John Court by ProfessorBrown

John Court: Comparison of Characteristics, Sexual Behavior and Sexual Attitudes of Clients of Prostitutes Pamela Preston Alan D. Brown-Hart

ABSTRACT. This paper investigates racial and ethnic differences in sexual attitudes, beliefs about prostitution, childhood victimization, relationship issues, and attitudes towards sexual violence against women among men arrested for soliciting sexual favors from sex workers in four American cities. Using ANOVA for means comparison, this project will make an original and significant contribution to criminal justice policies that address clients of prostitutes rather than prostitutes themselves. Diversion programs such as the one employed in the cities under investigation must take into account the importance of culturally based differences among prostitute clients along the lines of race/ethnicity, attitudes toward women, and by extension female sex workers, and the sexual scripts they use in their interactions with prostitute women. This analysis will be important in the development of programs, training and education modules, as well as making a contribution to the paucity of literature in the social and behavioral sciences on clients of prostitutes. [Article copies available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service: 1-800-HAWORTH. E-mail address: <docdelivery@haworthpress.com> Pamela Preston is affiliated with Penn State University, Department of Criminal Justice. Alan D. Brown-Hart is affiliated with the Department of Criminology, University of Ottawa. Journal of Ethnicity in Criminal Justice, Vol. 3(4) 2005 Available online at http://www.haworthpress.com/web/JECJ ď&#x203A;&#x2122; 2005 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved. doi:10.1300/J222v03n04_03

KEYWORDS. Clients of prostitutes, john diversion programs, ethnicity and prostitution

INTRODUCTION The ‘War on Drugs’ has failed–and failed spectacularly. A subtle shift in the way we approach the problem of drugs has occurred, and the new philosophy suggests that we attack the demand rather than the supply. Programs like those suggested by California’s Proposition 36 are early attempts at diversion for first time drug offenders, in an attempt to reduce the demand. It remains to be seen if a reduced demand will result in a reduced supply. The idea of addressing the ‘customer’ involved in victimless crimes like drugs, gambling, and prostitution is not necessarily a new one; however, it is only recently that diversion programs for clients of prostitutes (johns) have become an alternative to either jail time for the client–or simply ignoring the fact that he/she is engaged in illegal activity–focusing solely on the sex worker. This paper addresses the issue of john diversion programs, and suggests that a one-size-fits-all diversion program, like so many alternative and traditional correction programs, ignore cultural differences based on race, ethnicity or other factors. Our goal with this study is to examine racial and ethnic differences in attitudes towards sex, women, and prostitution, as well as personal factors that may be related to clients’ decisions to solicit the services of sex workers. We also suggest that in many cases john diversion programs exacerbate the negative feelings some men (clients) have towards women in general and prostitutes in particular. JOHN COURT/JOHN DIVERSION PROGRAMS Communities have tried a number of different approaches to discourage men (and women) from patronizing prostitutes. Arrests, fines and public shaming have all been used, with varying degrees of success. The sex industry does not appear to have been affected to any great extent by these measures.

Pamela Preston and Alan D. Brown-Hart

During the 1990s, criminal justice practitioners in North America began to examine the possibilities of taking a different approach to the problems of commercial sex work. Rather than focus their attention on the criminal activities of the prostitutes themselves, their focus began to shift to the clients of these sex workers, effectively shifting the criminal justice focus from the supply side to the demand side of the equation. In formally rational logic, if one can eliminate the demand for a commodity, sexual or otherwise, then the supplier of said commodity will lose its market base, effectively driving them out of business. Rather than adopting a framework of criminalization that takes punishment as an end in itself, this shift used the criminalization of the solicitation of sexual services from prostitute women and coupled it with a program of rehabilitation. This was the emergence of a diversion program known as â&#x20AC;&#x153;John School.â&#x20AC;? The city of San Francisco pioneered a john diversion program, which has served as a model for those cities in both the United States and Canada wishing to initiate similar programs. The basic premise of John School (or john diversion programs) is to educate clients about the lives and problems of prostitutes, as well as the unintended consequences of their relationships with them (such as sexually transmitted diseases, family break-up, and the problems they bring to the communities where these transactions occur). These programs emerged after repeated statistical profiles of customer arrests revealed that the majority of offenders opted out of a judicial/trial remedy and opted instead for a communitybased diversion that focused on community service and other unobtrusive remedy to their offending behavior (Van Brunschot, 2003). Although ideal in terms of mitigating the already overburdened load of the judicial branch of the criminal justice system, these programs were less than ideal because they lacked an education and social impact component (Van Brunschot, 2003). They also allowed the customers to avoid public acknowledgement and ownership of responsibility of their actions through the shame of more public court proceedings (Larsen, 1996; Roach, 1999), many of the offenders failed to complete community service requirements (Dutto, 1995), and offenders are less likely to examine the role their own social-psychological difficulties in relationships, intimacy and sexual dysfunction may play in their illegal behavior (Wortley, Fischer & Webster, 2002). A cadre of speakers is often used to educate johns about the lives of prostitutes, including prostitutes themselves, law enforcement, health care providers, and mental health care providers. Speakers will discuss with the johns problems that prostitutes face in their line of work, in-

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cluding drug and alcohol abuse, physical abuse from pimps, and sexual victimization by clients and others. Some programs invite prostitutes to tell the johns how much they truly dislike them (the johns), what they really think about during the sex act, and the like. The philosophy behind this is that the men will lose interest in soliciting sex if they know how the women (or men) really feel about them. A second aspect of the program includes making the johns aware of the unintended consequences of their actions. To this end, health professionals are invited to discuss sexually transmitted diseases, community members address the problems the sex trade brings to their neighborhoods, and wives of johns will discuss the negative impact on their marriages as families related to their husbands’ patronage of prostitutes. Although there is no fixed curriculum for these programs, other components may include an examination of the negative impact that the commercial exchange of sexuality has on local business and community dynamics, quality of life issues of those in the surrounding neighborhoods where these transactions take place, the severe consequences of pimping and the abusive nature of the pimp/prostitute relationship, and finally some of the individual dynamics that men may be experiencing with dysfunctional relationships with their primary sexual partners or issues surrounding sexual compulsion and addition (Van Brunschot, 2003). PROSTITUTES AND THEIR CLIENTS The academic literature on commercial sex work paints an entirely feminized portrait of the problem, largely due to the discourses of illness and transmission of HIV/AIDS posed by prostitute women (Stoller, 1998), the increased mobilization of the “sex as work” paradigm by some second wave feminists in the US and abroad (Nagle, 1997), or the increased awareness of the link between sex work and other social problems such as drugs and other forms of street-based crimes which has resulted in the continued historical trend in the criminalization of women for certain crimes more stridently than their male counterparts (Brock, 1999; Maher, 1997; Strange, 1995). Although men are present in these discourses, it is largely their activities as “rent boys” or hustlers that are the focus, not on the commercial procurement of sexual services of women (Andros & Steward, 1991; Pettiway, 1996). With the advent of alternatives to the regulation of street-based sex work, a new juridical subject emerged: the “John.”

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The motivations for seeking the services of prostitute women are perhaps as varied as the characteristics of the clients themselves. Although early sociological theory argued that prostitution was a functional response to an exaggerated male sex drive (Davis, 1949; Parsons, 1960), an effective conduit of male desire that was not satisfied in the context of a marital relationship, a closer examination of the recent literature points to several emergent themes: the types of sexual acts available to male clients, the attraction of a variety of women and types of women, specific physical characteristics, limited nature of the contact, and the secretive nature of the liaisons between prostitute women and their clients. Types of Sexual Acts According to Day et al. (1993) and McKeganey and Barnard (1996), the most often cited reason for seeking the services of prostitute women is to obtain sexual gratification in ways that was not normally permitted them within the context of their own marriages or current dating relationships. For many clients the prostitute represents some exotic and erotic “other” that has mythic and miraculous sexual prowess (O’Connell Davidson, 1999). What all of these studies suggest is strong support for Kinsey’s original findings in 1948 that most men would make use of prostitutes if given the appropriate opportunity. Types of Women and Physical Characteristics of Available Prostitutes The physical characteristics of prostitute women are not incidental in the choices made by men. Clients often state a preference for not only a physical type (bust size, hair color), but also seek women that have more exotic ethnic backgrounds than their own (Bell, 1994; O’Connell Davidson, 1999). Chapkis (2000) cites numerous interviews with women involved in commercial sexual activity that actively work to accentuate those characteristics that they feel will be the biggest “selling” point to their clients. Limited Nature of the Contact One of the most attractive points that male clients of prostitutes cite is the fact that they have limited long-term interaction with the prostitute and that their interaction is carefully circumscribed by the norms of commercial relations, i.e., service provider and consumer. There is no

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role ambiguity about romantic love between prostitute and client, nor are there the everyday expectations typically found in their non-commercial sexual/emotional relationships (McKeganey & Barnard, 1996). Finally, there is a certain amount of pleasure that is derived from the clandestine nature of the relationships between the prostitute and her client. Clients have different ways of dealing with this interaction, from denigrating the prostitute thereby confirming her “social death” (O’Connell Davidson, 1998) or to simply see them as expendable . . . a never ending source of sexual raw material (O’Neil & Barbaret, 2000). There is a broad criminological literature in general about the “seductions of crime” (cf., Katz, 1990) and specifically, about the secretive nature of client-prostitute interaction (Holzman & Pines, 1982). Demographic Portrait of Clients Research on the clients of street prostitutes suggests that the men who visit them are not that different from the general population. Clients are not as likely to be married, or if they are, they are more likely to be unhappily married, have more liberal sexual attitudes (Monto, 1999). They are not less well educated, nor are they more likely to be from the lower social classes (Monto, 1999). Sociologically speaking they are no more or less deviant than the general population. One finding of previous research, which is surprising, is that men who patronize prostitutes do not necessarily hold positive attitudes towards prostitution. Thus, as Sawyer, Rosser, and Schroeder suggest (1998), the client-prostitute relationship may not be about sex after all–but an expression of non-sexual needs. THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES ON PROSTITUTION AND PROSTITUTE USE One of the fundamental debates on commercial sexuality revolves around the question of choice and coercion. Some in the feminist movement have worked diligently to reconceptualize prostitution into a form of voluntaristic labor or sex work–a sort of erotic economy in which women experience higher levels of self-determination and control over their productive and erotic selves (Nagle, 1997). Others have maintained that prostitution is, in every instance, exploitative and coercive of women and their sexuality (Jeffreys, 1997). Despite having gone through numerous conceptual changes, from exploitation to liberation

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and social pathology to a recognized form of market-based social labor (Brown, 1999), what remains the same is the interest in social control agencies in the regulation of this vice (Brock, 1998). Despite their best efforts, however, these agencies have had little measurable success in the elimination of street-based sex work. What are less well articulated are the motivations behind prostitute use by men and these furtive sexual exchanges. In examining the vocabulary of motives identified in these analyses, it is clear that two categories emerge surrounding prostitute use: instrumental and symbolic eroticisation. O’Connell Davidson (1998) points to the importance of clients in the construction of an erotic economy. She points out that most clients attempt to “eroticize” the use of prostitutes and create elaborate justifications for their sexual encounters with them. These narratives of prostitute use range from fairly egalitarian constructions of legitimate sexual exchange to more violent images of women as “whores” who are disempowered through the erotic labor they perform. For O’Connell Davidson, prostitution is a larger elaboration of a set of asymmetrical gender relations that devalue women and perpetuate gender inequality. Monto (1999) notes that the ability for men to commodify women has important negative implications for the men involved as clients, their sexual partners and gender relations in general. Erotics play a significant role in men’s attitudes and beliefs towards prostitution, as an institution, as well as towards prostitutes themselves. (O’Connell Davidson, 1998) There is significant diversity among the erotic orientations of men, but generally, they can be categorized into instrumental eroticisation, i.e., a direct benefit from a commercial sexual exchange in the form of physical or emotional release and symbolic eroticisation, i.e., a broader cultural frame of reference that provides context and justification for their prostitute solicitation. In examining the vocabulary of motives outline in this paper, those factors that fit most closely with an instrumental orientation include (a) a lack of sexual compatibility; (b) trouble forming relationships with women; and (c) lack of interest in exclusive relationships. In all cases, prostitutes serve their most explicit purpose: sexual release. Their sexuality is commodified and exchanged in the sexual marketplace of the stroll. O’Connell Davidson notes that although many clients create elaborate narratives about their sexual activities with prostitutes, this instrumental orientation is quite simply about sex and the social relations that revolve around it. Symbolic motivations cover a more diverse range of emotional and psychological issues. They include (1) client’s attitudes toward sexual

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values and (2) having favorable attitudes towards prostitution. Also important are those things from their past, including (3) childhood victimization and (4) believing that women ask to be victims of sexual violence. Finally, a strong indicator of symbolic motivations includes the notion that (5) prostitutes like their jobs–a perspective that conceptualizes prostitution as sex work, not necessarily as exploitation or sexual coercion. It is this unspoken ‘vocabulary of motives’ that we wish to address in this paper. Specifically, do different social (e.g., racial and/or ethnic) groups have different reasons, perceptions of reasons, or attitudes towards women and sex? Using secondary data we explore differences in attitudes towards sex, confidence in forming relationships with women, desire for exclusive relationships, attitudes towards prostitution, beliefs about prostitution, sexual compatibility with partner (if applicable), childhood victimization, and beliefs about women and sexual violence. RACE, ETHNICITY AND COMMERCIAL SEXUAL RELATIONS In the criminological and criminal justice literature, the main thrust of research on sex work seems to focus on the gendered nature of the work, or examining the effect that race has on a woman’s decision to enter the “trade” (Maher, 1997). Too infrequently has the lens of the social scientist been focused on the impact that race and ethnicity may have in individuals’ decision to seek the comfort of professional sex workers. Race and ethnicity play a significant role in the development of contemporary and historical sexual cultures (Hill Collins, 2004). It may be argued that questions of race/ethnicity and commercial sex work share an important covariant: urban spaces. According to Wild, “Residents of pre-World War II Los Angeles recognized the close relationship between prostitution and the broader structure of ethnic relations” (2002, p. 720). The growth of these urban areas made it possible for the exchange of goods and services between ethnically diverse participants that were previously not possible. These interactions and exchanges underscored the social forces that served to reinforce identities of difference. With the growth of suburbanization and the changing face of ethnic-urban communities, commercial sex networks have become entrenched in communities both locally and globally (Wonders & Michalowski, 2001). The United States is one of the most racially disparate nations. Almaguer (1994) points out that, in the context of social relations,

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Whites are placed at the top of every hierarchy, while Blacks and other minorities inhabit the lowest levels. Sexual interactions are no different. Research examining dating preferences and personal advertisements (Phua & Kaufman, 2003), adolescent sexual behavior (White, 1998), and differences in sexual behaviors and activities (Belcastro, 1985) are heavily raced. According to Donovan (2003), one of the most significant contributions that remain to be made to the analysis of race, ethnicity and sexuality is a close examination about the “color line” that permeates narratives of desire, sexual deviance and purity. Nowhere else may these distinctions be more important than through an examination of the differences between racially and ethnic diverse customers of contemporary street-based sex workers. The multiplicity of “differences” needs to be incorporated more fully into the literature on sex work and prostitution for both clients and prostitutes alike. According to Bridge and Watson (2002), only by focusing on the concept of fluid differences and diffuse social identities, is a more meaningful analysis of social power possible. METHODOLOGY Data Data for this study were obtained from National Archive of Criminal Justice Data: Clients of Street Prostitutes in Portland, Oregon, San Francisco and Santa Clara, California, and Las Vegas, Nevada, 1996-1999 (Monto, 2000). Self-administered surveys were distributed to men in prevention programs in all four cities. Both English and Spanish language surveys were available, with an overall response rate of more than 80 percent, for a total of 1,343 respondents. Subjects were mostly White (56.7%) with some college education (35.9%). Most respondents were not married (57.2%), while of those who were married 74.69% described their marriages as either very happy or pretty happy. Subjects’ ages ranged from 18 to 84 years, with a mean of 37.9. Over three-quarters were working full-time. Most of the men surveyed were straight (90.2%). Complete frequency and percentage distributions can be found in Table 1. Variables The independent variable for this is study is respondent’s race. Response categories include: (1) White (2) Black or African-American

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(3) Hispanic, Chicano/Latino (4) Asian (5) Native American (6) Other (includes all respondents not self-classifying as one of the previous five). There are eight dependent variables. Each dependent variable consists of two or more indicators combined to form an index. The first dependent variable is ‘respondent is not interested in an exclusive relationship.’ Indicators include (1) does the respondent prefer prostitution to a relationship (2) does respondent feel he doesn’t have time for a relationship (3) does the respondent feel he doesn’t want relationship responsibility and (4) does respondent like a variety of partners (alpha = .9218). The range for this variable is 1 to 16, with 1 indicating the least interest in forming an exclusive relationship. The second dependent variable is ‘lack of sexual compatibility with partner.’ Respondents were asked if they (1) and their partner shared the same level of interest in sex and (2) if they and their partner shared the same level of sexual desire (alpha = .9185). The range is 1 to 8, with one indicating the highest level of sexual compatibility. The third dependent variable is ‘liberal sexual attitudes.’ This index was composed of a series of measures looking at the respondent’s attitudes towards different types of sexual behavior. Indicators include (1) does the respondent feel that premarital sex is wrong (2) does the respondent feel that teen sex (premarital) is wrong (3) does the respondent feel that homosexual sex is wrong and (4) does the respondent feel that extramarital sex is wrong (alpha = .6472). The range is 1 to 16 with 1 indicating the least liberal sexual attitudes. Childhood victimization was also included as a variable. Respondents were asked whether they were ever (1) physically or (2) sexually abused as a child (alpha = .9350). The range is 0-2 with 0 indicating the absence of childhood victimization. Subject attitudes towards prostitution were also measured (‘positive attitudes towards prostitution’). Respondents were asked if they felt that (1) prostitution causes problems (2) police should crack down on prostitution (3) prostitution was harmful (alpha = .6258). The range is 1 to 12 with 1 indicating the respondent is most likely to have a negative view of prostitution. In order to find out if some groups were more likely to describe themselves as shy, awkward, or unattractive to women, a ‘has problems meeting women’ index was created. Respondents were asked (1) if the thought they were unattractive to women (2) if they had trouble meeting women (3) if they were shy and awkward around women (alpha = .8823). The values for this variable range from 1 to 12, with 1 indicating

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TABLE 1. Demographic characteristics of the sample. Variable Race

Education Level

Marital Status

Description of Marriage

Attributes White Black or African-American Hispanic, Chicano/Latino Asian Native American Other Missing Total Didn’t graduate high school Graduated from high school Some college after high school Received Bachelor’s degree Received a Master’s degree Missing Total Married Widowed Divorced Separated Never married Missing Total Very happy Pretty happy Not too happy Don’t know Total

Sexual Orientation

Work Status

Straight Straight but had sexual experience with men Bisexual Gay but had sexual experience with women Gay Missing Total Working full-time Working part-time Holding a job but not at work Unemployed, laid off, looking for work

Frequency 757 68 264 167 21 36 30 1343 140 244 482 321 142 14 1343 560 21 198 85 464 15 1343 200

Percent 56.4 5.1 19.7 12.4 1.6 2.7 2.2 100.0 10.4 18.2 35.9 23.9 10.6 1.0 100.0 41.7 1.6 14.7 6.3 34.5 1.1 100.0 36.17

213 115 25 553 1211

38.52 20.80 4.52 100.0 90.2

4.1

7 4

.5 .3

6 60 1343 1057 75 22 56

.4 4.5 100.0 78.7 5.6 1.6 4.2

JOURNAL OF ETHNICITY IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE TABLE 1 (continued)

Variable

Attributes Retired In school Keeping house Other Missing Total Variable: Age

Frequency 31 28 6 27 41 1343

Percent 2.3 2.1 .4 2.0 3.1 100.0 Standard Deviation 11.12

Range

Mode

Mean

18-84

35, 40

37.9

the respondent is least likely to feel he has trouble forming relationships with women. Some men may feel that prostitutes like their jobs (‘belief that prostitutes like their jobs’). A five-item index was created to measure this attitude, and included the following indicators: (1) do you think prostitutes like sex more than other women (2) do you think prostitutes make a lot of money (3) do you think women choose to become prostitutes (4) do you think prostitutes enjoy their jobs (5) do you think prostitutes like men (alpha = .9384). The range is 1 to 15 with 1 indicating the respondent is least likely to think that prostitutes like their jobs. Finally, respondents were asked about their feelings about women and sexual violence (‘Women ask to be victims of sexual violence’). A six-item index was created to measure this attitude, and included the following indicators: (1) do you think that stuck-up women deserve a lesson (2) do you think that going to a man’s home implies willingness to have sex (3) do you think that provocative dress asks for trouble (4) do you think that rape victims have a bad reputation (5) do you think that forced sex after necking is the woman’s fault (6) do you think that women hitchhiking deserve rape (alpha .9534). The scores for this variable range from 1 to 18, with 1 indicating that the respondent is least likely to think that women ask to be victims of sexual violence. Analysis Means comparison tests were performed using ANOVA and Tukey’s HSD (SPSS 10.1). Separate models were run with race as the factor vari-

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able for each of the eight dependent variables. Descriptive data on the indices and demographic variables are also presented (see Appendix A). RESULTS As indicated in Table 2, there are significant between groups relationships for all variables except childhood victimization. When comparing lack of interest in exclusive relationship across groups, Asians have the highest mean score (indicating thatâ&#x20AC;&#x201C;on the averageâ&#x20AC;&#x201C;they are more likely to say they do not have an interest in an exclusive relationship), followed by Others, African-Americans, Whites, Native Americans, and Latinos. The only significant between groups mean differences occur between Asians and Whites, and between Asians and Latinos. Native Americans are most likely to indicate a lack of sexual compatibility, followed by Asians, Whites, Latinos, Others, and AfricanAmericans. However, the only significant difference is between Native Americans and African-Americans. We next address the relationship between race and liberal sexual attitudes. Whites score highest on the liberal sexual attitudes index, followed by Native Americans, Asians, Others, Latinos, and AfricanAmericans. There are significant differences between White and Latinos, and between Whites and African-Americans. There are no significant between group differences on childhood victimization. African-Americans most often report abuse and Latinos least often. Native Americans are most likely to have positive attitudes towards prostitution, followed by Whites. Latinos are least likely to have positive attitudes. We find significant between group mean differences for Native Americans and Latinos, and for Whites and Latinos. Latinos are most likely to report that they have trouble forming relationships with women, followed by Asians, Native Americans, Whites, Others, and African-Americans. Significant differences are found between Latinos and Whites, and between Latinos and African-Americans. Native Americans are most likely to feel that prostitutes like their jobs, followed by Others, Asians, African-Americans, Latinos, and Whites. The only significant difference, however, is between Asians and Whites. Finally, we looked at which racial groups were most likely to feel that women ask to be victims of sexual violence (see Table 3). Others were most likely to feel this way, followed by Native Americans, Asians, La-

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TABLE 2. Dependent variables (exclusive relationships to prostitutes like jobs) by race.* Questions

Means Scores

Lack of Interest in Exclusive Relationship White

4.48a

Black or African-American

4.59

Hispanic or Chicano/Latino

4.03b

Asian

5.28ab

Native American

4.39

Other

4.97

Lack of Sexual Compatibility with Partner White

5.69

Black or African-American

4.98a

Hispanic or Chicano/Latino

5.51

Asian

5.72

Native American

6.93a

Other

5.48

Liberal Sexual Attitudes White

10.74ab

Black or African-American

9.17a

Hispanic or Chicano/Latino

9.52b

Asian

10.30

Native American

10.60

Other

9.97

Childhood Victimization White

.26

Black or African-American

.30

Hispanic or Chicano/Latino

.23

Asian

.26

Native American

.26

Other

.24

Positive Attitudes Towards Prostitution White

8.05a

Black or African-American

7.46

Hispanic or Chicano/Latino

6.48ab

Asian

7.15

Native American

8.67b

Other

6.90

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Trouble Forming Relationships with Women White

3.59a

Black or African-American

3.26b

Hispanic or Chicano/Latino

4.22ab

Asian

4.14

Native American

4.05

Other

3.55

Belief that Prostitutes Like Their Jobs White

6.41a

Black or African-American

7.00

Hispanic or Chicano/Latino

6.96

Asian

7.31a

Native American

7.93

Other

7.44

*Groups with the same letter differ significantly

tinos, African-Americans, and then Whites. There were a number of significant between groups relationships: Others and Whites, Native Americans and Whites, Asians and African-Americans, Asians and Whites, Latinos and African-Americans, Latinos and Whites. DISCUSSION Clearly, differences exist. Whites patronizing street prostitutes are more likely to hold liberal sexual attitudes and are more likely to have positive attitudes towards prostitution, suggesting their use of prostitutes stems from symbolic reasons. A diversion program that emphasizes the dangers inherent in prostitution and unsafe sexual practices in general may be more effective within the White population. Latinos appear to feel they have problems forming relationships, whether due to the fact that they feel shy, unattractive, or just cannot meet women with whom to form a relationship. Clearly, theirs is an instrumental use of prostitution. Diversion programs that include prostitutes essentially ‘dissing’ men would most likely have little to no effect on this group–perhaps even a negative one. Native American men, while sharing Whites’ more positive attitudes towards prostitution, also indicate a lack of sexual compatibility with their partners. We feel that Native American men use prostitution for both instrumental and symbolic reasons. This group of clients may view

JOURNAL OF ETHNICITY IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE TABLE 3. Belief that women ask to be victims of sexual violence. Mean Scores White

AfricanAmerican

3.7620

4.2034

Latino

Asian

Native American

Other

5.9482

6.0278

6.0556

6.0667

Significant Differences

Mean Difference

Other

White

2.3047

Native American

White

2.2936

Asian

African-American

1.8244

White

2.2658

African-American

1.7448

White

2.1862

Latino

Range: 1-18 with 1 indicating that the respondent is least likely to think that women ask to be victims of sexual violence

prostitution as a legitimate alternative to the dissolution of a relationship, or outlet for sexual release. Asian men in the study are most likely to express a lack of interest in having an exclusive relationship, and also more likely to state that they believe that prostitutes like their jobs (and, in fact, that prostitution is a viable economic alternative for some women). Like Native Americans, we feel that Asian men find prostitution to be both instrumental and symbolic in nature. Diversion programs targeting this group may want to consider some sort of speaker series that presents a less ‘glamorous’ view of prostitution, and a more realistic view of why women enter prostitution and what kind of money they actually net. One major concern of prostitute rights groups is the issue of sexual violence against sex workers. Whites and African-Americans are least likely to express the view that women bring sexual violence upon themselves. The fact that Latinos, Asians, Native American, and Other ethnic groups are more likely to express these feelings may be reflective of the difficult relationships (or lack thereof)–and a symbolic reaction to these relationships or lack thereof–the data suggest they experience with women. CONCLUSION While diversion programs are an admirable alternative to traditional court and correction processing of first-offense non-violent offenders, it

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is clearly a mistake to assume that one-size-fits-all diversion programs will meet with anything more than minimal success. Humans are products of their environments, and our racial and ethnic backgrounds are a significant part of that environment. As such, our reasons for behaving as we do are to a certain extent determined by our cultural backgrounds. Alcoholics Anonymous has known this for years. A quick review of AA programs shows programs/meetings for Latinos, Gays, African-Americans, and other diverse groups–the underlying assumption being that different cultural groups are going to have different experiences and motives for their behavior. Diversion programs (whether for clients of prostitutes, substance abusers, or batterers) may be more effective–assuming the goal is to decrease the demand–if the agencies tailor their programs to the ethnic and racial community they serve. REFERENCES Almaguer, T. (1994). Racial fault lines: The historical origins of white supremacy in California. Berkeley: University of California Press. Andros, P., & Steward, S. M. (1996). Understanding the male hustler. New York: Harrington Park Press. Belcastro, P. (1985). Sexual behavior differences between black and white students. Journal of Sex Research, 21(1), 56-67. Bell, S. (1994). Reading, writing and rewriting the prostitute body. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. Bridge, G., & Watson, S. (2002). Lest power be forgotten: Networks, division and difference in the city. The Sociological Review, 50(4), 482-504. Brock, D. (1998). Making work, making trouble: Prostitution as a social problem. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Brown, A. D. (1999). Beyond prostitution: Justice, feminism and social change. Canadian Women’s Studies/les cahiers de la femme, 19 (1&2), 163-169. Davidson, J. O. (1998). Prostitution, power and freedom. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Day, S., Ward, H., & Perrotta, L. (1993). Prostitution and risk of HIV: Male partners of female prostitutes. British Medical Journal, 307(6900), 359-361. Diana, L. (1985). The prostitute and her clients: Your pleasure is her business. Springfield: Charles C. Thomas. Donovan, B. (2003). The sexual basis of racial formation: Anti-vice activism and the creation of the twentieth-century ‘color line.’ Ethnic and Racial Studies, 26(4), 707-727. Dutto, J. (1995). First Offender Prostitution Program. Tenderloin Task Force, San Francisco Police Department. Hill Collins, P. (2004). Black sexual politics: African Americans, gender and the new racism. New York: Routledge. Jeffreys, S. (1997). The idea of prostitution. North Melbourne: Spinifex.

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Larsen, N. E. (1996). The effect of different police enforcement policies on the control of prostitution. Canadian Public Policy, 22(1), 40-55. Maher, L. (1997). Sexed work: Gender, race and resistance in a Brooklyn drug market. New York: Oxford University Press. McKeganey, N. P., & Barnard, M. (1996). Sex work on the streets: Prostitutes and their clients. Buckingham, England: Open University Press. Monto, M. A. (1999). Focusing on the clients of street prostitutes: A creative approach to reducing violence against women. Portland: University of Portland. Monto, M. A. (2000). Clients of street prostitutes in Portland, Oregon, San Francisco and Santa Clara, California, and Las Vegas, Nevada. 1996-1999 [Computer file]. ICPSR version. Portland, OR: University of Portland [producer], 1999. Ann Arbor, MI: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research [distributor]. Monto, M. A., & Hotaling, N. (2001). Predictors of rape myth acceptance among the male clients of female street prostitutes. Violence Against Women, 7(3), 275-293. Nagle, J. (ed). (1997). Whores and other feminists. New York: Routledge. O’Connell Davidson, J. (1999). Prostitution, power and freedom. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Pettiway, L. (1996). Honey, honey, Miss Thang: Being black, gay and on the streets. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Phua, V. C., & Kaufman, G. (2003). The crossroads of race and sexuality: Date selection among men in internet ‘personal’ ads. Journal of Family Issues, 24(8), 981-994. Roach, K. (1999). Due process and victims’ rights. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Sawyer, S., Rosser, B. R. S., & Schroeder, A. (1998) Brief psychoeducational program for men who patronize prostitutes. Journal of Offender Rehabilitation, 26(3/4), 111-125. Stoller, N. (1998). Lessons from the damned: Queers, whores and junkies respond to AIDS. New York: Routledge. Sycamore, M. B. (ed.) (2000). Tricks and treats: Sex workers write about their clients. New York: Harrington Park Press. Symbaluk, D. G., & Jones, K. M. (1998). Prostitution Offender Programs: Canada finds new solutions to an old problem. Corrections Compendium, 23(11), 1-2, 8. Van Brunschot, E. G. (2003). Community policing and ‘Johns Schools.’ Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, 40(2), 215-232. White, R. T. (1998). Putting risk in perspective: Black teenagers lives in the era of AIDS. Boulder: Rowman and Littlefield. Wild, M. (2002). Red light kaleidoscope: Prostitution and ethnoracial relations in Los Angeles 1880-1940. Journal of Urban History, 28(6), 720-742. Wonders, N. A., & Michalowski, R. (2001). Bodies, borders and sex tourism in a globalized world: A tale of two cities–Amsterdam and Havana. Social Problems, 48(4), 545-571. Wortley, S., Benedikt, F., & Webster, C. (2002). Vice lessons: A survey of prostitution offenders enrolled in the Toronto John School Diversion Program. Canadian Journal of Criminology, 44(4), 369-402.

Submitted: December 2002 Resubmitted: January 2005 Accepted: March 2005

Pamela Preston and Alan D. Brown-Hart

APPENDIX A Reliability scores (alpha) for dependent variables.

Index

Indicators

alpha

Lack of sexual compatibility with partner (I)

Do you and your partner share the same level of interest in sex?

.9185

Liberal sexual attitudes (S)

Do you feel premarital sex is wrong?

Do you and your partner share the same level of sexual desire? .6472

Do you feel teen sex is wrong? Do you feel homosexual sex is wrong? Do you feel extramarital sex is wrong?

Childhood victimization (S)

Were you sexually touched as a child?

Trouble forming relationships with women (I)

Do you find it difficult to meet women?

.9350

Were you physically hurt as a child? .8823

Are you shy and awkward with women? Do you think women find you unattractive?

Belief that prostitutes like their jobs (S)

Do you think prostitutes like sex more than other women?

.9384

Do you think prostitutes make a lot of money? Do you think women choose to become prostitutes? Do you think prostitutes enjoy their jobs? Do you think prostitutes like men?

Positive attitude towards prostitution (S)

Do you think that prostitution causes problems?

Women ask to be victims of sexual violence (S)

Do you think that stuck-up women deserve a lesson?

.6258

Do you think that police should crack down on prostitution? Do you think that prostitution is harmful?

Do you think that going to home implies willingness to have sex? Do you think that provocative dress asks for trouble? Do you think that rape victims have bad reputation? Do you think that forced sex after necking is womanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s fault? Do you think women hitchhiking deserve rape?

.9534

JOURNAL OF ETHNICITY IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE APPENDIX A (continued)

Index

Indicators

Lack of interest in exclusive Do you prefer prostitution to relationship? relationship Do you have no time for relationship? (I) Do you not want relationship responsibilities?

alpha .9218

Do you like to have a variety of partners?

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