PDBY
23 August 2021
Year 83 | Issue 8
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Prinshof Campus vaccinates UP students
Image: Masehle Mailula
The future of the university
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Vaccine inequalities
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Small publishers that deserve your support
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23 August 2021
2 | From the Editor
Welcome to semester 2! From the PDBY editorial: PDBY launched a newly designed website - you can visit it at pdby.co.za. We publish all of our articles there, as well as online exclusives in all sections. Our 2021 magazine, Unique Perspectives of Student Culture, has been publshed and is available to read now! Visit pdby.co.za or our social media platforms to read it. Contact PDBY at @PDBYMedia for hard copies. Do you know of something PDBY should be covering? Let us know! You can send tips by email (news@pdby.co.za) or on social media @PDBYMedia
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23 August 2021
News | 3
The future 2021 SRC election season begins of the university T during a pandemic
Financial status of student political parties
Katherine Weber and Tankiso Mothopeng
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Tumelo D Lesufi
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n February, South Africa began its COVID-19 vaccinations after the originally planned rollout was delayed. The vaccine rollout strategy began with the country’s healthcare workers as they were most at risk, before access to the public was made available, starting with those older than 60. At the time of publication, over eight million South Africans have been vaccinated, and vaccines are available for all people over 18 years old. Students can be vaccinated at Prinshof Campus. With South Africa currently grappling with the third wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, PDBY reached out to the University of Pretoria’s Director of Institutional Advancement, Rikus Delport, to get the university’s stance on vaccines and the potential way forward for its students. In response to the country’s last level 4 lockdown, UP suspended all contact classes in line with the lockdown regulations. Given the country’s current level 3 lockdown, UP has yet to recommence with contact classes. However, with the vaccine soon to be available to younger South Africans, PDBY asked for the university’s stance on vaccines. When asked about the necessity of students getting the vaccine, Delport expressed the importance of vaccines stating, “vaccines give near-complete protection against severe illness and dying from COVID-19.
Online classes are set to continue for the foreseeable future and return to campus will depend largely on government’s regulation
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Each person that is vaccinated can save many more lives.” The university has shown their emphasis on student vaccinations by allocating a site on the Prinshof Campus for staff and students who are registered to be vaccinated. With regard to the possibility of exams being written on campus during the second semester, Delport had this to say, “the health and safety of our staff are the university’s priorities. It is too early to say at this stage whether examinations will be written on campus.” Online classes are set to continue for the foreseeable future and return to campus will depend largely on government’s regulation regarding the gathering of groups, along with active COVID-19 cases. While the UP SRC cannot give out medical advice, the UP SRC has urged students to consult with general practitioners to help advise them on the COVID-19 vaccine and have taken a firm stance against mandatory vaccinations. The SRC has, however, pledged to help students who are struggling to obtain vaccines and have recommended that if any student is struggling during this time, they should seek assistance from the university’s task team that deals with all COVID-19 related matters.
he SRC election season has begun and the UP student body will elect a new SRC executive for 2022. The ten portfolios in the SRC can be contested by any student if they so wish, however candidates are urged to follow the standard operating procedures as set out by the Constitution for Student Governance (CSG). The comprehensive management plan with dates and times has been issued in this regard. Michael Makobe has been appointed as the Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) of the Independent Electoral Committee (IEC) and he can be reached at 071 200 2381 and via makobe.michael@gmail.com. Students
who wish to run for office submitted their nominations on 27 August, and the campaigning and election period will commence in the online format introduced in 2020. A special feature will be published in PDBY with candidate information, and campaign manifestos will be covered on social media platforms. TuksFM will also feature election and campaign information, and university social media accounts will be used to assist running candidates reach the student body with their manifestos and election debates. But some traditional methods for campaigning will also be allowed. Keep up to date with PDBY as we follow the election period at @PDBYMedia.
Time lapse of TSC structures at UP Susanna Anbu Temporary Student Committee (TSC) The Constitution for Student Governance (CSG) describes the Temporary Student Committee as an interim structure put in place under extraordinary circumstances where the Council of the University believes the SRC to be incapable of undertaking its basic responsibilities as stipulated under Section 22 of the CSG. According to Section 33 (1)(c), an appointed TSC comprises “4 members of SRC and 8 members from other structures of student governance upon them meeting the eligibility requirements in section 24”. The TSC hence acts as an interim structure for student governance to attend to any urgent affairs of the SRC until a new SRC is elected.
TSC appointment in 2013 during CSG review In 2013, during the period under which the CSG was being reviewed, a TSC was appointed at UP. This occurred due to the electoral model being reviewed. The TSC was initially chaired by Christopher Pappas, who resigned in March 2013. The TSC was then chaired by Jordan Griffiths, who formerly served as the deputy chairperson of the TSC.
TSC Discussion in 2020 The advent of the COVID-19 pandemic meant that UP SRC elections and campaigning for 2020/2021 could not be conducted in person as per the pre-COVID template. Discussions undertaken in an SRC meeting dated 5 August 2020, cite that “the Director of the Department of Student Affairs (DSA) phoned the SRC Transformation representative to ask for suggestions on the 2021 SRC elections”. The meeting minutes go on to articulate that the SRC RAG officer, Lebohang Masiteng stated that “[…] the university will most probably appoint a TSC”. The three options for 2021 SRC elections discussed by the then SRC at the said meeting comprised of term extensions until January or February 2021, online SRC elections and a TSC. Seven out of eleven SRC members at the meeting voted for a term extension. Despite such a discussion, an online campaigning platform was adapted to undertake UP’s first ever online SRC elections for the 2020/2021 term.
TRC appointment in 2012 following 2011 Election Controversy A PDBY article published on 30 January 2012 documents that the 2012 SRC elections that took place in September 2011 were mired by “political mudslinging”. The Independent Monitoring Body (IMB) declared the elections as “free but not fair”, due to AfriForum’s distribution of pamphlets that had not been authorised by the Independent Electoral Committee (IEC). The SRC elections at that time followed a format where students were tasked with casting two votes, namely one vote for a political party or society, the second vote being for a member of a faculty house, who could only represent their respective faculty and not any political organisation. Thus, the contravention arose when the distribution of AfriForum’s pamphlets read “Vote for the AfriForum candidate in your faculty”, which publicly reinforced the political affiliation of the faculty candidates. Following this, AfriForum lodged a court application against UP in November 2011, based on the claim that UP’s decision to formulate a re-election was unconstitutional and as a result of political pressure. Until the court proceedings were finalised, a Temporary Representative Committee (TRC) was appointed and was chaired by Mthokozisi Nkosi.
TSC appointment in 2017 following FMF 2016 SRC elections at UP were disrupted owing to the unrest that stemmed from the Fees Must Fall (FMF) protests. As a result, a TSC was appointed, with Henrico Barnard elected as the chairperson. Barnard explained to PDBY that the University management directly approached and appointed all the members of the TSC from students who are existing or were previous members of the SRC or other student governance structures. He explained that “Once the TSC was appointed, we [appointed TSC members] voted amongst ourselves for the various portfolios, including myself as Chairperson”. Barnard clarified that “The same strenuous requirements to stand for president of the SRC applied for the individuals availing themselves to be elected as TSC Chairperson”.
Dr Matete Madiba, Director: Student Affairs, confirmed with PDBY that there was no plan to initiate the formation of a TSC in 2020. The aforementioned SRC meeting minutes also cited Dr Madiba’s advice that students do not generally take a TSC seriously. Dr Madiba told PDBY that “a TSC does not have the same standing as the SRC, so the authority of the TSC is always questioned because it is a body that is not voted for, and it is temporary. It cannot even assume all the responsibilities of the SRC’’.
Amukelani Makamu DBY interviewed the different student political parties within the UP community regarding their budget for 2021. The Student Political Parties that were interviewed are the Democratic Student Alliance (DASO), the South African Student Congress University of Pretoria (SASCO) and the Economic Freedom Fighters Student Command (EFFSC-UP). Thuto Mashila, the SASCO Treasurer for 2021, told PDBY that SASCO has not received any funds from the university for 2021, thus the organisation has been unable to run financially driven initiatives. Chardonnay Arends, the Chairperson of DASO said to PDBY, “we didn’t qualify for funding from the university this year but the mother body party funds our initiatives.” Fikile Sibanda, the Chairperson of the EFFSC-UP said that the SRC society’s office in the university allocates a certain amount of money according to criteria which also means that the money received by various registered societies in the institution varies. “The EFF Student Command UP last received money as a registered society in 2019 and received a total amount of R16000” Sibanda said. Sibanda further explained that EFFSC-UP usually spends most funds on SRC elections and that the funds of EFFSC-UP are managed by the elected branch treasurer. For more information on the budget of the different political parties, students can contact the various treasures or chairpersons.
SRC plan of action on payouts
Manelisi Magoro
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ccording to a quarterly report released by the Presidential office, the SRC liaised with the office of financial aid to assist students who are facing eviction from their residences by ensuring that the delays in pay-outs are rectified and that there is a line of communication with the respective landlords. Some students were aided with funding while the office worked with TuksRes for provision of alternative residence. The SRC also called for revision of NSFAS accreditation guidelines, accommodation limits, and external bursary payouts. There was a reported delay with the issuing of allowances and some accounts were on hold amid investigations on irregular expenditure at NSFAS. The SRC office of study finance collaborated with the financial aid office in assisting students with pay-outs while students residing in TuksRes had payments made from their student accounts. “A lot of students are currently being assisted with pay-outs as some did not submit their applications [so] students can approach the SRC, and we will assist each student on a case-by-case basis” says the SRC spokesperson.
23 August 2021
4 | News
The 1976 legacy: Student Activism Mothusi Mokalane
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tudent politics have shaped, and shape, the social structures in South Africa and the rest of the world. Student political and social activism have been prevalent forces in South Africa for decades. However, student politics rose to prominence at a larger scale in the 1970s when the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) and South African Students Organisation (SASO) were founded. This was after a vacuum period in anti-apartheid activism following the ban of the African National Congress and the arrest of Nelson Mandela in the early 1960s. The legacy and spirit of leaders such as Steve Biko, Onkgopotse Tiro, Barny Pityana and Dr Mamphela Ramphele, who were at the forefront of the Black Consciousness Movement and South African Students Organisation, is seen in today’s students’ political and social activism. Today’s democratic political system has enabled an increased participation of students in political activities. This participation is the voluntary activity of an individual in political affairs and includes membership
and activity connected with political groups such as movements, groups, parties, pressure groups, interests, and office holding in political institutions. It also includes informal activities such as political discussions or political events and political persuasion of authorities or members of the public. When SASO and the BCM were formed, black students in tertiary institutions were segregated and excluded from their white counterparts. The inequality in institutions is what influenced the rise of student social and political activism in South Africa. These educational challenges faced by black students in South African institutions did not entirely end with apartheid, but were is some cases inherited by the new dispensation
and subsequent generations that went on to study in universities and colleges post-1994. The most prominent grievances in South African universities are mostly caused by the same issues that were experienced by Biko, Ramphele, Pityana, Tiro, and many black students in the 1970s. These include high tuition fees, racism and accommodation issues. All these challenges put South Africa at a standstill in 2015 and 2016 with the advent of the #FeesMustFall movement. This movement was led by students, for students, and rose to prominence when students in historically white universities took to the streets, protesting high educational fees. Naledi Chirwa, a University of Pretoria Alumnus, narrated her experience with state security in Corridors of Death, a book by Malaika wa Azania. Chirwa explains being arrested in the early hours of the morning in her family home in Mamelodi, leaving behind her son who was an infant at the time alone with her (Chirwa’s) mother. Chirwa was not only arrested but also suspended by the university, and expresses that her story shows the price some students pay for being student activists and representing underrepresented students.
Illustration: Giovanna Janos
Student politician:
Advocating for students, as a student Mothusi Mokalane
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he start of the 2021 academic year saw students take to the streets to advocate against financial exclusion. Prospect Street and the Prospect Str gate of the University of Pretoria were the meeting points chosen by student leaders for everything concerning the crisis faced by students at the time. One of the students who worked with and represented students at the beginning of the year is member and ground force of the Economic Freedom Fighters Student Command (EFFSC), Thabiso “Mathaithai” Masokameng. Masokameng serves as the Deputy Chairperson of the EFFSC UP. Masokameng says that his love for politics, socialism and advocacy against the unjust began at a young age, and was often misunderstood for loving conflict. “My love for politics and activism started at a very young age, it would often be misinterpreted by those around me as the love for chaos given the demographics and level of political education of where I was born and bred” said Masokameng. His love for South African politics became clearer during his high school days when he was one of the students who were leading COSAS and SRC structures in his school. Masokameng then registered with UP and became a member of the EFFSC. The kind of leadership that Masokameng looks up to in the political space is one of sober minded leaders. Masokameng went on to point out that if he had to choose a leader he aspires to be, it would be the likes of Dr Mbuyiseni Ndlozi. “The man is amongst those that made education fashionable not only in our movement but to the country at large being one of the youngest to attain a PhD, doing very well in carrying out the mandate of the organisation in spaces he occupies and now heading a progressive portfolio of political education”, explained Masokameng. Regarding his political experiences at UP, Masokameng said that university politics have helped him realise how things are engineered in a way that seems like those who engage in politics and activism are ill-advised, ill-disciplined, and have
a nature of ‘hooliganism’. Masokameng also shares that necessary political education is needed because politics affect every aspect of our lives, and in this case, our education. Additionally, Masokameng indicated that the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (Chapter 2, sections 18 and 19) affords every individual the right to political affiliation and political party formation. The Constitution of Student Governance of UP has been a guidance for him in realising that politics can be utilised as an instrument that best serves and represents voiceless students. Masokameng also put forward that “there is still a lot of work to that needs to be done to afford political formations a space without sanctions and targeting of student leaders to execute its civil duty to a greater student populace and provide necessary information in building future leaders, while strengthening governance among students to result in social cohesion, transformation and other important issues that concern higher education institutions, society and South Africa at large”. When asked why he chooses to make the struggles of students his own, Masokameng’s response was; “To claim that I chose to make student struggles mine would imply that they were never mine in the first place and believing such would mean I suffer from affective erethism. The struggles of the students are my struggles, like many of them I remain an easily disposable aesthetic to the system - a student number”. Masokameng went on to add that his and the EFFSC’s generational mission is economic emancipation and free, decolonised and resourceful education. Masokameng’s political career is in close alignment with the EFFSC’s campaigns. He forms one of the student groups in the EFFSC that runs a campaign called #SIZOFUNDANGENKANI, which assists students with a variety of issues, ranging from academic exclusions, financial exclusions and NSFAS queries, to other academic and accommodation related issues. Recently Masokameng led fellow students in an engagement with the management of particular private residences where students were facing issues and registered victory. They reached an amicable agreement with Studios@Burnett and they procured a computer
lab, new washing machines, a good working Wi-Fi system and a sexual harassment policy. Varsity Studios management was also engaged with and ensured that they install cameras in the corridors. Masokameng says that upon completion of his university degree he does not wish to be absorbed by mainstream politics; however he does not overlook the possibilities of that happening, given his passion for activism. Should he join mainstream politics, Masokameng says he will look into political education. Masokameng stated that mainstream politics and student politics are at gaps with each other and as a result they are of two different worlds. Masokameng explained that mainstream politics have a wide range of possibilities and avenues to exhaust as opposed to student politics that have limitations which range from funding and many other challenges. While mainstream politics has a set standard of using the Electoral Act and candidate deployment to legislature, student governance is different from one university to another. There is a narrative and belief that mainstream politicians always use student politicians to advance their courses and political careers, however Masokameng indicates that this view is untrue. Masokameng explained that there are exceptional circumstances where students are used by politicians and this is not only limited to politicians but extends to university authorities, accommodation managers, police officers; but the idea that South African politicians always use students when it benefits them remains an untrue reality. Masokameng said this view “creates an impression that student activists are controlled, thus not subject to their own volition which would be an insult to many of us. Politics like any other field is based on results, the capacity of your organisation, how influential one is to translate the vision and mission of the organisation to its benefit and that of its constituency”. Student activists like Masokameng’s are important in student representation. South African tertiary education is a tense one, no one can confidently say they are secured in it, as Masokameng stated, students remain an easily disposable aesthetic to the system, a student number. Therefore young leaders like him can be important for the cause of students.
UP Archives Project: Recollecting Covid - 365 days in lockdown Susanna Anbu
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he COVID-19 pandemic has led to the halt of most elements of campus life as we know it. The pandemic has effectively created many watershed moments that warrant extensive documentation and preservation to create a repertoire of pandemic experiences for future generations to look back on. The UP archives has set in motion a project called “Recollecting Covid - 365 days in lockdown” that is tasked with documenting the pandemic experiences of all staff, students and alumni affiliated with UP. The aim of the project is to create an extensive documentation of experiences to allow future generations to understand how the University community coped amidst the pandemic years. Below are the categories that students and staff can participate in: UP Students “Tell us what it’s like to be the first group of Tuks students dealing with a pandemic in 100 years. How are you sustaining your studies and your relationships during this period of social distancing and self-quarantine?” You can view videos on the frustrations of working online or listen to an example of a poetry submission that were received. UP Faculty “What was it like to shift to remote instruction and learning? How has this had an impact on your research and other academic work? Tell us how you have adapted to this change in your work and in fostering your relationships with colleagues and your students.” UP Support Staff “What is the experience of suddenly and abruptly shifting to remote work? What are you doing to support your colleagues and others at the University?” There are photos available depicting coping with online meetings. Submission Entries can be submitted via archives@up.ac.za. The submission should contain the person’s name, surname, student/personnel number, degree / faculty / support service department and contact details. There is also an option to submit an entry anonymously, which should be indicated on the submission form or in the email accompanying the entry. Each recollection or experience submitted should be accompanied by a caption, title or description. Each person is allowed maximum of 5 entries Prizes: Overall winning submission: R 5 000 Best UP student submission: R 2 500 Best UP staff submission: R2 500 Rules and regulations: Participation in the project is voluntary, free and open to all students and staff of the University of Pretoria. The copyright of the recollections will become the property of the UP Archives on submission to the competition. The project also explains the following conditions and information: “The University of Pretoria will not be held responsible or liable for any damages, expenses or loss of whatever nature or injuries incurred during participation in this project. Participants in the project understand and agree that in order to enter their recollections in the project, the entrant must obtain prior written permission from any person/s referred to or depicted in the recollections that, their story can be submitted for the UP project and used in exhibits (if applicable). The University will not collect the personal information of individuals, unless such information is voluntarily disclosed. (The judges’ decision is final and no correspondence will be entered into) The University reserves the exclusive right, at its sole discretion, to discontinue the project at any time. It is your responsibility to ensure that any information you provide us with is accurate, complete and up to date. No responsibility will be accepted for entries lost, delayed or damaged in transmission. Closing date: 26 August 2021. (No late entries will be accepted or considered).” (Sourced from: https://www.up.ac.za/news/ post_2960100-recollecting-covid-19-365-days-underlockdown-the-up-archives-remembering-competition
23 August 2021
In Conversation with: News 2005 SRC President Cornelius Jansen van Rensburg Image: techcentral.co.za
Susanna Anbu
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ack in 2006, political parties, as opposed to individuals, contested elections (which is the current system employed today). Could you comment on how this worked, and the advantages and disadvantages to this system compared to the current system? From 1995 to 2004/2005 the UP SRC was elected on a proportional basis. This meant that student organisations, societies and campus-based branches of political parties could contest the SRC elections. Students elected a student parliament of 50 members – the SRC. The results were determined by the proportional number of votes obtained during the elections. Typically, during September each year, election marketing campaigns would take place for two weeks. This would then be followed by a voting period of five days. Once constituted, the student parliament elected the SRC president, vice president, speaker and deputy speaker. Based on the SRC parliament seats, each represented student formation was allocated several executive committee seats. Together with the SRC presidency, these executive committee members formed the SRC executive that handled the day-to-day activities of the SRC. Back then, most student activities were managed by students. The nature of that electoral system was that very few individual candidates got elected. This was a major concern for UP management. The 2005/2006 SRC election consisted of a hybrid structure whereby the UP campuses, the Vista Campus (now Mamelodi Campus) and faculty representatives (two students from each faculty) each constituted a separate student parliament. Together
they elected the SRC president and vice president. From 2006/2007 onwards, only individual candidates could stand for SRC elections. Student organisations continued to nominate, support and campaign for candidates through this system. However, election rules imposed by the UP management made it increasingly difficult to have dynamic SRC elections. It also led to an overrepresentation of specific student organisations, with much lower student participation. Could you comment on some notable political moments during the time you served as SRC president? I was elected as SRC president in October 2004 for the 2004/2005 term. I would highlight perhaps three notable moments during this term. The first being that the 2004/2005 SRC was the first to declare a dispute with the UP management regarding the increases in tuition fees. The second would be that we led a protest on 18 July 2005 for the protection and development of Afrikaans and other African languages at the University of Pretoria. In late July 2005 the UP Council decided to revoke the SRC constitution. This would have left students unrepresented for the following year. As the SRC, we mobilised the student body. This led to the decision being overturned. It is important to note that many SRC members focused on helping poor students to get financial assistance and to counteract academic exclusion. Could you comment on your participation in the Afrikaans Must Fall counter movement? After the Rhodes Must Fall movement morphed into the #FeesMustFall movement, Afrikaans became a target. This led to the so-called Afrikaans Must Fall initiative that led to fierce violence on many historically Afrikaans campuses. The violence escalated into confrontation between student groups. To prevent further escalation of the violence, I, together with former SRC colleague and UP alumni, Abner Mosaase, and MEC, Jacob
Mamabolo, spearheaded a plan for de-escalation of the tension. The result was a trilateral agreement between the Afrikaans community, the ANC and UP management to secure and protect all students. The #FeesMustFall issue was resolved a few months later. In your opinion, how do you think the political space at UP has changed over the years? Student politics used to be an exciting contestation of ideas, marketing strategies and positioning tactics between participants. The SRC and SRC election was the platform where politically minded students from very different backgrounds would meet and debate and bridge the historical gap between racial groups. The SRC used to be a vibrant platform where students’ interests were fiercely represented at UP management level. Tuks SRC was fun! From the outside it seems that the vibrancy that once was associated with student governance has disappeared. This change might partly be due to the changed generational demographics of the UP, varied social conditions and the changes in student life and structures. Campus tensions mostly used to be captured through the student representative structures. Recently, however, it seems that when political frustration boils over campuses must close. What are some hallmarks of a successful SRC president in the UP space? The lessons I learned as SRC president was invaluable and more important than the qualifications I obtained at Tuks. I think the hallmarks of a successful SRC president represent the requirements of any leadership position. Specifically, I think the following points are important: A good student leader should put the interests of those he/she represents first and foremost. An SRC president should understand that students’ issues and interests might differ, but they do not oppose eachother: there should be room for everybody. An SRC president must create a space where the “battle of ideas” between opposing views can take place and thrive.
News | 5
Bites Amukelani Makamu
UP Students can be vaccinated at Prinshof Campus
Following the announcement by Premier Alan Winde on 20 August, everyone aged 18 and older can get vaccinated against COVID-19. UP students that are eligible to get vaccinated can get vaccinated at the UP internal vaccination site at Prinshof Campus. For more information, follow www.hsup.co.za.
UP’s Free Entrepreneurship Online Course
The University of Pretoria has made a free entrepreneurship online course available. Students can register for the course on ClickUP.
UP Alumni, Lalela Mswane, is a top 10 finalist for Miss South Africa 2021 Following the likes of Matshepo Sithole, Karishma Ramdev and Shudufhadzo Musida, another UP Alumni, Lalela Mswane, is one of the top ten finalists for Miss South Africa 2021.
UP’s Onderstepoort Veterinary Academic Hospital (OVAH) acquires MRI Scanner that is the strongest in Africa.
UP OVAH has acquired an MRI scanner that can scan the bodies of big animals such as big cats, great apes, large dogs, and horse’s necks. The scanner is a 1.5 Tesla unit which is the strongest unit in veterinary use anywhere in Africa.
UP Alumni make it to top 200 young South Africans in the Mail and Guardian
The University of Pretoria has congratulated its Alumni that have made it to the Top 200 Young South Africans in the Mail and Guardian. To name a few, the Alumni include, Raikane Seretlo, Lisette Oelofse, Kat Swanepoel, Martin Sitefane and Danisa Nkanyani.
2017 TSC Chairperson, Henrico Barnard
C
ould you comment on the functioning of the TSC in terms of how members partook in the decision-making process and how student concerns were relayed to management by the TSC? The TSC functioned similarly to an elected SRC and assumed the same representative authority of students towards the university management. Members of the TSC served on the university authorities (Council, Senate, Institutional Forum etc.) where they formally represented students and promoted student concerns. The TSC took a nuanced approach to gather information from students and to understand their grievances. As the term of the TSC fell in a time of great turbulence, it was imperative to not only have public forums, but also have personal interactions with students and student organisations to gain an in-depth understanding on different ideologies and perspectives. Mass meetings were also held in order to provide an open opportunity for students to voice their concerns which were subsequently advanced directly at university management. How different was the TSC compared to an elected SRC? The roles and responsibilities of a TSC had some ambivalence with regards to its
accountability towards the student body as its usual purpose is only to administer urgent affairs of the SRC until a new SRC is elected. As the appointment of the 2017 TSC was an extraordinary event and ended up having a duration of a full year, it was accepted that the TSC had all the same functions, accountability, and responsibilities of an elected SRC. We also assumed guidance by and governance with the Constitution of Student Governance. Could you comment on some notable moments that took place under your TSC presidency? Although not a single notable moment, one major aim and ultimately achievement of the TSC was to restore stability on campus during a volatile period and to re-establish peace and good relations between students, student governance as well as student organisations. We further organised a benchmarking visit to Egypt (Cairo) as an African country with fee free education and the purpose thereof was twofold. Firstly, to gain an in-depth understanding of the system they use and its advantages or disadvantages in order to proffer some of their lessons learned in South Africa, and secondly to establish future relations in Cairo towards possible student exchange programs and continuous
knowledge sharing. The visit was very successful with both private and public universities visited, valuable information gained, and numerous connections made for future collaboration. As output from the trip, we drafted a comprehensive report of the findings and relayed the information to the university management to further integrate into the national free education proposal. Was there any particular stigma attached to the TSC body due to it not being a student elected body? The reaction from students towards the TSC was initially mixed as there were two groups of students. The first group accepted the circumstances we found ourselves in and therefore were willing to work together. The second group did not want to recognise the TSC as a leadership structure, took it as an opportunity to further their own political agendas and therefore did not display much respect to the TSC initially. This balance however quickly changed between the two groups as we successfully performed our duties, and the first group ultimately grew to greatly outsize the second and we were able to eliminate the largest part of any stigma. It was a
Image: Twitter - BarnardHenrico
laborious task to gain the greater respect of the student body, but as the success of students was of great importance to the TSC, we worked hard in all areas and with all stakeholders in order to achieve authority and ensure proper student governance. Could you comment on how much the political space and mode of student governance has changed over time at UP? The largest change in the mode of student governance remains that the SRC was once a separate legal entity and therefore had the authority to act independently from (or even against) the university and the department of student affairs which ensured autonomy.
6 | Features
The five multi-coloured rings of inequality Lauren Harries
D
espite claims that the Tokyo Olympics is one of the most gender equal games, it did not take place without some controversy. Among the controversies were Canada’s win over the American beach volleyball team and the new Nike spikes that caused multiple Olympic track records to be questioned. Such controversy resulted in athletes like Simone Biles and Kim Gaucher making news headlines. The underlying issue is the overall inequality inflicted by the International Olympic Committee (IOC) in the form of racism and sexism. The Tokyo Olympics, according to ABC News, were said to be one of the most gender equal games, with 49% of the athletes competing being female. However, this does not mean that sexism is not an issue within the Olympic Games. The Olympics has, on many occasions, failed to provide for female athletes, be it with regards to pregnancy, breastfeeding or testosterone levels. There are various examples of this public sexism within the Tokyo Olympic games. According to BBC News, Canadian boxer, Mandy Bujold, was originally unable to compete at the Olympics as the IOC selected qualifier
events during 2018 and 2019. At this time, Bujold was pregnant and was unable to compete. However, the IOC refused to budge, so Bujold fought the decision in court. In the end, Bujold was allowed to compete at this year’s Olympics. Bujold is not the only female Canadian to experience sexism with regards to the Olympics. During the 2021 Olympics, the city of Tokyo prevented the family members of athletes from attending the games. This meant that many female athletes had to decide between the Olympics and being able to breastfeed their infants. Kim Gaucher, a Canadian basketball player, pleaded with the IOC to allow her child to come with her to the Olympics so that she could continue breastfeeding. This plea was met with the IOC referring to the infant as an “unaccredited person”, which, according to a BBC News report, is a term often associated with fans. The IOC’s inability to recognise the gender inequality that exists around the Olympics goes further than just the athletes. According to BBC News, only 33,3% of its executive board and 37,5% of its overall committee members are female. According to Cheryl Cooky, a professor of gender studies at Purdue University, as long as the IOC remains
23 August 2021
a male dominated committee, female athletes will continue to be disadvantaged as the event fails to cater to their needs. The Olympic’s inequality is not a topic that is foreign to South Africans. One of our own athletes, Caster Semenya, has been at the centre of Olympic controversy. According to the Wall Street Journal, in 2018, the IOC introduced new testosterone limits for women competing in the distances between 400m and 1500m. Consequently, Semenya, who has naturally higher testosterone levels, was prevented from competing in her distance of choice - the 800m. Semenya refused to change her natural hormone levels, resulting in her inability to compete at the Tokyo Olympics. The IOC testosterone level limitations have affected more people than Semenya. According to The New York Times, they have also prevented Christine Mboma and Beatrice Masilingi from being able to compete in certain instances. The IOC argues that the increased testosterone levels give female athletes an unfair advantage over those that do not naturally have increased testosterone levels. It is believed that this increased testosterone level allows the female athletes to run faster than those that do not have this advantage by giving them a physiological advantage. However, in the Tokyo Olympics 800m event this year, the female athlete that placed first had a time of 1:55:21 - less than a second more than Semenya’s best time of 1:54:24. However, sexism is not the only form of inequality experienced at the Olympics. The banning of the Soul Caps, swimming caps specifically designed to protect the hair of black swimmers, also made headlines this Olympic season. Racism at the Olympics is not uncommon, as AP News reported that a German official was sent home during the Tokyo Olympics due to the use of a racist slur. The Olympic Games have served the media and athletes with inequalities for many years. It may be argued that the inequalities seen in the media from the Tokyo Olympics merely shows a shift from sport being about sport, to sport being about taking a political stand. However, the IOC has continuously failed to correct the inequalities experienced by many athletes, specifically female and black athletes. This year seemed to be no different.
Check out our 2021 magazine!
Send us a message on Instagram @pdbymedia for a copy
23 August 2021
Vaccine inequity Muskaan Singh
T
he Coronavirus that causes COVID-19 may be indiscriminate but vaccine distribution is not. As more people are being vaccinated against COVID-19, the issue of vaccine inequity becomes more prevalent. According to The New York Times, the vaccination rates in North America and Europe are 77 and 76 doses administered per 100 people respectively, while the rate in Africa is just 4.2 doses administered per 100 people. Not only is vaccine inequity an issue that divides the global north from the global south, it is an issue that presents itself across the lines of social class. In South Africa, the head office for Discovery Ltd. in Sandton was vaccinating 2,500 people daily, while outside Chris Hani Baragwanath Hospital in Soweto only 650 doses were being administered, according to a report by Bloomberg on 8 July 2021. The jarring difference in vaccine access among the rich and the poor has several causes—from vaccine nationality and the politics of healthcare, to the context behind vaccine hesitancy. Countries in the global north are hoarding vaccines. “We don’t want donations… we want our place in the queue”, said Tian Johnson, head of the Africa Alliance, and a member of the South African ministerial advisory committee for COVID-19 vaccines, at a co-creative workshop on vaccine equity hosted by Women Leaders for Planetary Health. Only 0.8% of COVID-19 vaccines distributed worldwide have gone to countries in the global south, according to The New York Times, with most of 1.65 billion doses of vaccines administered having been in rich countries. In fact, a few countries led by the USA spent months blocking negotiations for an emergency waiver of World Trade Organisation intellectual property rules on COVID-19 vaccines in the interests of corporate profits and at the expense of rapid production of the vaccine. The solution is not for rich countries to give poorer countries their leftover vaccines, because the problem is not poorer countries being unable to afford vaccines. Rather, the problem is the ability of poor countries to access them. In other words, the problem is vaccine nationalism. Vaccine nationalism occurs when governments enter
Features | 7 into agreements with pharmaceutical manufacturers whereby their own populations are supplied with vaccines ahead of those vaccines becoming available to other countries. This has not only negatively affected developing countries, but, according to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, the global economy could lose $9.2 trillion if developing countries are excluded from the vaccine roll-out. Moreover, global cooperation is required to end a pandemic. If certain regions remain unvaccinated, the virus will continue to mutate and eventually an “escape” variant will emerge, which, according to Aljazeera, will allow the virus to evade the immune response occurring from vaccines. This variant is likely to become the dominant strain and set off a new wave of infections. It is in the best interest of everyone to take a more egalitarian approach to vaccine acquisition and distribution. Even where countries acquire doses, parts of the population are still not vaccinated, either due to people’s inability to access vaccines, or because of the systemic racism behind vaccine hesitancy. The process to register for a vaccine can only be done online or via mobile phone, is conducted in English, and favours those with medical aid. This is a problem considering 5% of the population do not own mobile phones and a further 8% share them. Additionally, the process being in English further excludes people, and favouring those with medical aid means favouring higher
“
The problem is the ability of poor countries to access [vaccines]
earners. In a presentation dated 21 July, the proportion of insured population that was vaccinated was 48% while the proportion of uninsured population was 26%. This is especially worrying considering that only about 17% of the population is insured. Moreover, it is not only the registration process that is problematic with regard to access. The Electronic Vaccination Data System shows that 50% of senior citizens are registered to vote, however, only 30% have been vaccinated. Strategies need to be put into place so that race, disability and class do not stand in the way of vaccination roll-outs. It is imperative that vaccines are taken to the people because not everyone can access the services. There are moves towards mobile vaccination teams which are set up in places such as churches and schools within communities in order to achieve greater vaccine equity. Where there is vaccine hesitancy, it is a result of misinformation or uncertainty with regard to the origin and effectiveness of the vaccine. Minority communities and developing country populations tend to approach the healthcare sector with caution—rightly so, considering the history of inhumanity in that regard. Racism in health-care is not yet a thing of the past. In the US, racial minorities are more likely to die from COVID-19. According to the Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), non-Hispanic blacks make up 12% of the US population, but 34% of coronavirus deaths. This is an indicator of the barriers that racial and ethnic minorities face in their access to healthcare, as well as inequities with regards to other factors affecting health, such as wealth, working conditions, housing and education. It is these same factors that pose a barrier to vaccine access, and which pose as vaccine hesitancy. The situation is similar in African countries. Moreover, the vaccines that many African countries possess are those that wealthier countries have not approved for their own populations—so how are Africans supposed to believe in their efficiency? Vaccine inequity is everybody’s problem. We cannot use a myopic view to address a pandemic. We need global cooperation, and we need the accountability of our leaders. We need to meet communities where they are, make vaccines accessible to all, regardless of race, age, disability or class, and we need to ensure that our citizens are well-informed about the vaccines.
“
We cannot use a myopic view to address a pandemic
Image: Masehle Mailula
The disordered eating dilemma Kirsten Minnaar
W
hile eating disorders have received extensive coverage over many years, the topic of disordered eating has received far less attention. Disordered eating, or unhealthy relationships with food, are very common. They have, however, been normalised to such a degree that many people do not recognise them as a problem or know that they suffer from them. Verywellmind describes disordered eating as “various abnormal eating behaviours that do not yet fit the criteria for an eating disorder”. Disordered eating, according to Huffpost, is everywhere. It is often praised as “health-conscious” or “virtuous”, even though it can be very damaging. Disordered eating can present itself in many different forms; including focusing on clean eating, strict portion control, exercising to “earn” food, having feelings of guilt surrounding food or avoiding certain food groups altogether. An unhealthy relationship with food, according to dietitians Gabriella Goodchild RD, and Sarah Almond Bushell RD, can also entail eating when you are not hungry as a way to deal with negative emotions. Unhealthy relationships with food are fairly prevalent. According to Intermountain Healthcare, up to 50% of Americans had a “disordered” relationship “with exercise, their body and food” in 2015. The number of people suffering from disordered eating is increasing. A June 2020 New York Times article notes, “the pandemic has created new hurdles for those managing difficult relationships with food”. Due to the greater sense of anxiety and uncertainty created by the pandemic , it is “even more challenging to maintain healthy eating
patterns”, writes American Society for Nutrition. The pandemic, along with the prevalence of diet culture and the vast amount of damaging dieting information on social media, make it easy to understand why unhealthy relationships with food are so common. Despite its normalisation, disordered eating can have severe consequences for one’s physical and mental health, notes National Eating Disorders Collaboration. Disordered eating can lead to “metabolic problems, fatigue, muscle cramps or the development of a clinically diagnosed eating disorder”. Disordered eating may also lead to depression, anxiety, “[f]eelings of guilt, shame and failure”, as well as “fear of socialising in situations where people will be
eating”. While a “disordered approach to eating is rigid”, according to Huffpost, “a healthy approach takes into account not only the physical effects of food but also the social, emotional and mental effects”. If you are struggling with your relationship with food, Huffpost suggests reaching out to a therapist or a registered dietitian. Nina Mills, an Australia-based dietitian, also suggests that you should immerse yourself in podcasts, books and social media accounts that call out disordered eating habits and promote healthier ones. Body positive support groups, online resources or support from your family and friends can also be helpful in your recovery, notes Verywellmind. There are countless options for anyone who would like to work on their relationship with food, regardless of the resources that they may have available. Disordered eating is particularly prevalent among university students. According to Mike Gurr, a licensed professional counselor and executive director at The Meadows Ranch, an eating disorder treatment and recovery center in Arizona, 40% of students have a troubled relationship with food upon entering university. According to him, the increase in students’ unhealthy relationship with food is related to the massive change that occurs when starting university which can be a source of anxiety for many students. Many students also have a tendency to compare themselves to others, which also contributes to an increase in unhealthy eating behaviours. “The stress of a college schedule, managing a new social context, and dealing with independent living can trigger re-emergent anxiety or, in some cases, a new mental illness”, explains Dr Douglas Bunnell, clinical director of the Monte Nido treatment center in New York. “If you have a heavy dose of anxiety and you’re in a social environment, and you’re constantly exposed to the thin body ideal, that’s a perfect storm convergence of factors that can drive a vulnerable individual into an eating disorder”. While disordered eating may appear to be completely normal or even harmless, it can have a serious impact on a person’s quality of life. As Healthline states, “[t]hough it may seem impossible to fix your bad relationship with food, it’s possible to get to a state in which food no longer controls you and instead fuels your overall well-being”. Eating should not need to be a constant source of stress and anxiety in anyone’s life and everyone should feel free to seek the help that they deserve. Illustration: Cassandra Eardley
23 August 2021
8 | Entertainment
PDBY’s Artists to watch
Wren Hinds
Dave Starke
Love, Sechaba
“Ghost Train Through the Freestate”
“Godot” IG: @lovesechaba FB: Sechaba Sakhile Ramphele
IG: @davestarke FB: Dave Starke
Sechaba Ramphele, known on stage as Love, Sechaba, is a singersongwriter and music producer from Johannesburg. His music draws inspiration from 80s and 90s pop and channels modern alternative music. He describes his music as “experimental”. His music is available on most major streaming platforms.
Dave Starke is a South African singer-songwriter whose music “strives to capture human moments in musical form”. His music is lyric-driven and mainly performed on guitar with the occasional addition of percussion and piano. Dave’s folksy music is all about telling stories, his vocals are therefore his most important instrument. His music is available on most major streaming platforms.
Local publishers to support during COVID-19 (and always) Ashleigh Pascoe
T
he impact of COVID-19 has been detrimental to small businesses and the world of small publishing companies is no stranger to these difficult times. Here are a few local publishers that deserve your support, not only during COVID-19, but always.
Modjaji Books Modjaji Books is an independent feminist publishing house that “fills a gap by providing a platform for serious and groundbreaking writing by new and established women writers with brave voices”. Colleen Higgs started this publishing house in 2007 after she recognised the need for small South African publishers with big causes. Modjaji has a diverse range for you to choose from, whether you are interested in short stories, biographies, memoirs, essays, crime fiction, drama, or poetry. If your choices are overwhelming, you can always start off with the publishing house’s Image: facebook.com best seller, The Pride of Noonlay, by Shanice Ndlovu. Blackbird Books South Africa Blackbird Books is a publishing house that started as an imprint of Jacana Media in 2015, with the goal of becoming a platform for more black voices. As of 2020, Blackbird Books became an independent publisher, and this can all be attributed to the vision of publisher Thabiso Mahlape. Blackbird can describe this development as “a groundbreaking move for the South African literary landscape” because of how it has “established a home” for stories from African perspectives, especially the perspectives of black authors. Blackbird also publishes books for queer audiences, audiences rooted in faith, a vast array of African audiences, female audiences, and just generally for people who wish to see perspectives that are not always portrayed in mainstream publishing. We recommend BBB title, The Eternal Audience of One, which was recently republished in America under the same title. African Perspectives African Perspectives is a Johannesburg-based publishing house with the philosophy of: “Your perspective creates your thoughts, the way to change your thoughts is to change your perspective”. This publishing house publishes for people of the African continent and has the goal of diversifying African publishing to the point where it simply becomes an integral and normalised part of the South African publishing industry. African Perspectives focuses on their “ability to define variables rather than dismissing them”. These “variables” result in the publication of books with themes that encourage deeper questioning, such as: The Empowered Native by Letepe Maisela, Memory is the Weapon by don Mattera, and Mayibuye: 25 Years of Democracy in South Africa by Lawrence Mdudduzi. This is the publisher that will feed your cravings for insightful and philosophical questions about the role of race and culture in society.
“The Dance of Life”
Black Letter Media This company is an interesting one, as it is not only just a publisher, but a media company. This company promotes the works of African Image: blackletterm.com authors through film, television, poetry and book publishing. The entire structure of this company encourages different and “new forms of creative writing in English and indigenous languages”. They are a publishing house designed to challenge the content that is currently in the field of South Africa. The most interesting thing about this company is that they do not choose set genres to publish, but rather publish whatever they feel really sparks the “narrative discussions” about “literary aesthetics”. Even if you are not a book worm, take a look into this company, and enjoy the importance for current literature being used to “build on the gains of past movements”.
IG: @wrenhinds FB: Wren Hinds Wren Hinds is a singer songwriter and music producer who hails from the east coast of South Africa. Hinds adopts an honest approach to crafting songs and delivers an, acoustically driven sound with a reflective and honest lyrical sensibility. His music is available on most streaming platforms.
Entertainment Editor’s Picks #1 Some local tunes to get you in the groove for the new semester: 1. Stars – Kiash Arjun 2. One More Day – Martin Gill 3. Find Barry – Zen Garden 4. Sorry Mom – Zebra 5. Cocoon – Reets 6. Your Eyes Through Mine – Steve Umculo 7. 22 – December Streets 8. The Latin Tune – Pedro Barbosa 9. Drinking by Myself – Lourens vd Berg 10. Could She – Carla Franco 11. Run It – Joy Club Cassidy Cassidy 12. Methane – Myburgh 13. Restless – The Stinging Rogers 14. Stick It to the Man – We Kill Cowboys 15. She – Upper Mill
COVID Testing at Loftus Park Shopping Centre Image: Blackbirdbooks.africa
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Loftus Park Shopping Centre Undercover Parking, 416 Kirkness St, Arcadia, Pretoria, 0007 Image:africanperspectives.co.za Nothing is inevitable. Anything is possible.
Call 011 697 2900
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nextbio.co.za
23 August 2021
Fun and Games | 9
Sudoku
Maze
Difficulty: Moderate
Difficulty: Hard
Poetry Corner
I will come from the east I will go to the west I am a woman, with a heartbeat in my chest
Serves 6-8 Ingredients 8 bone-in chicken thighs , skin removed 3 tbsp chipotle paste 2 garlic cloves , crushed 2 x 400g cans chopped tomatoes 1 large onion , finely sliced 2 x 400g cans black beans , drained 400g cans kidney beans , drained handful parsley , coriander or mint, roughly chopped small iceberg lettuce , shredded ½ cucumber , diced drizzle of olive oil large bag of tortilla chips , to serve lime wedges, to serve
To some, I will be a true test I will construct my nest For my family, to leave, to rest No, this is no jest Just me in my burgundy vest. I will not be thanked. It is expected of me Just to be, this mother hen, thiis helpful thing. What if I don’t want this? Am I less of a woman, for feeling the burden? Ami I less of a woman, for wanting no abrasion? Am I less of a woman, for feeling this way? Am I less of a woman, because of the things I say? Am I less of a woman, for having fear? Oh no, no my dear. So am I less of a woman? No, will never be, You have no right to my body, no right to my soul, no right to me.
Recipe Mexican pulled chicken & beans
Some, they might detest
Alexa Midnight
Less of a woman
I will hold a great feast In honour of my esteemed guest It will be the biggest, the very best With little flowers, lemon zest To show my courtship, my family crest
Method: Step 1: Heat oven to 180C/160C fan/gas 4. Rub the chicken thighs with 2 tbsp of the chipotle paste. Put the rest in a medium bowl with the garlic, tomatoes, onion and some seasoning. Stir to combine, then tip into a large roasting tin. Sit the chicken thighs close together on top of the sauce. Cover with foil and bake for 1 hr. Step 2: Remove the roasting tin from the oven, add all the beans and stir into the tomato mixture around the chicken. Put back in the oven, uncovered, for 20 mins or until the chicken is tender and the beans are hot. Step 3: Meanwhile, mix the herbs, lettuce and cucumber with a drizzle of olive oil and set aside. Step 4: Shred the chicken using a knife and fork, and discard the bones. Mix the chicken through the sauce and beans. Serve with the salad, tortilla chips and lime wedges.
Brainteaser The water level in the reservoir is low, but doubles every day. It takes 60 days to fill the reservoir. How long does it take for the reservoir to become half full? Answer: 59 days
Sport Sport bites All the balls and whistles: Varsity Netball is back Leah Rees
TuksSport High School Learners bust world record
On 22 August, TuksSport High School learners Mihlali Xotyeni and Benjamin Richardson represented South Africa as part of the men’s 100m relay team at the 2021 World Athletics U20 Championship in Kenya. The relay team crossed the finish line with an impressive time of 38.51 seconds, setting a new world record.
Image: worldathletics.org
UP-Tuks dominate Madibaz during Varsity Netball Round 2 On 22 August, UP-Tuks faced off against NMU’s Madibaz during Tuk’s second match of the Varsity Netball tournament. UP-Tuks dominated the game, claiming their first victory of the tournament with a final score of 72-37, where UP-Tuks captain Chantelle Swart was chosen as FNB’s Player of the Match.
Leah Rees
V
arsity Netball is back with a bang, after a year hiatus due to the COVID-19 pandemic. UP-Tuks, coached by Jenny van Dyk, is ready to defend their 2019 undefeated title win and according to captain Chantelle Swart, are ready to keep the trophy in Pretoria. UP-Tuk’s line-up for the tournament includes Alice Kennon, Anja van Heerden, Blessing Sithole, Chantelle Swart, Danielle van Zyl, Hope Sibiya, Jamie van Wyk, Jani Bergh, Jeanette Vermeulen, Mbalenhle Ntuli, Melissa van Zyl, Melodine Jacobs, Sinethemba Maseko and Tracey Mthunzi. The tournament is taking place in a bio-bubble at Stellenbosch University and will span from 21 August to 30 August, where UP-Tuks will play a total of 7 play off matches against North West University (NWU), Nelson Mandela University (Madibaz), Tshwane University of Technology (TUT), the University of the Free State (Kovsies), the University of Johannesburg (UJ), Stellenbosch University (Maties) and the University of the Western Cape (UWC). Van Dyk has labelled Kovsies as the team to beat in this tournament and stated that NWU and Maties are also both strong contenders to play in the final.
UP-Tuks shoots for undefeated streak and misses
Image: Twitter - VarsityNetball
Varsity Sports features UP athletes on their #ChangingLives banner Varsity Sports in their celebration of South Africa’s youth will feature UP athletes on #ChangingLives banners during the 2021 Varsity Netball and Football tournaments. Of the 20 total athletes featured on the banners, there are nine UP athletes. These banners feature UP athletes: Shadine van der Merwe (Netball), Sokwakhana Zazini (Athletics), Lerato Mahole (Hockey), Gift Leotlela (Athletics), Onthatile Zulu (Hockey), Samkelo Mvimbi (Hockey), Akani Simbine (Athletics), Nduduzo Lembethe (Hockey) and Izette Griesel (Netball).
Image: varsitysportssa.com
Image: Twitter - VarsityNetball
Leah Rees
O
n 21 August UP-Tuks kicked off the Varsity Netball 2021 tournament with their first match against North West University (NWU). UP-Tuks had remained undefeated since 2019, after winning every match in the 2019 Varsity Netball tournament. UP-Tuks started off with a weak first quarter, as NWU maintained a two point lead throughout the majority of quarter one. However, UP-Tuks brought it back towards the end of the quarter with a score of 14-13 to UP-Tuks. UP-Tuks maintained their one point lead throughout the second quarter, ending the first half of the match with a score of 30-29 to UP-Tuks. NWU gained momentum in the third quarter with the score being 45-49 to NWU, while UP-Tuks had still had not called their power play. UP-Tuks called their power play with 10 minutes to go in the final quarter. NWU continued to score as
Image: Twitter - VarsityNetball
the team’s strong pairing inside the goal circle consisted of the goal shooter and goal attack who have both been selected to represent South Africa during the Margaret Beckford Sunshine Series, taking place in Jamaica this year. UP-Tuks struggled to move the ball into the circle and could not recover in the last quarter. UP-Tuks lost to NWU with a final score of 64-73 to NWU. NWU has become the first varsity netball squad to defeat UPTuks since 2018, and thus UP-Tuks’ undefeated streak in this tournament has ended.
