<nthe thought to leaving v CD o ^j her, kept before me that there was than the Established Church, and something greater
nation
still,
;
I ever
that was the Church Catholic and apostolic set
up
from the becrinnin^, O O of which she was but the local
She was nothing unless she was She must be dealt with strongly, or she would
presence and organ. this.
be
There was need of a second
lost.
reformation."
Now, although Dr. N. speaks of the Primitive Church, he refers essentially to Alexandria. He says
(p. 80.)
"
(p. 76),
What
principally attached
me
to the ante-
Nicene period was the great Church of Alexandria, the historical "
centre of teaching of those
times."
The broad philosophy of Clement and Origen car
ried
me
away."
And
this is distinctly connected
with his rhapsodies about angels, &c. It is the whole subject from the beginning of 75 to the end of 80. This was what he admired
on his
;
this forced reformation
He owed
his doctrine about angels Alexandrian school. to the He was drifted (77.) notice.
"
back
first
to the ante-Nicene
the Church of
Alexandria."
Church led him
It
history,
and then
to
was the Alexandrian
to his reforming undertakings.
46 Let us see a
little
what the
and seek is,
state of this
Church
made Dr. N. admire
was, and in matters which
it
to reform the Anglican.
to say the
for years,
Strange to say, it excessively doubtful whether
very yea centuries, there was any episcopal least,
ordination there at
all,
at least if
we
are to believe
No
doubt in his time, and before it, episcopacy was established, and this he recognizes. on the pretensions of the diaconate at Eome, he St.
Jerome.
]>ut
exalts presbyters, declaring that according to scripture
bishops and presbyters were identical he says the apostle perspicuously teaches that presbyters are the ;
same
as bishops; quotes Phil,
seq. 1 Tim. iv. 14, 1 Pet.
epistles of John.
He
remedy
should
make
v.,
Acts xx.
8, Tit.
set over the others,
for schism, lest
any drawing
5,
w as T
to himself
a breach in the Church of Christ.
at Alexandria also,
i.
and the 2nd and 3rd
adds, but that afterwards one
was chosen who should be as a
i.,
For
from the evangelist Mark up to
the bishops Heraclas and Dionysius, the presbyters always called bishop one chosen out of themselves,
placed in a higher grade; as if the army should make an Imperator (as they did in the empire), or the
deacons choose from themselves one
whom
they
may
have known to be industrious, and called him Arch Now it is true, he adds, that the bishop deacon. only in this, that he can ordain. Nor do I doubt for a moment, that was the universal order in
differs
Nay, the Alexandrian patriarch, whose jurisdiction then w as larger than that of Ptonie,
Jerome s
time.
T
47 claimed the right to ordain in
But
himself.
it is
historically that
Dionysius
and
;
it
all his
subject dioceses
Jerome
equally true that
had not been
so
this is confirmed
till
states
Heraclas and
by many
peculiari
Alexandrian presbyters, and, the abolition of their rights by Alexander
ties as to the rights of
as is said,
But
in the time of the Nicene council.
this
by the
That Alexandrian theology was philosophical,
by.
and corrupted by philosophy, is certain; Clement the he great Alexandrian teacher does not conceal it :
says in his Stromata (ed. Potter,
319, line 35),
i.
speaking of the nourishment of souls, the peace in the word, and the life which is of God, he adds :
"For
in
souls have their
knowledge and
own nourishment, some growing
intelligence,
some fed according
to
the Grecian philosophy, of which, as in the case of nuts, all
not
is
AYord teaches servants,
In
as servants
man
;
2 (831,
lib. vii.
as friends,
he
is
some
2),
the teacher
by
afterwards
"
:
to the Greeks
and sensible
He, the Word,
by
(esthetic)
it is
powers."
who gives philosophy
but the doctrine of believers
(77:1)
on the divine care of
"All
And
inferior angels; for the angels,
divine and ancient ordinance, are distributed
insisting
who
of
knowledge (the Gnostic) in the esoteric teaching for a few), the good hopes, and the hard hearted by cor
rective discipline
tions,
"the
as faithful
(this is
mysteries faithful
some
all,
some
instructs the
edible."
things useful to
all."
life
is
the Lord
by a by na s part,
So in book are given
vi. 8.
by the
AVord, but philosophy more especially to the Greeks
48
was given
to
them
as a special covenant, to be as a
foundation of philosophy according to Christ." And in book i. G (p. 337) he makes the sower of the parable to
have come thus from above from the
foundation of
was he
tells
the world.
us (338)
"
:
What
this
philosophy
Philosophy, I say not the
Stoic, not the Platonic,
nor the Epicurean and Aristobut whatever things are said rightly by eacli of these sects, teaching righteousness with pious intelli telic,
gence;
The
this, as a
whole, I call eclectic
law, he says elsewhere,
for the Greeks,
till
Christ
philosophy."
for the Jews,
came
philosophy
(vi. 17, p. 823)
;
the
whole chapter being a long discourse on this subject, each receiving it according to their deserts. I am fully satisfied that the east
of all this than
we
was the
are aware
in these Alexandrian fathers
origin of of,
by
much more
corrected partially Christianity,
and
Plato (and, I suppose, Pythagoras) by Grecian habits of thought. The root of it was, that
already in
there was a supreme
unknown God who dwelt
in the
depths of silence, and could have no connection with Hence emanations and the Demiurge, an
matter.
inferior creator, resulting in Gnosticism
of the early Church.
Platonism, with
the plague its
emanated
demons, and the Alexandrian philosophy, divides the Christian and heathen parties, Clement
into
giving his perfect Christian the name of Gnostic. Early there was a Jewish party, whom Philo re
Logos was an inferior being, though divine. It resulted, in another form, in Arianism, the
presents.
In
all,
49 doctrine
more
Alexandrian ante-
or less of these
Nicene Fathers (not of Irenseus), combated by Athanasius when it came formally to a head in Arius.
Thus
it
was that Dr.
Arian.
He had
Mcene
statements.
Newman came
to be called
imbibed a delight in these anteHence,
arose asceticism.
too,
Matter held, as Plato teaches, the soul nail to
earth
;
an
was
it
down
as a
Asceticism
be mortified.
to
began in the Alexandrian Church, partly indeed by Hence persons who fled in the Decian persecution. forbidding to marry, not that people might be
more
devoted, but as evil for the Gnostic.
a most attractive, interesting man,
Again, Origen
whose name became the
I fully admit, but
of passion in the
Church
what was he
applied to himself literally xix. 12.
He
by
football
First he
?
mutilation
Matthew
held that souls were born into different
conditions in this world, according to their conduct in a previously existing state a doctrine current
among
the heathen Egyptians, but a well
eastern idea of Buddhists and
dah
s
"
Bana,"
could
how
great doctrine was,
Brahmins
to escape
and absolute indifference
feel,
so as to obtain
Origen held
it
is
not
Bud-
by hearing
to everything sense
Xinvana
my
it
known
too.
(extinction).
part to
But
make him con
was Alexandrian and and Platonic) was the pure soul of man coming into a body. He was not sound, though he seems sometimes to be clear, on the divinity
sistent
Philo
s
that the fall (and this
doctrine already,
of Christ.
As
to the divinity of the
E
Holy Ghost, he
50
was wholly unsound.
As
of Heraclas, Patriarch,
whether he
is
to
and
Amnionius
(the master
others), it is
disputed
Christian or heathen.
Such was the school Dr. N. delighted in; philosophy, he tells us, not their theology; but impossible to separate them.
The
of
fall
man
their it is
being
a pure soul coining into a material body- -is that philosophy or theology ? Even as to Christ (Orujcn de Principiis, book
De
ii, e.
6.
De
Incarnatione,
i.
90,
he does expressly, that the divine nature cannot, without a mediator, be united to a body, and each soul receiving according ed.
la Rue), holding, as
to its deserts, he states that the
Word
or
Son took
one of these previously existing souls from the beginning of creation, and became and remained thoroughly one spirit with him; and then, by the mediation of that, took a body too, though he admits it is beyond even the apostle s thoughts.* I need not
go further.
Men s
to liberation
souls were to
work
their
way back
from matter, as also Philo and their and Gnostic contemporaries
Platonic predecessors held,
that
was the object of the mission of
To prove the
Christ.
of this heathenish
system in what I to add to have add, but may regret with modern pretensions in these things it is well it should be known that one form of asceticism was effect
morals, I
the clergy abstaining from marriage, under the plea of purity, taking to sleep with *
He
Word.
applies
John
them
females, with
x. 18 to the inseparability of the soul
and the
51 the same pretension to purity, alleging they were free
from
all evil
asceticism
the desert. Dr. N. it
This was one form of
of mind.
not the only one.
But
this
must know
know they went into
I
shows the nature of
This
it.
He
as well as possible.
will say
was often publicly condemned. It was often con in the East and in the West, but that shows
demned
was a custom
and they had a name, both in Greek and Latin --^weio-a/crai (subintroductce), and
it
aya.TTY)TaL
;
Irenaeus himself
(beloved).
Gnostics with the same practice. It the Shepherd of Hernias (III. sim.
was read in the churches seemly way.
Tertullian,
the Catholics with
it.
when
11),
which
a Montanist, charges
(De Jcjuniis,
Newman
recognised in
ix.
there, of course, in a
reader will easily understand that reference to Dr.
is
the
charges
it
My
p.
554.)
is
not only in
I quote these things
:
we
what early infected the Church. But we do the wild system which attracted Dr. 1ST., and
learn see
sanctioned his early mental vagaries, his parishioners, be
After this Dr.
it
remembered,
K went abroad.
preached to
at St.
Here
it
Mary s. was he had
the strong impression that he was called to reform
Anglicanism. Let us retrace his history thus
was converted, he too, that
tells us, at fifteen.
He
far.
He
believed,
the inward conversion of which he was con
scious (and of
which he
still is
more certain than that
he has hands and
feet) would last into the next life, and that he was elected to eternal This glory. (58.)
was a beginning of divine E 2
faith,
a great change of
52 thoughts.
The influence and books, he
tells us,
were
of the Calvinistie school.
He, humanly speaking, al most owed his soul to one good man, whom he does
But
the special truth which wrought this in 1822, save the fact of heaven and hell, divine
not name.
all
and divine wrath, of the justified and un justified, which alone took root in his mind, did not i
i
iv our
remain with him
many
In 1832 he came
years.
under very different influences. On reading Sumner he gave up all his remaining Calvinism. He never
From Dr. Hawkins he re believed in reprobation. ceived the doctrine of tradition from the Rev. W. ;
James, apostolic succession from Butler s Analogy, learnt to rest his faith in probability,* not on divine ;
testimony; from Whately, to think and use his rea son, and see with his own eyes, and believe in the existence of the Church as a proper corporate body
Keble added give
it force,
him
in his feelings towards
reformers. (53-73.) * It
is
;
and love in man to probability, to leading him to authority; Froude led
faith
Eome, and hatred of the
This brought
him
to Alexandria,
a singular effect of tins reasoning on probability, and I
must add of the Aristotelian teaching of Oxford, that in this famous and able book to which Dr. N. refers (Butler s Analogy), it is stated, that the natural propensities of man must continue in heaven, as happiness cannot be without virtue, nor virtue without trial and exercise Such is
the fruit of ignorance of redemption. Bishop Butler s words are This way of putting the matter supposes particular affections"
these
"
:
as (or propensions, it is
he
calls
"
them)
to
remain in a future
state,
which
scarce possible to avoid supposing." And he is speaking of "the finite creatures are in from the very nature of propensions or
danger
particular
affections."
(Part
I.
chap, v., on
"
Moral
Discipline.")
53 or at least co-operated with
it
;
for the dates
mingle There we have
at the close of this history together.
now found
him, and going abroad to rest himself ante-Nicene study, his wild
after his labours in this
Platonism in
full
blow.
There was need of a second reformation.
was
K
to
do
it
Who
Here comes the turning point of Dr.
?
I do not doubt the direct agency of Satan
s life.
on a self-confident mind
;
but I must trace
it
in its
was exchanging my tutor human manifestation. ship for foreign countries and an unknown future. I naturally was led to think that some inward changes, "
as well as
some
was coming moment, while waiting at he wrote the verses about
larger course of action,
At
upon (81.) Whitchurch for the me."
I
this
mail,
his guardian angel, Are these the tracks of some unearthly friend
"
"
and goes on him."
(80.)
to
speak of the
"vision
that haunted
Why, when jaded with
obliged to go abroad for his health,
?
was
study, it
and
natural to
look for some larger course of action ? There is a natural, though unconfessed, sentiment of force in
every active mind but in the Christian, suppressed by the sense of his own nothingness, that without ;
Christ he can do nothing, and the principle of obedi
which nothing is more humble, and of conscience, which makes our own path being right of the first importance. Dr. N. had this confidence he thought of acting on others a larger course of ence, than
;
action.
I quite believe
he was afterwards unaware
54 of the influence he exercised on
very often the
But the
young men
;
that is
case.
with his primeval mystery, and inclined towards Rome, having left all the forms sick
man,
filled
of truth that had been the
was looking "
vision,"
means
for a second reformation, and, through a
amongst Roman Catholics.
He was
so
many
great places,
"The
sight
and
venerable shrines,
much impressed my
noble churches,
much
not
His imagination was at
work on new scenes naturally enough. of
His
a larger course of action for himself.
completes this picture.
journey
of his conversion,
imagination,"
He
heard singing in a country church at six o clock, and his heart thus also was touched.
he
tells us.
(100.)
Now, a
religious congregation singing,
when
heard from without, has this
effect touches deeply It could the religious imagination where it exists. not have been anything really spiritual in his mind ;
for
he did not know what they were singing.
In his
I was not ungrateful for the comfort which I had received in frequenting the Then, again, her churches, nor did I ever forget
weary days
at Palermo,
"
"
it."
zealous celibacy, faithful
maintenance of the doctrine and rule of
which
I recognized
as apostolic,
agreement with antiquity in so
and her
many
points
besides which were dear to me, was an argument, as well as a plea, in favour of the great Church of
Rome.
Thus
I
towards her, but all."
(p.
100.)
learned still
my
to
have tender feelings
reason was not affected at
55
Now
you
will remark, as I said at the beginning,
sensuous here, what acts on the imagination
all is
;
no question of truth and grace, no holiness, unless celibacy be taken for it, which he believed apostolic
when given of God, which is so false, but as a rule apostolic, shows Dr. X. was wholly governed by imagi
-not, observe, self-devoteclness,
which that
it
is
;
Not only does the apostle say, the elder is be the husband of one wife, having his children
nation. to
subject in all gravity,
and the Lord
and
let
us
know
that Peter
brethren were married, though he and Barnabas were not; but in the council of Mce,
which
Dr.
s
N. had
been just
made
formally refused to be
studying,
was
it
a rule, though
had
it
acquired great influence, and was resisted by Paphnutius, an unmarried bishop, as a snare.
What
its
enforcement in the eleventh century, by Hildebrand (though never carried through till the end of the thirteenth), produced, is well
of
it
further on,
when
of Protestantism.
A
I
come
known.
I
may
speak
to speak of the causes
man must have been wholly
blinded by imagination, or Satan, to say celibacy was, as a rule, apostolic. Even the Roman body holds it for a
mere matter of discipline; the Greek requires
that priests should be married
only bishops not,
if
I do not mistake.
His imagination was fully ripened towards Eome the primitive Church, that is, not the Scripture, or ;
first,
*
men
but the ante-Xicene Church* was certainly
We
have no accounts, I may say, of the Church from apostolic
to Justin Martyr. (140.)
56
Anglican useless if it was not the same; he was tenderly turned towards Rome, as to his heart, and, at any rate, Anglicanism needed a second right, the
reformation
Rome was
he had no tenderness, he
;
tells us, for
a great Church, his heart with her;
it.
his
no doubt, not overcome, he might hope to defend Anglicanism, but it was dreadfully bad. The
habits,
whole was a foregone conclusion. work he was going to do ? He had
"NVliat
was the
entire,
thorough
confidence in himself- -confidence unrepressed grace.
by The motto chosen from Homer by Froude,
showing his own transparently,
that I
am
back
himself what I a
mission."
visited
should
he adds,
feeling,
"You
shall
again."
am proving
(82.)
"I
Rome
shows
this
Nor was
it
began to think I had an uncertainty. He
He
Monsignore Wiseman. visit
too,
know the difference now Nor does he conceal from
a second time.
wished
they
He saw
plain
enough his state, as he did afterwards what was Dr. N. replied to going on at Oxford, (p. 109.) him, with great gravity, England;" pleased to
"We
pander
in Monsignore s good graces.
was shown
;
when
sick,
he
have a work to do in
Romanism, and be The state of his mind
to
"
cried,
I shall not die, I
have not sinned against peaceful conscience, no rest in Christ conviction he speaks of, of not being at shall not die
;
I
;
to be latent
when death seemed
light."
No
the latent rest,
to be there.
ceased
The
pressure of darkness on a troubled conscience, used, I doubt not,
by the enemy
;
but
still,
conscience,
57 which,
him and God, Satan He was his own way.
not settled between
if
would drive him
to quiet in
sobbing bitterly, while waiting to leave Palermo, and replied, to the inquiry of his servant, I have a "
work
to
do in
England."
Now
this uneasiness, if
not a bad conscience in a general way, of which, of course, I can say nothing, and is not here so pre
was a bad conscience, which, not possessing its own rest in Him, looked to the Church, because it had not rest; and from his previous sented,
Christ for
studies, feeling
he did not possess that, and had re and feelings which led him to Ro
sisted impressions
manism, broke out in bitter uneasiness when thus ill. But remark, no destruction of self-confidence, no turn ing to Christ in lowliness of conscience and heart. He turned to self. I could only answer, I have a work to This work he was doing afterwards. The "
do."
rest was merely a process, a question of time. He hated Protestantism, he loved Popery, though not
agreeing to it
it.
Anglicanism was
were on the foundation.
and correct
it.
He
wrong, even if pretended to set about all
Romanism was the only
certainly
The primitive Church had the only right thing now was
right thing in existence.
been right and lovely Romanism he hoped to get Anglicanism on right And now ground, but he had no tenderness for her. ;
it is
rnan
the excessive moral levity of Dr. Xewstate, of which I have spoken, come out in
I find s
was no search
full blaze.
It
for himself;
he had not accepted
for the truth, as such, all
Rome s
doctrines,
58
but neither had he when he joined her but she was the only right Church in his eyes: he was looking for ;
the church of his imagination, not for truth.* He did not believe transubstantiation the day he joined
He says Popery, more than twenty years before. so. Koine as he After joining infallible, accepted on authority.
it
See what a state this involves. real religions
mer he
hated.
was the
last
them
:
There were two
Protestantism and Popery. The for Seeking communion with Protestants
blow to Anglicanism. (182.) He counted Borne, when abroad, he held as un
heretics.
deniably the most exalted church in the whole world, manifesting, in all the truth and beauty of the Spirit,
high-mindedness, majesty, and the calm conscious ness of power. Anglicanism, bishops and all, was at best as a set of unruly boys
know
Trojans,
when he came when they trench on his
the difference
afterwards,
threatens
them
mained
back.
Hence,
via media, he
There was a limit to forbearance.
all.
180, 183,
(178,
who would
184,
to be tried.
Anglicanism still re looked to "that future of
200.)
He
the Anglican Church which was to be a new birth a system would be rising of the ancient religion "
;
up. (143.)
Thus inclined
Kome, hating Protes
to
tantism, Anglicanism being nothing really, he set about to work. Did he ascertain the truth before he *
I
say, the
religion
Church of
Protestantism
paper. (113.)
is
his imagination;
a religion
;
he says, Popery
the via media
is
is
a
only on
59
work
set to
In no wise.
?
I do not
did not like the ante-Nicene Church.
mean
No
that he
doubt he
But had he searched out the grounds of he acted? In no wise.
did.
or truth itself, before
truth,
An
was his only ground. "Taking antiquity," he says, referring back to this early period (p. 194), tiquity
not the existing Church, as the oracle of truth. Never, mark, the Word. thought that the Church "I
England was substantially founded upon them" Had he searched them tho [the fathers]. (102.)
of
Not
roughly
?
fathers
had
tenets
at
said,
happened
all.
I did not
but I
felt
"
to differ
had said
all
that the
when
their
from the Anglican; no harm
could come of reporting them.
was
know
that even
I said out
what
I
spoke vaguely and imper fectly of what I thought they had said, or what some of them had said. Anyhow, no harm could clear they
come
;
I
wav
in
was impossible
to
of bending the crooked stick the other
the process of straightening
break
it."
it
;
it
Thus Anglicanism was but a
straightened.
He
set
\!
stick to be
about reforming, rebuilding the
Church, getting a Church de facto of flesh and bones, as he says, held the fathers to be the authority,
know all that they had said. Can there be conceived, on so solemn a subject, a man acting with more self-confidence and more levity? Nor yet did not
does he deny
it.
"I
dignity necessary for a free
Now
never had the staidness or "
leader."
I
had a lounging,
and easy way of carrying things (105.) this is true; but think of a man saying it of on."
60
Church of God, and in the things in which he was acting as one who had a mission to reform the Church, and rebuild it in its his whole status as to the
beauty as of
old.
He
admits (104) he was widely he
spreading his principles, not recognizing the hold
He laughed when a man he meant sacrament when he innocently thought had over young men.
said the sacrifice of the Eucharist,
himself the trouble of answering
he
tells us,
when
and did not give it.
Accordingly,
Dr. Pusey joined the movement,
saw that there ought to be more sobriety, more gravity, more careful pains, more sense of he (Dr.
P.)
and in the whole move
responsibility in the tracts
ment. tracts
was through him the character of the was changed. (208.) He, however grieved, and, It
not agree with all his views;* and Mr. Keble, in the sense of that as I judge, justly, though I
may
have as yet remained in Anglicanism. And that he acted in this lounging, easy way,
responsibility,
was in
so
truly
the
what he was
case,
that
seeking to
while quite establish,
settled visible
"a
which are the
Church with sacraments and
rites
channels of invisible
that he tells us that
grace,"
he did not know what he aimed this
was the doctrine of
"
at.
I
thought
Scripture, of the
Church, and of the Anglican
Church."
Of
early
this
he
* I think the whole Catholic system, Roman or Anglican, wrong of Ephesians i. with "the house" of "the hody"
in confounding
Ephesians body.
ii.,
and attributing
to the
house
now
the privileges of the
61 never ceased to be certain; but
1834 and the
"in
following years I put this ecclesiastical doctrine on a broader basis after reading Laud, Bramhall, Stilling-
and other Anglican divines on the one hand, and after prosecuting the study of the fathers on the
fleet,
other/
that he held a doctrine immaturely
Now,
no one can blame
:
we have
done
all
But that
so.
he should set about to reform and rebuild the Church
with a special mission, though he founded it on the fathers, with his views unformed, seems to me, I confess, intolerable self-sufficiency
I
began the Tracts for
and
"
levity.
When
the Times, I rested the
main
which I am speaking upon Scripture, on Ignatius epistles, and on the Anglican Prayer
doctrines of St.
Book."
The
(96.)
visible
ments and sacramental
Church on
rites
Scripture, sacra
on the Prayer Book, the
Episcopal system on St. Ignatius. Now the Scripture clearly teaches a visible Church, and thus is authority As to the fact, it is all that there ought to be one.
around it
us.
ought
to
But why not search Scripture be
?
I believe
it is
sadly fallen
as to ;
but
what
why
not go to Paul, and John, and Peter, to know what And note the it ought to be, instead of Ignatius ? excessive inconsistency after all
:
he
is
going to build
Anglicanism was not such and yet he takes the Prayer Book of Anglicans as the rule to prove his point on the matter he was a right Church, because
;
anxious about, although he admits "that the An glican Church must have a ceremonial, a ritual, and a fulness of doctrine and devotion which this
had not
62 at
Was
(204.)
present."
No
this because it
was right?
were to compete with the Roman Church with any prospect of success." Why so ? Because lie liked that system, not because it could be any "
if it
;
authority for truth to change.
;
for the
system he was seeking
And
It suited him, the Articles did not.
they were to be interpreted according to Catholic Catholi teaching, not the opinion of the framers. "
(by which he then meant Romanism), he tells us plainly later "was the real scope and issue of cism"
the
movement."
And why
does he take Ignatius ? love the system Dr. N. has followed ?
Why do all, who Why did I myself
found
my thoughts Because he already liked and had adopted the system found in his published writings, not from delight in
it,
on him ?
any
real,
ascertained authority in Ignatius.
Dr. N. must have well known, that since Ussher and Daille they have been called in question that there are two recensions, besides confessedly spurious ;
one enormously interpolated, the other shorter; so that, though defended .by learned men, as a docu
letters,
ment they were of questionable then
it
has been, I think I
do not say
all
acquiesce in
may it
authority.
Since
say, ascertained
I
that five out of the
wholly spurious, and the three remaining ones, even in the short recension, inter polated, and the passages in favour of unity which letters
eight
Dr.
are
N delighted
in,
are
all,
save one, false and spu
you must know that these pious frauds were the custom of this vaunted primitive church.
rious
;
for
63
who had quite a know that it was he
There was one Leucas, or Lucius,
manufactory of them. I do not who tampered with Ignatius. There were numbers of false gospels*
and acts of the
apostles,
and that not
only by heretics, but by pious people, and this very early indeed.
Dr. if
Xewman
he does,
it is
scarcely even excuses himself here
;
onlv for O guilt in his vain confidence, /
he had strong persuasions in 1832, which I do not blame him for he has since given up. so far as
up what he thought wrong. I blame him pretending to reform and rebuild the An
giving
for lightly
glican body, that
is,
to
form a church as
it
should
when he had not searched the grounds on which he did it when he knew he was not at rest, but be,
;
on journey, as he has told us, and doing it in a free and easy way, and, I must say, with some effrontery, telling us that he "had a lounging, free
and easy way" in the matter. Was this God-fearing? The more his book is read through, the more it will
Yet he attaches immense importance
be seen.
He
movement. "
Great acts take time.
own
case."
to go
by
(206.)
*
God
A pretty
nius,
Th
;
i.
302.
He
At
least I felt this in
here, that all the
would not have made him move
does not save people by logic.
copious
The
list
my
sought, he tells us elsewhere,
reason, not sentiment;
logic in the world faster
to his
says, with singular self-complacency,
of these pious frauds, so-called,
gospels have been collected
is in
This Baro-
by Fabricius and
G4
when
people showed
consequences of his
him the evident and necessary More of this when principles. I do not
his pleas as to his honesty are considered.
suppose he was a concealed
he professed to be long before where
Eoman
so, in the least
all
;
Catholic before
but he did
know
was tending, and knew he was
leading others there, and continued to do so while unsettled, and, full of confidence in himself, charged
others as authors of
it for
Yet
resisting him.
it
did
him there. But what I insist on now is, the moral levity of teaching without his mind having arrived at any
lead
conclusions.
He
says
(p.
Ill),
"Alas!
portion for wdiole years to remain, factory basis for
my
was
it
without any
my
satis
religious profession, in a state of
moral sickness, neither able to acquiesce in Angli canism, nor able to go to
very years in
Kome."
Now
which he was labouring
these are the as
having a
special mission, influencing diligently others, taking the future of Anglicanism and of souls on his own He had confidence in his cause, despised shoulders.
every rival system of doctrine, had a thorough con tempt for the evangelical system. Owing to this r a of mixture fierceness and confidence, there w as sport in his behaviour.
If he
had brought men on
to a certain point, if they stopped he did not care
;
make them preach the truth without know was not and encouraged them so to do.
liked to
ing
it,
"I
unwilling to draw an opponent on step by step to the brink of some intellectual absurdity, and to
65
him
leave
to get
back
as
he
He
could."
speaks of
the imprudence and wantonness into which his abso lute confidence in his cause led him. (92-94.)
derstand this state of fident in his views,
But
admits.
is
to teach others ?
Can we
I
un
in a restless spirit con
but which has found no rest for
excited and uneasy,
itself
state
mind
sickness/ as he
"moral
it
Is it God-fearing
?
God-fearing set the Church right in such a be surprised at the result ? And
and
what must we think of the
such a course in
result
such a state of mind led to
He
?
tells
us, that
through the storm on Tract 90, he had already be
He had
fore lost full confidence in himself.
dence in the apostolic movement
"
;
but
confi
how was
I
any more to have absolute confidence in myself?" Did he cease to go on? No; the movement (132.) was out of his hands. obstinate,
But on
his views
and bearded the bishops.
This
he had had absolute confidence in himself.
he was is
clear:
He
got in and Bellarmine the bewildered reading completely Anglican divines. This had no tendency whatever It was a matter of con to harass and perplex him.
But he had been not of proofs. (146.) teaching with absolute confidence in himself, without having ever really ascertained the difference, or found
victions,
solid
ground on
it.
In 1839, the fact that Leo
s
judgment had
settled the
council of Chalcedon and the monophysite question,
upset his via media, and showed that Koine was
on the ground of Leo in the F
fifth
now
century, the Protes-
66 tants on that of Eutychians
and Monophysites,
i.e.,
Here he owns he had the habitual notion had not found his ultimate that lie was on journey heretics.*
"
"
Yet
rest.
it
had never led him
to distrust his con
Before and
victions.
after, he was restlessly teaching I need not go further. The time of
I feel
others.
his activity, the time of his influence,
own
of his
"moral sickness"
I turn for a
position,
was
this
moment
and unformed views. s
on his return from abroad with a mission, the Roman Church was the most exalted
Protestantism he hated:
England O
;
abjuration if
it
was
heretical,
save in
so that to receive a Protestant without
of error was subsequently sufficient not quite, to oblige a person to leave the
Establishment, and was what finally led to It shattered his faith in Anglicanism.
rested only on paper, to be formed
mission.
Mr. N.
to Protestantism.
in the whole world (161), certainly Catholic.
Church
almost,
was the time
As
it
stood,
it.
(182.)
Anglicanism
by himself by
his
was of questionable Catholicity
;
could be so only by interpreting her Articles as no one else in the world would. There was no motive for
keeping aloof from Rome, but the pope
Antichrist (101)
;
which
for
my
part,
s
however
being anti-
* Dr. N. very conveniently forgets that Pope Leo, a very able man, who really founded the power of the Papacy, forbad that doc trine to be put in the creed, though he admits it, which makes Dr. N. himself now hold the Greeks to be heretics for not holding. And I may add that a general council, admitted such, forbad positively any additional articles to be added to the creed. That is what Dr.
K.
calls
development.
67 Christian
may
lie
be, I
do not believe.
It appears
Rome s being the great whore, drunk with the blood This he got over by its of the saints, was nothing. being the spirit of the city acting on the Church. (161.) He was determined to clear Eomanism. Transubstantiation he did not believe;
Catholic sense. I recall his
but Mr. Palmer
Trent might have a
held, that all the decrees of
own
But Home
excuses.
s
being the harlot drunk with blood, transubstantiation, purgatory, the worship of the virgin and the saints, indulgences, the repeated sacrifice of the mass as an
expiation for the sins of the living and the dead, the
supremacy and
infallibility
of the pope,
these or other principles and
any ground
how
little
for separation
dogmas
from
it.
of
It is astonishing
hold truth had on his mind, it
had with him
none of
Rome was how
little
a very peculiar
prominence phe nomenon. Being disposed towards Rome is nothing uncommon or surprising; but souls are kept, often :
almost unconsciously, by some truth which guards I was, especially by Hebrews ix. x. them. But truth,
mon
it is
evident (I do not say mere
to all),
he never cared about.
dogma com
He
says
the
English opposition to Romanism was caused by political motives in Henry the eighth s time, than
which nothing can be more unfounded.
He
burnt
people for giving up his Six Articles, which were essentially popish,
though he would not accept the
The reformation in England pope s supremacy. was set on foot by Edward VI., as to authority; F 2
68
but by
saints, of
whom Henry
burned many, as to
truth.
But
if it is to
were that
show what brought in Protestantism, be used as a name. I have no doubt there
I shall
many was
and could not but
defects,
set up.
The mere name
is
be, in the order
It
nothing.
came
from an act of German electors at the Diet of Spires protesting against the recess of
that Diet, passed a of votes when only by majority they had left, which they held to be illegal. The Reformed are not
called Protestants abroad.
as a popular name,
given energy to
But Protestantism, used
was the protest
by
faith, against
of the conscience,
the most horrible
system of iniquity that ever withered and over whelmed the human conscience. It was not merely negative; there was the positive assertion of
mon
fundamental dogmas
(this
com
was the very object
of the Confession of Augsburg, because this negative and articles were character was charged upon it) ;
added which are rejected by Dr. Newman and his such as justification by faith, the two sacra party, ments, and other anti-Romanist ones doctrine
was
;
as the counter
also maintained in the decrees of the
Council of Trent refuting formally this teaching ; and further, the authority of the word of God main tained, of the books of
which the Council of Trent
has given an undeniably
false
list.
It
was not
simply the right of private judgment in the modern The direct responsibility of each conscience
sense.
to God, as contrasted
with the domination of
priests,
69
was maintained, and
rightly, as
between
man and man
not the right simply, but the obligation to judge,
was maintained; but it was the public confession of positive truth which characterized Protestantism. local body framed its own profession of faith. The authority of the word of God was asserted. The right of every man to judge Scripture, or have
Each
his
own thoughts where God has
revealed His name,
The
never entered into the thoughts of the Eeformers. right of private judgment, as often
whether by
condemn patible
infidels,
it,
is
who
desire
essentially
What was
of,
who
and absolutely incom
to
principle.
have authority
The duty clergy and tradition ? ture was asserted, and rightly.*
away
talked
with the absolute authority of Scripture,
which was the Protestant was,
it,
now
or Komanists,
of
evil,
The question
Scripture, or the to It
judge by Scrip was the putting
and the teaching of positive
faith,
and the authority of the word of God, dogmatically and historically in this order. It broke out, under Luther,
by
resisting indulgences, the profligate
and
shameless sale of which was destroying all morality, and even the parochial care of the priests. I repeat,
while truth was promulgated, and Luther
s
action the fruit of his having learnt the truth, the first *
spring of action was the revolt of the Christian
object is not here controversy, but Dr. Newman s book, or easy to show that Romanism has no sure ground of authority, which the Protestant has. As to private j udgment, it is all
My
it is
clap-trap.
The Romanist calls on me to judge Protestantism him to judge Popery, and to judge that he is right.
as
much
as I do
70 conscience against the state of the professing Chris I shall give some account of the state
tian Church.
of that Church*, that revolt of conscience
it
may
be seen
how
was well grounded.
far this
And
here I
am
on painful, and, for any Christian, dangerous It is, and ought to be, painful to rake up ground. evil, especially in that which bears the name of feel I
There
danger of failing in that article of charity, "rejoiceth not in iniquity." I admit, I trust I feel, both the painfulness and the danger. But Christ.
is
with the pretensions which are current, and the deceitful statements of morbid imaginations as to the holiness of the
Romish body,
it
becomes neces
sary that those likely to be deceived should know Not only is corrwptio optimi pcssima the truth. "
corruptio^
but the
corruption
of
Rome was
in
worse than any corruption that ever existed. state from authentic sources, and Roman shall I itself
Catholic sources, what the state of things really was,
and show how early
it
began.
I
have
verified the
statements in the authorities quoted except two
being inaccessible to me, and I have Nic. Clemangis works not in my library. Councils," which does not repro only Hardouin s but there is no doubt it is duce the document
Mansi
s
"
Councils"
"
;
authentic and correct.
I refer to the letter of
Pope
Alexander V., quoted further on.
Even in the apostles days Paul complains that all seek their own, not the things of Jesus Christ; Jude, that evil men had crept in unawares, turning the
71
God
orace of o
into lasciviousness.
was apostolic power
to repress
But then there
and correct
but Paul
;
knew that after his decease grievous wolves would enter in yea, that of themselves perverse men would ;
Peter assures us that the time was come for
arise.
judgment to begin at the house of God. We have seen that it had become, in the end of the second and in the third century, a for the clergy,
to live
common
habit
unmarried
under pretext of purity
and sleep with unmarried persons, consecrated
also to celibacy as
above
all
passion,
above that
matter into which pure souls were descended for such was the doctrine of these mighty Alexan evil
drians of
which Dr. N. was enamoured.
Hernias, to to
it
;
whom I referred amongst
others, alludes
commended him to the who were there): --"I said, Where shall I They replied, Thou shalt sleep with us as a
thus (the shepherd had
virgins
tarry?
brother, not as a
and we
husband
;
for
them art our brother,
are ready henceforth to dwell with thee
;
for
thou art very dear to us. Howbeit, I was ashamed But she that seemed to be to continue with them. chiefest
kiss me,
came
amongst them embraced me, and began to and so did the rest. When the evening
would forthwith have gone home
on, I
they withheld me, and suffered
;
but
me
not to depart; therefore I continued with them that uko ht near the
same tower
so they spread their linen garments on the ground, and placed me in the middle nor did ;
;
they any tiling
else
only
prayed."
72 Origen complains bitterly of the great multitude who did not trouble themselves about
of Christians
divine things;
%
and
if
they attended divine service,
were entirely indifferent to it when there. I add Cyprian s account (A.D. 251). He is ac for the Decian and counting persecution, says it is only too light a chastisement, czploratio potii .x am vidcrctur" All devoted to increasing persecutio q/ "
their patrimony
;
no devoted
religion in the priests,
no upright faithfulness in ministers, no piety in works, no discipline in morals. Men s beards false, women s faces painted, eyes adulterated from
made
them, their hair
falsely
what God had
coloured- -cunning Artful
frauds to deceive the hearts of the simple.
deceit (subdolce voluntatis) in circumventing brethren,
marriages with unbelievers, prostituting to Gentiles the members of Christ ; not only rash swearing, but perjury too despising authority with haughty pre ;
tension
to speak evil with poisoned
;
lip
oneself
;
mutual discord with pertinacious hatred. Very many bishops, who should be an exhortation and example to others, despising their divinely-committed service
(divina procuratione),
make themselves
agents (pro-
curatores) of secular affairs, leave their see, desert the
people, wandering through after
markets for gainful
others
traffic,
provinces, hunt
&c. (De Lapsis, 124.
Fell s Ox. ed.)
Here It is
is
Jerome
s
account of the clergy
(A.D. 394).
shameful to have to say, the priests of
idols,
buffoons, charioteers, harlots receive inheritance; to
73 the clergy and
monks
alone
it is
forbidden by law,
and prohibited not by persecutors, but by Christian Nor do I complain of the law, but that we princes. should have deserved
now
the worst
is
it.
The cautery
is
good, but
that I should need the cautery.
The provisions of the law and yet thus avarice
is
are careful
not restrained.
and
We
severe,
mock
the
laws by trustees.* The glory of a bishop is to pro vide for the wants of the poor. The disgrace of all
Born in priests is the pursuit of their own wealth. a poor home, and in a rustic hut, who could scarcely
my
satisfy
clamorous stomach with millet and the
coarsest bread, I
and honey.
flour
I
fishes.
now turn up my nose at the finest I know the kinds and names of
am
shell fish are
thoroughly au fait as to what shore found on. I discern the provinces birds
come from by
their savour.
I hear, moreover, of the
base service of certain to old
without children.
men and
old
women
put the chamber pot beside
They away with their own hand the purulent matter from the stomach, and phlegm of the lungs. the bed, take
They
are full of fear at the arrival of the physician,
and with trembling lips enquire and if the old person is a
if
better;
the patient
little
is
more vigor
ous they are in danger, and pretending falsely joy, the mind, inwardly avaricious, is tortured; for
they
* Every one acquainted with English law thus the statutes of mortmain were evaded.
thought it
it
appears,
is aware that it was The English lawyers
was invented here for this purpose, but the clergy did want so long to find it out.
not,
74 fear lest they should lose their pains,
and compare
the living old body to the years of
Methuselah.
(Epist.
ad Nepotianum
Hi. Vallarsii.
Drunkenness, Augustine
tells
us,
the clergy had lent themselves, he evil habits of heathens continuing
in order to win and keep them.
Ed.
i.
261.)
was universal; tells
us, to the
among
Christians
He
did not, he was
a godly faithful man, but put it down with danger to himself. (Epp. xxii. xxix. Ed. Ben.) It had reigned in other places (Ep. xxii).: he would have had the Africans set an example, but at any rate they should follow it. These are his words in letter xxix. But "
lest
they
who preceded
us,
and permitted, or did not
dare prohibit the manifest crimes of the inexpe rienced multitude, should seem to have some oppro
brium cast on them by us, I explained to them by what necessity those things had arisen in the Church (getting drunk in church at the martyrs festivals), namely, that when, after so many persecutions and so vehement, it would be a hindrance, when peace took place, to the crowd of Gentiles desirous of coming to the Christian name, that they were accus tomed to pass festal days with their idols in abun
dance of feasts and drunkenness, nor could easily abstain from these very pernicious and yet very ancient pleasures
:
it
seemed
to those of old
that
they should spare for the time this part of infirmity,
and celebrate not with
like sacrilege, although
like luxury, other festal days after those
had relinquished
;
that now,
with
which they
bound together
as they
75 were by the name of Christ, and subjected to the
yoke of so great authority, salutary precepts of so briety would be delivered to them, which, on account
honour and
of the
fear of
would not be able to time that, as those
him who gave them, they
resist
who
;
as to
which
it
was now
did not dare deny their being
Christians, they should begin to live according to the will
of
Christ,
yielded to
and that those things which were
them that they might be Christians they
now they are so/ Many said their were good Christians, and did so. However,
should reject fathers
in that place Augustine succeeded.
But here
is
a
really holy man, the great light of the west, alleging that they had deliberately let the people be drunk in
honour of martyrs, that they might not in honour of idols.
Gregory Thaumaturgus instituted saints festivals same end, and Pope Gregory the first gave the
to the
same directions to doctrine
as to England.
and worship.
tempt, says M. Beugnot
It
was the same as
The Pagans did not at (Destruction du Paganisme,
271), to defend their altars against the progress of the worship of the mother of God. They opened to ii.
Mary
the temples which they had kept shut against
Jesus Christ, and avowed themselves conquered. He udds in a note, "Out of a multitude of proofs I shall choose one to show with what facility the worship of Mary swept before it the remains of Paganism
which yet covered Europe.
Notwithstanding the had remained faith-
preaching of St. Hilarion, Sicily
76 ful
to the ancient worship.
After the council of
Ephesus (which decreed that Mary was the mother of God) we seeits eight finest temples become in a very short time churches under the invocation of the virgin. Their temples were," &c., &c. "The annals of every country furnish like
he continues,
"they
"
testimonies."
In
mixed with the adoration
truth,"
of
Mary
those Pagan ideas, those vain practices, those ridicu lous superstitions, from which they seemed unable to separate themselves
see
knew
it
would be easy
to purify itself."
rarilv v
from
but the Church rejoiced to bosom, because she well
;
them enter within
its
for her,
its alloy
with the help of time,
a worship which was purity
Thus some prudent concessions made tempoto Pa^an habits, and the influence exercised CJ
by the worship
such were the two
of the virgin
elements of force made use of by the Church to conquer the resistance of the last Pagans. It
was the system. The Romans were passionately
The Saturnalia fond of festivals and processions. of December. end at the and other feasts were Christmas* was fixed
end of January
;
it
there.
was a
purification of the virgin * The feast
The Lupercalia
in the
feast of purification.
Mary was
fixed there.
The St.
now
celebrated at Christmas (the very evergreens are the expression of one of the worst principles of heathen
Pagan) was ism the reproductive power of nature, celebrated at the return of The Hindoos celebrate their the sun from the winter solstice. Uttarayana at this time have their twelve days, sending of pre so the heathen Romans, so sents, and wishing many happy returns s Religious Festivals of "Wilson the Teutonic nations. Compare :
Hindoos," ii.
173.
77 Peter de Yinculis replaced Augustus Caesar, and so of
See Beugnot,
others.
many
concessions to
Pagan
It is difficult to
justified.
263, &c., where the
ii.
usages are enlarged
do this when they sanc
drunkenness by dedicating
tified
on and
it
to martyrs in
M. Beugnot admits that their were a very large concession made
stead of demigods.
martyrs
festivals
manners, for
to ancient
lasted
was
little
lantius attacked
went
and many others of fell
edifying
!
that passed while they It was that system Vigi-
and Jerome defended.
heathen
to the
all
Christians
feasts, as Augustine, Chrysostom,
testify
;
they resisted, as in the case
Pope Gelasius and others, and when Paganism and the populations entered in crowds, they
gave them Christian festivals, so-called, to replace the heathen ones. It was a whole system. I
may
take the passage I have referred to in
Gregory Thaumaturgus describing
it
life
by Gregory Nyssen,
in the case of the former.
excused these long quotations.
ment first
of an
as
I shall be
It is the establish
immense system, paganising Christianity
in doctrines in Alexandria, then in ceremonies "
everywhere.*
But when with the divine help that
tyranny had been overthrown, and peace had again accepted human life, service towards God, which lay before them, was free to every one according to his
and going round he made an appendage
ability ; descending again to the city,
the whole district in a
circle,
* The reader will find some other details on further on, connected with another subject.
its
establishment
78 for the
people everywhere to their divine service.
Having instituted the general assemblies for those who had been in the combat of faith, and, as they had taken away,
different persons to different places,
the bodies of the martyrs, going round in a proces sion,
they celebrated
festivities in a yearly
anniver
sary, holding a general assembly to the honour of
the martyrs.
For, indeed, this
was a demonstration
of his great wisdom, that, remodelling to a in a
mass the whole generation of
charioteer to nature, submitting reins of faith
life
his day, set as a
them securely
to the
and the knowledge of God, he allowed
what was subject little in
new
to the
enjoyment.
yoke of
faith to caper a
For perceiving that the child
and uninstructed mind of the many remained, through bodily hilarity and enjoyments, in the error ish
of idols, that the principal thing with
be
specially set right, their looking to
them should
God
instead of
vain objects for -worship, he allowed them to make merry at the memories (tombs or places consecrated to them) of the martyrs, and to enjoy themselves
and
their life
and
some time
to celebrate festivities, that
or other
might be changed to what was more seemly It is said he left only seventeen heathen
exact."
at his death.
But how opposite
to the blessed delivering
of the Spirit, as seen in Scripture. come under the apostle s word, But "
How now
power
does
it
after that
ye have known God, or rather are known of God, how turn ye again to the weak and beggarly ele-
79 rnonts whereunto ye desire again to be in bondage.
Ye I
observe days, and months, and times, and years.
am
afraid of you, lest I
have bestowed upon you
This part of the history gives the decay in doctrine and spiritual state, till on the fall of Paganism its ceremonies and feasts were delibe labour in
vain."
rately transferred to the
nominal Church.
went on with their heathenism.
demned by the
hierarchical
Many
This was
con
authorities, but long
in. Gregory I. condemns it in England, but directs, as Gregory Thaumaturgus did, similar feasts among the professing mass that had been
persevered
brought in, to keep their fleshly minds contented. This was the Primitive Church, ante-Nicene and post
From
Nicene.
this
we
pass gradually into
the
was a space of nine hundred years, Its dark, confessedly dark, but we must leave it. result was what gave occasion to Protestantism. I mediaeval
shall
It
examine the Church, and afterward the history
of the popes.
We
shall see
how
far holiness, the
alleged note of the Church, can be found.
In 953, 931-974, Ratherius, bishop of Verona and Liege, charges the clergy with corrupt avarice and universal incontinency
;
the popes themselves,
many
times married, a warrior, perjurer, heretic, gambler, and drunkard such a shame to the whole Church could ;
not be a rebuker of others.
He
says in his Itinerary
(Fleury 193) he held a synod to correct this, but the clergy kept none of the canons the synods he held were to maintain the canons. There were xii.
;
80 bigamists, concubine keepers, conspirators, perjurers,
drunkards, usurers.
The cause
of the ruin of all the
The ignorance of the clergy was excessive; he says they must learn the three creeds, and be able to read the gospel and cer people, he
is
says>
tain services.
the clergy.
No
one, he says,
their incontinency,
The
was
fit
to
be made a
They would not give up
bishop, or to consecrate one.
and counted the
rest for nothing.
clergy despise the canons the most, because they are the most given to impudicity, and Italian
minister to this vice by ragouts and excess of wine.
(Dupin,
vol. viii. 19, &c.
Fleury 1. c., from Dachery have been said to be ruth
and Mabillon.) He may The Benedictines defend him. less and violent.
Damianus, a great friend of Hildebrand (Gregory VII.), the strictest of monks, re-establisher, if not inventor, of the Flagellators (self-scourgers), the able
champion of Eome against the Emperor, the reducer of Milan (till then independent) to subjection to the
up to devotion to Mary, who gave up his and cardinalate see, to the great pain and offence of Hildebrand, out of piety, in a book entitled "Liber
pope, given
Gomorrliianus"
the
name
of
port, addressed to the pope,
which betrays
its
im
complains of the way in to such crimes, it
which the clergy were given up
being alleged they could not depose them for it, as people must have the sacraments they committed :
them, we
read, with their own children
hend, those
who came
proved the book.
His
letter of
I appre
Pope Leo ap recommendation is
to confession.
81 prefixed to
it.
Damianus
refers to
canons which gave even with a nun,
for fornication; if
penances and habitually, five years penances. (These canons he alleged to be forged, or of uncertain authority, trilling
the canons.)/ though o o amongst
Damianus demanded
The the deposition of those guilty of these things. to be the canons deserved by pope answers, they would depose only On which Eleury remarks,
deposed, but out of clemency he
most
the
immoral.
suppose that the numbers of the guilty were too great to treat them with rigour." The next pope, Alexander II., got the book and hid "
which leads us
to
which Damianus complains bitterly. In the liomish council of 1059, he wished them to take it
it,
of
up, but
it
(Fleury,
was
xii.
refused, as likely to produce scandal.
532, Dupin.)
Already, in
888,
in
two councils (Mogunt.
et
forbidden vi.), the clergy are to have a mother or sister in the house, though it Metens. Hardouin, vol.
Lad been allowed. vice
In the latter case examples of
had given occasion
to
it.
(Con. Mog., cap. x.) Renolf of Soissons gave like orders (889). In the council of ./Enamhense (1009), connection with
women
is
forbidden; but
it is
added
(ci.),
"but
it is
worse that some should have two or more, and (nonnuUitx) such an one, although he had sent her off
whom
he lately had, during her
life
should marry
another.
In the time of Gregory VI. (1045), of assassins
Eome was
full
and robbers, says Fleury, quoting William G
82 of Malmsbury. They drew the sword even at the altar and the tombs of the apostles, to carry off the offerings as soon tis they were put there, and use
them
for feasts,
and
to
maintain corrupt women.
He
exhorted, excommunicated in vain, and at last seized St. Peter s to begin, and drove away or killed
those
who were
stealing the offerings.
In 910 and 927-941, Clugny (that tion of the
is,
the reforma
Before, in the confusion
monks) began. women, had the monasteries as Campo, as inheritances; abbots had their wives who had seven daughters and three sons, and his of the empire, laymen,
second, Hildebrand, and all their monks.
s
Yet, in
the well-known discourse of Bernard, abbot of Clair-
vaux, he says, the whole Christian people, from the had conspired against God. It
least to the greatest,
is not the time to say,
As
the people, so the priest
for the people are not even as the priest ,are
is.
ministers of Christ, but serve Antichrist.
that remains
is,
that this
Man
:
They All
of Sin should be re
vealed. (Sermon on conversion of Paul.)
Pope Benedict VIII. rages against the
licentious
ness of the clergy (forbidding marriage), but more because the clergy, who were serfs, had children
by
free
women, and the Church
lost her property in
Still, he declares, in language which I do not transfer to these pages, the universal and open profligacy of the clergy, more shameless than the
serfs.
laity. vi.)
.Between the years 1012 and 1014. (Hardouin,
83 It
was
clergy to
epoch that the prohibition to the
at tliis
marry was
rigidly
enforced,
and, as
The wives were
known, by Hildebrand.
is
treated as
but they were married, concubines by the popes with and openly, ordinary solemnities very often, In England, it appears, few were not, but the kings ;
made them pay
for
Lanfranc allowed It
shows the
it
state
(Hard. Con. Lon.
it.
vii.,
1147.)
Ansel in raged against
later,
;
of Christendom, that
many
it.
of
the synods forbid the children born of the priests
They gave them as portions even to their daughters. Paschal, pope, died 1118, ordered men on their death-beds to receive the inheriting their cures.
sacrament from them, rather than from none
and
;
that their sons should be admitted to the priesthood in England, as almost the major part of the clergy,
and the better
part,
were in this
case. (Pascal s letter
That the bishops took money for allowing the priests to live with women is recognized (Con. Lat. cxiv. Hard. viii. 31),* and in
Hard, vii, 1804-1807.)
in the constitutions of Canterbury, where V
it is
said, "
judgments did not hinder the evil of con cubinage, they were to be mulcted in their benefices. Decrees as to this may be found in Hardouin,
as spiritual
from 1217 to 1302. 1215, enforced by
The canons
bury, 1236, Hard.
viii.
Distindio Ixxxi,
vi,
c.
of Con. Lat.
Edmund, Archbishop 1236. it
iv.,
of Canter
In the canon law,
is said,
that a clergyman,
* Thomas Aquinas counsels them to have a wife, secretly, or with connivance.
G 2
84 convicted of having begotten children in the pres is to
bytery, it
is
The
be deposed.
gloss
on this
generally saM, that a clergyman
is
But
is
not to be
deposed for simple fornication, because few can be found without that sin.
The
literature of these ages
teems with the bitterest
reproaches against the clergy, as setting an example of simony, money-getting (one was alleged to have
hundred
five
and licentious morals, brawls
benefices),
in taverns, unnatural crimes, impossible to be quoted,
increased
by a prohibition
to marry, a
however, fully carried into effect for
and long
measure
two
not,
centuries,
resisted in the north, as in England,
Den
mark, Norway, Sweden, the people often insisting that the priest should have a wife. Pope Alexander IV. (as quoted,
it is
not in Hardouin, and I have not
Mansi) admits the evil state of things in So a drowsiness of deadly carelessness seems
access to
1258.
"
in the greater part to have oppressed the vigilance of pastoral
life,
which we
say, groaning, as the too
great corruption of Christian people crying out from
many
regions testifies; which,
cured
by the remedies
of
when
it
ought to be
a sacerdotal
antidote,
alas grows greater by the contagion of evils, which proceeds from the clergy, so that it should be any !
where true what the witness
to,
saying,
As
prophetic
the people
complaint is
bears
become, so the
priest.
I
may now
go on to a later state of things.
bishops received
money
The
regularly to allow the priests
85 This was forbidden by the council
keep women.
to
of Paris, 1429
(Tortosa,) 1429,
xx.
c. i.)
But
xxiii.
(c.
c.
Hard.
it is said, it
Derlusanum,
vol. ix.
The council
ii.
of Basle, session
was again authorized by a were to put them
local council of Breslau, that they
away under a penalty of ten florins. I have not the German local councils to verify the quotation in this case.
is
Later again, W. F. Picus, Lord of Mirandola, that the nephew of the famous Pic de Mirandola, as
quoted in a literal extract which I cannot verify, not possessing his works, says, that priests left the
women, and good boys were given up to them by their parents, and when grown older, then were made priests of. I give it literally, only natural use of
in
Latin:
illis
etiam
(proh pudor) fceminae abiguntur ad eorum libidines explendas, et meritorii pueri a parentibus commendantur et condonantur his, qui ab omni corporis "Ab
(sacerdotibus)
etiam concessa voluptate sese immaculatos custodire deberent. Hi postea ad sacerdotiorum gradus pro
mo ventur
cetatis flore transacto
was an address
to
jam
exoleti."
This
pope Leo, in 1517, the year
Luther began the Reformation,
The
receiving of money by bishops for priests concubines was evidently general complained of in Constance, written against by authors. Theodorich, ;
Archbishop of Cologne, ordered them to be dis missed, and then took money from the priests for it. In the council of Paris, already quoted from Har-
86 douin, they complain, that because of the concu
binage of the clergy, with which
many
ecclesiastical
men
and
religious (secular clergy and monks) are of God and the whole clergy the Church infected,
are held in derision, abomination,
and reproach by
every body, and that most iniquitous crime has so prevailed in the Church of God, that Christians do not now believe simple fornication to be a sin. These
may be
testimonies
multiplied ad libitum.
go on now to what preceded the council of Pisa,
I
a council that
a great trouble to
is
may show
Koman
Catholics,
Clemangis was rector of the University of Paris, the most famous then in the world, the correspondent of popes and kings, as I
further on.
earnestly seeking the healing of the schism
were two popes then. possible
means
to
;
for there
This led to their using
make money,
all
provisions, annates,
every shape and every way, giving a right to thair favourites to a living, whoever had a right to present to it. He declares, that many tenths,
in
exacting
ABC.
He attacks of the clergy did not know their the cardinals for their pride and insolence though ;
drawn from the lowest ranks
up
hundred
to about five
the
(stuprct),
Koman
benefices.
He
"
says,
had
he
is
enumerate their adulteries, fornications, by which they pollute
not willing (non rapts
of the clergy, they
court,
volo) to
nor relate the most obscene
life
of
their family, nothing inconsistent, however, with the
morals of their bishops was
masters."
intolerable
:
if
The oppression of the any ecclesiastic was put
87 in
any great crime, on payment sum lie came out as white as snow. for
prison
certain
complains of the bishops, as
we have
the clergy
for
making
"
cubine.
work, he
compound
any now
If
flies
is
lazy, if
a
He
seen they did, keeping a con
any one hates
As soon
to the priesthood.
of
as
to
he has
they diligently frequent brothels and taverns, and spend their time drinking, eating, dining, attained to
it,
playing at dice and games, gorged and drunken, they fight, cry out, make riots, execrate the supping,
name
of
God and
his saints with their
most polluted
lips. Sicque tandem compositi, ex meretricum suarum This was complexibus ad divinum altare veniuntur"
a
common
complaint.
"The
bishops,"
court; perhaps they were better away,
they profit by their presence,
who
he says, for
"go
to
what could
at the
utmost
enter the Church two or three times a year; who pass whole days in falconry and the chase, who eat
most exquisite
shouting and dances, and pass girls and effeminate per sons. Who drag by a base example the flock, by crooked paths, on to the precipice," &c. Were the
monks and false
councils better
doctors,
Scripture
;
he
To make a
is,
the
They
?
are pharisees,
ravening wolves spoken of in nunneries brothels of Venus.
calls the
girl
prostitution. this last
feasts, in
nights with
their
take the veil
All that
is
to give her
Dupin ventures
that he describes
and apparently too violent
it
up
to
to say as to
in very strong terms,
(outres).
Clemangis admits that there are exceptions to this
88 state of the clergy,
but that the majority are such.
do not douht a moment that there were
Now,
I
godly
men who shrunk away from
all this iniquity,
and sought communion with God, some persecuted, some not; and communities of another character, not under vows, as the brethren of the
common
Thomas a Kempis, and many
doctrine, Groot,
others,
whose schools merged in the light of the Beformation. But this is the character of the so-called Holy Catholic
Apostolic
Church.
Christian conscience,
yea, natural conscience, was weary of the wicked I shall be told that the doctrine of the ness.
Church was England,
Dr. Milner, a standard book in
holy.
tells
us,
means
holiness, the
that
there
the doctrine of
is
of holiness, the fruits of holiness,
That the Church the divine testimony of holiness. itself was holy,* he does not attempt to show; he speaks of individuals, a number of persons, who have given their names to churches as saints, and besides that, less
it
number.
of the Trinity * Dr. Pusey that
it is
fession
!
by
was
As
have been a count
and the Incarnation,
tells us, in
faith the
And
certain, there
to sanctity of doctrine,
note,
&c.,
he speaks most holy
defending himself against Romanizers, is recognized as holy. What a con
Church
holiness is one
mark by which we
are to
recognize the true Church (a doctrine I do not except to) ; but when we come to seek it as a mark, then we must believe it to be holy, by
means of
faith.
What
a satire
!
What
are
we
to believe to
be holy
?
the unholy Church. And how is it then a proof? I am to know the true Church by its holiness, and when I find an awfully wicked body, believe ery,
it is
holy because
and a mockery
it is
the Church, I must say this is a mock a trifling with the claims of God.
in holy things
;
89 doctrines surely, but not doctrines about holiness.
He
identifies justification
efficient
cause
and
"
sanctity, saying,
of justification
or
the
-the
sanctity,"
means being the sacra ments, and then her public service. The attestation of sanctity is miracles. Now, there is not an attempt to say that the Church is holy in fact, I do principal and most efficient
;
not admit the doctrines of
Home
to
be holy.
It is
not holy to confound sanctity and justification it is not holy to make sacraments the principal means, ;
Word and
leaving out the
Spirit of
God, to which
Christ and his apostles directly ascribe sanctification. It is not holy, it is
Manicheism
to
make
holiness,
and a holiness necessary to the clergy, by a prohibi tion to marry. It was the most unholy and wicked doctrine against which the apostle warns us, as a doctrine of devils, the fruit of a conscience seared
with a hot duced.
The
iron.
They
fruits of
it
have been pro If a
characterized the Church.
man
can devote himself to the Lord, body, soul, and It is a spirit, without a snare to himself, be it so.
But the moment you on Manichean and Gnostic
grace and gift from God.
forbid to marry,
you
are
It is urged, in order to defend Rome, that ground. the passages in Paul s epistle to Timothy apply to I admit it. Gnostics. They held that matter was
a bad thing, hence that Christ had no material body, and other extravagancies of every kind but as a ;
way
or
means of
from women.
holiness, they taught abstinence
This was the doctrine of the Alex-
90 andrian school Dr. N. admires.
infected
with
fruit
it.
They were The Albigenses, the mediaeval
of
Gnosticism in Christendom, constantly practised it; their perfect, or bonhommcs, did not eat meat, nor
have
women.
to say to
The Bornan Catholic Church taught holiness in Their doctrine was way, and of this kind.
this
unholy, what the fruits of
it
were we have seen.
Further, the doctrine of indulgences was a horribly
unholy doctrine. of the temporal
We
are told
punishment
it is
only the remission
But
of sin.
if
a
man
died with the sacraments, he never could have any It was purgatory that was feared. other. good
A
Catholic has nothing else to fear; besides, the ignorant masses were not so nice as to this. The terror of sin \vas
Eoman Church
on their consciences, and the
helped them to get rid of this terror not by Christ s blood for the repentant, known by faith, and there ;
fore purifying not by having their soul restored by the operation of the Spirit of God, but by pardons It was used to build and bought with money. ;
A
adorn churches, farmed out to bankers. money was made for sins, or the commutations of
tariff
them, and years, thousands of years, of purgatory avoided by paying money. It was a traffic of sin security as to future sins, too.
had returned
to
Pagan
The nominal Church
vices, as
Paul foretold
it
would. (Compare Eom. i. and 2 Tim. iii.) The differ ence was this corruption had its way in Paganism :
it
was horrible
as
horrible could
be.
;
But Papal
91
Rome
systematized
in the
known
it,
and made a
world, that I
am
Not
tariff for sin.
aware
has there
of,
Can been iniquity like this a tariff made for sin arose a Dr. N. be surprised that there protest against !
it
that there were Protestants
?
?
The word of God
no one can deny it. Old truths were maintained, and justification by faith preached. Truth was preached. That man s will, long sup
was brought out
:
pressed, broke out
;
that the Church was not set
as at the beginning, I admit; that a vast
up mass of
I do Protestantism has fallen into infidelity, alas not deny, though in Germany there is a strong re !
and
action,
Roman
it is
far more
the case
among
cultivated
Catholics, only they do not publish
as in
it,
Germany. But a protest against Rome could not have been delayed. It had been going on at Pisa, at Basle, at Constance, by legal attempts, by the centum gravamina, by the complaints of Bernard and Wessalas, and holy men of times previous to the Refor All the difference was, that
mation.
up men
God then
of sufficient faith to brave the pope
;
raised
whereas
previously the reformation had been left to the popes,
and I
was worse than
all
admit and
all this
wickedness
If
rishes
and
things
;
be
filled
it is
;
we pursue
task.
ever.
feel that it is
sanctifies.
and
I
dismal work going over still to pursue the
have
the study of the truth,
We
it
nou
are occupied with unseen
but as the imagination of men is sought to with an idea of the Holy Catholic Church,
needful to turn to the facts, that one
may know
92 that
what
called the Catholic
is
Church was the un-
that it had extinguished the truth, put to death the saints, and corrupted morals till it became intolerable. Satan was not allowed to holiest thing in the world,
dogmatic foundation of the evidence of
set aside the
a divine Saviour, as in the mass of the population in the East by Mahommedanism so that still I do not ;
the least doubt
many unknown
pious souls were
found, and some known, however dark in knowledge, as Bernard
;
but these
felt
the
evil.
As Bernard
said,
only remained for Antichrist to come. My object here is not to go through the Eoman Catholic con
it
troversy
it
it false
apostate in
its
catholicity
absurd, as
it
Hebrews
of
central doctrine.
in all that distinguishes is
believed
is
The ninth and tenth
simple.
prove
when God s word
:
it.
is
very
suffice to
I believe
Its pretension to
probably the majority of
Christendom, and certainly the most ancient churches, Unity hence fails in its first
are outside its pale.
element.
There
there in the
is
no external unity now.
Roman body
modern doctrine
in former times.
Nor was The great
immaculate conception of the Virgin Mary was denied by the most powerful body The prince in the Roman system, the Dominicans. of the
Archbishop of Breslau left that system not long ago because of its being papally decreed.* Transubstanhad been rejected tiation was only decreed in 1215 :
* Dr. Pusey, in his Eirenicon," has fully shewn what Dr. New statement as to the unanimity of modern Romanists on this point is worth. "
man s
93
by the best
and doctors
of the fathers
for centuries
the contrary doctrines were used earnestly
Whatever
against the Eutychians.
apostolic succes
more elsewhere than
sion
is
But
I cannot enter
am
accounting for the Protestantism
worth,
it is far
now
:
by them at
Eome.
into all these questions.
I
which Dr. N.
hated.
be alleged that there was individual sanc Now, that there were God s hidden ones in all
It will tity.
times I cannot doubt a moment. ter of their holiness it
was not necessarily the
beyond
all
And
shewed want of
if
the charac
scriptural light,
less sincere.
Still,
it
is
question, that the universal unholiness of
the professing world, and especially of the priests, and the idolatry prevalent in Christendom, exposed those whose consciences were oppressed
around them to
all
fall
into
by what was the snares laid for them
by Satan in the shape of false doctrine. The effect of this was, that Christendom was composed of, first, unholy, iniquitous, and persecuting orthodoxy (a few souls groaning under the state of things, such as Bernard,
who
christ to
come
at
Rome)
;
said, ;
All that remained was for Anti
and
others, that
secondly, of a vast
the country from Asia to Spain)
Manichean all
(for
who had
filled
they
fallen into
itself
and sought holiness by judging unholy, but whose devoted and
won
the conscience of the population,
notions,
matter as
he was born already
number
blameless walk
and they were put down by fire and sword of a number whose doctrines it is hard to thirdly,
till
;
94 discover whose constancy and blameless walk as tonished conscientious men and lastly, of others who were counted only schismatics, whose only fault was ;
own the corruption which reigned One class or another of these was
that they could not
around them. spread
were
over Europe. It is a sad history; for they hunted as wild beasts all over the country,
all
all
burned and tortured, and
what they
it is
really did hold.
often hard to ascertain
The
vented for putting them down. Albigenses and Waldenses
inquisition
Of one
whom
(of
was
in
large class,
the former, I
suppose, were, as to their leaders at any rate, more or less Manichean), the judgments at Toulouse
be found in the end of Limborch Inquisition,
other notices in
and a good deal of research note to Elliott
s
s
many
as to
may
History of the
popular books,
them
Horce Apocalypticce.
collected in a
Of the Mora
Bohemia and a German work
vians, before they were driven out of
Moravia,
the
best
the,
History of Prague, 1857.
But
I
account
is
Bohemian Brethren
must add a few words
by Gindely.*
as to the character of
the holiness that was introduced as the Church de clined,
and when
it
had
lost its first love
Christian holiness of walk.
We
and true
have seen, by con
temporary statements of Cyprian, Jerome, Augustine, I now that this was the case, and dreadfully so. * Geschichte der Bohmischem Briider.
Bohmen
u.
Part of a larger work. Gindely is a
Mahren, im Zeitalter der Reformation.
Romanist; but
fair
enough
as a historian.
95 only notice the character of what was substituted. It was at a time (and it is not without importance to note it) when Jerome complains bitterly that there
was no need and
make laws
to
against heathen priests
deceivers, but that there
was against Christian
priests besetting the sick-beds of old persons in order
A
to get their inheritance.
was introduced habits of
life,
new kind
of sanctity
devotedness to the saints, monastic celibacy,
&c.
Jerome, Paulinus of
Nola, and Martin of Tours, were the great promoters of this. last,
Sulp. Severus gives us the history of the
Jerome and Paulinus furnish us with their own
history; but
it
was a spurious
holiness, false miracles
and wonders, accompanied with drunkenness and violent tempers. No one can deny that the men I have named were the types and promoters of this kind of devotion. Let us see some of the historical characteristics of
Martin of Tours, the apostle of Gaul. He lay on ashes, as he was, for his bed, and covered with a sack and the like and when he put his foot
it.
First as to
;
out of the
go a couple of miles to church, all the possessed in the church shewed he was coming, though in different ways, so that the clergy learnt cell to
thus he was coming. I saw (I quote from Sulp. Sev. Dialogues iii. 6) one caught up into the air as Martin was coming suspended on high, with his hands stretched out, his feet unable to touch the ground Martin prayed prostrate in sackcloth and ashes. :
Then you might
see the
unhappy men cleansed by
96 their going out in different
ways
these, their feet
;
up on high, hang as
being carried
from a cloud,
if
and yet
their gawnents not fall down over their face, naked part of their bodies should put people to shame. So in Egypt. Two friends went to see lest the
one of the Anchorites. An enormous lioness came and sought him, and they all followed her. She took them to a cave, and they saw what was the matter :
five
cubs were
The Anchorite stroked
all blind.
their
Soon after the lioness brought eyes, and they saw. a skin of some rare wild beast how acquired we do not learn and brought it to the Anchorite, and he took
up
it
Mount
in
said,
and wore
it.
Sinai,
He who was
(Dialogue
naked
;
i.
and,
Another lived
9.)
when
at last seen,
he
by men, could not be by Martin met a furious cow that had gored
angels.
visited
She was rushing
several.
He
at him.
told her to
and then saw a devil on her stand, and she did back, and ordered him off; and he went, and the ;
cow was
Nor was
quiet.
that
The cow knew
all.
very well what had happened, and came and knelt down before Martin, then, on Martin s order, went
and found the familiar with
herd. (Dialogue
demons
ii.
He was most
9.)
knew when
;
it
was Jupiter,
when Mercury, who was the most troublesome of all, and specially when he had the saints with him.
When
Sulp. Sev.
and Martin was
went
to see
talking,
him
all
and women
s
was harmony, voices within,
two hours, while Sulpicius and Gallus were out side. This turned out, as he told them after he came
for
97 out covered with ashes and
filth,
to
be Agnes, and
often Martin said Peter and Thecla, and Mary Paul but then all of a sudden a whole lot of devils :
:
came, Martin
was
Jove, he said,
Alas
hebetum).
beast in
me
;
names. et
they beset his dying bed. (Letter
!
are
you standing there, bloody thou shalt find nothing, fatal one, the bosom of Abraham has received me and
he said
?
their
a brute, and stupid (brutum
Why
to Bassula.)
iii.
them by
denouncing
;
:
Yet he had promised pardon to the devil he repented. The devil was accusing some monks
so expired. if
who had sinned
after baptism.
Martin replied that
crimes were purged by the conversation of a better life,
and God would pardon; and then said to the judgment-day was near, even then
devil, if he, as left
following after men, and repented of his
off
deeds, he himself, trusting him. the
mercy
of
kinds of
stories,
but this
in 402, or thereabouts.
in the
Lord, promised
I
Christ.
might multiply all surely is enough he died When he dined with the ;
Emperor, he gave the cup to the Presbyter first, as such was the lowliness of the as superior to him ;
cetic
worker of miracles.
(Life, xxiii.)
This was the kind of sanctity now introduced. Paulinus s was specially shewn in honouring St, Felix.
He had
But, alas
!
as
saints instead of cally established,
deplores
festivals
we have
in honour of
seen, this
his saint.
to
change honouring heathen demigods, thus systemati did not change the habits.
the votaries
honouring the
H
saints
He with
98
Verum
drinking bouts.
gaudia
sua
nee
votis,
miscerent
He
So elsewhere.*
sanctis. (Natalis, 9.)
has covered
utiiiam sanis agerent hoc
liminibus
pocula
adds, that he
Felix s house with holy pictures; that drink in sobriety, and forget too much may He implores the aid of St. Felix directly, not St.
the gaper wine.
and a bad eye he -calls himself him that is thine; he seems to make the saints particularly efficacious wherever a part of <even
their
his intercession, for sickness
This
body was.
is
the holiness Baronius
pares with Protestantism. (394,
As
to St. Jerome,
it is
;
com
xciii.)
impossible to have a more
eloquent description of Eomish holiness than the *
However, he thinks such joys are
into rude minds
;
to be pardoned, as error creeps nor conscious of so great a fault, fails in piety in
fancying amiss the saints delight in
it.
Ignoscenda tamen puto talia parvis, Gaudia quae ducunt epulis, quia mentibus error Irrepit rudibus, nee tantae conscia culpae,
Simplicitas pietate cadit, male credula Sanctos
Perfusis halante Is this holiness
it
sepulcris.
was common
?
Paulinus does not
and the system which gave rise was approved by Rome, as a system. In the well-known letter
approve of to
mero gaudere
a system of holiness
is it
it.
But
it
;
Gregory I. desires Augustine not to pull down the temples, but to sprinkle them with holy water, put relics of saints in them, and as they were accustomed to slaughter many oxen in the sacrifice of demons, the solemnity was to be changed some to Mellitus,
if well built,
On
what.
were
to
the festival of the saint whose relics were there, they the cleansed temple, and celebrate the
make booths about
were solemnity with religious feasts that while some external joys reserved to them, they might be better able to consent to internal cut off all, at once, ones, as it was not doubtful it was impossible to ;
with hard minds.
He
cites
heathen habits in Egypt.
Jewish
sacrifices as a condescension to
(Lib. ix. 71, or xi. 76.)
99 the excellent Tillemont to keep poor Je name among the saints. He sought to over
efforts of
rome
come
s
He
his nature, I dare say.
fasted excessively,
lived in grime and filth, did everything possible to subdue flesh by flesh s efforts, but nature is not over
come little
more
Tillemont declares that he was very
thus.
exact in stating things as they were, following his own ideas than the truth. These, however,
he says, are the defects of a great genius. But he did not weigh what he said, and, which is more to be regretted, attacked St. Chrysostom indeed, ever he had as an adversary was the basest of ;
who men
:
he had too great an idea of his eloquence, shews it, was naturally jealous and envious, so as to wound his greatest friends
and alienate them.
It is
hard
not to recognize that he had in his natural character He a sourness and bitterness which pained many.
was soon on pardon.
when
fire
Are we
offended,
to say,
and did not easily
he asks,
who have admired him, and
if so
the Church
many saints who honours
him amongst its saints and doctors, have been de luded a humble son of the Church cannot say that Ambrose, St. Chrysostom, St. Augustine are excellent models of a perfect virtue to animate us to St.
But others have had great
imitate
them
David.
We may say, even,
?
sins, as
that the defects of Jerome
are useful) as teaching us
what the substance
(le
and Christian piety is. For if it an even and uniform life, in which few
fond) of virtue consisted in faults
are
committed, one would
H 2
have to prefer
100 Piiifinus to
But the Church leaves him
him.
to
God s
judgment, and has always had the greatest respect for Jerome. Not the services he has rendered the
Church by his labours lemont can see that in
;*
these are not virtues.
his case his austerities
Til-
would
Doubtless, he says, they were very useful to (which his own account by the by does not
not do.
him
shew, though I do not question their sincerity in seeking to maintain incorruptness in celibacy, which he held the highest of virtues), yet, if we had no thing else to praise in him, we should have reason to fear they had rendered him proud, and had been the
cause of that severe and critical spirit which some have blamed in him. He then shews what he thinks
proof of what constitutes a saint his solitary life
:
first,
his love of
and poverty, though he could have
enjoyed the favour of Pope Damasus and the wealth of Saint Marcella and Saint Paula, two rich women
who admired him greatly; and his fleeing those who honoured him humility which was shewn in not exercising the functions of priest, for which he had
been brought up
;
and
his eleemosynary charity
la
when he might have been he hopes his anger against his heretical adversaries, and certainly his conduct in borious service for others,
glad to be writing
;
exalting St. Augustine, when he might have seemed a competitor, the more so as he had quarrelled with
Such is Tillemont s kindly and gracious excuse what he was obliged to tell in his history for, in
him. for
;
*
He
corrected the translation of the Scriptures.
101 language, particularly against those
fact,
Jerome
who
deprecated monkish sanctity, saint and image
s
worship, was regular Billingsgate the only word to describe
it
;
by.
for that is really
Tillemont then
him in these words. The Scripture does not call him alone happy who is without spot and does not sin but, moreover, him to whom God makes a
saint of
;
does not impute
sin,
because he hates
it
by a pure
and sincere love of righteousness, and that he covers by the nuptial robe of charity, which covers a
it
multitude of sins, a deep and deadly error arising from a confusion of Proverbs x. 12, quoted by Peter,
God s govern ment in the Church, fervent charity may keep many sins out of sight by Christian forgiveness --was not to come before God for present judgment but to confound it with Psalm xxxii., quoted in Eomans and Psalm
xxxii.
1.
I believe, as to
;
a denial of the gospel and the truth, but the foundation of Komish righteousness and sanctity, even in the hands of the very respectable Tillemont. iv., is
Another painful question bring
all this failure
there such vice in the enquiry, holiness?"
be asked,
up, if things are changed
Why ?
Is
now ? In the first place I reply Has the Eomish body the "note of
The
But
has not.
may
I
facts are everything.
It certainly
must answer.
is
There
no doubt
that the light and spiritual energy of the Reformation caused a certain amelioration in Rome but I still ;
must felt,
say, that where the action of this it
is
not changed.
is
not directly
Mr. Froude, whose hard-
102
had made a picture of mediaeval learn, was checked by the degeneracy
riding imagination holiness, as
we
he found in
Italy.
We
nerated from. I have
have seen what they dege
known
a good deal by personal
experience in several countries, and a good deal
more
by that of others; and I believe that in principle and practice there is no change, though there may be more concealment.
It is thought infidelity is found among Protestants especially. It is a mistake :
more, I believe, in the bosom of what
is
called
Catholicism; but not published, as among those Go to France and Italy, and see called Protestants. the state of men, in towns especially. I turn to the popes, to see what their history affords as a stay to the soul, or if it were a cause of righteous revolt.
Eome, and
The absence of the emperors from
their presence at Constantinople,
the Episcopate of
Eome
made
a post of great importance
and
political power.
was
really comparatively small.
Its ecclesiastical It
jurisdiction
was respected
as
the See of the capital, and had a primary rank if worldly rank is to be looked for in Christ which
Constantinople contested with it as the new capital. But Augustine, the great Western doctor, and the
African council, forbad appeals to Borne as intol But I confine myself here to their history, erable. that
we may have what we are commanding our
as infallible, as
called to look
upon
respect and submis
sion as holy, as of God.
Already, in the fourth century, intrigues for the
103 possession of Papal power became a source of public trouble. In 3G6 Pope Liberius died, and contests for
the See began.
Ursicinus
by
Damasus was
elected
by a majority,
both were consecrated
a large party
bishops of Home. The emperor banished Ursicinus but his partisans met in the churches they possessed, and refused communion with Darnasus. The emperor ;
took away the churches. They met outside Rome, and were banished the country. In the dispute, the parties fought
for victory,
and a vast number of
Christians were killed, even in the churches.
But
more important than the feud itself. The emperor Constans was an Arian Liberius had condemned Athanasius, persecutor.
the origin of the violent feud
is
and communicated with the Arians. on
subscribe an Arian creed,
AYhen
called
appears he re pented, and recalled his condemnation. The emperor summoned a council at Aries, where the legates of to
it
Liberius signed a semi -Arian creed.
Afterwards, at
the council of Milan, hesitating, he was banished, and Felix consecrated pope by an Arian minority. Rome murmured, and Liberius was restored, after three years exile; but signed an Arian creed; and there were two popes,
one said to be really Arian,
and in communion with Arians who had made him pope; the other, who had signed an Arian creed against his conscience. people,
who favoured
mainly submitted Eastern bishops,
Felix was driven out
Liberius,
to Felix.
by the though the clergy had
Liberius wrote to the
who had condemned
Athanasius,
104 them, and that he
to declare his agreement with
never agreed with Athanasius. Osius, of Cordova, the president of the council of Nice which con
demned
Arius,
had given way
to the emperor before counted among the popes as
Liberius.
Felix
Felix
Damasus was
II.
hence the
riots.
is
of the
Felix party, and
It is stated, that in the riots about
Felix, which were very great, many were there were real massacres in baths,
churches, of laity and clergy
but there
Anno
is
some obscurity
who
killed
;
streets,
that
and
favoured Felix
as to the history.
;
Bar.,
Hilarii P. Fragmenta vi. he (p. 1335), where interrupts his history, or rather Liberius letter to the Eastern bishops, and turns to
357, Tillemont, vol.
anathematize Liberius. screen Liberius,
he adopted.
;
Efforts
have been made to
by questioning what Sirmian creed
So Baronius.
But, if
we
are to trust
Hilary, there can be no mistake as to his Arianism
;
nor does Tillemont nor Dupin defend him from this accusation, nor Jerome either.
Zosimus became pope. (417.) proved Pelagianism. The synod
He at
formally ap
Lydda accepted
Augustine and the Zosimus re African bishops had condemned him. The African churches met proves them sharply. Pelagius
(418)
;
confession of faith.
Pelagius was condemned and anathematized
;
and they add, if any one presume to appeal beyond sea, no one was to receive him into communion. There
is
as to
what follows some
conflict of dates
;
but a decree of the Emperor Honorius was obtained,
105 Pelugius and Coelestius banished from Eome, and
Zosimus now condemned what he had approved, and On the death cut them both off from communion. of Zosimus (418), two popes, Boniface
were
elected. force.
place by
and Eulalius,
Boniface attempted to maintain his The prefect kept the peace, and
reported in favour of Eulalius to the
Emperor Hoand banished
Honorius confirmed Eulalius, Boniface maintained his city.
norius.
Boniface from the
ground outside, and his partisans appealed to Ho norius. The emperor cited both before him. The prefect told
him
statements.
Difficulties arose in the decision.
neither could be trusted in their
Ho
norius forbade both to go into the city, and sent a
bishop for the Easter ceremonies. However, Eulalius went in. His adherents were unarmed. Boniface s,
who were
of the populace,
made
a violent attack,
and the prefect hardly escaped. But Honorius, glad to terminate the matter, condemned Eulalius for and appointed Boniface. Eulalius was out of the force. driven city by (Baronius Annals,
going
in,
419.)
was about
this time that the popes alleged of canons the council of Nice to maintain forged their authority in Africa. The African bishops had It
the records of Constantinople, Antioch, and Alexan dria, besides their
and refused
own, searched; found they were
to submit, reproving Pope Celesand denying his right to send his legate a latere. These appeals of evil persons the popes were con-
forged, tine,
106
means of
stantly receiving as a
(Hardouin
authority.
s
Councils,
to Appeal, Can. *125, Letter to
and
to
The
Celestine, 947.)
establishing their i.
934, Prohibition
Pope Boniface, 939,
letter to Celestine is
Faustinus the legate
very strong indeed.
mission
s
being wholly rejected.
The
fifth
condemned three chapters
general council
Pope Vigilius, who was at Constan had demanded the council called the fifth
of the fourth. tinople,
then objected to
it,
and would not
by the emperor, published a
assist
constitution
;
;
was exiled
condemning
the chapters, saving that he did not condemn the council of Chalcedon (the fourth), on whose authority
The Komans wished him back.
they rested.
The
emperor agreed, and said they might have him or Archdeacon Pelagius for pope, or the latter after Vigilius. They wished Vigilius, and said they would take Pelagius afterwards, as he prescribed to them, and the emperor let him go, on his confirming the council which
condemned the three
died in Sicily on the way.
pected of poisoning him,
having,
by
He
Pelagius, who was sus succeeded him publicly ;
declaring, however, his innocence.
had climbed over the wall
chapters.
Vigilius himself
into the Papacy, Belisarius
the empress orders, sent off Pope Silverius,
who would
not submit to the emperor s theology,
and put in
Vigilius.
Belisarius gave
him up
Silverius, however, returned.
to Vigilius,
who
sent
him
to
the island Palmaria, in guard, where he died. (Fleury,
537-558;
vol. vii. 356,
482; Baronius, sub.
an. 538.)
107
He
counts Silverius pope
his death. Vigilius
till
had
promised two hundred pounds of gold to Belisarius, and would not pay it. Pelagius own election was very uncertain.
Vigilius
three chapters
had
at first
condemned the
Thereupon the from him. The Africans clergy separated excommunicated him. He, seeing he had condemned in
his judicatum.
Eoman
thus a general council to please the emperor, and that the clergy turned against him, retracted; but
meanwhile, note),
it
seems (Conf. Pagi
Eoman
the
clergy elected
ad.
Bar. 555,
Pelagius.
viii.
Then
and got into favour again, and the emperor told the Romans they might have which they liked, and Pelagius, who came back with
Vigilius yielded,
from Constantinople, certainly joined in Baronius says, no day or month is ill-treating him.
Vigilius
named when he all
this.
succeeded, and complains bitterly of
had condemned the council of
Vigilius
Chalcedon, and written to the three other patriarchs (who were heretics according to it), anathematized the doctrines of the council of Chalcedon, and Pope
Leo in his famous
letter
adopted by
it,
and
nounced communion with those who defended
re it.
Baronius denies the authenticity of these letters; but Pagi and Fleury both admit they are genuine. Silverius tion.
deed
was
"He
really
died of
all historians
pope when Baronius
murdered by want and starva and in hunger," says Fleury;
remark that Vigilius was chosen was alive, and never afterwards.
Silverius
tries to get
out of
it
by supposing Vigilius
108
was
re-elected after Silverius death; but
because
it
ought to
be.
Silverius
it is
was son
merely
of
Pope
Hormisdas. (FleuTy and Baronius, 53, cxx.) Vigilius ordained eighty-one bishops.
Pope Honorius was condemned
as a heretic
by the
sixth oecumenical council. Baronius laboriously seeks to prove that Theodoret did
it,
and
left his
own name
out, and put Honorius in; but Pagi, his annotator, has, in very few words, and by facts, shown the absurdity of his attempt. Pope Adrian II. refers to
and says heresy was the only ground for resisting He was anathema thus such a superior authority.
it,
tized also
by Pope Leo
II.
(See Fleury,
For
xl. 28.
the acts of the council, see Hardouin; quoted in Baronius, Fleury.)
Symmachus and Laurentius contended
the
for
was a violently contested matter. Papacy. (498.) Both were ordained pope the same day, and they It
appealed to Theodoric at Eavenna, Gothic king, an Arian, to decide. As most were for Symmachus, he
was
to be pope.
He was
crimes, and never was
accused of
cleared.
in the streets for a length of time, and
and wounded. on the other
all
sorts
of
There was fighting
many
killed
The only godly man we hear of was
side.
Symmachus made
hinder these contests.
regulations to
In vain, however;
for
men
The clergy had in other cases the churches goods, and even the vessels of
will be ambitious.
sold all service,
that
it
by auctions, for pushing their candidates had been forbidden by rescripts and laws ;
so of
109 the senate; and after Vigilius
3000
solidi
were not to be
election,
more than
paid at court after
election for the royal confirmation, &c., for a
2000
for a metropolitan.
wrote to John, the
new
an
pope
;
This was in 532. The king pope, recalling a decree of
the senate in the previous pope s time, and allows
much. (Fleury, book vii. 625.) The history of the Papal influence was this, when there were emperors, they ruled; but the pope s
his officers to take so
was growing
though often When the empire fell they were the chief resisted. influence (except the Arian Goths in Italy), and did influence
pretty freely
ecclesiastically,
what they
pleased, increasing in
power
However, the Gothic and confirmed them, interfered, and were ap kings pealed to, as we have seen. When for a time the eastern
in respect of Constantinople.
empire reconquered Italy, the popes were servile and submissive to the emperors could not help it. When :
these were driven out again, they were oppressed
Lombards, but established in
Home by
by
the Franks
;
Charlemagne, however, fully holding his own, and ruling at Kome.
When
the succeeding Carlovingian
emperors were weak and divided, their power grew. Powerful emperors contended for the right of con firmation of popes and local investiture of prelates
;
and the history of the middle ages is the history of this conflict. The popes raising Italy against them (Guelphs and Ghibelines), and the emperors some times doing as they pleased; but the German em perors having to contend with subject princes as
110 powerful as themselves, and jealous of them, the
pope and they coalesced against the emperors the popes even supported the rebellion of a son against :
his father the emperor.
In Boniface the eighth s but this was
time they laid their hand on France
;
The united, and there was a signal failure. pope had to give way. The next pope had his seat the Avignon at Avignon, under French influence
more
popes and the court being degraded to the last At the end they had one pope at Eome and degree. another at Avignon, this giving rise to the question
whether the authority of a council were not superior to that of a pope, and the three councils of Pisa, Basle (Florence, Lausanne), and Constance, which There was a so puzzle Eoman Catholic theorists. universal cry for reformation in head and members,
always avoided. At last came the reformation, which threw the whole power into the pope s hand, the bishops holding only under him. And though Louis XIV. maintained Gallican liberties, as they are called, yet the clergy are simply slaves to the pope.
The Jesuit society sprung up
at that
time more
powerful than the pope himself, and recovered southern Germany to Popery. I have now to see in what way the state of the
Papacy gave occasion to Protestantism. From 887, then, the popes were engaged in the strifes of the
when the power of the Empire fell. Another circumstance has to be introduced here. Italian nobles,
A
number
of forged decretals were produced at this
Ill
which formed the foundation of the pope s
time,
the Isidorean collection.
pretensions subsequently
No
doubt political circumstances were a means of the popes power, but their canonical pretensions leaned
on these forged
decretals.
They
declare the notable
falsehood that all churches had their origin from
qua omnes ecclesias principium sumsissc" and then go on to state its consequent rights. is said they were written between 829 and 845
Korne
It
"A
;
appear at carius
Mentz
in the time of Archbishop Aut-
alleged to be brought from Spain at
;
the
end of the eighth century, or thereabouts. Some think they were forged by Autcarius himself, at
Mentz
and that there w ere some old decretals r
;
which gave rise to them, or as some allege, intro duced to accredit the forgeries. At any rate, what gave legal (not political) force to Papal authority from this date, was the forged Isidorean collection. It
is
admitted,
on
all
they are forgeries. the Eeformation. Calvin
hands,
They were not detected
till
states it (Inst. iv. 7, 20,
and the Cent.
ii.
7)
and
fully
Bellarmine says they are (iii. 7) ancient, but does not dare defend them as genuine and Baronius gives them up. (vi. 865, and follow
demonstrated
it.
;
ing,
Hincmar combatted, in 870, the decrees, but used them too.
with Pagi. Ann.)
the authority of
However, no one denies their spuriousness, but they served their purpose when wanted. They were used
by Nicolas
I.
in 864.
I turn to the history of the popes
from this time.
112 After the death of Formosus (897), Boniface took possession of the See, and held it for fifteen days.
Stephen VI. (VII.) drove him out and took posses Baronius here remarks sion. Boniface is not to :
be counted, Stephen is future popes having owned one, not the other, the clergy thought it better, ;
though tion
was taken by
all
it, *rather
fear
and violence,
to sanc
than by electing a legitimate Pope have
a schism. (Bar.
i.
Stephen dragged Formosus
897.)
out of his tomb, clothed
him
in pontifical robes,
and
put him on the throne charged him with intrusion into the See (he had been made pope in a tumult, Sergius having been chosen by a party), stripped ;
him then fingers
of his pontifical robes, cut off the three
which were used
to bless with,
and had his
body thrown into the Tiber, and re-ordained all the Baronius says he should clergy he had ordained. not dare to count
him among the
popes, if he
had
done by those of old. (vi. 897.) Stephen Baronius owns was put in prison and strangled. he had only the fact of subsequent recognition by not found
it
the Church to accept such or such a pope.
(i.
897.)
mentioned the history of an woman, Englishwoman, who had
I should have, perhaps,
Pope Joan.
A
received a learned education at Athens, became, said, pope in 855.
She
is
it is
said to have died in child
having been taken with pains of labour in so that the street, going to the Lateran Church birth,
;
That seems un the popes never pass that way. of the questionable, and it is certain that the sex
113
believed
till
many
for
long years, and the story the time of the Reformation --that is,
was examined
Pontiffs
for
She
centuries.
is
put by Platina,
who
speaks of the story as of uncertain authority, be
Leo IV. and
tween
controversy
is
Benedict
The
III.
fully gone into in Basnage,
whole vii.
12,
and Schrock, xxii. 75-110. Baronius and Fleury in a suspicious pass the Joan of Platina over and make Benedict elected on the death of
silence,
Leo IV.
Here there was a contested
election, too
:
Anastasius was chosen by the people, and installed pope, Benedict by the clergy, and Anastasius was driven away.
After Stephen was gone, the Roman faction having the upper hand at the time, Romanus I was Pope somewhat more than four months.
To
continue.
Thus, indeed, all things, quote Baronius s account as well sacred as profane, were mixed up with "
:
factions, so that
promotion
Roman
was
the
Pontiff
which seemed the the
Roman
strongest.
by the contrary faction. for
power
See of
of the party
So that at one time
nobles, at another the Prince of Etruria,
intruded by secular power down, when he could, the
on
to the Apostolic
in the
almost
a
whom
he would, and put
Roman
Which
Pontiff promoted
things were carried
whole century, until the Othos
(German Emperors) came in between, in opposition to
both parties, but arrogating to themselves in the
same way the
when
elected."
election of a pope,
Romauus
and
his deposition
disappeared.
Theodoras
114
was pope twenty of
whom
days. is
nothing
known
Benedict IV. succeeded, he seems to have been ;
Leo V. succeeded. After forty a respectable man. driven was he out, and put in prison by days
He
Christopher.
was, after seven months, driven
and obliged to retire to a mon astery by Sergius, who was all-powerful through It is to be added, Adelbert, Marquis of Tuscany. put in prison,
out,
that these popes undid the ordinations of their pre decessors, as having
no legitimate
title.
One Auxilius
wrote a dialogue, to guard, by decrees and canonical examples, against the intestine discord of the
Eoman
namely, on ordinations, exordinations, and That repro superordinations. (Baronius, 907, iii.)
Church
;
"
says Baronius (908, ii.), "the slave of most the what did vices, iniquitous of all men
bate all
Sergius,"
he leave unattempted
\"
"One
pope
he says,
undid,"
the acts of another; what, then (912, vii.), was the face of the holy Eoman Church ? how filthy, "all
when at
the most powerful and basest harlots ruled
Koine
at
!
whose
mven, and, what o of,
their
lovers
who Koman
is
will sees were changed, bishops
horrible
and unutterable
to hear
were introduced into the See of
Peter,
are only to be written in the catalogue
of
Pontiffs to
mark such
times.
For who
can say that persons, intruded without law in this way by harlots, can be said to be legitimate Koman Pontiffs
?
The clergy never
afterwards any consenting cession depends
upon
this,
elected,
mention,"
we
nor &c.
are told.
is
there
Yet suc Baronius
115 indeed, seemed to sleep, but he
"Christ,
says,
in the ship
and that
;
security of the
Of the Church,
but not by, but in spite
On
proves the unfailing
this
Church."
of,
Marozia was
of Tuscany,
concubine
I believe
;
the popes.
the death of Lando, Theodora,
Adelbert, Marquis
was
of
who
lived with
and whose daughter
Pope
Sergius,
makes
John, son of Sergius and Marozia, pope. (John X.) Marozia became wife of Guido, Marquis of Tuscany.
She being angry with his brother Peter, had Peter killed, and John seized and put in a dungeon, where they say, suffocated. The emperor at this epoch got a lance, made out of the nails of Christ s Cross, from Paidolf, King of Burgundy, after threaten
he died
ing
fire
and sword
if
he did not give
it
to him.
Afterwards gave a large part of Swabia to him, because he gave it up and always beat his enemies ;
with
it.
After Pope Stephen, the Marquis of Tuscany and
Maro/ia make another son of hers, by Pope Sergius, pope, by the name of John XL; but Alberic (son of Adelbert, Marquis of Tuscany, his wife),
who
by Theodora, not John in prison.
ruled at Home, put
There he remained three years, and there was no In 93G Leo VII. became pope. other pope made. I pass fiver a number which need no mention. Octavianus, son of Alberic, AVUS a clergyman; and he governed at Koine, made himself pope (John), ing at
tin-
outside not eighteen years old.
nius again remarks here
iv.), I
2
Baro-
that though not
116 of an age to be
made
bishop, or even deacon, he
wns owned afterwards in the
succession, the clergy
being supposed to consent, not to have a schism.
The truth ever, the
is
he ruled
plain enough
Emperor Otho comes
to
at
Home.
Rome
How
(963),
and
holds a council, which deposes John, and elects Leo VIII., whom Baronius will not own, because nobody
could depose a pope yet he was ordained pope, and ordained priests and deacons, and held the See a ;
year and four months (Fleury, book Ivi. sec. 7), and they swore fidelity to them. But Otho having sent
away some of him and tried the advantage to fly,
his troops, the to kill ;
him
Romans
rose against
but he knew
;
but when the emperor
it,
and had
left,
Leo had
and John was pope
one night out of
Rome
However, being again. with a married woman, he
was caught in the act of adultery, and had his head The smashed, and died without the sacraments.
Romans chose Benedict V. pope. Otho came and besieged them, and they w ere forced to give up r
Benedict to
Mm, and Leo
committed Benedict
to
re-enters.
The emperor
the keeping of the Arch
The emperor held a council bishop of Hamburg. at Rome. Benedict appeared owned he had sinned ;
;
was stripped of his robes and his pastoral staff broken he had joined in deposing John, and swore ;
:
fidelity to Leo.
No wonder
Baronius does not
own
Leo, as he recognized the right of Otho to establish the pope, of investitures, &c., under pain of excom munication, exile, and death. However, the next
117 Leo was Leo the Ninth, so that on Baronius s prin Baronius has no ciple he must be reckoned such.
Leo VIII.
at
After Leo
all.
death, they sent
s
to
know whom he would
have, and he sent ambassadors to Koine, and John XIII. was chosen. He was followed by Benedict VI. He became odious
Otho
to the
to
Crescentius, son of Theodora
Komans.
Pope John
X., took him, shut
wards strangled him
became Pope.
him
and
up, and after
while yet alive, Boniface VII. After the death of Benedict they ;
drove out Boniface, and Bonus became pope some do not count him among the popes. relation of Alberic.
But Baronius
;
inserts
though
Then
a
Bonus,
but does not count Boniface. I pass over the
fluence prevailed.
able
;
1003,
popes named while temporal in The Germans were more respect
but Baronius does not like them.
we have John XVI.,
called
In 1002 or
also
and com
monly XVIII. for a few months, and then John XVII. (usually XIX.) Baronius will not own him but as XVII., because it would be recognizing schis matic popes. Bar. (x. 1003) puts two popes John; he says, to make the numbers run right. Crescens
had expelled Gregory V. from Koine, and made a reek pope. The Emperor and Gregory V. marched on Kome. But some servants of the Em together (
1
peror, fearing his
clemency (John was a favourite and caught the pope, and put
at court), followed, his eyes out, 50.)
and put him in
Benedict VIII.
now took
prison.
(Fleury,
Ivii.
the See after Sersjius
118 but another party chose Gregory VI. But Benedict, being son of the Count of Tusculum, carried the day; but the party of Gregory VI. IV.,
and Benedict fled to the emperor. Benedict was restored in less than two However, roused
years. at
all,
itself,
After Benedict, John, a layman not in orders He was Benedict s bro
had the Papacy.
ther, another son of the
Count of Tusculum.
got the Papacy, says Fleury, partly by money,
He (lix.
Evidently family influence too. The patriarch of Constantinople very nearly succeeded in buying 3.)
the universal Papacy of the East. The Romans drove John XIX. out but Conrad, the emperor, came ;
with an army and set him up again he died that His nephew, son of Alberic, Count of year, 1033. :
Tusculum, was made pope, a boy of about 12 years old, says
Fleury; not scarce 10, says Glabeus, in Bar.
By money
and intrigue
also,
Bar. 1033, v.)
and through
too.
lix.
(Fleury,
81
;
was infamous, plunderings and murders became so
Benedict IX.: his
his
odious, that the people drove
became pope, but only held
him
it
life
out.
three
Sylvester III.
months
;
he was
But another powerful family, says Baronius. Benedict, with the Tusculum family, attacked Rome,
of
and was
reinstated.
But
his conduct
became insup
portable, and he agreed to leave for a sum of money, and the Papal revenue of England, to follow his
and they made John Gratian pope, Gregory VI. But all three called themselves popes.
pleasures freely as
;
Gregory VI. gave up the Papacy, in a council called
119 having entered on
to settle matters, as
as Benedict
was paid
it
unlawfully;
But Baronius, who
to go out.
speaks of it as a beast with three heads (v. 1044) coming out of the gates of hell, insists Gregory VI.
was a
owned so by Gregory VII., Peter The number designating the pope is
real pope,
Damienus, &c.
constantly uncertain, because whether such or such an one was really pope is uncertain. He who is called is
John XIX., Baronius
VIII. or IX.
:
so Stephen.
calls
XVII.
Benedict
But when things
are at
The emperor came, gathered
the worst they mend.
Rome
done decently, and
they agreed to have the emperor took up
Suidger, bishop of Bamberg,
and he became Clement
the clergy and nobles of things
No
II.
fit
it
person,
is
said,
;
was found in Eome.
However, Clement II. died in nine months, and Benedict came back and held the Papacy for nine months.
Then, as
Sylvester
went back
gory I
know
of Brixia, to
months
pope.
seems, repented and gave it up. What came of Gre
to his See.
The emperor sent Poppo, bishop be pope. He lived as Damasus II.
not.
twenty-three days six
it
;
But Baronius
pieces and
and Bruno, Worms, was chosen
said to be poisoned
after, in a diet held at
says, Benedict
:
was tearing
it
to
So Dupin (xi. century, chap, defiling refers to he Clement s being poisoned. A cir iv.) cumstance is to be noted here. Hildebrand, after it.
;
wards Gregory VII., came with Bruno. The Romans had sent to the emperor, and asked him to give
them a pope, through
dread,
it
appears, of Benedict
;
120
and
Worms, Bruno (Leo IX.) came robes. Hildebrand got him to take
after his choice at
in his pontifical
them
who
off,
and be again chosen
established the
at
He
Rome.
modern Papacy.
it
was
(Bar., Fleury,
Dupin.) Everyone who searches for himself must look to the facts, not the title of the pope, as the succession
so uncertain, that VIII. in one is IX.
is
in the other, and sometimes, as in the Johns, there are three enumerations.
AYe have seen already the state of the clergy the buying and sale of benefices was universal even of ;
the all
popedom
and immorality, the most degraded, The chase and clergy.
;
but universal among the
pleasure was their occupation.
Eomans
On
the death of Leo,
Hildebrand to the emperor, to choose a pope in Germany they had no one fit in The emperor assembled a council at MayBorne.
the
sent
;
ence,
and Hildebrand got them
to choose Gibbard,
bishop of Eichstadt, a near relative to the emperor,
who
did not wish to lose him.
However, he went, and became pope. He was
kept his bishopric too, very near being poisoned by a subdeacon in the sacrament, but could not lift the cup. They say another devil openly seized the poisoner. Hildebrand was now the soul of the Papacy at Rome. great change took place under Nicolas II.
A
the death of Stephen, the emperor, who kept things in order, the Eoman nobles, the Alberic
On
family,
and
others, chose the bishop of Veletri as
Pope Benedict.
The
cardinals opposed
;
but Eleury
121 held the Papacy nearly ten months
lie
says
but
;
Hildebrand got the bishop of Florence chosen at When he had arrived, the Koiuans sent Florence.
who
to the emperor,
rence
;
the pope
sanctioned the choice of Flo
was Nicolas
II.
He
recognized
publicly the emperor s rights, but decreed, when pope, that the cardinals should choose the pope,
thus excluding the emperor and the Roman people. This laid the foundation of the modern Papacy, which
was born is
in Hildebrand, Gregory VII.
Therefore
it
have noticed
I
abdicated.
this part of the history. Benedict This was the era of Damianus, whom we
have previously cited. Alexander II. was the first chosen by the cardinals. (1061.) Another was chosen
and consecrated through Lombard influence. Pope Honorius he came to Rome in arms, was at first victorious, but was afterwards beaten the Ger at Basle,
:
;
man
him
to
weaken an infant
princes deserting He was deserted by his soldiers, got into emperor. the castle of St. Angelo, was besieged two years by
Alexander, and then
up
his claim.
But Honorius never gave One great means of the depression of fled.
imperial power was, that the archbishop of Cologne stole away the young emperor from his mother, who
had maintained Alexander s
his authority,
side,
so
that
and went over
to
Pope
the emperor was null, There was a council at
though nominally saved. .Mantua, where the archbishop
appeared,
as did
Alexander,
who was charged
Honorius.
Alexander was recognized pope, Honorius
also with simony,
and
122 pardoned, the emperor s rights nominally saved, and some of the German party promoted. The archhop charged Alexander with having despised the
emperor s rights. P. Damianus wrote on this. That Honorius contrived to claim and exercise Papal authority as far as he could see (Bar. 1064, xl.), and After Archbishop of Eavenna favoured him. was Hildebrand as Alexander, pope, Gregory VII.
He
decreed absolutely the celibacy of the clergy; was
resisted everywhere in the north of Europe,
there was
some more respect
secuted
earnestly.
it
for morality;
where
but pro
The Papal system was now established. I have only to notice, till I come to those near the Eeformadying struggles of
the imperial power which had given popes for near a century, as Rtronius admits, and the Avignon popes, and the schism and briefly. Before I turn to this, I give
tion,
the
;
Gregory VII. s account of the state of the Church. I have not preserved any reference here, but have no doubt of the correctness of the extract. "Alone with
my mind s
eye, I look at the west, south,
I scarcely find bishops, legally such
and
life,
who
by
and north.
their entrance
rule the Christian people for the love
and among all know none who put God s honour As to own, and justice before gain.
of Christ, and not secular ambition
;
secular princes, I
before their
those amongst
whom
I dwell, as I often tell
Eonians, Lombards, and Normans,
I
them,
denounce them
123 as, in
a certain way, worse than Jews and
Pagans."*
Gregory having excommunicated the emperor, the latter and his bishops chose Guibert (Clement III.) Gregory would have attacked him at Ravenna with an army. (Fleury, 1080, iv.) He sought the help
pope.
of
the
Normans.
Germany
The
(Lombardy) and
Italians
being for the emperor.
The
latter (1084)
entered Rome, set Clement III. on the Papal throne.
Gregory retired to St. Angelo. The emperor besieged there. Robert Guiscard, the Norman, freed
him
him, and after staying awhile in Rome, he retired under the protection of the Normans.
to Salerno,
Gregory VII. died at Salerno. The small Papal party Clement re secretly elected Desiderius, Victor III. turned to Rome; he had been expelled in 1089, and came back in 1091. (Fleury, Bar.) Didier refused to be pope,
and when chosen went back
to
Mont
ami would not be ordained, but at last The Normans and others came to Rome, yielded. and turned out Clement III. from St. Peter s by force. Casino,
Still, it
appears, he held the upper
hand there
after the death of Victor III. (Didiev),
;
for
Urban, named
by him, was chosen at Terracina, under the influence of Mathilde, the great protectress of the popedom then,
by a small assembly,
forty persons, clergy
and
* An Abbot Transmundus having put out the eyes of some monks accused of rebellion, and torn out the tongue of one of them, Desiderius, abbot of Casino, put him to penance. Gregory, then cardinal, approved the act, got him out of the abbot s hands, gave
him an abbacy, and afterwards made for
a bishop of him.
Anything
124 laity partly,
by proxy, John, Bishop
their authority. (Flemy,
chap,
vi.;
Bar. 1T)88,
Ixiii.
41
Dupin,
;
et seq.)
i.
of Porto, having
It is
notice at this part of the history, that
xi.
cent,
important to
what destroyed
the power of Clement and the emperor in Italy was, that Urban got up the crusades through Peter the hermit, and
when
He was
jected.
crusaders.
that took effect, Clement was re
driven,
appears, from Koine
by the
Pope Urban, the second (Grat. Deer. Part
Cans, xxiii. Quses.
ii.
it
"
5, c.
47) says,
of suitable satisfaction to those
excommunicated.
Enjoin a measure
who have
killed the
For we do not consider those as
guilty of homicide who, burning with the zeal of
mother against the excommunicated, have happened to have slain some of them."
their Catholic shall
At
time this was the greater part of Europe. The remaining facts may be briefly recounted. this
Pascal
raised
II.
the emperor
s
son against him.
That son banished him from Eome, and Gregory VIII. was set up as pope.
The Roman pope died
in exile, or two days after his return
was elected soon
after.
as
with the emperor.
Calistus
but Gelasius
pope, but died in exile also
Calistus II. followed as
treats of peace
prisoner.
Roman
;
was not
elected,
Roman pope
;
he
Gregory was his Baronius admits
;
he was chosen by a few cardinals and clergy at Cluny,
when and
Gelasius died, as trusted by him. (Bar. 1119, i. v.) After Honorius, there was a contested election
between cardinals and people, but the circumstances are of no moment. After him, the cardinals who
125
had been beaten in Honorius
s
case chose Gregory,
Other cardinals and the people chose Peter, Anacletus II., favoured by the laity. Innocent Innocent
II.
Eome, went to France, owned by Ber in and nard, general in Europe; but Anacletus was Pope at Eome. On Anacletus s death, the schism
had
to leave
moment is ended by St. Bernard s influence. The Emperor Lothaire brought back Innocent; but as soon as he was gone, Innocent had to go back
for the
Gregory was elected in Anacletus s stead as Victor, and submitted to Innocent, but the
to Pisa.
Eomans renounced obedience followed
tine
to the latter.
Celes-
Baronius says Anacletus
quietly.
s
presence at Home was the triumph of Antichrist, and that it was easy to see who was the successor of
St.
Peter.
(1130,
iii.)
The
killed in a rebellion of the
a stone, as
some
how he
when say.
next,
Lucius,
was
Eomans, by a blow of
assaulting the Capitol
;
or of chagrin,
Baronius, Dupin, Fleury, do not say
died.
His
successor,
Eugene,
fled
from
Then came Anastasius IV. Then a disputed election-
Eome, but returned. Adrian IV. followed.
Alexander and Victor
the latter given up by the when beaten emperor by the Lombards. Lucius III. and Urban III. sat at Verona, not at Eome. Lucius ;
being hated and despised by the Eomans, who attacked his territories, and he finally settled at
fled,
Verona, where Urban was chosen.
From Urban
III.
on
to
Boniface VIII., that
is,
taking in Lucius, from 1181 to 1294, the history of
126 the Papacy
is
that of a worldly power, yet using
excommunication
as its
weapon, contending against
the emperors, using Sicily and
Lombardy as their main arms against him with various success, but in But it wearied the world, and result successful.
when Boniface attempted
to use the acquired
against Philip of France, he
signally failed.
successor repeated his acts.
And
the
power His
next pope,
chosen by French influence, removed to Avignon, in France.
This, as being practically secular history, I
leave untouched.
"My kingdom,"
not of this world, else would
says the Lord,
my
servants
"is
fight."
The pope s was. The most remarkable pope of the period was In nocent
when
He
III.,
who
held the fourth council of Lateran,
transubstantiation was for the
first
time decreed.
established the inquisition in the crusades against
the Albigenses. We may notice that, the See having been vacant three years through election intrigues, there was a compromise, and Gregory X. made a decree for what
is
now
practised, that the cardinals
should be shut up till they chose a pope. Celestine V. reserved it, and then resigned, as the cardinals
were two years and a half before electing him. The person who got Celestine to resign got himself chosen in his place
it
was Boniface VIII.
Celestine gives
a curious reason to justify his abdication.
He
says
who was named by Peter, resigned, that no pope might be named by his predecessor. And then Clement,
came third
after
Linus and Anacletus.
So Peter
127
made
a blunder in beginning the matter. It
the succession of the is
first
hopelessly embroiled.
is
As
manners of the
to the
clergy and the court of Eome in Innocent IV. is
of Cardinal
Hugo,
at Lyons, (p. 819.
verify the
to
s
time,
quoted as giving the parting address
Matt. Paris
book
known
three possessors of the See
I
have not the
magnam
"Amici
quotation.)
fecimus postquam in hanc urbem venimus utilitatem et
Quando enim primo hue venimus
eleemosynam.
tria vel
quatuor prostibula invenimus (here in the
sense of Iv+ianar), sed
nunc recedentes unum solum
reliuquimus verum ipsum durat orientale porto civitatis
From 1309 French
usque ad
rights over others,
at Avignon, under and protection, proclaimed his and submitted to France. The
struggles with the emperor
pven up Minorites
at
Rome
went
Italian
on.
Mcolas V.
to his competitor at
and
ab
the pope lived
influence
an anti-pope
continuation
occidentalem."
;
Lewis
up
The
friar
sided with
the
Avignon.
cardinals
set
but he was soon
emperor, who was preparing a general council against the pope, who meanwhile died. Benedict XII. suc
ceeded at Avignon. France would not allow him to make- peace witli the emperor; the emperor was but the deprived of the sacraments by the pope ;
clergy
who would
not administer
them were ban
But Lewis took ecclesiastical powers in hand, ami lost influence, t lement VI. succeeded Benedict,
ished.
and anathematized the emperor, and set up an antiBut the conduct of emperor, who was forced to ily.
128 Clement,
who had deposed an
ecclesiastical elector
to gain voices for his anti-emperor,
of the popes.
had wearied men
.Clement got the upper hand, but
Papacy. The electors of the empire meet, and declare the King of Rome receives his injured the
power from electors only. From 1313 to 1316 the See was vacant dinals
would not
Clement
elect.
Avignon, lived in adultery, sold
had
to dispose
92, xi.)
Yet
of,
and
this
left
all
:
the car
pope at the benefices he
V.,
first
immense wealth.
(Fleury,
same Clement, in opening the
council of Vienne, describes the state of the whole
Church
and
as corruption itself, clergy
con. of Bar. 1311, Iv.)
This
He
the court of Avignon.
(Raynald account of
laity
Petrarch
is
s
died in the Papacy of
Gregory XI., and had lived at Avignon. third Babylon, the fifth labyrinth. prisons, nor the tortuous
way
It is the
Here, dreadful
of a dark house, nor
the fatal mixing of the fate of the human urn lastly, not imperious Minos, nor a voracious mino;
taur,
nor the
monument
of
condemned
are wanting; but remedies,
lusts (yeneris),
love, charity, faith to
promises, friendly counsels, or thread by silent help, marking the perplexed way Ariadne and Daedalus.
The only hope
of safety
appeased by gold, nay more, Christ is
is
gold
and heaven sold for gold
!
is
A
fierce
king
is
opened by gold;
!
During this time, from the universal corruption and squeezing for money, the consciences of godly men were rising up against the state of things
129
Yon Jannow,
Matthias
Milicz,
before
In
Huss.
both
Bohemians,
Wickliff.
England, (1360, &c.) Gregory XL died at Eome, and a pope was elected then in a riot. Eaynald says the uproar was after
However
wards.
that
may
be, for all
was violence
and confusion, the cardinals elected another, Clement VII., who went to Avignon; and there were two
who
divided Europe between them.
Benedict XIII.
succeeded at Avignon, Boniface IX. at Eome, and then Gregory XII. This brought on the council of Pisa,
which put down both.
He
Alexander V.
The council chose and does
dissolves the council,
not reform.
now
There were
three
The exaction of
popes.
money became intolerable, selling of benefices public. It was said it was allowable, as the pope could not sin in it. This brought on the council of Pisa, "a
council,"
says
Bellarmine,
"neither
manifestly
approved nor manifestly condemned." (De Cone, lib. i., c. viii.) That it is approved, the succeeding Alexander being called VI. shews for Alexander V. ;
was made pope by that cumstance John XXIII.
to be confessedly
pope, though moderns say no.
obliged to
fly,
which met
by sort
at
Eome
and the same
council,
John XXIII. being
consented to a
Constance.
cir
a true
Here
first
new
council,
they voted
John was deposed, accused of every horrible crime. He had first fled the
nations.
of
council.
remained
Gregory XII. resigned. determined,
was
E
Benedict XIII.
deposed,
and
finally
130 deserted
all
by
but the Spanish town he lived
Martin V. was elected by
all.
The council had
formally decree^, a council superior to the pope,
had acted on popes, and council.
It
it.
in.
and
Martin condemned
after a little
all appeals from reformation dissolved the
was here John Huss was burnt, and it faith was not to be kept with a
was declared that heretic.
He had had
letters of safe conduct.
Martin
confirmed the articles of faith of the council of Con stance. (Raynald, 1418,
ii.)
Martin V. quarrelled with
He appointed a council first at Pavia, cardinals. then at Siena; but which met afterwards at Basle, under Eugenius. the really, and
But there was no reformation universal
complaint
continued.
France made regulations for herself. Eugene IV. succeeded Martin V. The iniquities with which
John XXIII. was charged were
when
presented to the chief
men
so
dreadful, that
of the council of
Constance they thought it better not to have him the Apostolic See would be dis called to account credited altogether, siastics
and
all his
promotions of eccle
held void.
I should add, that the council of Constance
had
ordered that a council should be held within a limited time, and a second within seven years, and
these were held in consequence.
reformation from the council.
The
council,
first,
Eugenius, fearing sought to dissolve the
under his own
legate, resisted,
confirmed the decrees of Constance that a council
was above the pope, and could decide
so as
to
131 subject
the pope included, in articles of faith,
all,
The cry was
schism, and reformation.
universal,
echoed in these councils, for reformation in head and
The French held a national council
members.
to
back up the council of Basle against the pope s effort, and even the emperor, though yielding to the
pope
for a
time to get crowned, returned to the
But
council.
pope tried
this
it out.
condemned
It
the pope, and deposed him, and elected Felix V.
Meanwhile, the council having cited the pope (1437) to appear before it, he appointed a council at Ferrara,
and the two
sat together.
condemns that of in 1442.
From
Basle.
ferred to Florence.
The council Ferrara
The council
Basle, in 1444, appointing Felix V. had one at Lausanne.
was trans
of Florence ended
The pope appointing one
at
it
of Ferrara
in
Eome
;
that
one
in Germany. But subsequently
resigned the Papacy, on condition of having all his cardinals and promotions to benefices owned, and certain personal privileges.
withdrew
all
Nicolas, the other pope,
his acts against
him and the
council
of Basle.
The pope
Kome had
thus seemingly gained uncontested supremacy; but the fact that all the respect able clergy
named
of
had met, condemned deposed popes, and whose successors all subsequent popes
others
have been, made their position very
different.
All
their theologians avoid, if possible,
pronouncing a on these even when councils, judgment they hold the
supremacy of the pope in the highest way.
K 2
Bellar-
132
mine admits, that Pisa can neither be approved nor condemned. If it be condemned, the pope is not pope, for the popeb are the successors of the council s
nominee;
if
be approved, then a council can Neither proposition would do. The
it
depose a pope.
That council deposed
like is the case of Constance.
three popes, and chose another.
declared
that
a
pope was
But, then,
subject
a
to
it
openly general
and that a council represented the universal Church, and could act in its name, and was infal lible; and it acted on it; and again, the succession council,
depends on their
act.
.Moreover, Martin V. sanc
tioned the doctrine that a general council represents
the whole Church.
Bellarmine
(Fleury, 106, xiv.)
recognizes the power of a council to settle schism.
He II.,
Popes Cornelius, Symmachus, Innocent Alexander III., and the Pisa and Constance
refers to
No
councils.
than a council.
remedy, he says, is more powerful So for false doctrines in Popes, as
Murcellinus, Damasus, Sixtus III., Leo III. and IV.
Marcellinus, he says, had to confess
it
;
the rest
Now, though the popes had hand, the universal conscience of the
purged themselves. the upper
Church was roused
;
the weightiest, godliest doctors
declared there must be reform in the head and in the
members.
This became the universal cry all over whenever the pope went too far, there was
Europe an appeal to a general council. ;
in of
what
France maintained,
are called the Gallican liberties, the doctrine
Constance.
The popes themselves, instead of
133 governing an ignorant and prostrate Europe, whose princes being divided and jealous of one another,
were glad of the pope s help, while he was always himself and one in his purpose, and scrupled at no weapons, were now judged by laity and clergy, who were subject to them, and gave themselves up to
mere petty
local ambition.
France and Germany
were considerably emancipated in the spirit of men s minds; deliverance was looked for anxiously, and though disappointed in their hopes of redress from the councils, were groaning so much the more, Spain and though hopelessly, under the burden. Portugal were more content, because they liked that
pope which divided the new world between them. But men s spirits craved deliver of
title
ance
;
the
threatened councils, appealed to them, were
ripe for
some
deliverance.
The unheard
of infamies
of Alexander VI., and even the crimes and conduct
of Sixtus and Julius, only sunk the Papacy lower,
and the shameless sale of indulgences, practically an allowance to sin, gave the last blow to man s conscience, and opened the
though none opposed
it;
door to the testimony of an offended God. I shall briefly trace this, which will lead us to the Eeformation.
Nicolas V. arranged matters peaceably with Felix V., the Lausanne pope, who was during his life to be Calixtus respected as such, though without power. IV. followed him. succeeded in They gaining in fluence in Germany but the attempt to rouse the ;
134 people to a crusade against the Turks utterly failed. Pius II. failed in like attempts he condemned ;
appeals to a general council (Eaynald, 1460, x. xi.),
where we see
it
was
"become
This
a general thing.
same pope, as Eneas Sylvius, had been a great adherent of the council of Basle. Paul II. was arbi
The cardinals
trary.
at this
time bound themselves
when in conclave, as in the case of Eugenius, to reform the Papal court in head and members, hold a council, and to many other points. Eugene con all
firmed this by a bull. Paul bound himself in the same way, but by a decree rejected it all, and by
and violence forced
cajoling
to join him,
1431,
1458,
v.,
v.,
1464,
the cardinals but one
all
though some very
reluctantly, (liaynald,
Ixi. Ixii.)
Platina complains
bitterly of his undoing iniquitously all Pius
II.
had
done, threatened to complain to kings and princes
everybody did and have a general council, and got put in Sixtus IV. prison and in the stocks for his pains. succeeded. He occupied himself with low Italian (for parliaments, universities, kings,
so now),
intrigues
and conspiracy
to
advance
Innocent VIII. came after him.
his
family.
He was famous
for
promoting and enriching his illegitimate children, though one of the conditions (in conclave) of election
was not
to do
it.
on this account.
him
father.
pope. xxiii.)
He was
Rome, they said, might well call he had seven children while
It appears
The general
He
the subject of pasquinades
fact is stated
by Raynald. (1492,
received pay from the sultan for keeping
135
when
a rival brother safe
Europe. to refer.
the Turks were invading
To Alexander VI. one hardly knows how He is recognized to have been except it
own second illegitimate son the most horrible who has come under public notice. A thorough
be his fiend
debauchee at
all times, so as to attract
reproof even at the Papal court. bribery and promises, he got
and
Elected -pope by one way or
rid in
who promoted him.
another of those
notice
His second
son killed his eldest brother, and the pope s other favourite, Peroto, who had hidden himself in the
pope
s
mantle, so that the blood spurted up in the
pope
s
face.
(Casillo,
Appendix
to Eancke,)
ander had made a cardinal of him
but he
left
France made him
to
Alex
quite young,
the clerical order to be a prince in Italy.
Duke
of Valentinois, to reward
He
the pope for his divorce.
band
when
marry her
better.
killed his sister s
This same
sister,
hus
when
the pope was away, kept the Papal court, and opened the dispatches, consulting the cardinals. She was
one of the pope
s
five
illegitimate children.
Her
marriage was celebrated with pomp in the pope s Infessina s language is bitter to a degree on palace. the occasion, and he declares that the universal corrup tion of the clergy through Innocent
and Alexander s
made men fear it might reach monks and people of religion. "Although," he
care of their children
the
monasteries of the city were all but all (quasi omnia) turned into brothels, no one gainsaying it. The current lines on him were, Alexander sells
adds,
"the
136
He
kings, altars, Christ.
good right to sell
them/
bought them, he has Engaged with his second
first
:
son Borgia in poisoning (as he had poisoned others already) some rich cardinals, to get their money, at a
he took, being very hot, the wine and I cannot be expected to go died. poisoned into the details of such a life as this. Kaynald tries feast prepared for
to
cover the
believes him.
way he met The very
needs no notice.
The
7
it,
cardinals
death, but
no one
II. was engaged in wars. sworn to reform, and have a was occupied fighting against
Julius
had
general council.
his
brief pontificate of Pius III.
all
He
the Venetians, and afterwards the French, &c.
XII. had a council at Tours.
Louis
Germany prepared her
griefs, and sought a pragmatic sanction like France. The French council held that the king could renounce
allegiance to the pope.
He
should keep the decrees If Julius
of Basle, and appeal to a future council.
armed, pronounced sentence upon him or his allies, would be of no force whatever. The king and emperor summoned a general council at Pisa, but it
it
was mainly composed of French bishops. The pope convoked another at the Lateran. The Pisan came to nothing, though
A
number
it
deposed the pope by a decree. it, founded
of cardinals were engaged in
on Julius promise to have a general council within two years. I only refer to it to shew the confusion all
was
in.
The emperor and king
afterwards to the Lateran.
made a
treaty.
of France adhered
Francis
I.
and Leo X.
The pope by that had again quietly
137 upper hand. The councils of Constance and Basle, on the first of which the succession of the
the
Papacy depends, maintained the authority of councils The and bishops. France held strongly to this. councils of Florence and Lateran V. set
up the pope.
Europe broke off, and the pope by the council of Trent remained absolute in the rest, if we In
result half
except the Gallican liberties. This brings us to the last act which brought about the Reformation. Not the wisdom of princes, nor the
power of councils
;
but
God
rousing conscience and
Conscience long wearied, and faith which He roused gave, by the excessive wickedness which the faith.
popes,
mere Peter
grown secure
in wickedness, countenanced for
Julius
esthetical purposes.
Leo wanted
s,
to
finish
it.
had begun St. Italy had been
II.
flooded with fresh light
from Constantinople, and
the educated clergy were
infidels.
Greek alone was sought pursuits.
It is said that
after,
pleasure and literary
Leo himself was an
At any
no proof of it. was to be finished, and for
but there
Elegant Latin or
is
infidel
;
Peter
s
rate, St.
this purpose money was For this purpose an old expedient, by which the piety of the ignorant had been before that
to be raised.
imposed on, was resorted which passed all bounds. as to
which there
it
is
but with a recklessness
Indulgences were issued,
are very pretty theories, but
are but allowances to
well
to,
said to be
which
sin for money. I know commutation of penance, and
commit
shortening consequently the duration of purgatorial
138 pains; but penance had taken place of the need of holiness,
and as a man with the sacraments would
not go to
hell,
purgatory had taken the place of
and when a man wanted
to sin,
hell,
he got rid of the
purgatory he was afraid of by paying a sum of money he wanted to sin, and paid so much money to do it with impunity. Guilt (culpa) was settled :
by sacraments,
so that he did
not
much
trouble
the pains which remained, about by money. Now, too, it was not
himself about
it;
which he did
care,
provided for troubled sinners, but offered everywhere to bold ones who wanted to sin. Each sin had its
The
price.
object
was
to
get
money.
Grace, or
no matter which, was
riot
Albert, brother of Joachim, of Brandenburg
a
holiness, or
thought
any
doctrine,
of.
young, elegant, sumptuous
and
Elector, spent, like
afford,
and applied
indulgences
;
Archbishop of Mayence,
Leo,
Leo
more than he could
for the
farming of the
but he had not paid
for his pallium,
to
or archepiscopal robe,
some 30,000
florins,
and could
pope wanted money, and Cardinal Pucci had suggested this means of
not have
it
without
;
for the
The Fuggers were bankers of Augsbourg, and Albert owed them money already; however, the
getting
it.
seemed a good one, and they advanced the money for the pallium, and became bankers for the
affair
A
certain Tetzel, whose life, it indulgence -money. is said, the Elector of Saxony had already saved, when Maximilian was going to put him in a sack
139
and throw him into the Inn, and who had before preached indulgences with success, undertook the matter for Albert.
It
is
stated that he declared,
if a person had violated the Virgin Mary, he could give him pardon that as soon as the money was in the box, the souls were out of purgatory.
that
:
from his own statement, that he urged when a man had pardon (plenary remission,
It is certain,
that
says the instruction) for his sins on confession and
which he got on confessing them, or undertaking to do it, still for mortal sin there was contrition,
seven years penance on earth
;
and men committed
countless ones, and
God knew how long they would
be
and
in
purgatory
;
that,
save
four
for
cases,
pope, he could give pardon for everything now, at any time on confession,* and plenary at the hour of death, so that they would
reserved to the
purgatory altogether for a small sum. As to condemnation, the confession, contrition, and abso slip
lution
had put
all
that out of the question.
The Jesuit Maimbourg does not attempt to con ceal the iniquity of what was and had been going on.
Before
this,
indulgences had been largely used
make money farmed out all the money of them they
to
the charges against
to questors,
could.
It
who made
was one of
John XXIII., giving power
to
* The instructions themselves to Tetzel are in Gerdes Hist., Ev. vol. i., document ix. These say once in life, and in the hour
Ren.
of death, even, for reserved cases Sec. 30.
;
for others as often as
need was.
140 his legate to appoint confessors,
from
sins,
and
all
and
free
the penalty besides,
if
every one
they paid
what they were rated at. Still, Maimbourg admits, it went on with Leo all the same, that Tetzel was em ployed because he had got in great sums for the Teu tonic knights, that the agents
made people
believe
they were sure of their salvation, and souls were delivered out of pulsatory as soon as the
paid
;
uts
and
money was
they saw the clerks of these same carousing in taverns on their profits, much as
indignation was created.
(Maimbourg a History of Lut leninism, 3rd edition, 12mo, Paris, p. 9 et seq.) This, he admits, was the origin of Protestantism. 1
No
doubt popes had made money of indulgences It was now an habitual resource; that is, before. religious iniquity of the profoundest sale
of liberty to sin
the
Bom an Church
doctrine of
out to
was
its
;
was the the
profit.
corruption, ever
Be
it
practice of
popes and leaders. It was farmed I repeat, no heathenism, horrible as
its
the principle
settled
The
authorised practice and
was guilty of such deep and
dark iniquity. It will be said that Tetzel abuse.
kind was.
so. is
s
conduct was a gross
To a rightly constituted mind, The worse than the abuse.
far
ornament a grand church, by a universal commutation of godly dis cipline (if we go no farther) for money, really for pope, getting
money
to build or
all sorts of sin for money, is worse than the abuses that a reckless agent may be guilty
an allowance of
141 of.
Dr. N.
ignorant of
knew this.
an ignorant man might be Dr. N. was not; he knew this
this
;
gave birth to Protestantism.
Has he not learned
hate such things as this ? In Leo s time light had come in of popes
by
to
the condemning had weakened confidence the
councils
;
;
people were weary of the iniquity long ago, but the authority that sanctioned it had now lost a great deal of
its influence,
science,
shewn
and the excessive
insult to con
in the present sale of indulgences, filled
The princes were angry at their oppression by the pope they had long complained, though they had not dared to stir. But when God raised
the cup.
;
up Luther to apply the Word of God to the con science, and shew the iniquity of all this, and after some time the want
of foundation for the pope s was power, providentially prepared. People came to confess to him, guilty of all sorts of crimes and all
;
when he
on putting practical penance on them, they produced their letters of indulgence, and were easy in their sin. My business here is not to insisted
pursue the history of the Reformation. For my own part, I do not for a moment think it established the
Church on see that
its
original basis
any more than Dr.
;
nor did
Newman
leaders
its
does
;
but
it
was the righteous rising up of faith, with the power of the truth and Word of God, as far as it was possessed, against the most iniquitous system that ever the sun looked on, which nations and conscience
were alike weary
of.
I challenge Dr.
Newman,
or
142
any one
else, to
That gave
in the world.
natural finally
I
Dr.
like
system of iniquity
rise to Protestantism.
conscience, even, was not destroyed by the heads and
Christendom, first
shew me a
it
must have
made by Luther s
authorities of
That protest
protested.
was Protestantism.
faith
have followed out the
If
have been
to
historical state of
what
looks at as the holy Catholic Church, and that of the popes its leaders, according to him, the If details alleged vicegerents of Christ on earth. 1ST.
were gone torians,
made
it.
into,
and the statements of private
his
would appear far darker than I have But it is needless. A righteous soul will
all
judge whether
"
the note
"
of holiness
is
to
be found
That upright souls there were who groaned under it, I admit. But what did they groan under ? AVho made them groan ? in this history.
But Dr. N. resides in a
tells
us that normally infallibility council. It is to the
pope and general
"
pope in oecumenical council that we look as to the normal seat of infallibility." (280.) I will therefore run through the oecumenical councils, and see what we can trust to in them. Constantine, the
Christian emperor, meddled, as did his successors, largely in ecclesiastical matters.
As
first
a political man, he felt his government hindered
by the dissensions of the bishops, which roused the whole Christian world.
He
took up the Donatist
question; he directed certain bishops to hear the same a second time, others to rehear it, and at last
143 heard
it
himself,
and put the Donatists down.
Mean
It while, the Arian controversy raged in the East. had spread from Alexandria over the whole eastern
and divided the people into two factions. ii. 61 to the end.) There (Eus. Life of Const., book upon the emperor writes a letter, saying the East had world,
been the source of light to the world how grieved he was, and so on, that, as they were one in faith (Alexander and Arms), they ought to hold their ;
tongues on nice points, and not let such delicate questions before the ignorant, and make confusion.
But
in vain
so he
;
the hope of settling
summoned The
it.
a council at Nice in
invitations
and he provided horses for the bishops to them to use the public posts had
himself,
come, or allowed
them
A
;
meet in the palace, and presided himself.
to
glowing description
coming head of
came from
is
given by Eusebius of his
and taking his seat at the the bishops had bowed, and said
into the assembly, it.
When
a few complimentary words, he sat down, and the bishops too. Then he made a long harangue to them,
and gave
liberty of speech afterwards to the bishops, soothed them, answered objections, reasoned with
them, and brought them, though with difficulty, to some kind of quietness, and got all but five to sign,
who were
banished.
council, little
his if
own
The emperor held thus a strong
having once made a decision in a or big, he enforced it for peace sake by
hand over them
;
authority.
The orthodox
they were not quiet
:
suffered as others,
Athanasius himself among
144 That Constantino convoked and managed
the rest.
the council
is
beyond
all
question
;
Eusebius, Kuf-
that he presided is Epiphanius all agree in he sat a certain little equally golden seat at the
finus,
;
;
head, the bishops
down
the sides of the apartment.
Alexander of Alexandria, Epiphanius him to convoke it. Hosius subscribed
tells first,
us, got
then the
two presbyters sent by Silvester of Eome, then the rest.
I
may
note here, that in the early councils scarce
any Western bishops were ever present. The West had not the mental activity of the East, and they did not raise useless questions as the Easterns did. In no one of the first six general councils were there a
dozen Western bishops, in many not half that num Three are found in this first one. A note, said ber. to be of Dionysius Exiguus, says, they did not sign
were not suspect of heresy. If this were so, it gives a curious
at Nice, because they
(Hard. i. 311.) character to the decrees and signatures. the
force
suspected bishops to
themselves.
The number of
declare
prelates
is
It
was
to
and bind uncertain
;
In Hardouin you have 318 after was held to be a mystical
Eusebius says 250. names, which
number.
The
late councils were,
on the contrary, wholly There were no
Western, and of the Latin Church. Easterns.
but
it
At Florence Pope Eugenius attempted
was a complete
failure
;
it,
the assent a few
Greek prelates did give was utterly repudiated by
145
Church when they went home.
their
All these late
western councils, save Pisa, Constance, and Basle,
were assemblies called and managed by the popes for their own purposes, with in general a vast majority of Italian bishops.
Pisa, Constance,
and Basle, were
the fruit of the struggles of the conscience of Chris~
tendom against the hopeless wickedness and oppres There has been sion of the Papacy and the popes. no council since which represented East and West. It was attempted at Sardica, and failed they split, and held two the most complete one was Arimi;
;
nium, under Constantius, where 400 bishops undid one the work of Nice by dropping the words"of
substance with the
many
though they rejected but it did not succeed
Father,"
statements of Arius
:
;
the Westerns had been dragged protested. Catholicity ness, to seek
it
is
in,
a fable as to
and afterwards fact.
As
to holi
leads into a tissue of horrible facts.
body there has been none, since the pretensions of the popes and Constantinople Unity in the outward
began.
The second so-called
general
council consisted
of 150 Eastern bishops, called together
by Theodoand the bishops so declare in their letter which precedes the decrees, and ask expressly the confir sius
;
mation by the emperor of what they had decreed. They communicate their decrees and canons to the
Western bishops in common, then assembled Rome, giving Constantinople the second rank liome, but on grounds which refer merely to L
at
after civil
146 rank in each.
They confirm the
sixth canon of the
council of Nice as to the independence of the larger divisions of the
"hierarchical
system.
Their creed
now
accepted Nicene one, an article forbidden by Pope Leo being added. But the pope had nothing is
the
to say to the council; the popes did not accept its
canons
but they are received in the universal Baronius seeks to invalidate one, but is
;
Church. corrected
by
Pagi,
who shews
it
to
have been uni
versally received. It is
worthy of note
here, that the article
to their creed is still rejected
added
by the Greeks, who
hold the creed as settled by the council of Constan And it is further to be remarked, that the tinople. general council of Ephesus forbade any other creed to be proposed to any one, and the great Pope Leo,
the means of Dr. N.
s
very article in particular.
becoming a Romanist, this This added article, which
came from Spain and France,
is
the great subject of
division with the Greeks, though they do not believe
in purgatory either, nor, of
course,
recognize
the
Not only did Pope Leo formally forbid its popes. being inserted, but had the Constantinopolitan creed engraved in Greek and Latin on silver plates on this account in the Church. (Comp. Pearson on the Creed, on the eighth article, where the authorities are cited.)
We have nor
is
not
much
security from councils as yet,
the pope found in
hitherto, save
by
an oecumenical council
his presbyters at Nice,
who
sub-
147 scribed in their place after Hosius, the
emperor s
The council of Ephesus it appears. which the pope acted very ably by his but in which no other Western prelates were
confidant, as
followed, in legates,
present.
and
his
The emperor had convoked the council, commissioner forbade them to meet till all
the Eastern prelates were there
bishops of his party, drove of all the churches,
and
him
but Cyril, and the took possession
;
out,
settled the matter
by con
demning Nestorius before the Easterns came, Nestorius and his party protesting, but not daring to go. The Easterns, however, did not yield Cyril was excom ;
municated and deposed by them and it was only on Cyril s giving up some points, that John of ;
Antioch was reconciled some years the
s
means.
later
The
with Cyril, result
was, emperor through Nestorianism spread through the East even to China. The emperor gave up Nestorius to have peace, and
he was banished.
But Leo,
in his letter subsequently
to Flavian of Constantinople, adopted at the council
of Chalcedon, does not use the
jected to
word Nestorius ob
The whole course
DciiKtra.
of Cyril
was
a disgrace to any sober Christian man; he was the true source of Eutychianism, and I judge his sound ness very questionable on the atonement.
The next council
of
Ephesus was convoked, as the
previous one the pope s representatives were in it. Hut Cyril s violence against Nestorius had left Euty;
chian sects at Alexandria, and bore
The Archbishop
its
fruits here.
of Alexandria presided as before.
L 2
148
Why
was not the Holy Ghost here
Yet they beat
?
the poor old Archbishop of Constantinople in such a way, that he died oX it in a few days, and others were sorely maltreated.
Pope Leo condemned Eutyches
in the famous epistle to Flavian, too rhetorical for
such a subject, and questionable, I judge, in some but doubtless a remarkable document, expressions ;
and substantially sound, and asked or near Italy. The emperor refused first
convened
at Nice,
was held which
don.
for a council in ;
but the council
and then removed to Chalcealso
condemned
Eutvches, I
adopting Leo s statement and Cyril s two letters to Nestorius, on the ground of their intrinsic merits.
The
and the other councils agree The bishops answered, Leo agrees with
legates ask if this
with Leo.
There was a great struggle for jurisdiction and rank between Leo and Anatolius. The legates
them.
having orders to stantinople. Leo it
resist all s
advance in rank of Con
predecessor denied any to
was maintained and increased
and second rank jurisdiction given
in precedence, it,
to
it.
But
equal dignity
and the contested
the legates staying
away
that
day, then complaining of its being done but it was confirmed. Anatolius gave way afterwards in form, but kept his ground in fact. The canon remains in ;
the universal canons
own
it.
;
but the popes would never
Pretty work for the lowly servants of Christ.
The Romans were charged with forging part of a canon here to give supremacy to Eome, as they were convicted of it just at this time in Africa, which
149 peremptorily rejected the pretensions of Kome, and sent off
its
But what
legate.
I
refer to in
mainly
the council was this, that Theodore and Ibas were
declared sound in the faith.
And Leo
confirmed
twice over the doctrinal decisions of the council.
But in the following oecumenical
council,
Pope
gave a judgment in favour of the three it was called as but he had to do with a chapters,
Vigilius
first
;
powerful emperor who had now re-conquered Italy, and he made the pope come to the council, and
him*
finally forced
to sign
and confirm
its
decrees,
which condemned the three chapters which Chalcedon had pronounced sound, by which confirmation, moreover, Baronius says
But
if it did,
we have
it
became a general
council.
alleged infallibility authority,
a pope in an oecumenical council, condemning what the same infallibility approves. AYhat kind of infal libility or security is this
?
The truth
is,
the best of
these councils were disgraceful scenes of turbulent violence, even Chalcedon.
God has taken that
is true,
care of His Church,
blessed be His
means He pleases shows, that
if
a broken reed.
name
;
and
and the
He
faith
uses any
but the history of the means are rested in, it is worse than they ;
It is
an utterly
false
principle to
means God has employed, because He has employed them. The wickedness of the Jews sanction the
was the means God employed * I don
t
for
our salvation, with
enter into the details; they were wretched enough.
150 the utter want of conscience of Pilate.
them
fies
perfectly shameful,
Church
really produced lasting disasters to the
at large.
It
justi
?
The third general council was and
Who
No
was
one acquainted with history can deny
really the fruit of the
pope s jealousy of Constan Constantinople, and consequent intrigues. had not been what was an called tinople apostolic it.
See
;
was raised
eminence by the importance of Old Borne could not bear
to
the city as the capital. this.
At any
rate,
these councils, which
we
are told
are to secure us, rested the pre-eminence of
and Constantinople on their being
new
Rome
capitals, old
and
The Christian has nothing to do with these worldly intrigues. They enable him to judge Koine.
the whole system by the faith of Him whose king dom was not of this world. At any rate, general councils confirmed by popes have directly contra
In very deed, if we examine their history, we find no trace of the Spirit s pre sence, but every proof of His absence, though the dicted one another.
faith
I
may have been am not writing
meeting what
is
substantially preserved.
a history of the Councils, but referred to in Dr. N. s self-defence.
I pass to three others, to show how groundless, how wild these foundations of faith are how unsimple, compared with the precious Word of God, the ;
statements of the Lord and His inspired apostles, or other servants. First, Pisa.
Here
is
a council on which the whole
151 succession of the pope and
Eoman
Yet Bellarmine declares that
it
is
clergy depends. a council which
can neither be approved nor condemned. is
very simple
;
The reason
there were two popes, Benedict and
The council was formed by a number of Gregory. the cardinals of each, and the prelates and others they brought together. They
summoned
formally the
two popes, and deposed them chose a third, who confirmed all their acts, and is recognized pope. If ;
they do accept the council, then it is above the pope, and can act without him; for this is what amongst other things is confirmed. If they do not accept it, then the succession of popes is a false one. Benedict and Gregory held their ground, but in vain. The council had decreed a
new
elected pope,
new
council,
had John
and Alexander, the
The
for his successor.
emperor was able to get him to hold a council, to which he went. Here was normal infallibility but ;
him
the council deposed
two
as schismatics, &c.,
whose authority, of council.
He
normal council,
and chose a
and the other fourth, Martin,
depended on that of the destroy it by an evasive confir
course,
tried to
mation, and closed
for crimes,
it
without any reforms. Now, if pope in oecumenical
infallibility rests in a it
is
not to be found at
all
;
for
in the
early councils they contradicted one another, to say and nothing of their being horrible bear gardens ;
in the later ones, the existence of popes depends their action without a Is
it
on
pope amongst them.
to this the Christian is reduced
he who
152 seeks the truth, or even the true Church receive a priest, nay, not a sacrament,
He
?
till
cannot
he knows
on their own ground, and we are supposing a person inquiring. He cannot take it for granted, or he is decided already he looks to the he
I say this
is one.
;
who
person ultimate
Rome
established the priest, and finally to the
source
of
certainty
cannot be found.
it
and
In
authority.
It is not a question of
by a recognized ministry, but finding the and a true one. But this normal seat of
profiting truth,
not to be found by a person competent and what a thing to search for, when their own authorities cannot tell me which council,
infallibility is
to inquire;
or
what part
of
it,
has authority, if I
if
a person
is
not
receive the Scriptures as
competent. AVhereas, the wr ord of God, and if not, I
am an
infidel, I
have
the teaching of Paul, and Peter, and John, and of the blessed Lord Himself. Surely I have need of holiness and grace to learn but I have infallible ;
It is in vain to say
authority to learn from. rule of faith, not a proper truth.
I
may
minister, or others.
have learnt from I
versal
if
the question
Church
The majority
is right.
my
may have done
Bible; but I have a certain rule there.
has none,
is raised.
But where
it is
a
of communicating
urgently on the difference.
I insist
learn there.
means
I
may
mother, a
so from the
The Romanist
They say the uni is it
to be found
?
Christians, and the most ancient One will tell me the Churches, are outside Rome.
of
seat of this authority is in the pope; another, the pope
153 with a council
another, a council as independent of
;
and above a pope. And if this last be not held, there is no true pope to be had, no true succession.
And
this not as
an individual argument.
It
has
been decreed twice, by assembled Christendom, held by universities the most famous in the world, de nounced, no doubt, the other side of the Alps, at Eome but when I enquire of their greatest autho ;
rity
about that council, on which their cause de
pends, which was confirmed absolutely by a pope, I am told it is uncertain cannot be condemned or
As another is is no known
approved.
There
of.
a secret not to be spoken seat of infallibility for a
person capable of enquiring. foreign from God
s dealings,
us in the truth, as
much I
upon
enlarge
have said
it
is
it,
possible to be.
I
this point, but I refrain.
is
as
might "What
show what the Roman
to
is
enough Church system produced, record
The whole thing
and His way of securing
as its
own
best authors
individual authors teem with reproaches
popes were, what refuge its I close this councils were to the inquiring mind.
and
scorn,
part of
my
what
its
enquiry. of Dr.
The question raised.
must least
It is
say, I
mean
t
think him honest.
I
don
But, I t
in the
that gross dishonesty which sets about to is
begets false
ways.
which Scripture
says,
always
honesty has been
a painful kind of subject.
don
deceive and say what
of
Newman s
false.
"
But a
false
way
That kind of dishonesty deceiving and being de-
154 ceived"
saw, as
Every one saw, and Monsignore Wiseman he tells us, and Dr. Newman knew that his
Rom
path led to
He
counted
exalted Church in the world
;
Rome
the most
hated Protestantism
;
thought he had a special mission to reform Angli canism had a presentiment that he himself should ;
land in Popery; admits now the scope and issue knew his leading was of the movement was such ;
hence, was willing to bend stick beyond what was straight, in order to
leading others into it;
the
straighten
it
that
is,
beyond the truth to gain He was not, as many thought
to go
the result he wished.
that he was, a concealed Romanist, seeking to gain others;
but
know
he did
or
feel
where
it
led,
though there were difficulties from habits of thought in his
own mind,
yet continued without his consci
ence being stirred as to the path he was pursuing, and bending every thing, as, I must say, no honest
mind could
I do, to the purpose he had in view. of visions and from what he secret says suppose, feelings as to a mission, that there
action of Satan, else
it
was some
direct
was connected with the most
absolute confidence in himself, and the most total
When absence of the truth, or any concern in it. he joined Romanism, he did not yet believe its he submitted to authority- -that principal tenets ;
authority, I have teristic
of
Rome
no doubt, Satan s. It is charac to be regardless of the truth, of
Christ to be the truth.
It is the
his case, because he declares he
is
more solemn in
now
certain that
155 he was converted to God by that which he gave up. Till the end of 1842 he was in doubt, not certain that
Rome was
right.
But long before
(246.)
this,
had a strong presenti ment that his existing opinions would ultimately give way, and that the grounds of them were un for
he disclosed
it
in 1839, he
Only before 1839 he felt such a strong presentiment was not a sufficient ground for dis sound.
closing the state of his mind.
Perhaps not,
if
he
had not been active in a work and mission confided to him.
posing
knew (174) he was towards Rome. s minds men young At
that time he
in 1839, and he
had mentioned his general
to A. B. a year before.
He
dis
This
difficulty
stayed then, because he
how much
the English Church he would bear. says, viz., whether this process will not approximate the whole English
had not made
trial
As
to the result,
Church, as a body, to Rome, that is nothing to us. I am more certain that the Protestant spirit (176.)
which I
I
oppose leads to
recommend
read,
"I
leads to
have
felt all
infidelity,
Rome.
than that which
(177.)
In
along Bishop Bull
p. s
195 we
theology
was the only theology on which the English Church that opposition to the Church of Rome was part of that theology, and that he who could not protest against the Church of
could stand.
Rome was no I
have never
I
have
felt
true divine in the said,
Church
of England.
nor attempted to say, that any
the English Church, whether bishop or incumbent, could be otherwise than in hostility
one in
office in
156 to the says,
Church of
"You
Yet in the next page he
Rome."
cannot
how
tell
sad your account of
Moberly has made me. His view of the sinfulness of the Tridentine decrees is as much against union of churches as against individual
116 he
conversions."
In
had a real wish to co-operate lawful things, if she would let us, and the rules of our Church let us and we thought
p.
tells us,
with Koine in
"We
all
;
there was no better
way towards the restoration of doctrinal purity and unity." Yet opposition to the Church
of
Rome was
part of the theology of the
Church of England divines, and none in office in the Church of England could be otherwise than in hostility to the
Church
of
Rome, yet he
talks of
saving his protest.
So as regards the
Articles.
"
I
wished
to institute
an enquiry how far in critical fairness the text could be opened. I was aiming far more at ascertaining what a man who subscribed it might hold, than what
he must, so that my conclusions were negative rather than positive." (124.) "In addition, I was embar rassed in consequence of
my
wish to go as
far as
possible in interpreting the Articles in the direction
of
Roman dogma,
without disclosing what I was whose doubts I was meeting,
doing to the parties
who might
be thereby encouraged to go still farther than at present they found in themselves any call to do."
This, he tells us,
was from being enjoined, he
by his bishop to keep the men straight who were going into Popery through his means.
thinks,
157
What a labyrinth of disingenuousness I ask any man if this be plain uprightness. I do not mean he !
but a false way, I repeat, leads His pretension to reform the Anglican which he had had a vision and a charge,
intended to deceive
;
to false ways.
system, for led
him
into this tortuous course, through absolute
My
confidence in himself. that self."
it is
a hard word,
It is his
own.
Tract 90, he says,
"
"
reader will perhaps say absolute confidence in him
In the storm that arose on
But how was
absolute confidence in myself
confidence in I
my
?
I to
how
have any more was I to have
confidence?"
present
Am
(132.)
in saying, a vision, a mission, a charge
wrong
?
Going abroad he wrote the verses about his (81.) guardian angel, which begin with these words, "Are
some unearthly
these the tracks of
friend?"
and goes on to speak of the vision which haunted While abroad he repeated to himself the words, me." "
even of old dear
to him,
I began to think I It
to his friends.
not die
;
I
had a
was
"
Exoriari aliquis
mission"
at this
(82),
time he
have a work to do in
did this ever leave him.
When
and so wrote "
said,
I shall
England."
Nor
Tract 90 came out,
in writing to Dr. Bagot, of the See of Oxford, "
says (134),
I
he
think I can bear, or at least will try
any personal humiliation, so that I am pre served from betraying sacred interests which the Lord of grace and power has given into my charge."
to bear,
The words
of St. Augustine, Securus judicat
orbis
158 the whole world judges in security came into his mind as a light from heaven, in connection
tcrrarum
with Leo and the monophysites, and Cardinal Wise I had seen man s lecturing on the Anglican claim. "
the shadow of a hand upon the wall.
The heavens At this time
had opened and closed again." (158.) he wrote the sermon in which it is said,
"
Compared
with this one aim, of not being disobedient to a heavenly vision." Now, what was this mission ? At this time the effect of the vision was,
of Koine will be found right after
all."
we have
Rome
when
abroad,
most exalted of
all
seen he held
Church
"the
Already, be the
to
In 1839 he held the
Churches.
Churches of Koine and England were both one. (163.) His via m.nUa was then gone. (161.) His mission
was
to reform the
Anglican Church.
But in the beginning of 1839, in an article in the British Critic, he says (143), Lastly, I proceeded to the question of that future of the Anglican Church "
which was
to
be a
new
birth of the ancient
religion."
Yet he had no prospect as to it the age was moving towards Kome, he knew. (204) But, in defending ;
he did not at all mind framing Anglicanism, o a sort o Church of defence which they (the High clergy) I it a a while restoracall misht revolution, thought O O *
Thus, for illustration, I might discourse upon the communion of saints in such a manner (though
tion.
I
don t
might lead the way the blessed Virgin and the saints
recollect doing so) as
towards devotion to
on the one hand, and towards prayers
for the
dead
159
on the
other.
"If
the Church be not defended on
establishment grounds,
which go times I
must be upon principles
it
their
far
immediate
beyond saw these further
object.
Some
sometimes
results;
not.
Though I saw them, I sometimes did not say that I saw them it was indeed one of my great difficulties ;
and causes
went
of reserve, as time
length recognized, in principles
which
on, that I at I
had honestly
preached as if Anglican, conclusions favourable to the
Roman
confess this If
plexity.
(antiquity
s)
Church. ;
and,
Of
course, I did not like to
when
interrogated,
Leo had overset, in force in the special
was in per
my own
argument
mind, for
its
Angli
canism, yet I was committed to antiquity, together with the whole Anglican school. What, then, was I to say
when
tion of
it
acute minds urged this or that applica It was impossible against the via media ?
that any answer could be given that
was not unsatis
any behaviour adopted that was not factory, Now this was already the case in 1839. mysterious." or
He was preaching Roman Church at that
(155, 156.) to the
to be such, did not confess
it,
principles favourable
date knowing them and was mysterious in ;
his conduct. (204, 205.) Is it possible that Dr.
N.
now
does not see the
want of simplicity and uprightness in this. AVlien he found out he was preaching principles favourable Rome, when he declares a true Anglican divine must be hostile; if he could not bring himself to
to
confess
it,
could he not have stopped, instead of
160 adopting a mysterious behaviour
?
an honest man would have done
so.
"
I simply
page,
deny that
secretly bore against the
ing
I certainly
He
I ever said
judge
says in this
anything which
Church of England, know
myself, in order that others might unwarily
it
accept
it."
But
for
him, as
we have
seen, the
whole
question was between the Churches of England and Rome. He recognized, by 1839 at any rate, that he
preaching in favour of the latter. When he continued to do so, was it that others might accept it or not He was all this time remaining without was, in
effect,
?.
any
satisfactory basis for a religious profession, in a
moral sickness, neither able to acquiesce in But I bore Anglicanism, nor able to go to Eome. state of
"
it, till me."
in course of time (112.)
going there,
knew
my way
was made
clear to
But he had the presentiment he was was teaching conclusions favourable to
and preached on, and was mysterious in behaviour, with the conviction that he had a mission from some heavenly vision, to which he would not it,
it,
be disobedient
Rome was Rome (202),
that vision being that
He had
a secret longing love of favourable to Rome, knew it, conclusions preached but never said anything which secretly bore against right.
the Church of England. Dr. N. may think this honest; I avow I cannot.
His friends
may
confidence in in
it.
But
it
attribute
it
more
to his
"absolute
This, doubtless, had a share myself." He had a does not make it honest.
great sense of his
own
importance.
His secession
is
161 a great act. (206.)
was seeking 90
is,
till
disciples (247)
he gave up his place
hut this last was only after Tract Yet he knew in 1839 he was in 1841.
movement
that
;
He
not solve this question of honesty.
this does
in the
But
It is a great event. (245.)
;
preaching principles favourable to Kome, yet tells us (247) he was fighting for the Anglican Church in I may admit the being deceived, but I Oxford.
cannot admit
it
was not
others as being as bad
;
but this
is
think the only possible excuse
charges (131)
a poor defence.
I
a confusion and
is
which comes from the enemy.
self-deception
He
He
deceiving.
says in 1845,
when
more than
a Komanist,
"I
do not
did that the Anglican I at the date you men which advocated principles If I must tion lead men to the Church of Eome.
think at
specify say,
all
what
e.g.,
I
mean by Anglican
says,
"I
to
truth."
would
Yet in page 205 which I had
(194.)
recognized, in principles
favourable
conclusions
preached,
Church.
principles, I
taking antiquity, not the existing Church,
as the oracle of
he
I
The prime instance of
to
this
the
Eoman
was the appeal
antiquity."
This confession was the effect of habitual mental dishonesty.
N. has
still
I do not
now
enlarge on Tract 90.
no consciousness of
it.
Thus (129)
Dr. his
attempt to shew the articles purposely left questions open, and those on which the controversy hinged. Article XII. positively states that good works, are the fruits of faith,
and follow
M
which
after justification,
162 are pleasing and acceptable to God in Christ; and the XIII., which is Of Works before Justification, says,
"Works
donelbefore the grace of Christ and the
inspiration of His Spirit are not agreeable to
Dr. N.
comment
s
"
They say
is,
God."
that works before
grace and justification are worthless and worse, and that works after grace and justification are acceptable ;
but they do not speak at before
justification."
all
works with God
of
They do
not, because
is,
faith,
and follow
all,
after justification
they say there are not any such.
aid
they say
that good works, without any distinction at
the fruits of
s
;
are
that
Nor can the
which miserable plea, that distinguishes some, namely, those that spring from faith, and follow, be "
"
of
any
avail.
Not only
is it
evident to every upright
person that it is not the meaning of the sentences, but the title disproves it, and the next article sets it at rest, because it says of works done before justifi "
cation,
Forasmuch
as they spring not from faith in
Christ, they are not pleasant to
God."
He
"
says,
They
say that councils called by princes may err they do not determine whether councils called in the name ;
of Christ
may
err."
To be
general councils (none, that
out the
commandment and
is)
But they say, sure. cannot be called with
will of princes
;
and that
in any other general councils, which cannot be called
way, may and have erred. That is, it applies to all general councils. all this is offensive dishonesty.
he
says,
how much
He was
No;
trying, as
the Church of England could
163 lie
bear;
did not expect people to look at the articles
sermon on
as to the
answer to Mr. Kingsley, and Innocence" being
I think his
for themselves.
"Wisdom
a Protestant sermon, dishonest
on that part of the book. already in 1833,
when
which tended
ries
And
note, this
tells
us
all
my
was
It
It
Persia,
had
the stain upon as regards
left
my
Rome.
one
deliberate
were
of
began in 1833 to form
reason, I
;
it
;
was
but that
was the genius
neither good "
"
to obliterate
;
ish his theories
now.
was forming theo
was not merely his feelings, which he through the book led him Eomewards
but as regards theories.
be noted, that
It is to
abroad, he
his youth
imagination"
but I will not enter
;
loci
nor bad
not
is
like
Alexandrian
his
Fool
his reason.
my
the
middle
subject
Prince of
demons,
which infected
absolutely,
the undeniably most exalted Church in the whole
world."
cannot but think, Dr. N.
I
s
book
honest, proves distinctly he was
to prove himself
not.
As
to a
Pro
testant theology in the interpretation of the articles, "
it
on edge even to hear the sound" of many on so far towards Popery, that
sets his teeth
it.
He had
led
he was forced, when ordered by Dr. Bagot to try and
keep them, to stretch the articles as far as possible, without their bein,u aware why; as we have seen r
him
mean
say. ?
Was
not
he
lie
;
honestly asking what they did tells us so but what they
he
:
could bear by perversion. Men had done their worst to disfigure, to mutilate, the old Catholic "
M
2
1G4 truth
but there
;
articles
still."
there.
It will
it
(171.)
be
was, in spite of them, in the
We
said,
have seen how he found
But
his protest against
it
Eome
saved his consistency. His consistency in what ? in theories favour of it, tenderly loving it* forming it the most exalted Church in the world? counting I
Jut there
was no conviction
in his protest either.
In excusing himself, when he retracted his words against Eome, he tells us, at the time he protested,
am
not speaking my own I am but following almost a consensus of the divines of my own Church. They have ever used
"I
w<
said
>rds
to
myself,
I
;
the strongest language against Eome, even the most I wish to throw myself able and learned of them. into their system. safe.
Such views,
\Yhile I say too, are
what they
necessary to our
say, I
am
position."
Yes, they spoke against Eome, but they (233.) believed what they said. They were opposed to Eome. Dr. N, favoured it. He has explained their
words when urged against him but there is no them to an honest mind. I admit he did explaining ;
not believe in transubstantiation
adored the Virgin slight things
;
Mary
;
he thought they
But these were*
too much.
he joined the Church of
he did not believe them a
bit more.
them because Rome was now an she taught must be right.
oracle,
I do not think I ever met, in all .
a
mind
so effceta veri as Dr.
incapable of valuing truth
;
Eome when He believed
my
Newman s,
and what
experience, so perfectly
and truth of doctrine
165 has more to say to truthfulness than we are sanctified by the truth.
for
viction
which wholly overthrew
of the via media,
it
we
are aware,
In that con
whole scheme
his
never occurred to him to think,
even, whether in one case error
was opposed, in the
other, truth.
In studying the monophysite history that is, the controversy whether Christ had one nature or two, or rather, whether the divinity did not take
human
he found Eutyches on one side, and Leo, a most able pope, on the other, who wrote a famous letter, accepted by the Council the place of a
soul,
of Chalcedon as rightly denning the doctrine
;
and
the doctrine so denned has been ever since accepted. Eutyches sought imperial protection well, here was :
a pope instructing a council, and a heretic con
demned the universal Church accepting the council s At Trent a pope confirms a council s decisions, act. ;
which the Protestant world does not accept con sequently the Protestant world must be as wrong ;
What
as Eutyches.
of Trent
demned
was
;
the composition of the Council
what the doctrine was that was con
whether Eutyches held what was contrary to the faith of the apostles or not; whether Trent ;
condemned the
faith of the apostles or not, is
never
a subject of his enquiry even. There was a pope, and a council, and Eutyches and a council and a ;
The pope, and half the European world against it. Greek Church absent. But as in the two cases there was
a pope and a council (whether general
166 or not, even,
is
a question), half Europe must be
Eutyches and many Orientals were. The only question for Dr. N. was analogy of position. What was condemned was a matter of total in wrong, as
difference to him.
Newman knows
Dr.
very well
that another pope and another general council con demned a part of this same Council of Chalcedon for all
that
what was
:
called the three chapters.
But that was no matter; he was on journey to Rome.* But, as we have seen, when he joined Eome he did not believe in transubstantiation more than before.
He
"
says,
transubstantiation
People say that the doctrine of I did not to believe.
is difficult
believe the doctrine
till
difficulty in believing
the Catholic
was a
I
it,
Catholic.
Eoman Church was
and that she had declared of the original
I
had no
as soon as I believed that
revelation."
the oracle of God,
this doctrine to be part Is it possible for truth
more absolutely null in a human mind, or true faith to be more absent from it ? to be
Another principle which really led Dr. Newman Popery was the doctrine of development. I will say a word on this. I deny it absolutely in divine
to
things.
In the human mind there
is
development.
In the present truth there cannot, for God has been There is no revelation more, nor meant to revealed. be any. it is
Individuals
may
there to be learned.
more and more, but The Scriptures give two
learn
* His protest was really to avoid getting the credit of being on his
way
there.
167
what
am
that I
positive grounds for this
to continue in
have learned as the only true ground of know of whom I have learned them*
I
safety, that I
There
is
a negative ground of proof
when they should be
committing which would be a security us,
the apostles gone, to that
If the person of
for us.
Christ be the foundation truth of Christianity, as Scripture declares Father,
it
is,
as the
person cannot be developed. it will be said, Of course not it
Son revealing the
no development. His But I quite understand
clear there can be
it is
;
but the revelation of
Equally impossible. He Himself is wholly, and reveals the Father. The Holy
can.
fully revealed,
Ghost has revealed, and
who
which they had learned, and they and in the Son. They
(abide in them)
so abide in the Father
could not have more. or
"what
Hence John, was to continue
the truth.
treats this subject, declares that
would
this,
is
beyond
"Trapa,"
he
If
says
preached,"
any doctrine other than on one side, besides
or
Paul,
"was
preached,"
doctrine nor the preacher were to be
neither the
Church did not possess fully the revelation of the Father in the glorified Son by the received.
If the
it
Holy Ghost, revealed.
developed.
If
did not possess Christ at
it
If
did, it
it
did add to
That men speculated about irreverent speculations had corrected, that is true
;
all,
as there
could not be added to nor
it,
it,
it
falsified
and their
Christ.
foolish
and
to be rebuked, repressed,
but whatever was more than
returning to the simplicity of the first revelations, or
168
went beyond its fulness, was pure mischief. Either the apostles and first Church had a full revelation of Christ, or the
Church never was founded on
they had, there was no development of it. His work. It is complete, or the Church saved not
;
its
was completely
revealed, or
ground of justification
it.
If
So of is
not
the Church had
and peace.
If
it
had,
was no development. That much was lost I believe. The greatest stickler for Church authoritv O there
"
does not pretend the Church receives a fresh reve lation. He merely says that the Church pronounces
on truth
as having been revealed.
But then there
can be no development. Till revelation was com plete there were further truths unfolded, but it was
Once that complete, all is closed and Christianity completes it. The Word of God is revelation.
by
fulfilled,
We It
;
completed,
says
walk in the
are to
Paul
light, as
to
God
the is
Colossians. in the light.
was an unction of the Holy One, by which we
know
"The all things. says the apostle, Spirit," searcheth all things, even the deep things of God." And then the apostle tells us he spoke by the Holy
"
Spirit, in
words which
He
taught.
The
true light
We
have the glory of God in the face The Holy Ghost may guard the of Jesus Christ. saints against error, and shew it is error; but the
now
shines.
Thus John, in apostles were guided into all truth. a passage quoted, "Let that therefore abide in you which ye have heard from the beginning. If that which ye have heard from the beginning abide in
169 you, ye also shall continue in the Father and in the
We have
Son.
the glory of
So Paul
Christ."
"
:
God
in the face of Jesus
Continue them in the things knowing of whom them hast
that thou hast learned,
learned
Word
God, and the
commends them
Paul, in going,
them."
of His grace, as sufficient.
to
Peter
writes that they should have, after his decease, these
things always in remembrance.
What
"
says,
duces
is first is
the
As
Tertullian justly
If
Eutyches intro he condemned, and truth Eutyches may but that is not development, but maintenance truth."
error,
stated
;
of the truth as
does not teach
it
;
had been revealed.
The Church
the teacher teaches.
The Church
abides in and professes the truth she has learned.
She
is,
truth
;
or ought to be, the pillar and ground of the but she does not teach it. The mystery of
iniquity began in the apostles
days the last days were already come. The Truth was there; but men, like Satan, abode not in it. But abiding in it, walk
ing in
it,
:
in the truth perfectly revealed in Christ,
that was the duty of the saint, even
if
the professing
Church would
not, and the time should come when they would turn away from the truth. Paul declared
they would.
In
book presents us with this a man who declares that he was converted
result,
history
Dr. N.
s
and by truth which he afterwards gave value the doctrine of the Church of God
in a system
up.
I
deeply, as the
body of Christ
(Epli.
i.),
the dwelling-place of the Spirit. (Eph.
and on earth ii.)
I believe
170 the
confounding
men s
Popery, and
two
these
Church
is
own
will begat
by
He
However,
He was
source
But
"
says James,
us,"
I
converted, he
am
I
of
do not
the ground of
then there could have been none.
and Jews did not receive the Church
truth."
the
present confusions.
believe that trustmg the faith, for
be
to
at
Heathens "
all.
Of
his
by the word
analyzing Dr. N.
s
of
account.
perfectly sure, at fifteen,
is still
the power of certain truths, and
by the
instru
He
mentality of a clergyman he calls Calvinistic.
got then and there (29) in the system he left, con still more certain than that version, of which he is "
he has hands and
feet"
divine faith, so he calls his salvation to
but admits
it
(56) it
;
now.
what he got
and the beginning of In a word, he owes
then.
He, indeed,
all
Next we
as entirely obtained there.
him gradually giving up the truth which was the means of it, by intercourse with Dr. Hawkins, see
The Froude, Whately, James, and Bishop Butler. result has been, that he has wholly apostatized from all true
what
"
ground of faith.
I held in
Speaking historically of
1833-4, I say, that I believed in a
God on
a ground of probability, that I believed in Christianity on a probability, and that I believed in
Catholicism on a probability,
and that
all
these
were about the same kind of probability, accumula but still proba tive, a transcendant probability ;
bility,
inasmuch as
He who made
that, in a religious enquiry,
accumulated
probabilities."
we
us
has willed,
arrive at certitude It
by was thus he was
171 "led
on into the Church of
by giving up
That
Kome."
is, it
was
Faith is the reception the operation of the Spirit
true faith.
all
of a divine testimony
by
of God, and can have no possible connection with
To say it is probable that God speaks the truth, would be a blasphemy. He who receives a thing as probable, does not believe that God has probability.
said or taught
it
was giving up
at
all.
faith.
What led Dr. N. to Popery In this way he was in a sick
state of soul, neither able to acquiesce in Anglicanism,
nor to go to Kome and then a special sure,
but that
it
;
but thought, by some vision first, call, as to which he was not quite
came from Satan
mission, a charge,
he says, he had a
;
and was diligently making con
verts (247), until, after Tract 90, he gave
in the
towards
up the lead All the while his heart was
movement.
Kome
:
she was certainly Catholic, he was
not quite sure that England was
at
any rate, she needed a complete revolution in her state. As to the true unity of the body, he never had an idea of it.
He
;
threatened his Romanist friends, and threat
ened the bishops. Knew, as we have seen, at the bottom of his heart, that he was going to Kome had a secret longing love of it, and knew he was ;
disposing others to
it,
yet worked on.
his account is this,- -The truth his
conversion to
God
;
departure from
ground of faith that of his going to
London
:
W.
II.
The
result of
was the means of Kome.
Broom, Paternoster Row.
all
true