FROM EXACERBATED DIFFERENCE TO PRODUCTIVE DIFFERENCE Phoebe Zhang | Fall 2011| Syracuse University Primary_Anne Munly | Secondary_Susan Henderson
On Boundary enclosed space gated Communities historical significance of gates caiwuwei’s situation
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enclosed green space enclosed vs the outside intensity of flow Urban Village as the adhesion
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Attributes of the urban village temporality location/ organization/ structure/ material parasitic relationship & the dissolve of boundary Covent Garden comparison (organization, structure) vibrancy Spilling over -- mapping of private activities Infiltration non-differentiated flow converted spaces connection to the city serial sections 3D model on non-differentiated flow mobility catalogue of mobile devices on tricycles subversion duality
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Crisis
90
Site
UVs to be demolished & Shenzhen’s scope of demolition Caiwuwei in 2005 vs Caiwuwei in 2011
circulation Opera House & Kingkey 100 Response missing programs operation Precedents
94 103 106
Bibliography
108 Person
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52 55
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Intro to the Region Guangdong Province-PRD The Mega-City PRD infrastructure plan urbanized landscape “Exacerbated Difference” Shenzhen google map + panorama picture size & population density distribution comparison Exacerbated Difference & Shenzhen’s linear development Caiwuwei Intro location - to other CBDs/ in-between ideologies pictorial walk-through program diagrams( entertainment-offices-residential) Chronology -Reform, Shenzhen, Caiwuwei, Deng Xiaoping Typologies mega-blocks Danwei blocks urban Village - Urban Village generic block summary: 3-D stratification & the Chinese Dream
list o businesses the smell of the culinary spaces Interviews in the village (video snap shots) Summary: Customized Response
City
2 3 4
Regional
Contention Conceptual Framework On Mega-block/ On Urban Village
15 years ago, Rem Koolhaas led a research project into China’s most frontier economic zone – the Pearl River Delta (PRD), in which he gave the region a new definition, “City of Exacerbated Difference”, meaning that every city in this region defines itself through brutal opposition of the others, but at same time forming a holistic system. He said, “It is a region whose urbanism emphasizes the greatest possible difference between its parts, whose infrastructure both enables and prevents a functioning whole, whose fabric is neither urban nor rural…”(Koolhass 1996) From a region-scale of the PRD to a block-scale in the city of Shenzhen (PRD’s showcase city), the “Exacerbated Difference” manifests itself through a series of contested relations between the urban villages and the mega-blocks – surveilled but subversive; gated and monumental versus mobile, temporal and vibrant. The mega-blocks are surveilled under state control for better security and cleaner city image but the villages are subversive in the practice of informal vending by the people. The mega-blocks are gated to foster certain sociability of selected groups, but the villages are free to flow through. The mobile informal vending assemblage is temporal as it gathers and disappears at different hours of the day. The villages are vibrant in the conditions of infiltration and spilling-over between public-making and private activities. The megablocks and the villages are mutually inclusive, both preventing and enabling the open flow of traffic, commercial exchange and social encounters. I contend that the urban villages are a customized response to what the mega-block urbanism cannot offer. In the crisis of demolition, these unique attributes that urban villages offer need to be re-conceptualized into the necessities of the mega-block urbanism, creating an urban system between the two that is coherent and spontaneous. – a translation from “Exacerbated Difference” to “Productive Difference”.
CONTENTION
2
indicates a cross reference elsewhere in the book
Exacerbated Difference 120 km
g. 6-11 region p
layered exploitation between HK, SZ &DG
Crisis 27 km
Response
g. 12-19 city p
tabula rasa vs hierachical grid vs garden city
Mega-block
Urban Village
52 pg. 28-
response
102 pg. 90-
1 surrounding development and policy changes 2 need for affordable housing
1.5 km
mega-block vs urban village
Top-Down
4 rejection of physical boundaries
7 . 20-2 block pg
3 the missing ephemeral qualities
Bottom-Up over-power vulnerabilities
limited in what offers
Infrastructure
vs
Informal Activities
89 pg. 56-
parasitic surveilled
subversive
monumental
mobile
-105 pg. 103 regulates
Urban Village
Mega-block Infrastructure
Informal Activities
Top-Down
Bottom-Up
(upgrade)
to be demolished informal vending to be cleaned up
feedback
re-conceptualize
temporal vibrant
System of Difference
effect on flow
coherent, spontaneous
Conceptual Framework
3
On Mega-block Shenzhen’s capitalistic endeavors have led to increasing privatization of urban fabric -- the building of walled, fenced and gated mega-blocks. Each mega-block is a singularly designed object with minimum regard for circulatory ramifications or urban linkages to the surroundings. They sometimes form suburban bubbles within the downtown, sometimes stark high rise at the fringe. Their shear scale makes them urban elements, and the sum of them come to define the city. Urban design is reduced to the sum of architecture. The gated communities together with the glittering shopping malls make up a public realm that is highly exclusive, surveilled and discontinuous. Their spatial exclusion offers a secure environment to foster a certain sociability of an exclusive group of people. But at same time, it contributes to a process of gentrification and social segregation. In addition, their sky-scraping height in close juxtaposition to the adjacent low-rise buildings creates a 3-D stratification effect. 4
On Urban Village With a speed of urbanization unseen in human history, urban substance gobbled up farmlands and submerged the rural villages. Without moving an inch, farmers found their homes in the center of a densely populated metropolis. The villages become isolated islands in the sea of mega-block architecture. They become “urban villages”, the left-overs of China’s rapid urbanization. China’s over-heating economy has caused a soaring price of the real estate -- home ownership become increasing un-affordable with a median housing price-income ratio of 16 (6.5 in the US). The urban villages, built by individual farmers, filled the blank for affordable housing. They are China’s contemporary political condition. The villages are often rented by a floating population of migrant workers seeking their fortune in this brand-new city. They brought with them the taste of their hometowns into the villages, composing a mixing-and-matching culture and identity for the enclaves. The villages are primarily residential but they also foster the growth of informal urbanities - shops, markets and street vending. The public making and private activities are highly mingled with conditions of infiltration and spilling-over. They are vibrant, temporal and dualistic. They are the sites that enable the open flow of traffic, commercial exchange and social encounters. The villages are constantly being built and re-built in response to the surrounding developments and policy changes. Caiwuwei village’s first construction wave took place after the government granted the right for land use transfer in 1987 and the subsequent demolition-and-rebuilt took place simultaneously when the government launched the Caiwuwei CBD re-development blueprint in 2001. The urban villages are a customized response to what the mega-block urbanism cannot offer, they grow side by side with the mega-block development, responding to 5 various needs and external forces.
Guangdong province, which the region is located in, has a GDP over 4 trillion yuan (US$519.4 billion) in 2011, roughly the same size as that of Indonesia’s, and contributing approximately 12% of China’s national economic output. -“Comparing Chinese Provinces with Countries: All the Parities in China | The Economist.” The Economist
zhou
Guang
uan
Dongg Foshan
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Jiangm
PEARL RIVER DELTA – this is where Koolhaas led his Harvard Project on the City, where he is building the Shenzhen Stock Exchange, where Zaha built Guangzhou Opera House, Steven Holl built the Horizontal Skyscraper (which the length exceeds the height of the Empire State Building), and Information Based Architecture built Guangzhou TV tower (tallest TV tower before Tokyo Sky Tree). This is China’s most frontier economic zone.
Location (China - Guangdong Province - Pearl River Delta)
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Shenzh
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Zhuhai Macau
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HongK
dong Rural and Urban Planning Institute and a senior consultant on the project. Pollution will also be addressed with a united policy, price of petrol and electricity would be unified, and phone bills will fall by 85% percent. He also added “It will not be like Greater London or Greater Tokyo because there is no one city at the heart of this megalopolis”. (I found this notion really intriguing as it is pushing the definition of Mega-City – not single cored like Beijing, neither dual-cored like London, the Pearl River Delta will have multiple cores and patches.)
The Telegraph, 24 Jan 2011
In January earlier this year, The Telegraph reported China’s new ambitious plan to create the world’s largest mega-city with 42 million people (half of Germany’s entire population), which the size would rank 34th largest country in the world. At China’s most frontier economic zone – the Pearl River Delta, 9 cities would be merged into one, including Guangzhou, Shenzhen, Dongguan, Zhuhai, Zhongshan, Jiangmen, Zhaoqing and Huizhou. This “Turn the Pearl River Delta Into One” scheme will create a 16,000 sq mile urban area that is 26 times larger than Greater London.
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The World’s Mega-City
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150 major infrastructure projects will be built in the next six years, including energy, water, telecommunications, transport networks, – 29 rail lines (over 3,100 miles), decreasing commute times between the cities. “The idea is that when the cities are integrated, the residents can travel around freely and use the healthcare and other facilities in the different areas. It will help spread industry and jobs more evenly across the region and public services will also be distributed more fairly” said Ma Xiangming, the chief planner at the Guang-
“The southern China metropolis, only vaguely perceived in most of the world at this time, is likely to become the most representative urban face of the twenty-first century.� Urban Density in the PRD
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- Manuel Castells, The rise of the network society, Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1996
Guangzhou Zhaoqing
Huizhou
Foshan Dongguan
Huiyang Jiangmen Shenzhen Zhongshan Zhuhai Hong Kong Macau
Highway Expressway Roads Rail Deep ports
PRD Infrastructure Map, jonomaps, 2006
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Shallow ports
1979
1990
Speed of urbanization in the PRD
2000
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2006
Rem Koolhaas’ diagram of City of Exacerbated difference.
15 years ago, Rem Koolhaas led a research project into China’s most frontier economic zone – the Pearl River Delta (PRD), in which he gave the region a new definition, “City of Exacerbated Difference”, meaning that every city in this region defines itself through a brutal opposition of the others, but at same time forming a holistic system. He said “It is a region whose urbanism emphasizes the greatest possible difference between its parts, whose infrastructure both enables and prevents a functioning whole, whose fabric is neither urban nor rural ”(Koolhass 1996) Lets first look at the cities on the east side of the river – Hong Kong, Shenzhen and Dongguan. Shenzhen has everything you hate about Hong Kong, crowdedness, lack of green, high living and working expense. At the same time, Shenzhen offers everything Hong Kong has but cheaper, while Dongguan offers everything Shenzhen has but even cheaper. Shenzhen anticipates the flourishing capitalism of Hong Kong but offers bigger space for lower price. Shenzhen hosts major electronic manufacturers like Foxconn (iPads, iPhones), Huawei (biggest 3G card maker), Skyworth, Konka, ZTE etc. Dongguan, referred by Koolhaas as a “bastard city”, hosts all sorts of second industries, at a much cheaper price than Shenzhen. Shenzhen is only there because Hong Kong is across the river, while Dongguan exploits the presence of Shenzhen. The cities live off one another’s imperfection, exacerbating degrees of differences within the same paradigm. “Each city in the Pearl River Delta defines itself not as a counterpart but through a kind of brutal opposition, each with the same desire to oppose all the others. So the west side tends to reject the ruined, overde-
City of Exacerbated Difference
veloped east side, which is vilified as the Wild East, an overdose of speculation: the west side, it was said, would take matters more slowly and carefully.” (Koolhaas, 1996) Guangzhou is the tip end of this urban ring. The capital of province, the most historical, most cultured city of the PRD. Guangzhou has the quality which none of the other PRD cities have – political power, history and culture. During his research, Koolhaas predicted that the 6 cities operate within one single organism – they live off one another’s imperfections, with a “paradox that the slightest modification of any details requires the readjustment of the whole to reassert the equilibrium of complementary extremes.” If Koolhaas’ hypothesis is right, what will happen when the cities merge into one? Will the unification of energy, water, telecommunication and transport network strip off their surviving differences? Dongguan has demonstrated a growing interest in attracting technology business, does it threaten Shenzhen as the capital of high-tech products? Shenzhen was awarded as “Design Capital” by Global Creative City UNESCO Network last year. What does this mean to the other cities in PRD?
Rem Koolhaas Great Leap Forward, Taschen, 2001
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Donggu Foshan
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Jiangme
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Shenzhe
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HongKo
Macau
Shenzhen stretches along the entire border to Hong Kong. Ideologically, Shenzhen is China’s window to Hong Kong, then to the world; Shenzhen is a buffer from communist China to capitalist Hong Kong; The Special Economic Zone is a transition to the Special Administration Zone (Hong Kong).
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On August 26h, 1980, Shenzhen, a fishing village of 30,000 people, was inaugurated to be one of first four Special Economic Zones by China’s paramount leader of reform, Deng Xiaoping. The zones are designated as territories for accelerated economic development and the testing ground for policy changes before they could be rolled out on a national scale. Within two years, Shenzhen’s population grew to 800,000, the area of the zone grew from 3 km2 to 60, foundations were poured for 300 skyscrapers. In 30 years’ time, Shenzhen grew into a metropolis of 412 km2 with a population of 3.79 million. (administration- 2020 km2 &12million) 12
New York City (10,356)
8, 175, 133
50.000 - 200,000 10,000 - 49,999
人 人 人人人 人 人 人人人 人 人 人人人 人
Beijing (7,400)
5,000 - 9,999 1,000 - 4,999 0 - 999
Shenzhen (5,201) London (4,863)
人 人 人 人 人 10,357,938 人 人 人人人 人 人 人人人 人 人 人人人 人 人 = 500 people
size comparison & population density distribution comparison between Shenzhen and New York
Los Angeles (2,940)
Population Density /km2, wikipedia
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garden city
1
hierachical grid
tabula rasa
It is not from Garnier’s utopian vision that Shenzhen should be built into a linear city. Shenzhen grew along the border to Hong Kong, connecting several ports and stretching the entire length – from Luohu on the east side to Shekou on the west side. The first 15 years of development in Shenzhen was the building of Luohu area, then the city expanded west, built Futian CBD and the civic center, and not long ago, a new plan was launched to relaim land at the bay on the west end of QIanhai, which will eventually turn in to the future CBD on water. The chronological development from east to west offers planners an opportunity to reflect from the old and to build something new. The west is always a brave new world. The map on the right is Luhuo CBD, showing a degree of disorderness. No clear grid, roads with dead ends, and three metro lines intersecting around a small region. The shopping area around Laojie Station almost grew organically – major shopping spaces grew along the major streets but there is no clear connection between them. Reflecting upon the disorderedness of Luohu, Futian CBD has a clear gridded structure with the civic center at the geographical center (middle map). Two metro lines running east and west and two lines running north and south. However the civic center of Shenzhen is a enormous empty plaza, barely used by anybody. Underneath the plaza there is an underground parking space, but barely anyone knows its existence.
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If Futian represents a 1960s utopia with its universal grid and enormous infrastructure, OCT, an area west of Futian, is exactly the anti-thesis of Futian. OCT is a garden city. From the map on the left, you can see the abundant green space and winding streets. Sidewalks, bike lanes and vehicle lanes, each lane is separated with a strip of trees in-between . And each strip is of a different species, from palm trees, mango trees to banyan trees.The trees are so tall that sometimes I feel like I was walking in a forest. The villas of Dongfang garden, seeing from my bedroom window on the 21st floor(picture next page), are literally situated within a forest, something so rare to see in China, something belongs more to a rural/suburbia landscape.
my apartment
It is a landscape neither urban nor rural...
view from my apartment
It is a landscape neither urban nor rural...
view of Caiwuwei CBD
a landscape neither monolithic nor informal...
view of Caiwuwei CBD
a landscape neither monolithic nor informal...
pg.18
pg.19
in-between Luohu’s tabula rasa and Futian’s hierachical grid21
COMMERCIAL RESIDENTIAL CIVIC 6
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2 Deng Xiaoping Portrait Square 3 Shenzhen Opera House 4 Office Towers 5 The Mix Mall 6 Caiwuwei Urban Village 7 Mega-block housing 8 Danwei housing
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The Mix Mall
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Mega-block housing
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Shenzhen Opera House
Caiwuwei Urban Village
Middle school
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means to let
Inside Mix Mall
Kingkey 100 Tower upon completion in summer 2011
residential middle class residential mixed-use residential education/healthcare cultural/entertainment
Entertainment& Education Entertainment & Education
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greenery
Offices
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Residential
residential
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Bank of China
China Merchants Bank
Shenzhen Development bank
Deng Xiaoping Portrait Square
Huarun Group
Xiongguzu Ltd. (HK)
Zhangguoyan design consultent
First starred hotel caiwuwei plaza
OCT theme parks
Ccaiwuwei Plz, Lijing Plz, Batong Plz broke ground simutanouesly
Shenzhen Opera
establishment of SEZs
ARUP
The Mix Mall phase I, Huarun Plaza
Caiwuwei CBD formed
Diwang Plaza
Shenzhen Huashen Design
The Mix Mall phase II
Shenzhen Stock Exchange Caiwuwei CBD redesign construction starts
Caiwuwei Ltd. individuals have shares
?
Caiwuwei village rebuilt to 7 stories
land value increment tax
land use reform
Kingkey100 tower & KK mall
People’s Bank Shenzhen Branch Plz
Poeple’s Bank, Farmer’s Bank, Commerce Bank, Construction Bank moved in CBD
caiwuwei villagers collectively transfer their lands for development
open door policy
TFP
Shenzhen Development Bank, Shenzhen Book City
Guomang Plaza completed
Shenzhen Kingkey Real Estate China Urban Design Research Institute Shenzhen Office
HongKong’s hand-over
legal protection of private properties
law of Transfer of land-use rights Tiananmen Square incident
first Shenzhen masterplan
second Shenzhen masterplan
Caiwuwei CBD redesign blueprint published
third Shenzhen masterplan
Caiwuwei CBD redesign international competition Urban deisgn Research
Deng’s 2nd toured to PRD
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Chronology diagram
Deng toured the PRD
National
Deng re-appointed Party chairman
1978
At the Third Plentum of the Eleventh Central Committee of the CCP in December, Deng Xiaoping, the vice-chairman of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), introduces the Open Door Policy, a comprehensive program to modernize the (socialist) Chinese economy relative to the (capitalist) global market. The policy calls for increased contacts to foreign trade and investment, the decentralization of economic decision-making to allow greater response to market forces, and gradual legalization and transfer of land to promote economic development. Deng states that “China needs to expand its contacts with foreign countries”. In Guangdong, this means opening its doors to Hong Kong. Before the end of the conference, China announces corporate agreements with Boeing and CocaCola.
1979
On January 1, China and the United States announce the opening of full diplomatic relations. Deng Xiaoping visited the United States on January 28th. “The beautiful imperialist”. images of Deng greeted by cheering crowds in Washington, D.C., are beamed back to China.
1980
The Open Door Policy is inaugurated in China by the establishment of four Special Economic Zones (SEZ) in Guangdong Province: Shenzhen, Zhuhai, Shantou and Xiamen. The zones are designated as territories for accelerated economic development and the controlled importation of foreign technology and capital. Many policy experiment takes place in the zone before they could be implanted on a national scale. The SEZs offer skilled, non-unionized labor, preferential tax rates, and other financial incentives. The SEZs are strategically located near anticipated source of foreign capital: In the Pearl River Delta, Shenzhen borders Hong Kong and Zhuai borders Macau; meanwhile, Shantou and Xiamen lie across the channel to Taiwan.
1982
First master plan of the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone drafted, by the Guangdong Planning Institute. In two years, the city’s population grows from 30,000 to 300,000 and finally, 800,000. The area of the zone is adjusted from 3 square kilometers to 10, then to 60. Foundations are poured for 300 skyscrapers.
1984
In January, Deng tours Guangdong Province as a gesture of support for the fledging Special Economic Zones. The visit provides a huge boost to the development of the SEZs: the volume of building construction in Shenzhen nearly doubles over the following year. The Pearl River Delta is named one of three “development triangles” targeted for expanded economic development. They will act as “filter” for science and technology, helping China to “discard the dross and select the essentials”. Foundation poured for Shenzhen Opera House. Completion of Guomang Plaza, the first skyscraper in China, the first symbol of Shenzhen’s development.
1985
Second master plan of the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone, by the China Academy of Planning in Beijing. The size of the SEZ is doubled to 122 square kilometers, and the population has reached over 1 million.
1986
The building of three theme parks (Splendid China, Folk Culture Village and Window of the World) in Oversea Chinese Town. All three theme parked were finished within a decade with a fourth one - Happy Valley. The theme parks become a metaphor of Shenzhen’s identity - China’s window to the World.
1987
Land-use reform is initiated in Guangdong province to deregulate property development within the confines of the socialist property system. Under the reforms, the state retains ownership of land, but the right to use land is transferred or leased to developers through negotiation, tendering or auction. It responds to the anticipated tension built up between investor/ developers and the government and triggered a new wave of development. Thus urban land is owned by the state, but leased and controlled by the Planning Bureau; agricultural land is owned collectively by their residents, enabling peasants to join together and sell land-use rights to developers, turning many into millionaires overnight. The government can still expropriate or demand rights to use collectively owned land, but must reasonably compensate peasants.
1989
Caiwuwei villager collectively transferred their land use right for the construction of Caiwuwei Grand Hotel. Deng formally retires from all government positions, but remains the paramount leader of the CCP. The CCP issues the Law of Transfer of Land-Use Rights in Shenzhen, furthering the split between ownership and land use. Within the system of collective
Chronology - Reform, Pearl River Delta, Shenzhen, Caiwuwei & Deng Xiaoping
ownership, the law allocates the land-use right for one hectare of land to each household, prompting a burst of speculative real-estate development. with proximity to the Special Economic Zones as its prime asset, the value of farmland in the Pearl River Delta immediately skyrockets. The Pearl River Delta achieves a 27 percent annual growth rate, becoming the “Golden Coast” of China. The area of Special Economic Zone in Shenzhen is expanded to 150 square kilometers, with a population approached 1.5 million. Tiananmen Square incident, which Deng orders the crack-down of the protest resulting death of hundreds. China receives the worlds’ condemnation, considerable amount of foreign investment withdrew, and foreign loan to China was suspended by the World Bank. 1992
Deng’s second tour of the Pearl River Delta - an effort to curtail free market reform and reinstitute administrative economic controls. His visit reaffirms the importance and status of the SEZs in realizing the goals of the Open Door Policy. The visit sparks a renewed surge in development throughout the region. Caiwuwei Plaza, Lijing Plaza, Batong Plaza, Shenzhen Development Bank brake ground simultaneously. Caiwuwei villagers found Caiwuwei Ltd. for dealing with future collective land use transfer. All villagers take share.
1993
Introduction of land value increment tax. Under the new legislation parties and individuals involved in transaction of land-use rights gains a net profit of more than 20%, effectively encouraging the transfer of land-use rights and prompting economic development. Construction starts on the world’s largest bookstore -- Shenzhen Book City.
1995
Completion of Diwang Plaza, Aisa’s tallest building at the time.
1996
Third master plan of the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone, by the Shenzhen Institute of Urban Planning, inaugurated with six new areas of development spiraling out of the original territory.
1997
Hong Kong is handed over back to China, administrated autonomously as as Special Administrative Zone. Hong Kong’s handing over further facilitates its connections to Shenzhen, Guangdong and China’s hinterland, but at same time casted an identity crisis for Shenzhen of loosing its privilege as the Special Economic Zone. Shenzhen SEZ has become a metropolis of 2,020 square kilometers and 3.79 million people. Deng xiaoping’s death is mourned across China, especially in Shenzhen. He is considered “the Chief Architect of China’s Modernization”.
2001
Caiwuwei village rebuilt to 6-7 stories.
2002
Planning of Caiwuwei CBD re-design.
2004
The Mix Mall opened.
2007
Citizens are finally awarded the same legal protection of their property as the state. real estate price increased by 10%. Construction begins on Shenzhen Stock Exchange, designed by OMA.
2011
2011 Shenzhen hosts the 26th World’s University Games.
30
reworked from:
Yuyang Liu, Great Leap Forward, Taschen, 2001 Urban URB, Caiwuwei Redevelopment Urban Design, 2011
Caiwuwei village is a response to surrounding development and policy changes.
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Mega-blocks
The Mega-blocks
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The mega-blocks are singularly designed objects with minimum regard for circulatory ramifications or urban linkages, forming suburban bubbles with the downtown , and stark high rise at the city fringe. Their shear scale makes them urban elements, and the sum of them come to define the city, to form the master-plan of the city. Urban design is reduced to the sum of architecture. -- Neville Mars, The Chinese Dream, Rotterdam 010 Publishers, 2008
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Danwei blocks
Danwei Blocks
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Danwei means “work unit”, Danwei blocks refer to a building typology developed during China’s communist era -- bar shape buildings with uneven facade to maximize ventilation, it has been wellintegrated into China’s contemporary building traditions.
demolished village
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As the city gobbles up farmlands, the villages found themselves submerged in the sea of urban substance. The villages become isolated islands within the city, while the mega-blocks take over to form the fabric of the city.
Urban Villages
Urban Village
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China’s hukou system specifies the urban land is owned by the state while the rural land is owned collectively by the farmers. The government does not have a ownership power over these lands, which is the main reasons why these villages were not developed in the same way as the rest of the city. However, the government can demand to use the land for development if a proper compensation is offered to the villagers. The dashed circle indicates the demolished village, which now hosts Shenzhen’s tallest skyscraper -- Kingkey 100.
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site area: 42875 m2 construction: 174,900 m2 FAR: 2.67 building density: 53.1%
- mostly built in 2001 in response to policy change - 6-7stories with very low floor to ceiling height - most rented by migrant workers, a bedroom can be shared up to 4 people - ground floor for commercial use
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pg.52-54 on who lives in the village
The Chinese Dream’s preface article A Society Under Construction by Neville Mars best outlined the dominant values bubbled to top of the Chinese society since the 1980s. Comparable to an American dream, the Chinese dream is also largely bundled with home ownership. For a young couple with one child, the dream could be a small two-bedroom condominium in a city. The mega-blocks in a gated community are the symbol of a new shinny dream. Architecture becomes the dream to be purchased after years of saving and squatting in rental homes. On a larger societal level, the vision is to be urbanized. Construction attracts work force into cities, real estate generates considerable revenue and governments receive fiscal taxation; urban developments push the land ownership policies to change and evolve, which consequentially relating to property right disputes and unrest across the country; culturally pushing the consensus of individual rights and privacy. Urbanization is at the heart of China’s reform and still is the engine of China’s growing economy. Every aspect of change, whether culturally, environmentally or socially, all in one way or another, related to the changes in China’s built environment. However the pressure to purchase a property is an increasing burden on the young generation. The average housing price across the country rose up by over 30% in four years from 2002 to 2006. Last year (2010) the average housing price is 8856 yuan/sm, and 15892 yuan/sqm in the top 10 cities. It means for a college graduate earning 50,000 yuan in China, to buy a condominium of 970 square ft and 800,000 yuan would take him 16 years (if he doesn’t eat, pay rents or tax), while the US comparative model is about 6.25 years.
“Mega-blocks, danwei buildings and urban villages often form “a bewildering juxtaposition of dilapidation, wealth density, and communist history. With such contexts, new expensive multi-story compounds disserver themselves from the nearby lower buildings by height and access ways, leading to a 3-D stratification effect”
-- Neville Mars, The Chinese Dream, Rotterdam 010 Publishers, 2008
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ON BOUNDARY
Enclosed Spaces
Enclosed Space
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Enclosed Spaces Context Enclosure Context
40
The walls, fences and gates around each residential compounds are intended for better public security and prevention of petty crime. Generally, the richer the property is, the tighter the security is. For example, Linked Hybrid in Beijing has an excessive level of security. It is completely walled off from adjacent streets and properties. There are two major gates and a side gate leading directly to the underground parking level. All gates are guarded and equipped with card-swiping system. There are 24-hour security patron and CCTV cameras installed in the public areas as well as in the elevators. On my first visit there, I was stopped three times within 50 meters of walk, by the gate security, patron security and block security. They stop any un-familiar face until a proper reason for visiting is presented. In Daxing area, Beijing, it was reported that crime dropped by 73 percent from April to July this year after the authority walled off some residential villages. Generally, the urban villages are on the loose end of security due to the fact that are mostly occupied by a floating population of lower income. In the picture we see half of a car-stopping barrier, only the card swiping machine but not the barrier bar. In the lower image, there is a security pavilion but the guard is absent.
spent my early years in a danwei community when my mother was working for a state-owned weaving factory. It was a big community of over 10,000 people on a 173,000 sm2 (17.3 hectare) of land, within the walls, there was an elementary school and middle school, a hospital and a very small soccer field. There was everything from cradle to grave. The apartments were not purchased or rented by the residents but distributed from the factory to its workers, so all residents are either directly associated with the factory (the danwei) or the family of the worker. The gated communities provide a secure environment to foster certain sociabilities of a selective group of people, for example, the mothers would feel safe leaving their children play within the gates knowing all residents are from her danwei. However, as middleclass compounds and lower class ones are becoming more and more differentiated, mega-block, freeways and shopping malls are stratifying the urban existence in one way while derelict urban villages are going the other direction. The walls, fences and gates become a physical manifestation of social segregation and gentrification.
Are you looking for anyone here?
From a deeper ideological aspect, the gated communities are a carry-over of China’s communist mentality from the 1960s. Each danwei (work unit) should supply its workers with all the amenities needed to live comfortably so that there is no need to travel outside. And a deeper intention is for the government to keep track of the people. I
gated communities
Linked Hybrid property
building security
Are you a guest of a resident?
patron security Are you a resident here?
gate security m
50
41
- 24 hr police patron - CCTV cameras - card-swiping system - guards at gates and every block
Shuttle bus Underground parking Kindergarden Playground Supermarket Post office Laundromat Beauty salon Fitness center Indoor & Outdoor swimming pool Tennis court Basketball court Bowling room restaurant cafe Greenhouse Bookstore Pharmacy every danwei supplies its workers with all the amenities needed to live comfortably so that there is no need to travel outside
The walls offer a secure environment to foster certain sociability of a selective group of people, but also contributes to a process of gentrification and social segregation. images by Neville Mars, The Chinese Dream, Rotterdam 010 Publishers, 2008
42
Gates have differentiated functions in ancient China. To illustrate this, let us travel to historical Beijing. Zhengyangmen, the gatehouse proper to Beijing’s inner city. It was connected with the old city wall that used to fence around the inner city. Outside the walls was the moat that gave another layer of protection. Zhengyangmen is at the center of Beijing’s north-south axis, in line with Tian’anmen, Hall of Supreme Harmony, and the city’s Drum and Bell Tower. Jianlou, the archery tower that connects to Zhengyangmen, forming a double gate. The courtyard in-between was used for archery storage and stationed militants. This tower has thick wars and 94 small windows for shooting enemies. Beijing’s Wupailou Gate is a symbol of Qianmen Avenue
Zhengyangmen
Jianlou
Wupailou
History of Gates in China
43
Wupailou, entrance to Qianmen Avenue. It is a decorative monument, carry no function of security or defense, but merely a marking of Qianmen shopping street. It is also an example of Paifang, seen in Chinatowns across the world.
Gates in Caiwuwei Village - Security? Monument? But rather seems incomplete. 44
Enclosed Green spaces Enclosed Green
45
semi-public space within the walls, for example, gardens within a gated community.
2
2
7
犺
3
6
7
pg.60-67 on the dissolve of boundaries 8
Enclosed vs the Outside Enclosed & In-between
8
46
public space outside the walls is very limited, mostly public streets
intensity of traffic flowFlow Lines
47
The walled, gated and fenced enclosures break down the urban fabric, however, the urban villages are seen to have more traffic flow that branches into different gated communities. In other words, the urban villages serve to stitch the urban fabric together.
Caiwuwei villages stitch the fragmented urban fabric Village Mixed-use Commercial
48
2
2
7
犺
3
6
7
8
fragmented urban fabric Adhesion to the fabric
8
49
1
7 restaurants: 2 Hunan, 2 Sichuan, 2 Cantonese pharmacy 2 hotels hair salon mobile phone store leisure&fitness center
1
2
2
7
犺
2 3
6
3 7
8
8
The reasons for visiting - Informal businesses
50
2
13 restaurants: 5 Hunan, 2 Sichuan, 2 Cantonese 2 cafes 2 ice-cream shops 2 bakeries convenient store super market massage beauty salon print shop photo developer photography studio computer repair stastionary’s Home decoration/ accessories plumbing materials shop some small offices (retail, technology related)
3
11 restaurants: 4 Hunan, 4 Northern, tea house bakery diary shop convenient store 3 pharmacies 3 flower/plant shops message hotel lottery stands investment/pledger service motor-bike repair offices: restaurant managemnt, soft-drink brand retail management
The smell of the informal culinary spaces
51
Interview with Caiwuwwei village by Urbanus URB
Person
52
Vendor sells corns in Lychee Park Block
Moving business, from Chongqing Has been in Shenzhen for 13 years
City
Vendor, from Jiangxi Has been coming to this spot for 16 years, observed the changes of the areas. (The villages used to be 3-story buildings, rebuilt in 2000).
Nuts vendor, Uighur (ethnical minority), from Vendors moved to Caiwuwei last year from another village Xinjiang learnt Mandarin after moving to Shenzhen
Regional
Tenants Have been living in the village for 3 years, moved to Shenzhen 6 years ago.
Dumpling restaurant chef Rent is 1500 yuan per apartment, the owner collects 50,000 yuan per months.
Hairdresser’s assistant Life is boring becasue it is only about work and sleep
Waitress, Has been in Shenzhen for almost 3 years Sandwich shop owner, from Hubei Lives in the comoany dormitory, a 3-bedroom Just moved to Shenzhen a few days ago apartment in the villages, sharing a room with 3 53 other workmates
Water dilevery, Has been in Shenzhen for 5-6 years, met her husband here then started a family business
Pedestrian, in his 70s Moved to Shenzhen in his 50s
Locksmith, Hakka (ethnical minority), from Meizhou (Guangdong) Has been in Shenzhen for 7-8 years
Pedestrain, from Harbin (Heilongjiang) on long holiday in Shenzhen to escape the coldness of Harbin, hotels are too expansive
Public Inspector (Chengguan), from Hunan has been in Shenzhen for more than 10 years Came to Shenzhen because everybody came here after China’s reform “Not long after Deng’s edict, stories about this new land of opportunities started to travel across the country. Somewhere in the south, it was whispered, there was a brand new city with plenty of jobs. A city with gold colored high-rise and moving stairs. Soon people started talking about Shenzhen Speed - the until then unheard pace of development - or the Shenzhen Generation - those who had taken advantage of this speed and got rich fast...”
Office employee, works in Diwang building Lives in urban village because rent is too expansive in gated residential componds.
Urban life in Lychee Park 54
“Toddy himself remembered when he was a little boy, he heard the grown-ups talk about this city. “There”, they said. “is a place where you can become rich.” There stories were fueled by recruiters who travelled to remote villages to hire farmers for the new factories. And by migrants who returned to their villages with both stories of success and their trophies of modernity -- watches, TV sets, money.” -- Neville Mars, The Chinese Dream, Rotterdam 010 Publishers, 2008
The village houses were built and re-built by individual farmers to be rented out to migrant workers at an affordable price. Informal urban activities -- temporal markets and street vending grow within these villages, offering convenient shopping and cheap life-style. These villages of “informal� become a customized response to what the mega-blocks cannot offer.
Urban Village
Mega-block response
1 surrounding development and policy changes 2 need for affordable housing 4 rejection of physical boundaries 3 the missing ephemeral qualities
ATTRIBUTES OF THE URBAN VILLAGE subversive, mobile, dualistic, temporal, vibrant & open flow
TEMPORALITY Person
Block
City
Regional
57
Location The temporal market locates along the main street through the village, at where there is most traffic flow. Organization It is organized linearly along the street and facing the street. It diverges the traffic flow into two lines, one for commercial exchange and one for accessing the shops. Structure It has a location but not any permanent structure. For an average vendor, he has a sunshade, stalls that made from cardboard boxes, wooden boards or plastic tubs. These “informal structure� always grab onto an edge of a formal structure. In the case of Caiwuwei village(diagram), the market locates at the edge of the street, where the street touches the steps to the buildings, leaving some space both on the front and behind for circulation through or into the shops. In Hubei village(picture), the market grabs to the edge of the boundary wall so the wall becomes a backdrop of the market. In a similar market near Linked Hybrid, Beijing, the market gathers under the shadows of a highway. In all cases, the market itself has no established structure but utilizes an existing piece of infrastructure. Material The sunshades, either plastic, nylon or fabric, has been the material used repeatedly for temporal markets, from Shenzhen to London, from 200 years ago to today. The sunshade stretches out a piece of fabric above head to shelter people underneath from rain and strong sunshine. It seems that the tensile appearance of the material has become a recognizable feature of a temporal market.
58
The fresh vegetables sold on these markets
59
Market in Hubei village, Shenzhen
In Hubei Village, the vegetable market spreads against a long blank wall; In Beijing, the morning flee market takes the shadows under an elevated highway. It seems that the informal businesses are always parasitic to a piece of infrastructure. pg.38-49 on boundary
parasitic relationship and the dissolve of boundary
60
Market in Hubei village, Shenzhen
parasitic relationship and the dissolve of boundary
61
A mornig market under a Highway in Beijing’s downtown area near Linked Hybrid
The diagram illustrates the wall’s/ highway’s original effect to divide, however, as the market brings more flow, it becomes a place of concentration. The process, in a way, dissolves the boundary.
62
A mornig market under a Highway in Beijing’s downtown area near Linked Hybrid
63
lady selling roasted sweet potatoes
64
20s/ young prefessional
second-hand products fabric
entrance to lychee park 8:00pm - 10:00pm
40s/ Hakka from Guangdong
morning groceries 50s/ lady with two younger assistants
steamed dumplings
hobby
20s/ young prefessional
hand-made crafts DIY stalls and shelf
outside a gated community 8:00pm - 10:00pm
30s/ vender
accesories
groceries
fabric, bike
on sidewalk along main street 7:00pm - 10:00pm
catogories of informal businesses
basic steamer cookware
outside a gated community 6:00am - 10:00am
40s/ farmer
vegetables fabric, cart
inside urban village 7:00am - 11:00am
50s/ farmer
corns tricycle+cart
in lychee park 6:00am - 10:00am
65
locksmith
table with wheels and drawer
along major street 9:00am - 5:00pm
40s/ couple to be close to their son
pineapples&chestnuts assembly table boxes
near subway entrance 7:00am - 5:00pm
50s/ from Jiangxi
fix bikes
a luggage of tools
near street intersection 9:00am - 6:00pm
services
snacks 20s/ Uighur from Xinjiang
walnuts
tricycle with a cart
near street intersection 1:00pm - 7:00pm
50s/ female migrant worker
roasted sweet potatoes oven in a cart
on the side walk
9:00am - 5:00pm
comparative study to Covent Garden, London
67
Structure is the regulating device.
Covent Garden temporality
70
Context.
Covent Garden temporality
71
vibrancy - spill over vs infiltration
Person
Block
City
Regional
Vibrancy is the contested relationship between public-making and private activities. It is the condition of publicmaking infiltrated into private structures and the condition of private activities spilled over to the public space.
Private activities occurance mapping -- Spilling over
73
Spilling over This diagram maps the private activities occurred in the public space according to my observation. The most common one is clothes-drying, found everywhere in the village, along the major street, in the side streets, sometimes even above the entrance to a shop. The less common ones are the shop assistants eating, watching TV or reading newspaper in their shops. The transformed their work place into their living rooms. I also found a kid writing his homework with a pull-out table in a side street. Most private activities occur around the built blocks, sometimes right inside a shop. Clothes-drying happens anywhere and everywhere, while some others are slighted concentrated along the main commercial street.
Private activities occurance mapping
74
There is not much internal organization within the distribution of the dots.
Infiltration
non-differentiated flow
In this diagram, the blue is the accessible space, which includes the streets and the infiltrated space. It shows the infiltrated space expands over the dimension of the street, the street is no longer a line, but a zone that is sometimes wide sometimes narrow. 75
pg.47 on flow intensity
converted space for commercial exchange -- Infiltration
76
A lot of the private blocks have been infiltrated on the ground floor by commercial activities, especially along the main street. The blue marks the amount of infiltration. The infiltration loosely follows the traffic flow in and out of the village, connecting to the streets outside the village.
connection to the city
77
Context
78
A
A
16300
serial section_01
9900
9300
15700
5700
A serial section along the main street shows the changes in the width of the street, degree of infiltration and height difference of the public space. The degree of infiltration varies from block to block, and some blocks are more elevated than others. But the street gets narrower from east to west, and the infiltration loosely reduces as the street gets narrower.
B
B
5000
serial section_02
9700
12000
12000
80
C
C
9700
serial section_03
15200
9100
81
D
D
12600
serial section_04
13000
13400
82
E
E
13600
serial section_05
5030
83
13670
Model shots
84
Person
Block
City
Regional
MOBILITY the devices that enables the commercial activities to be mobile
I documented the mobile devices that I saw in the urban village. Here I am mostly interested in the tricycles. For an average vegetable vendor, he bikes his tricycle to the wholesale market every morning to load his tricycle with fresh vegetables. Then he bikes to his spot of sale, uses boxes and boards to unpack and display the vegetables on his tricycle. When a street police comes, he can hop on his tricycle and cycle away as fast as he can.
86
It is a bike with a trunk in a simple assembly. The wheels make it movable and the triangular position makes it stable. It has a hierachy of one front wheel and two backs.
In China, law and policy are often interpreted and practiced differently by the people. There always seems to be a tendency to breach between the words of laws and policy. The policy says each villager can build his house up to “san jian fang” (three rooms in its literal meaning). But they each built 3-story buildings with double height ceilings, and convert them into lofts, so 3 stories become 6 stories. The government tries to control informal vending along the streets because they don’t pay tax, they block the roads and mostly importantly, they are an eye sore in the eyes of the authority, they stain the image of “modernization”. First “Chengguan” (lower than police patron) was formed in the 1990s to expel street vending and “clean” the image of the city. The vendors, lift their plastic bags, hop on their tricycles or run away as fast as they can when they see a “chengguan” approaching. After the Chengguan is gone, they come back, layout their goods like nothing ever happened. They come and go in groups so everybody can watch for one another.
Person
Block
City
Regional
SUBVERSION
National
In Chinese there is a saying roughly translated to - for every measure from the top, a countermeasure at the bottom. It is exactly this countermeasure that made up the informal urbanism, that responds to the need of the people. The practice is subversive in its nature, coming out of an ambivalence between the individual and the state, rooted from the ancient time and still is present in contemporary China. Unlike the west, which law is the framework that shadows everybody’s interaction, in China, law is viewed as an invention from a group of privileged people. The supremacy of the rituals, on the other hand, forms the undertone order in Chinese society.
Duality- the everyday vs the event at Covent Garden
89
There is another performance space inside the market and under ground. This one is dedicated to vocal and instrument performances. In section, the everyday and the event alternates.
CRISIS
2011
2005
Top-Down
Bottom-Up over-power vulnerabilities
limited in what offer
to be demolished informal vending to be cleaned up
42.7
64.4
48.8
92
36.8
150.4
Shenzhen has demolished land that is equal to 2.6 Central Parks in the past 5 years, and rebuilt it to 7.6 Central Parks. According to the new Re-development Plan, Caiwuwei villages are expected to disappear. Caiwuwei South Village has already been demolished for the construction of Kingkey 100 tower (441m) and KK mall. The demolition and re-development is a transformation process from intimate urban village scale to enormous mega-block scale, it is also a gentrification process from informal businesses to glittering shopping malls.
12.0
11.9
15.7 (m)
93
Person
13.0
Block
4.3
City
12.2
Regional
is the sign on buildings to be demolished.
SITE 2005
94
100m
SITE 2011
95
Commerce chamber court
School for television Kingkey100 development Police headquarter Diwang Plz. Shenzhen Opera House Gucci flagship store Shenzhen book city Lijing Plz. The Mix Mall Hospital
pg.25-27 on program categories
important programs
96
major bus stop subway stop walkable area, 250m radius
site circulation
97
underground tunnel
Shennan Ave.
Road Layout
98
Shenzhen’s road network has a functional hierarchy, from major motor-ways to secondary streets branching off the primary streets. This is where Luohu’s tabula rasa touches Futian’s hierarchical grid, where we see spaghetti-like streets merges into an orthogonal system.
Shenzhen Opera House and Opera House Plaza
99
The Grand Music Hall in the Opera House is 2/3 of times empty no ground-level pedestrian transpass but only underground tunnels
The smaller hall is used up to 80%
theaters
under utilized empty plaza
2688m2
office + back stage
lounge
1560m
2
432m
2
Commercial 432m2
Shenzhen Opera House situates in the center of the Opera House Square, which is currently under-utilized. It has a grand music hall and a smaller hall, the big hall is empty 2/3 of the year while the small hall has been used up to 80%. There are a lot of under-utilized spaces while there is a need for smaller performance space.
site analysis: Shenzhen Opera House
100
The informals dissolve the boundary of the megablocks while the mega-blocks contain the informals. The boundary is dissolved into a field that allows for program exchange and traffic flow. The field manifests the ephemeral qualities of the urban villages, it has no permanent form but changes its shapes according to external forces.
mega-blocks
MANIFESTO
104
the boundaries thickened to form a field
informal businesses are regulated within this field
The field has no permanent form but changes its form accordingly
105
the field allows for program exchange and traffic flow
能
了 系统
，
不
的 个
， 的公
的 层 系统。
Subcenters
Guangming Smart-city, Shenzhen By: CJ Lim, 2007
IInterlaced
The project arranges housing/farming suburbs into human-scale clusters, with each one is self-sufficient with its own high street, squares and individual character. There is a vertical floral garden sit alongside the vertical kitchen garden farms around which people can socialize. There is also an artificial beach and a canal leading into the local river where a reed bed water filtration system is introduced. Lychee orchards border acts as a air filter of the city.
* SEE REFERENCE DOCUMENTATION FOR DETAILS ON MONORAIL SYSTEMS
我们发展了一个能够完全实现南北朝向的路网，一个能 够自然融合多种街区模式的线性系统，这个线性系统有 不同的南北向宽度。能够适于插入办公中心，商业地区 和各种高低层类型的居住区。作为一个线性系统，不同 我们发展了一个能够完全实现南北朝向的路网，一个能 够自然融合多种街区模式的线性系统，这个线性系统有 的功能都呈现水平的带状排布。 不同的南北向宽度。能够适于插入办公中心，商业地区 和各种高低层类型的居住区。作为一个线性系统，不同 的功能都呈现水平的带状排布。 36 M
TYPE A
144 M
LOW RISE - VILLA SCALE
TYPE B 216 M
LOW RISE - VILLA SCALE
TOWN HOUSE-HIGH-RISE SCALE TYPE B
1 KM
72 M
288 M
36 M
TYPE A
144 M
216 M
72 M
TOWN HOUSE-HIGH-RISE SCALE 288 M
1 KM
TYPE C
144 M
TYPE C
144 M
RBAN
RBAN
地
线性网格 Linear grid
线性网格 Linear grid
CBD SCALE CBD SCALE
CBD URBAN
500 M
500 M
500 M
HIGH RISE URBAN
500 M
LOW RISE URBAN
地 LA N D U S E N E W
各种 地向
The bigger circle defines the walkable area from each subway stop. The smaller ones are bikable one and walkable ones. The smaller ones fill into the residual spaces between the big circles and a light rail system is designed to link them all. Green spaces fill even smaller gaps. Within each circle, there are different levels of program mixture. The density of the linear distribution is determined to three different scales -- villa scale, town house scale and CBD scale. The striation maximizes the social encounters of people living in different typologies.
A R E A S
功能的 业
地平 。
中，
C u rrent indu s t ry : h o u s ing 2 : 1 P ro p o s ed indu s t ry : h o u s ing : u niv ers it y
我们
心
1 : 2 : 1
* G reen corridors / reed beds * Industry *R & D
6 .5 K M2 2 .4 K M2 1 .0 K M2
3 3 % 1 2 % 5 %
* H ousing * University * Commerce / office * Service / leisure * G reen / leisure
4 .0 K M2 1.9 KM2 1.6 KM2 1.9 KM2 0 .8 K M2
2 0 % 10% 7% 10% 3 %
PRECEDENTS
Pingding new city, Shenzhen by Neville Mars, 2010
106
Qianhai CBD, Shenzhen by Urbanus URB, 2011
FAR
4 11 13
公共交通中 Relocation Hospital
13
动 4
及 4
13
公共交通中 13
0.5
地
商住 业
及
Towers are clustered within the walkable radius around each metro station. They are shaped and spaced to better facilitate natural sunlight and ventilation. The blue indicates metro lines and the orange indicates road system. All tower within each cluster are connected with a meta-plane which the metro stops on, so the ground floor is free for vehicle traffic. All amenities, entertainment and cultural programs are located on meta-plane level.
54 垂直升降机系统 步行及自行车 公共交通系统 机动车系统
高密度住宅
空中连廊 商住层 综合平台 商业 公共交通层 商业 交通层 地下停车层
107
Caiwuwei village new design, Shenzhen by Urbanus URB 2011 The village is lifted up to form the meta-plane around the mega-blocks. The intimate scale is reserved and each villager still owns his plot of land, which he can rent out for commercial uses. The ground floor is clear for vehicle traffic while the village in the air received better ventilation. The metro stops on meta-plane level, strengthening a pedestrian-use only meta-plane.
Allen, Stan. Points Lines: Diagrams and Projects for the City. New York: Princeton “Canton Tower.” Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia. Web. <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canton_Tower>. China. Urban Planning, Land and Resources Commission of Shenzhen Municipality. Urban Village Re-development. 27 July 2011. Web. Chung, Chuihua Judy., Rem Koolhaas, Jeffrey Inaba, and Sze Tsung. Leong. Project on the City. Köln: Taschen, 2001. Print. “Comparing Chinese Provinces with Countries: All the Parities in China | The Economist.” The Economist - World News, Politics, Economics, Business & Finance. Web. <http://www.economist.com/content/all_parities_china>. Dovey, Kim. Becoming Places: Urbanism/architecture/identity/power. London: Routledge, 2010. Print. Fu, Na, and Michael Marsh, Urbanus URB. Shenzhen Creative Ideas Report. 2011. Print. Gao, Helen. “Migrant ‘Villages’ Within a City Ignite Debate - NYTimes.com.” The New York Times - Breaking News, World News & Multimedia. 03 Oct. 2010. Web. <http://www.nytimes.com/2010/10/04/world/asia/04beijing.html>. Gao, Wei. “Housing Price Increased 0.41% in June.” 4 July 2011. Web. Koolhaas, Rem. “Pearl River Delta.” Mutations. Bordeaux: D’architecture, 2001. Print. Mars, Neville, and Adrian Hornsby. The Chinese Dream: a Society under Construction. Rotterdam: 010, 2008. Print. Moore, Malcolm, and Peter Foster. “China to Create Largest Mega City in the World with 42 Million People.” The Telegraph [London] 24 Jan. 2011. Web. Shi, Jian. “The Disappearing Gangxia Village.” Web log post. Shi Jian’s Blog. 12 Nov. 2008. Web. Wu, Di, Urbanus URB. Caiwuwei Redevelopment Urban Design. 2011. Print.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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special thanks to Wu Di, Fu Na & Michael Marsh for site picture contribution