A yorkshire lass

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A Yorkshire Lass at the Court of

thatcher An autobiographical review of the Thatcher and Major years by a political rebel ‘My View’

ELIZABETH J. PEACOCK

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Contents Acknowledgments ..................................................................................vii Foreword ..............................................................................................viii Introduction .........................................................................................x 1

My Early Years and My Drive to Westminster ...............................1

2

Prelude to the Thatcher Years (1975–79) .....................................12

The Thatcher Years 3

Early Attack (1979–83) ................................................................19

4

The Falklands War .......................................................................31

5

General Election 1983 ..................................................................36

6

I Made It .....................................................................................46

7

The Positive Years (1983–87) ......................................................53

8

Constituency Reflections .............................................................67

9

The Miners’ Strike (1984–85) ......................................................76

10 Characters in the Commons I ......................................................83 11 General Election 1987 ..................................................................95 12 Difficulties Begin (1987–90) .......................................................101 13 Westminster Activities (1987–90) ..............................................104 14 Europe and the World ................................................................115 15 Loss of Confidence ....................................................................122 16 Characters in the Commons II ....................................................132 17 The ‘Yorkshire Mafia’ ................................................................140

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The Major Years 18 Consolidating Thatcher (1990–92) ............................................144 19 Soapbox Election (1992) ............................................................152 20 The Difficulties of Government (1992–97) ................................159 21 Positive Government...................................................................162 22 Pit Closures and Privatization.....................................................165 23 Pushing On – Difficulties Continue ............................................186 24 The Irish Threat..........................................................................199 25 Characters in the Commons III ..................................................208 26 Issues and Pressures of the period ..............................................225 27 General Election 1997 ................................................................251 Life After Westminster 28 Out in the Cold ........................................................................266 29 General Election 2001 ..............................................................271 30 New Goals ................................................................................277 31 Epilogue ....................................................................................284 32 In memoriam: Margaret Thatcher ............................................289

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Chapter 8

Constituency Reflections Throughout my fourteen years at Westminster my secretary kept a scrapbook of items from the press; mainly from Yorkshire but some from the national media. As I now write I realize how valuable this is as an aidemémoire of past activities, particularly my column ‘Westminster Note Book’ which I penned for the local press on a weekly basis.

Soon after the election there was, as I have recorded, a vote in the House on the reintroduction of capital punishment for murder. I ran my colours straight to the top of the mast by voting for the reintroduction; something I supported then and still do for certain categories of murder.

My press cuttings and the ‘Note Book’ clearly reflect my views and how I planned to vote.

The scrapbook indicates a continuous round of attending and opening community functions which I enjoyed. Issues of a more serious nature did receive attention, such as support for local industry and the creation of jobs allied with support for schools and young people especially the Scouts and Guides. I note that in 1985 I was able to invite a local Scout to attend the Speaker’s tea party where he met our former Prime Minister Harold Wilson and discussed the fortunes of Huddersfield Town FC. The community activities, defending the future of post offices and my resolve to vote against the government on ill-conceived health reforms stimulated plenty of local interest, so much so that local Labour Party supporters ‘invaded’ my weekly surgery. These supporters overran my surgery with journalists and cameras to lobby me and to test my resolve. They got the answer very quickly: I reacted instantly by throwing them out and threatening to call the police. My firm reaction caused even more press comment but set the scene for the future; an important point as it established my position with an active local opposition.

By 1984 the miners’ strike had begun to influence not only national but local thinking, thereby stimulating my interest in the coal industry that 67

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A Yorkshire Lass at the Court of Thatcher was initially based on attempting to support local businesses who supplied goods to the industry. As the strike progressed, this interest extended to wives and families of working miners. This was in contrast to my Labourcontrolled local authority, Kirklees, who were providing cash for strikers.

The scrapbook records that when I spoke in March 1984 at the AGM of the Batley and Spen Conservative Association I warned members that my early experience at Westminster confirmed that if I was going to truly represent the interests of all local people I would not always be able to vote with the government and that some issues I would have to openly oppose. I emphasized ‘I work for all’ and that this was the course I intended to follow but I would not abandon basic Conservative principles.

My ‘commonsense Conservatism’ was born and for the fourteen years that followed, the Association loyally supported me and my position on issues.

This local support was of great value in my battles at Westminster.

Surprisingly during these early years I had, despite my rebellions, great support from ministers, albeit those with similar northern seats. David Waddington, the then Immigration Minister, visited to discuss issues with my Asian constituents in Batley; followed by David Trippier picking up his business ministerial role to support my local textile businesses, all well recorded in the local press. Thankfully spending on the Staincliffe Hospital Batley, regrettably renamed Dewsbury, increased with good ministerial support for the then chairman of the local health authority and my Conservative Association treasurer the late Sam Lyles who played a significant part in developing the local health service.

My opposition to the government was recorded locally when I helped to initially defeat it on the introduction of Sunday trading. I continued to oppose the government until the issue was more clearly regulated. Sunday shopping has now become a way of life but it was an emotional matter for many in 1985 and their concerns had to be aired. I would still feel somewhat out of place in a supermarket on a Sunday and therefore very rarely go!

By the summer of 1985 I was recording that the government was flagging with a need for a Cabinet reshuffle to re-establish Mrs Thatcher’s authority. These comments and my opposition to some proposed limited tax cuts thoroughly irritated my colleagues.

It was clearly not all work as I found time to raise money for charities by driving in the Lords versus Commons motor race at Brands Hatch with fellow MPs racing against their Lordships in identical red sponsored Ford cars. The race was won easily by Lord Strathcarron who had driven in 70

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Constituency Reflections

House of Commons’ charity race at Brands Hatch.

‘Ready for the off’.

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A Yorkshire Lass at the Court of Thatcher races at Brooklands pre-war, followed by a certain Health Minister Ken Clarke. I was not last: I managed to beat the then Sports Minister Colin Moynihan (now Lord Moynihan) who managed to spin his car onto the grass and therefore did not finish. After the race he was clearly not too happy but being the good sportsman that he is he saw the funny side: ‘Sports Minister last’!

During these early years I became progressively more involved with the activities of the Pro-Life movement and abortion with its related issues.

These matters were well covered by the press and continued to be so during my years in the House.

Another cause that claimed my attention was a campaign to get Britain to tidy up under the ‘Keep Britain Tidy’ banner spearheaded by Richard Branson. I was convinced and remain so that ‘green’ issues to help save our planet are laudable but these are failing to save our planet unless we tidy up all the rubbish we throw around in our towns and cities or leave scattered across our countryside. Did we succeed? Well, in truth not much; the topic was put on the radar but little progress has been made since. I remain convinced that we have to tidy up our environment alongside working on green issues; one is no good without the other. In 1987 I received a Special Mention in the Keep Britain Tidy Queen Mother’s 80th Birthday Awards.

I pushed hard during these years on housing and law and order matters. Housing has for many years been a matter for concern in Batley and Spen and required me to press the local council Kirklees on details of housing issues raised at my constituency surgeries. Eventually I got tired of chasing this no-win topic so I put pressure on government for a radical review of housing policy which did happen in later years. Where I did gain something of a reputation as a hardliner was on law and order. In my early weeks at Westminster I voted for the reintroduction of the death penalty and continued to do so at subsequent votes throughout my parliamentary career. I called for the death penalty for terrorists following the Brighton bombing in 1984 and took part in university and TV debates to make my case, although not always successfully! To my continuing amazement Westminster has always been out of step with public opinion on this issue. Many in our communities want it to be available as the ultimate deterrent but MPs do not always oblige. This was a regular discussion point locally at the time and will, I am sure, raise its profile again.

Where I did get myself into hot water was with my public position, 72

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Constituency Reflections

Brands Hatch race team with winner Roger King MP and Sports Minister Colin Moynihan MP. Practice Day at Silverstone circuit for the Brands Hatch race.

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A Yorkshire Lass at the Court of Thatcher clearly expressed in the press, on the unemployment issue. In an area that had been suffering from a steady decline in the wool textile industry, further increases in unemployment were unsatisfactory and it was happening as a consequence of the government’s economic policy. I made a lot of noise at Westminster and within the press, especially locally by demanding economic Plan B that would require government spending to create employment. The Conservative government was not in the least happy with my outburst and I was sent a message to behave and follow the party line. Of course I ‘did a Nelson’, failing to recognize the signal and getting deeper into trouble. This incident clearly demonstrated to all concerned that I was determined to show independence to support the interests of Batley and Spen; importantly others, including the local press, recognized this fact.

By February 1987 it was obvious that a general election was coming and we were pleased when Mrs Thatcher agreed to visit Batley and Spen to support the Conservative cause. At the time the teachers there were unhappy with their terms and conditions and openly supported the opposition. During Mrs Thatcher’s visit I called on teachers to stop playing politics and negotiate the issues. This promptly caused a local upset and I received a series of threatening telephone calls which Special Branch took seriously; so much so that at the election an officer followed my movements almost every day.

Yes, four years had gone by in a flash. It had been hard work but I had enjoyed it and was convinced that I had expressed the views of my constituency at Westminster.

My View The Thatcher second term was in my view less of a success than has often been reported. Even with the huge Conservative majority, change was slow due to a lack of firm policy at the beginning of the parliament and problems with a flagging economy. It took Mrs Thatcher some time to get her team working on the lines she required and she was driven off course by events: the miners’ strike, the dreadful Brighton bomb and her dispute with Michael Heseltine on the Westland affair.

A school report would have read: ‘Worked hard but could have done better’! The team had not had the drive of the first term when it was aided by the outcome of the Falklands conflict. I have always questioned whether we made best use of our large majority. The party had plenty of reforming ideas and capable ministers but Mrs Thatcher was having difficulty driving 74

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Constituency Reflections

‘Keep Britain Tidy’ group with Richard Branson, House of Commons.

the team and some colleagues in Cabinet were less than co-operative on some issues.

The miners’ strike had proved very disruptive to government and when eventually resolved in favour of the government was a significant step along the road to ensuring that the trade unions could not rule Britain.

Mrs Thatcher’s resolve to break the power of the unions was achieved but at the expense of other government initiatives.

As we approached the 1987 election I felt similarly about Batley and Spen. I could not have worked harder in representing my constituents’ views and I had rebelled on issues that I considered not to be in the best interests of the people I represented. I had fulfilled my pledge to apply commonsense politics and hoped that the electors of Batley and Spen would re-elect me to carry on the cause.

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Issues and Pressures of the Period a loud voice: ‘Now I’m in charge of the delegation photograph. Everyone onto the stage please, tallest at the back and leave room for me in the middle!’ He then reorganized us until he was satisfied and allowed the photograph to be taken. Suddenly he rang a bell; the door opened and in came his sedan chair. He climbed aboard and left with a wave; a most human and friendly Pope, to be greatly admired. Indeed, to my surprise my husband, who has never been a great supporter of any church was so impressed that he became an admirer of Pope John Paul II. It was a wonderful experience for us all.

In 1996 I launched a nationwide campaign with a House of Commons Early Day Motion to outlaw what many critics believed was the most barbaric form of pregnancy termination: ‘partial birth abortion’. Partial birth abortion had at that time become a political talking-point in America following President Clinton’s decision to veto a ban on the procedure.

This controversial technique, developed in the US for use in late abortions, involves withdrawing the foetus through the birth canal until only the head remains which is then sucked out. This is to ensure that the child is born dead and no charge of murder can be levied. The extent of the use of this practice was at the time difficult to measure as it was not specified on abortion report forms.

Following the massive support for this EDM I eventually managed to get a Ten-Minute Rule Bill to expose the problem to an even wider audience. I got plenty of support from colleagues, from the media and from the public but we did not get any legislation to ban the practice. In truth an EDM and a ten-minute rule bill never would. This sort of legislation requires government support or a lucky Private Member’s Bill.

It is difficult to get a Ten-Minute Rule Bill as there is always great demand. To achieve such a bill necessitated traditional British queuing outside the clerk’s office throughout the night on chairs provided that were usually occupied as the bars closed around 1.00pm!

I did not fancy spending the night on a chair in a corridor full of men well topped-up with beer but I wanted a bill. So I bought the largest teddy bear we could find in the Toys R Us store, who instantly gained the name ‘Sneezer Bear’ as he went straight from the shop to a service at the Hanging Heaton Ebenezer Chapel in Batley. He was then smuggled into the Commons with a notice around his neck saying: ‘I am Elizabeth Peacock’s Assistant and I am queuing for a Ten-Minute Rule Bill.’ I rejoined my bear at 5.30 the following morning to be confronted by several angry men who claimed I was cheating. I stood my ground and managed, to the great 233

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A Yorkshire Lass at the Court of Thatcher

Visiting a refugee camp in Azad Kashmir, 1994.

My favourite ‘bear’ who assisted me to obtain my Ten-Minute Rule Bill.

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Issues and Pressures of the Period annoyance of some others, to get my bill. In the afternoon there were questions and points of order to the Speaker, complaining about my activities. The press picked up the story and the bear gave a series of radio and TV interviews. I got my bill so I was happy and the bear, who now sits on a sofa in my bedroom, endlessly tells the story of his exploits.

Indeed, Gyles Brandreth former MP for the City of Chester, now the wellknown raconteur, broadcaster, eccentric and fellow bear-lover, has been known to mention ‘Mrs Peacock’s bear’.

The media headlines were: ‘MP’s bid to stop “barbaric” abortions.’

‘Peacock promotes new Bill.’

Mrs Peacock is one of a group of MPs to table a motion in Parliament calling on the government to take action to stop the availability of abortion on demand, and ensure people are better educated on the realities of abortion.

Pro-Life MPs say that many are unaware that the permission of two doctors is needed before an abortion can be carried out, and that the 1967 Abortion Act was never intended to allow abortion on demand as a woman’s choice.

My View I remain a supporter of the efforts of the Pro-Life movement to demand a continuing review of ethics and practice across the whole area of human reproduction, although I take an opposing view to the mainstream with the unusual position of approving controlled abortion and the death penalty for certain murders.

Communication, broadcasting and the BBC I have something of a fascination with the spoken word; as my husband says, I ‘talk too much and write too little’. Certainly, I like to talk and will avoid writing.

I claim this statement is untrue as I wrote a regular piece for our local newspapers on topics of the day at Westminster or in Yorkshire. It was always the job for Sunday evening and needed great discussion each week to confirm the subject. Some weeks I could encourage Brian to do a draft while I did some cooking with half an eye on the draft. This sometimes 235