21 minute read
EDITORYAL
Ang Tunay na Pagkakaisa
Kung patuloy na ibubulid ni Bongbong sa paghihirap ang taumbayan, ang mismong mga taong minsang bumoto sa kanya ang magtatakwil sa kanyang rehimen.
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Kung batayan man ang halalan sa pulso ng taumbayan, kongklusibo ang resulta noong Mayo 9: Sawa na ang ordinaryong mamamayang mapag-iwanan. Napaniwala ni Ferdinand Marcos Jr. ang milyonmilyon gamit ang retorika ng pagkakaisa sa paglutas ng problema ng bayan, ngunit ito rin ang magiging mitsa ng kanyang pagbagsak.
Hindi na maipagkakailang nakakuha ng mayoryang suporta mula sa mga botante ang tambalang Marcos at Sara Duterte, ngunit di dapat sila mapanatag. ‘Pagkat ang araw-araw na realidad ng kalakhang mamamayan sa ilalim ng kanilang pamumuno ang siyang magpapatunay na hungkag ang pangako at retorika ng pagkakaisa upang mapalaya tayo sa pagkakasadlak.
Sa mamamayang dalawang taong ginutom ng administrasyon ni Rodrigo Duterte dahil sa patuloy na pagtaas ng presyo ng mga bilihin, kritikal ang ipinangakong P20 kada kilo ng bigas ni Marcos. Ngunit habang malaki ang pangako ni Marcos sa mga mamimili, hindi naman niya maipaliwanag paano pabababain ang presyo ng bigas nang di umaasa sa lalong pagdomina ng inangkat na bigas sa merkado. Ang pagbandera ng mas mababang presyo ng bigas nang walang tamang suporta at subsidiya sa mga magsasaka ay nangangahulugan lamang ng lalong pagdepende ng bansa sa mga dayuhang produkto, pagpwersa sa mga lokal na prodyuser na pababain ang presyo ng palay, at lalong pagdausdos ng kabuhayan ng mga magbubukid.
Mahirap asahang magbibigay ng sapat na subsidiya ang pamahalaan sa mamamayan, gayong ang mismong gobyerno ay nagkukumahog na maghanap ng pondo. Makahagilap man ng pondo—sa pamamagitan ng pangungutang o pagtataas ng buwis—walang kasiguruhan na ilalaan ng administrasyon ang pera para sa ayuda sa mga pinakaapektado ng krisis sa ekonomiya. Ang pagtaas ng utang ng bansa sa halos P13 trilyon sa ilalim ni Duterte ay hindi naman upang mag-abot ng mas malaking ayuda sa taumbayan, bagkus sa pagpapagawa ng malalaking imprastruktura.
Tapat sa kontra-mamamayang karakter nito, inirekomenda ng papaalis na gabinete ni Duterte na taasan ng susunod na rehimen ang buwis ng mga Pilipino. Tiyak na ang matatamaan ng dagdag na buwis ay ang ordinaryong mamamayan na naghihirap nang pagkasyahin ang baryang sahod sa nagtataasang presyo ng mga bilihin at langis.
Halos walang pangingimi ang estadong pigain ang ordinaryong tao para punan ang kaban ng bayan, ngunit nagbubulag-bulagan sila sa mga naroon na sa kanilang bakuran. Malakas ang loob nilang huthutan
ang manggagawa, ngunit hindi ang mga pulitikong di nagbabayad ng buwis, gaya ng pamilyang Marcos na may P203 bilyong utang na estate tax. Katumbas na ito ng halos 75 porsyento ng pondong malilikom sa 2023 kung susundan ang plano ni Carlos Dominguez III, pampinansyang kalihim ni Duterte, na magdagdag ng buwis sa mga Pilipino. Mas makakaambag din sa kaban ng bayan ang paninigil sa P1.5 trilyong nakaw na yaman ng mga Marcos.
Isang paraan sana upang makalipon ng pondo ay ang pagpataw ng buwis sa mga bilyonaryo, gaya ng ihinahain na batas ng Makabayan Bloc sa Kongreso. Ngunit binigwasan ng estado noong halalan ang progresibong mga partido sa pamamagitan ng black propaganda at panre-red-tag. Sa halip na kunan ang mayayaman, inaasahan natin ang lalo lang na pagprotekta sa kanila. Nananatili sa economic team ni Marcos ang pare-parehong mga taong nagsilbi mula pa kay Noynoy Aquino at kay Duterte, pagpapakita na parehong mga kontra-mahirap na palisiya ang maipapatupad nila.
Mahilig magbagsak ng malalaking pangako si Marcos ngunit lantad ang kawalan niya ng plano upang ipatupad ito. Ultimong mga isyung malapit sa bituka ng mamamayan ay sinasagot niya ng mga di-konkreto at walang kasiguruhang pahayag—manipestasyon ng kawalan niya ng kaalaman at pakialam sa kabuhayan ng nakararami.
Hindi magtatagal ang bisa ng ibinabandera niyang sama-samang pagbangon. Sa bawat araw na nasasadlak sa gutom ang maralita, kumikipot ang sahod ng manggagawa, habang nagpapakasasa pa rin sa yaman ang mga negosyante, lalong nagiging lantad na ang retorika ng “Babangon Muli” ay limitado lang para sa mga kaalyado nina Marcos at Duterte.
Pauna na ngang naglabas ng hinaing ang ilang grupo ng mga tsuper at operator na sumuporta sa tambalang MarcosDuterte matapos nilang malaman na
maaaring panatilihin ng bagong administrasyon si Arthur Tugade bilang kalihim ng Kagawaran ng Transportasyon. Kinikilala ng mga tsuper na hindi nalutas ni Tugade ang problema nila sa sektor, at dumagdag pa sa pagpapahirap sa kanila ang pinipilit niyang modernization program. Inaasahan din ang lalong pagkadismaya ng mga drayber sa parating na administrasyon gayong wala pang plano si Marcos paano tutugunan ang nagmamahal na presyo ng petrolyo, at idiniin niyang di niya ibabasura ang fuel excise tax.
Ipinrotesta rin ng mga Overseas Filipino Workers na bumoto kina Marcos ang pagtatalaga kay Susan Ople bilang kalihim ng Department of Migrant Workers, gayong mayroon siyang sakit at maaaring hindi maayos na matugunan ang kanyang mandato.
Malinaw na sa pagkakataong makita ng nakararami na ang rehimen ng mga anak ng diktador ay hindi nagsisilbi sa kanila at tuluyang nagtraydor sa mga pangako, handa silang kumilos. Sa pagkakataong iyon, maging handa dapat ang pwersa ng oposisyon at mga progresibo na harapin at tanggapin ang mga dating napaniwala nina Marcos.
Sa pagtaguyod ng malakihang kampanya laban sa mga Marcos at Duterte, hindi lang 15 milyon ang dapat na makaisa, bagkus ang iba ring minsang sumuporta sa naghaharing rehimen. Napatunayan ng nakaraang kampanya ang kahalagahang ibatay ang pagkilos sa konkretong kalagayan ng taumbayan. Nangangahulugan ito ng pakikisalamuha, pakikipamuhay, at pakikiisa sa mga sektor at sa partikular nilang mga panawagan— taliwas sa patuloy na pagtuligsa sa kanila.
Hamon sa mga progresibo na bakahin ang kulturang pinalaganap ni Duterte upang manatili sa pwesto: Ang pagnonormalisa sa mga karumal-dumal na palisiya at kapalpakan ng pamahalaan. Sa pagpapairal ng takot na maging biktima ng extrajudicial killing, makulong dahil sa pagsuway sa quarantine protocols, epektibong kinulong ni Duterte ang mga disidente sa kanilang bahay. Naging alternatibo ang pagkilos sa digital na plataporma ngunit napatunayang hindi ito sapat, lalo sa pag-abot sa mamamayang walang internet, na mismong mga nabibiktima ng estado.
May pangangailangang mapalawak ang ating pwersa at mapalalim ang pag-unawa sa kung bakit natin kailangan kumilos—hindi dahil natalo ang gusto nating kandidato, bagkus ang uupong administrasyon ay palyadong tugunan ang pang-araw-araw na suliranin ng kalakhang naghihirap na Pilipino. Maiging maging malinaw na sa pagkakataong ito, hindi natin isinasaalang-alang ang kapangyarihang baguhin ang lipunan sa kamay ng iilang pulitiko. Bagkus ibinabalik natin ito sa nakararaming ordinaryong mamamayan, na sila naman dapat ang nagdidikta sa kung paano marapat patakbuhin ang bansa para sa kanilang interes.
Marahil tama nga ang sinabi ni Marcos na pagkakaisa ang solusyon sa problema ng bansa. Samasamang titindig ang taumbayan laban sa pinakamalaking pahirap at sisiguruhing babawiin ang kapangyarihan mula sa mga Marcos, Duterte, at iba pa nilang alyado. «
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Christian Chua
Communities at Risk UP’s Proposed 2023 Budget Set to Fund DaniCon’s Infra Splurge in His Last Year in Office
» UP plans to allocate funding for relocation facilities for “informal settlers.” A USC councilor said the projects have yet to undergo adequate consultation with the communities.
Over one-third of the university’s proposed P44.1-billion budget for 2023 will be allotted to fund largescale infrastructure projects in UP, an ominous sign for the families living inside UP Diliman (UPD) that UP President Danilo Concepcion’s ambitious infrastructure drive could soon displace their communities.
Compared to last year, the university is requesting an additional P14.8 billion mainly for the construction of buildings, research facilities, and housing for employees and families that will be affected by UP’s construction projects.
Meanwhile, on top of this year’s P21.3-billion budget, the university seeks an additional P22.8-billion funding for its eight constituent units and the Philippine General Hospital. Less than a quarter of UP’s additional funding request, or P4.3 billion, will be allocated to create 1,761 new permanent positions in the university. Another P3.6 billion will be spent on the university’s maintenance and utility bills.
The UP System, in particular, eyes a P50-million budget to construct relocation facilities for “informal settlers.” These housing projects are allocated for communities on lands where UP plans to build bigticket infrastructure projects like the Philippine General Hospital (PGH) Diliman.
UP has already coordinated with the communities regarding the proposed relocation facilities, Vice President for Public Affairs Elena Pernia claimed. However,
Ajay Lagrimas, the UPD University Student Council’s (USC) community rights and welfare councilor, said otherwise. “Although aware tayo na may ganoong pondo yung UP for relocation, hindi pa fully consulted yung project sa mga communities natin,” Lagrimas added.
Infrastructure Haul
Since Concepcion took office in 2017, the university has been requesting an average of P17.38 billion under capital outlay (CO)—the part of the budget which funds infrastructure and equipment spending (see sidebar 1). In comparison, UP has only proposed P7.54 billion for CO, on average, during the terms of former UP Presidents Alfredo Pascual and Emerlinda Roman.
Among UP’s planned projects for 2023 are the construction of the UP Visayas Tacloban College Sta. Elena Campus (P1.8 billion), UP Manila National Institute of Health (P1.3 billion), UPD College of Education annex building (P900 million), and the PGH Multi-Specialty building (P200 million) (see sidebar 2).
In the last six years when UP has pursued higher infrastructure spending, UP communities have faced several threats of demolition. In 2019, residents of Pook Malinis were threatened by blue guards that their homes would be demolished to make way for the construction of a parking lot. That year, UP proposed the third-highest budget for infrastructure in a decade.
Infrastructure development should not be at the expense of UP communities’ welfare, Lagrimas said, adding that while he sees the need to improve academic facilities, the UP administration should first ensure that they would provide decent on-site relocation for the residents.
While UP proposed P50-million funding for the communities’ relocation, Lagrimas said that it is still unclear whether the project would satisfy the demands of the UP communities. Aside from merely building relocation sites, Lagrimas said that the university should ensure that their new homes will be near to their sources of livelihood and will have sufficient basic utilities.
“Yung budget sa relocation, dapat tanungin kung para saan at kanino ito gagamitin. Kasi kung ang goal lang nito ay paalisin yung mga pamilya para sa infrastructure projects without considering their welfare, dapat itong tutulan,” Lagrimas said.
Private Interests
Under Concepcion’s watch, there have been numerous threats to displace the families living inside UPD. In 2020, personnel from the Department of Public Works and Highways demolished homes at Pook Village C without presenting a demolition order to the residents. In the same year, the UP Board of Regents (BOR) declared 9.5 hectares of land in UP Arboretum, where some families have resided for years, as
Proposed capital outlay (in PhP billions) SIDEBAR 1: Danilo Concepcion doubled UP’s proposed infrastructure spending compared to his predecessors
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
2010 2011 2012 2013
Emerlinda Roman’s Term 2014 2015* 2016
2017* Fiscal year 2018
Alfredo Pascual’s Term 2019 2020 2021 2022 2023
Danilo Concepcion’s Term
* No data available SOURCES: UP Budget Proposal for FY 2023, previous Collegian Reports
SIDEBAR 2: Here are some of UP’s proposed big-ticket construction projects for 2023 SOURCE: UP Budget proposal for FY 2023
P100 Million
UP System Construction of a Four-Storey Housing at Pook Palaris, UP Diliman
P400 Million
UP System Balay Atleta, Student Athlete’s Dorm, Phase 3
P1.84 BILLION
UP System Construction of UP Visayas Tacloban College - Sta. Elena Campus
P1.36 BILLION
UP Manila National Institute of Health, Phase 2
P200 Million
UP PGH Fit out Completion of PGH Multi-Specialty Building
P399.4 Million
UP Cebu Construction of Product Design Building
P900 MILLION
UP System Construction of College of Education Annex Building & Renovation of Benitez Hall P200 Million
UP Los Baños Construction of Microbial Bank, UPLB Institute of Molecular Biology and Biotechnology
P500 Million
UP Mindanao Construction of College of Human Kinetics Building
P50 Million
UP System Relocation facilities for Informal Settlers, Phase 2
an “academic support zone” for the PGH Diliman project. A year later, the Diliman Legal Office issued a cease-and-desist order against the farmers at Pook Aguinaldo, banning them from farming the area though it had already been the community’s source of livelihood since the 1700s.
These threats to demolish UP communities, Lagrimas said, are the result of the UP Master Development Plan (MDP). Conceptualized during Pascual’s term, the MDP envisions a “sustainable” UP Diliman campus. But for Lagrimas, the MDP has only allowed corporations, such as Ayala Land Inc., to profit off UP lands.
“Hanggang ngayon, hindi pa rin nilalabas ng admin at wala pa ring consultation na nagaganap kung ano ba talaga yung nilalaman nito (MDP),” Lagrimas said.
While the university has a relocation program for the residents affected by the MDP, there is no guarantee that it will appear in the final UP budget. The university’s budget proposal will still be reviewed by the Department of Budget and Management (DBM). And in the decade, DBM, on average, has only approved around half of UP’s proposed budget (see sidebar 3).
The fate of UP’s budget will eventually be decided by the upcoming administration, who will legislate and approve the university’s final budget. Congress could start deliberating the 2023 budget as early as August. While Congress may approve some of UP’s construction projects, the looming budget deficit may also mean that other projects, such as the proposed relocation for the communities, might be canceled.
Should Congress reject UP’s additional budget request, Pernia said UP would tap “alternative funding sources” to continue the relocation project. Aside from the annual budget, UP also receives additional income from its leased lands, grants, and donations. However, these funds have only added around P1 billion to UP’s operating budget of P23 billion last year. Instead of forcing UP residents to relocate, Lagrimas pointed out that the university could just build structures in other vacant spaces on the campus so that there will be no need to displace the families. Meanwhile, Lagrimas said that UPD Chancellor Fidel Nemenzo has already pledged to endorse the USC’s proposal of including sectoral representatives in all meetings regarding the MDP.
It is the BOR, however, that decides how to fund and materialize the MDP. The BOR also has the power to decide whether to continue the university’s land use policy it approved in 2014 or to junk the MDP.
“Kung matuloy man yung relocation projects ng UP without sufficient consultation, lagi naman tayong handa na magkasa ng mobilizations,” Lagrimas said. “Yun ang challenge sa upcoming student council–hindi dapat hahayaan na mapapabayaan yung coordination natin with the communities, sa admin, at sa iba pang networks natin.” «
18.41 B
9.53 B
2013
48.24%
44.50 B
16.16 B
2018
63.69%
Actual Budget
17.10 B
9.37 B
2014
45.18%
44.90 B
17.01 B
2019
62.13%
Proposed Budget Deficit SIDEBAR 3: Over the past decade, the national government has consistently approved, on average, only less than half of UP’s needs
25.20 B
13.14 B
2015
47.85%
47.17 B
18.69 B 24.70 B
11.81 B
2016
52.19%
28.44 B
21.50 B 26.20 B
13.51 B
2017
48.43%
36.47 B
24.39 B
2020
60.37% 2021
24.39% 2022
33.12%
SOURCES: General Appropriations Act 2013-2022, previous Collegian reports
Adam Torres
Taking Radical Strides Into Halls of Exclusion
» His voice does not stutter while recalling the painful events of Martial Law. Instead, he enumerates the ways this experience would forever change his life and put him on a path to serve the people.
Makabayang Koalisyon ng Mamamayan (Makabayan) senatorial candidate Neri Colmenares takes a few seconds to catch his breath before we begin the interview. No doubt exhausted from another long day of meetings and on-the-ground campaigning, he gulps a quaint glass of water and apologizes for his delay. Yet, neither fatigue nor haste painted his disposition, only his tone of sincere passion cutting through the silence of our Zoom call.
It is clear to me that his third senatorial bid was not just of political bearing for Colmenares; it is out of duty for the misrepresented masses that he continues to fight for a senatorial seat. In minute smiles, his face would light up despite the losses he had garnered back in 2019 and 2016. While a repressive state still looms over his growing support, he refuses to back down from the unequivocal need for a progressive and nationalist senator who will champion pro-people bills in the upper house.
Colmenares is many things—a veteran human rights lawyer, an activist, a Martial Law survivor, and even a seasoned member of Congress—but a title he prides himself on most is that of a public servant, one who is willing to take up the cause of the oppressed as Marcosian politics continue to occupy the halls of the government, where legislative power is left at the hands of the few.
The Dark is Temporary
While traditional politicians are quick to flock to the ruling party, Neri Javier Colmenares is known to do the opposite, often unafraid to challenge public officials regardless of their position in government. As a frequent petitioner at the Supreme Court, it is no surprise that he grew up in an environment which necessitated the dissent and criticality at the core of his recent petitions against the Anti-Terror Law and Duterte’s militaristic agenda.
Colmenares began confronting the powers that be on the picket lines. In his youth, he fought for the return of student councils and publications. However, at just 18, he and many other young activists faced the brutality of a dictatorial regime that stopped at nothing to silence and detain them. He grimly recalls the torture that transpired in his four gruesome years in prison. The walls would seem narrower each time he was beaten by military men, slowly chipping away at any hope he had to ever see the light of day.
Hailing from an average family, he could not afford to pay for legal services that time. It was only through the joint effort of human rights advocates and lawyers that he finally regained his freedom. This newfound sense of hope inspired his juvenile spirit to pursue a legal profession, and similar to his lawyers, he found a purpose in serving those who are marginalized by society.
“It’s a combination of wanting to make a better future for this country, for the people, and for the next generation of Filipinos,” said Colmenares. From this, he derives a primary principle that he has carried in Congress and would
have continued in the Senate: “Kung nasa tama ka, tindigan mo. Kung nasa mali ka naman, have the humility to admit your mistakes ... sa oras na nang-abuso ang isang opisyal, wala akong pakialam kung presidente pa siya ng Pilipinas.”
Against the Currents
Colmenares’s youth inculcated in him a tireless resolve. If only he won a seat in the last elections, he would have been someone who filed bills that were seemingly impossible to pass in a room filled with wealthy politicians detached from the plight of the masses. His position did not separate him from the broader struggle, but rather, helped amplify calls for inclusive legislation, with bills like those on pension increase and the prohibition of political dynasties proving his legislative prowess against the status quo.
Built from the ground up, his persistence manifests in the progressive platforms he has fought for in the elitist setting of Congress. “Paano ka naman susuntok sa buwan, kung hindi ka man lang susuntok diba?” He said, emphasizing that the bills he championed were but practical necessities that were ushered into legislation largely through mass clamor, one step at a time.
Hence, he persevered amid the difficulties that parliamentary struggle posed on the passage of progressive bills. A growing target on his back is a result of strong-willed positions on wage increase, contractualization, and genuine reforms for education and agriculture.
For him, whether it be on the streets or in the legislative, his actions will always be an extension of his commitment to the public. He is not afraid to hold his colleagues accountable and stand for what is right—what is beneficial to the people he serves. He said that fellow legislators can discern this understanding and follow in his initiative similar to the Disaster Alert Law which he authored in favor of the people’s safety, despite how major telecommunication companies detested it. Following the tragic 2019 midterm election, the government continued to antagonize activists who criticized its repressive actions by legitimizing the harassment of dissenters with the Anti-Terror Law. In the crackdown of the Left, dissenting figures like Colmenares are the main objects of state-sponsored violence.
Political persecution is not new to Colmenares, but he remains unfazed despite harassment. It is in
this critical front that he advocates his committed intentions for sustainable and people-centered development. “Am I afraid of these attacks? Of course, yes, dahil hindi naman ako superhuman na hindi natatakot pero kinakailangan tindigan ko pa rin,” he said with a furrowed brow.
He noted that the general fear of the public has become less apparent, moreso that the indifference of local government officials afraid of Duterte has gradually withered away due to the senselessness of today’s red-tagging. When he speaks against the administration, he observes that online trolls are now more disoriented and hesitant to reply with sincerity. While fear remains, many human rights defenders now take up the mantle to protect the integrity of the law and champion the rights of abused Filipinos.
Grassroots Trumps Gold
With Vice President Leni Robredo’s support and popularity, candidates like Colmenares were given an opportunity to augment their calls in gargantuan pink rallies. Yet, the momentum of the Leni-Kiko tandem faces that of the children of dictators trying to reclaim and preserve oligarchic power. In comparison to the unified opposition, these traditional politicians wield a larger base of power and wealth to effortlessly distort the media and, most disturbingly, history itself.
Colmenares sighs at this remark: “Mga manggagawa rin yan, mga magsasaka rin yan, mga urban poor din yan na nahihirapan sa mataas na presyo ng bilihin at mababang sahod,” he said, in reference to Marcos-Duterte supporters who have become enamored by the Marcoses’ deceptive social media messaging centered on a homogenizing kind of unity and a common desire for change.
The lawyer does not fault the movement nor the people in this regard because it is the government itself that has allowed the return of a fascist regime by refusing to teach the succeeding generations about the injustices that occurred during Martial Law. This directly resulted in the systemic impunity preserved by Marcosian architects who have remained in the government, able to commit crimes and get away with them because their constituents are left in the dark.
With a dejected expression, Colmenares told me that we can only do so much to counter false narratives and expose the Marcoses because of their strong political machinery commandeered from shadowy networks of wealth and power. He aspired to challenge this lack of accountability through the oversight and investigation functions of the Senate, which would have helped look into public officials and pull them down from their ivory towers.
Moving forward, I asked him about our role in challenging an administration resistant to change and he replied with certainty that all sectors have a hand in the broader overhaul of the entire justice system. It is necessary for legislative power to return to its constituents because even when demands seem impossible to pass in the Senate, Colmenares attests that strong clamor from outside both houses is capable of turning the tables.
Neri Colmenares, as a human rights lawyer, would have been able to bring to the table issues that matter for the common folk. The government will only be a hospitable arena for human rights if the poor and marginalized are well-represented by candidates who do not only forward propeople platforms but also possess a track record of fighting for their constituents’ demands and an unwavering willingness to defend the interests of the masses—with or without the promise of elections. But given the results of the May 9 elections, we can only hope that the winners actually hear the plight of the suffering Filipinos.
Despite the dismal outcome of the elections, this will not be the end of the fight for people like Colmenares. He reaffirms what I, too, believe: the elections are not the panacea to the systemic issues of the government but nonetheless a worthy start to the social reforms that will foster genuine representation and change in Philippine legislation. «
