Assemblage Dwelling Thesis Book

MANIFESTO

The commodification of common goods, land, environmental resources, public services (health, education, transport, planning, and so on), digital spaces, and knowledge, produced new systems of scarcity. In Everyday Commons and Autonomy as Alternatives to Capitalism, economists Carlo Cattaneo and Miquel Martinez anxiously question who has the right to housing and what conditions are necessary to construct equitable and just access to housing . The dwelling has perpetually reproduced the dominant social, political, and economic conditions, the practices and conditions of which have violently reproduced gendered domesticity in the nuclear family and aggressively enforced private ownership. It is this pervasive, patriarchal culture of problematic housing, inherently tied to our uncreative imagination of private ownership and domesticity that requires radical repositioning.

MANIFESTO

To this, architect-activist Pier Vittorio Aureli claims our society needs to propose spatial and structural configurations that instead facilitate sharing, and which make impossible the return to traditional domestic settings. What is urgent for this new era of economic poverty and social instability are domestic typologies that go beyond the single-family as the main subject and embrace communities of people- providing co-owned (shared) spaces resistant to commodification through real-estate speculation. In the latter half of the twentieth century, reacting to growing affluence in the world’s most advanced cities, squatting movements gained extraordinary intensity as inequities and housing crises swelled.

In 1960s Amsterdam, a particular strain of squats emerged out of ideologies of sharing and spatial activism against post-war politics gradually commodifying urban fabrics. Seen scarcely with the same intensity in squatting movements elsewhere is the collective appropriation of buildings through spatial interventions centered on the commons. In these squats, the transformation of buildings into domestic commons for habitation were remarkable feats of collective organization and spatial agency.

As the basis of capitalist economies, land ownership has produced distorted markets in which housing shortages perpetually exacerbate- pushing the inhabitants of cities into conditions of precarity. Conversely, vacant structures litter all manner of urban environments. This housing contradiction has manifested in alternative visions of communal living and a new collective agency materializing in squatter collectives throughout Dutch urban environments. By occupying vacant properties and imagining alternative models of family and ownership, these communes have established infrastructures of domestic solidarity. Across the Netherlands, the squatting movement has produced spaces for diverse co-habitation by those who advocate collective living. The squatter communes which have organized in Amsterdam represent vital opportunities for meaningful investigation into how communities have materialized alternative housing models subverting the issues which have emerged from patriarchal domesticities and the commodification of housing. The authors of Architecture of Appropriation, Boer, Truijen, and Verzier speak to the success of Dutch squatters- “through the appropriation and maintenance of industrial, historic, empty, and abandoned structures, the squatters are at the same time activists, builders, and architects who design the architectures of new forms of belonging, and new ways of being together autonomous to speculative economies and conventional domesticity” . Put simply, there is already significant research and understanding of “what” the squatter communes have been able to accomplish but we lack an understanding of the “how”. Although existing research illustrates the vivid and dynamic life inside these squats, more critical investigations which analyze their tactics of the domestic organization (the sharing of domestic labor and reproductive burdens), the architecture of spatial appropriation, and co-ownership models present the opportunity for speculation on formal iterations in alternate settings. My research intends to rectify this critical disparity and stimulate creative iterations of formalized (LEGAL) alternative domesticities able to transform our stagnant housing models radically. The intent is NOT to propose a restructuring of our capitalist society, but rather to provide the alternative of autonomy for those who do not wish to belong in it. The intent IS to “hack” the system- provide instead commons-centric and CO-owned domestic spaces to provide a meaningful counter for those in need of collectivity.

My research will investigate the means through which this collective agency has allowed squatters to imagine autonomous urban communes resilient to political and economic instability. Simultaneously, I will study how the processes of organizing these squats through spatial activism (in the appropriation of neglected structures) undermine normative domestic practices. The aim of this research is to examine a selected series of squatter communes in Amsterdam- their models of creating welcoming, inclusive, communal housing. The research methodology will consist of studying archival drawings, photographs, and interviews, to understand the spaces, tactics, and governance models of the selected squats. I am most interested in investigating how squatters collectively negotiate spaces, how the commons have materialized in these alternative domesticities, squatter tactics of spatial intervention (how they appropriate buildings and create architecture), their means of self-organization, and their re-imagining of domestic and reproductive labor. This research seeks to stimulate creative co-living typologies in the US, where capitalism has produced and reproduced antiquated domestic models unable to address a new era of an increasingly precarious population plagued by destitution, social instability, and technological primacy. Through investigation into these squats, my research seeks to imagine how city inhabitants may become effective city builders themselves, without waiting for reform of an inert building bureaucracy and apathetic socio-economic structures.

Amsterdam

In the latter half of the twentieth century, reacting to growing affluence in the world’s most advanced cities, squatting movements gained extraordinary intensity as inequities and housing crises swelled. In 1960s Amsterdam, a particular strain of squats emerged out of ideologies of sharing and spatial activism against post-war politics gradually commodifying urban fabrics. Seen scarcely with the same intensity in squatting movements elsewhere is the collective appropriation of buildings through spatial interventions centered on the commons. In these squats, the transformation of buildings into domestic commons for habitation were remarkable feats of collective organization and spatial agency.

Amsterdam

1879

1209

Prices rise and distort the market and housing shortages worsen to the detriment of inhabitants of cities, who are pushed into the conditions of precarity, while the processes of unequal access and accumulation of capital among the population proliferate. It has been market-driven policies, the economic and political pressures, that have pushed people to rely on their own means and on infrastructures of commonality. This has manifested in the construction of alternative forms of collectivity, and new civic agency. By inhabiting vacant premises and imagining other models of family and ownership, the squatting movement has set up infrastructures of domestic solidarity. Across Europe, squatters have opened spaces for diverse and multi-generational habitation for those who advocate collective living.

The administrative Rotterdamsche a company

1882

Methadology - Squatter Commune Case

1872

The monastery of the Order of St. Anthony is founded along the Maas river in Maastricht, on the site of the current Landbouwbelang.

1793

Plantagekerk Church

Amsterdam, Netherlands

Original Function: Church

Construction of the Plantagekerk church on the Plantage Doklaan in Amsterdam (fig. 1, 2).

The monastery is partially destroyed during a siege by French troops.

1848

The monastery is demolished in its entirety.

1914

Vereeniging Landbouwbelang, an association for collective agricultural sales and purchases, was founded in Roermond.

1921 – 1937

The Landbouwbelang association builds a series of warehouse complexes on another location along the Maas.

1879 as the company founded by the Pincoffs. The imposing road along the south acquired national heritage Rotterdam’s port authority, transform the building resistance. After lying was squatted in 1980. building, carried out it fit for living. added living spaces, wood workshop, a space and a stage. renowned venue in the city’s was legalized, and from the municipality, Today Poortgebouw as a give-away store, performance night.

give-away store, a people’s parties, various workshops,

1954 – 1956

processing of cereals, and orders the construction of an industrial complex with a silo on the location of the former monastery. The building process was completed after World War II (fig. 1, 2)

Landbouwbelang

Maastricht, Austria

have contacts in the squatting movement border on friendship. I feel grateful been able to follow this path of law. deal with lots of family cases, but part is squatting, and so far it has interesting and I will continue to as long as I feel that I can make some contribution of significance.

Kampert en Helm constructs a building across the full width of the site at Plantage Doklaan (fig. 3). Presses are placed in the former church.

Original Function: Industrial Complex

The same applies to me. A key aspect that I want to get to the bottom of superficially assist, but to try and the loopholes and the possibilities. what we achieved in 2010 was really spectacular and that is the joy of

Do you think what we are trying will make any difference? The fact is a national institution of architecture claiming that it constitutes an important legacy? Is that at all useful in a court or is it significant only in the cultural

Yes. It is important to keep doing like you do, because it puts the criminaliza tion of squatting into perspective.

RB: In the case of ADM, there are

Figure 2: Landbouwbelang in operation.

Lodewijk Pincoffs, Kop van Zuid architect JSC

All property company of Rotterdam. authority and

Figure 1: Poortgebouw, 1932

History of Urban Squatting, Alexander Vasudevan (2017) Architecture of Appropriation, Boer, Otero Verzier (2019)

1879

The administrative office of the Rotterdamsche Handelsvereniging, company set up by entrepreneur Lodewijk Pincoffs, is built in the Kop van Zuid district to a design by architect JSC van de Wall (fig. 1).

1882

October 1980

The Rotterdam Association of Squatter Groups

Commune Case Studies

Through the implementation of sharing at various scales, in a number forms and means, squatter communes have developed new models of co-ownership as a means of liberating the commons from economic and political systems. Through participation and agency, they have extended the ideals of collectively and commune by directly intervening in and appropriating conventional architecture. By centralizing domestic labor, they have disrupted normative forms of domestic inhabitation and patriarchal structures. Through the appropriation and maintenance of industrial, historic, empty and abandoned structures, the inhabitants are at the same time activists, builders and architects who design the architectures of new forms of belonging, and new ways of being together. The aim of this research is to reflect on a series of Squatter Communes- their models for creating welcoming, inclusive, affordable housing.

property belonging to the company is acquired by the city Rotterdam. The municipal port authority and the Holland-America Line move into the building.

squatting movement that feel grateful to have path of law. I also cases, but the other far it has been very continue to do it for can make some kind of significance.

Poortgebouw in protest high level of vacancy and against a new unoccupied buildings. of the squatters is building suitable for use it as a youth

orders location

buildPresses naming Lukraak.

Poortgebouw

Tbilisi, Austria Original Function: Office Building

me. A key aspect is bottom of things. Not to try and look for possibilities. I think was really something the joy of my work.

we are trying to do difference? The fact that there institution of architecture constitutes an important useful in a court case, in the cultural to keep doing things puts the criminalizaperspective. there are self-built

(p. 230: Letter circulated borhood about a new November 1980

The squatters engage cussion with the municipality the legalization of occupation. The considers a proposal

ipality to transform into independent person household too expensive for

The group is convinced renovate the building nity and on their can be offered. As by the municipality

Figure 1: Poortgebouw, 1900.

History of Urban Squatting, Alexander Vasudevan (2017) (2019) Architecture of Appropriation, Boer, Otero Verzier (2019)

Collectivity

FROM SQUATTING TO COOPERATIVE LIVING

Appropriating Co-Living and Commons Models from European Squats

The café, equipped with a podium and dance floor, was constructed in a space on the ground floor, and later expanded by cutting a large hole to make a connection with the former basement and bike shed.

Squatter Communes Towards a Future of Sharing in Co-Living Protik Choudhuri

Prices rise and distort the market and housing shortages worsen to the detriment of inhabitants of cities, who are pushed into the conditions of precarity, while the processes of unequal access and accumulation of capital among the population proliferate. It has been market-driven policies, the economic and political pressures, that have pushed people to rely on their own means and on infrastructures of commonality. This has manifested in the construction of alternative forms of collectivity, and new civic agency. By inhabiting vacant premises and imagining other models of family and ownership, the squatting movement has set up infrastructures of domestic solidarity. Across Europe, squatters have opened spaces for diverse and multigenerational habitation for those who advocate collective living. Through the appropriation and maintenance of industrial, historic, empty and abandoned structures, the inhabitants are at the same time activists, builders and architects who design the architectures of new forms of belonging, and new ways of being together. The aim of this research is to reflect on a series of Squatter Communes- their models for creating welcoming, inclusive, affordable housing. Through the implementation of sharing at various scales, in a number forms and means, squatter communes have developed new models of co-ownership as a means of liberating the commons from economic and political systems. Through participation and agency, they have extended the ideals of collectively and commune by directly intervening in and appropriating conventional architecture. By centralizing domestic labor, they have disrupted normative forms of domestic inhabitation and patriarchal structures.

Keywords: Squatting, Communes, Alternative Domesticities, Participation, Co-ownership

The significance of Squatter communes must first be placed in the context of the larger discourse of co-living and the various conventionional typologies. Specifically, why makes squatter communes significantly unique in comparison to conventional co-living models. The diagrammatic graphic on page 4 shows very simply the scales of sharing that are relevant to this research. Stretching to the left, we have the larger, less intimate scale of sharing, the sharing of the physical fabric of the city being the least intimate. To right, the sharing of the most intimate elements of co-living- the sharing of personal objects, belongings, furniture, tools. What makes squatting communes valuable from this perspective is the manner in which they are established as fluid, unregulated mechanisms which integrate informally into

Collectivity

as the founded by the imposing along the south national heritage authority, transform the building After lying squatted in 1980. carried out

1879

The administrative office of the Rotterdamsche Handelsvereniging, a company set up by entrepreneur Lodewijk Pincoffs, is built in the Kop van Zuid district to a design by architect JSC van de Wall (fig. 1)

1882

October 1980

The Rotterdam of Squatter Groups

Methadology - Squatter Commune Case Studies

monastery of the Order of Anthony is founded along the river in Maastricht, on the site current Landbouwbelang.

Construction of the Plantagekerk church on the Plantage Doklaan in Amsterdam (fig. 1, 2)

Plantagekerk Church

Amsterdam, Netherlands Original Function: Church

monastery is partially destroyed siege by French troops.

monastery is demolished in entirety.

Vereeniging Landbouwbelang, association for collective agricultural sales and purchases, founded in Roermond.

1937 Landbouwbelang association series of warehouse complexes on another location the Maas.

processing of cereals, and orders the construction of an industrial complex with a silo on the location of the former monastery. The building process was completed after World War II (fig. 1, 2)

have contacts in the squatting movement that border on friendship. I feel grateful to have been able to follow this path of law. I also deal with lots of family cases, but the other part is squatting, and so far it has been very interesting and I will continue to do it for as long as I feel that I can make some kind of contribution of significance.

Poortgebouw in high level of vacancy and against a new unoccupied buildings. of the squatters building suitable use it as a youth (p. 230: Letter circulated borhood about a new

1954 – 1956

Kampert en Helm constructs a building across the full width of the site at Plantage Doklaan (fig. 3). Presses are placed in the former church.

All property belonging to the company is acquired by the city of Rotterdam. The municipal port authority and the Holland-America Line move into the building.

Poortgebouw

Tbilisi, Austria Original

November 1980

WJ: The same applies to me. A key aspect is that I want to get to the bottom of things. Not superficially assist, but to try and look for the loopholes and the possibilities. I think what we achieved in 2010 was really something spectacular and that is the joy of my work.

Figure 3: Kampert and Helm printing firm.

Kampert en Helm relocates to Lelystad.

MOV: Do you think what we are trying to do will make any difference? The fact that there is a national institution of architecture claiming that it constitutes an important legacy? Is that at all useful in a court case, or is it significant only in the cultural or political realm?

April 1981

cities and neighborhoods while remaining outside of economic and political systems, while still sharing the spatial and social fabric of the city. At the same time, their circumstances extend the ideology of the internal commons to the most intimate levels of sharing- the sharing of personal belongings, furniture, tools, etc. Thus, it is perhaps in these more intimate conditions of sharing that squatter communes provide the most significant opportunity for reflection on the future of co-living. The 4 following case studies were chosen and researched from a number of sources with available spatial data in the form of plans and axonometrics. These were studied and then compared based on a series of significant issues and topics relevant to the future of co-living.

History of Urban Squatting, Alexander Vasudevan (2017) History of Urban Squatting, Alexander Vasudevan (2017) Architecture of Appropriation, Boer, Otero Verzier (2019) Architecture of Appropriation, Boer, Otero Verzier (2019)

1, 2: Plantagekerk around 1928.

Landbouwbelang’s main hall in use.

1929 – 1932

WJ: Yes. It is important to keep doing things like you do, because it puts the criminalization of squatting into perspective.

Figure 1: Poortgebouw, 1900.

Figure 2: Landbouwbelang in operation.

The Artis Squatter Group squats the buildings at Plantage Doklaan 8-12 and Henri Polaklaan 11, naming the whole complex Huize Lukraak. (p. 54: Press release to announce a new squat / p. 55 : Alarm system of Artis Squatter Groups / p. 56: Neighborhood map and list of buildings squatted by Artis Squatter Groups).

Methadology - The Scales of Sharing

From this, we can extract significant conclusions about how squatter communes may influence future co-living models by allowing the liberation of the commons from economic and political systems, allowing participation and agency by resident

The squatters engage cussion with the the legalization occupation. The considers a proposal ipality to transform into independent person household too expensive for The group is convinced renovate the building nity and on their can be offered. by the municipality

association needs a warefor grain storage and the

printing company Kampert en acquires the church and adds building to it.

RB: In the case of ADM, there are self-built homes that we deem an interesting contribution to architecture in the Netherlands. Such an acknowledgment by a national institute, would that be relevant in a court case?

The newly established Port of Rotterdam makes the building its headquarters.

1984 – 1994

The entire complex is in use as a school for vocational training. The former church serves as a gym.

The association closes the warehouse due to limited opportunities for expansion within the city. The building is acquired by the nearby paper mill.

1990s

1981

1994 – 1998

WJ: Yes, it would make a difference. Projects like these, that’s the main thing, they will keep putting things into perspective.

1977

The vacant premises are used by several cultural groups such as Intro

Squatter Communes

Poortgebouw starts space for squatters basement rehearsal musicians, and a

284

167

51

Conventional Co-Living Models

The Port of Rotterdam moves out of Poortgebouw, and the municipality plans to turn the building into a brothel. After protests the plans are abandoned and the building remains empty.

VLUCHTMAAT

1982

This office building a refugee collective in 2015, and an innovative economic model, transformation.

This diagrammatic graphic shows very simply the scales of sharing that are relevant to this research. What makes squatting communes valuable from this perspective is their circumstances extend the ideology of the internal commons to the most intimate levels of sharing- from the sharing of personal belongings, furniture, tools- responsibilities and burdens. Thus, I would argue that it is in these more intimate conditions of sharing that squatter communes provide the most significant opportunity for reflection on the future of co-living.

Early 1980s

1970s

for living. living spaces, workshop, a and a stage. venue in the city’s legalized, and the municipality, Poortgebouw give-away store, night. store, a people’s various workshops,

1932

systems, allowing participation and agency by resident and inhabitant, allowing for the rethinking centralized domestic labor and disrupting normative forms of domestic inhibition and patriarchal structures. We can compare them several distinct themes:

1. Co-ownership and the liberated (independent) Commons

2. Participation and agency

3. Centralization of domestic labor

Contrary to alternative forms of co-living models, the careful management of these self-organized and self-built spaces is fundamental for accommodating individual desires within the common good. The administration of a squat demands trust, commitment, time, and energy from its inhabitants. Successful, long-lasting squats learned to creatively organize communal living by destabilizing hierarchies, shifting roles, and using democratic committee meetings to make decisions. In addition, squats often align with and are supported by unconventional approaches to economic and cultural exchanges, forms of collective care, and more equitable and inclusive social, political, and technical

Co-ownership and the Commons | Participation

The Tactics of Sharing | Co-ownership

Collective Spatial Agency in Appropriating Buildings

All Squatter communes researched exhibited significant Ideological differences from conventional co-living models regarding co-ownership and the manifestation of the commons. They emphasize the significance of sharing communal spaces through direct engagement- such that squatters are active participants in the all social and creative processes of the squat. There are two key principles that define this engagement (page 41, Plantage Dok). Firstly, every able-bodied squatter participates in constructing the necessary communal and civic spaces of a Squat as determined by a democratic process. In the Plantage Dok in the Netherlands, for instance, the main structure, and the ground floor had been totally rearranged to create shared spaces, workshops, artist studios and music studios by the squatters (Plan pg 33, image 36). In the Landbouwbelang in Austria, the communal programs such as the kitchen and garden, the shared bathrooms and toilets are constructed in people’s preferred places throughout the building, spreading the community throughout the entire complex (page 89, plan).

Secondly, the very first act after surveying the premises of the vacant structure is to carve out and determine communal spaces and facilities necessary for the collective. Inverting the relationships between most conventional co-living spaces today, the Communal spaces in squats have utmost priority over the private, individual spaces. As such, individual and private spaces tend to be formed in clusters around the primary communal spaces. In the Poortgebouw Squat in Georgia, shared kitchens, communal living room, and the library occupy key positions inside the building and are used for monthly house meetings.

Plantage Dok in the Netherlands, for instance, the main structure, and the

The Ideology of Sharing

This idea is extended by the presence of unique program typologies aimed at directly connecting inhabitant squatters to each other through shared infrastructures. Tool sharing rooms, communal gardens, and item exchange rooms (such as books, clothes, and toys) indicated communal use of available resources, while the shared responsibility of managing and maintaining gardens for agricultural production establishes the utilitarian aspect of the commons. These two programs are foundational to every squat, as accumulation of tools for communal use for purposes of modifying the vacant structure is as significant as the structure itself (page 124, Poortgebouw). Just as significant, gardens are significant agricultural infrastructure for the producing ingredients for communal food production (page 24, Poortgebouw). Finally, atypical books, clothes, and other possession sharing programs are significant in establishing a healthy social fabric despite the precarious circumstances of the squats (Poortagebouw, pg 123).

In the Plantage Dok in the Netherlands, for instance, the main structure, and the ground floor of the existing church had been rearranged to create shared spaces, workshops, artist studios and music studios as democratically chosen by the squatters. In the Landbouwbelang in Austria, the communal programs such as the kitchen and garden, the shared bathrooms and toilets are constructed in people’s preferred places throughout the building, spreading the community throughout the entire complex.

Co-ownership and the Commons

enhance social interaction, the number of entrances was doors located next to each other on the front side.

Ground floor

Spread-out living —The individual rooms, rooms and toilets are constructed in the building, spreading the community

the existing church had been rearranged to create shared spaces, workshops, artist studios and mucommunal programs such as the kitchen and garden, the shared bathrooms and toilets are constructed entire complex.

first act after surveying the premises of the vacant structure is to carve out and determine communal spaces and facilities necessary for the collective. Inverting the relationships between conventional co-living spaces today, the Communal spaces in squats have utmost priority over the private, individual spaces. As such, individual and private spaces tend to

formed

clusaround the primary infrastructures.

Spatial

The Tactics of Constructing a Commune

The squats presented in this are organized around open-ended structures capable of housing diverse communities and programs. Squatters Inherently maintain a dynamism in the way in which they understand buildings as non-static adaptable structures different from inhabitants of conventional co-living models. This allows them a great degree of flexibility in the tactics they employ in order to appropriate buildings and develop them into environments suitable for a commune- into environments of extreme spatial diversity and extreme communal engagement.

Collectively, they subdivide existing structure to form clusters of living spaces for individuals and groups. For instance, the high ceilings of the former office building, Poortgebouw, allowed for the insertion of mezzanines into almost all of the bedrooms, typically with living space below and sleeping area above. Multiple inhabitants were then able to occupy each of these clusters of more private living spaces. Ambiguous thresholds between private and public, independent and communal spaces. On the other hand, individual spaces and private in both Poortgebouw and Vlucht Maat, showcase high-degree of independent expression.

Adaptability

In addition, most communal rooms are adaptable for various purposes- dynamic functions and various events.

In the Plantagekerk, the former chapel is used as a multifunctional space and cultural venue which often gets reconfigured with partition walls for various configurations based on the necessary use (Plantagekerk, axon, 41). In the Poortgebouw, the large attic can be reconfigured into different large-scale event spaces in which significant meetings, theater activities, and art exhibitions can be held (axon, 135). The dynamism of these adaptable event spaces ultimately activates and elevates the already present social processes in the Squats. By actively participating in reconfiguring, activating, and performing in these spaces, squatters form intrinsic social and physical bonds between each other and to the structure which they have directly configured.

The café, equipped with a podium and dance floor, was constructed in a space on the ground floor, and later expanded by cutting a large hole to make a connection with the former basement and bike shed.

Architecture of Appropriation - Squatting as a Spatial Practice, Eds. Truijen, Boer, Otero Verzier (2019)

Spatial Agency | Tactics of Constructing a

Spatial Agency | Adaptability

Mezzanines

The squats presented in this research are organized around open-ended structures capable of housing diverse which they understand buildings as non-static adaptable structures. Buildings are as vulnerable as the people ploy in order to appropriate buildings and develop them into environments suitable for a commune- into environments

The high ceilings of the former office building allowed for the insertion of mezzanines into almost all of the bedrooms, typically with living

Private, type of community ground a café, and

In addition, most communal rooms are adaptable for dynamic social functions. The dynamism of these adaptable the Squats. By actively participating in reconfiguring, activating, and performance of these spaces, squatters they

Squatter Communes: Towards a A Future of Sharing in Co-Living

Economies —The occupants collectively pay rent for the shared areas and public space. Revenue generated from the letting of the Dokzaal, the name given to the former Plantagekerk, is deducted from the rent.

Constructing a Commune

Co-ownership and the Commons | Unique Program Types

of housing diverse communities and programs. Squatters Inherently maintain a dynamism in the way in vulnerable as the people that inhabit them. This allows them a great degree of flexibility in the tactics they emcommune- into environments of extreme spatial diversity and extreme communal engagement.

allowed for the insertion typically with living space

by the presence of unique program typologies established by various infrastructures of sharing. Tool sharing rooms, communal gardens, and item exchange machine parts) indicate communal use of available resources. These tool sharing and communal gardens are foundational to every squat, as accumulation of of modifying one’s own environment is significant

Ground floor — Wood workshop

Arches—Many interventions have arch-shaped openings, created using templates found in the basement by the first group of squatters. Originally, these templates were used for renovations of the arches in the façade.

The Tactics of Constructing a Commune

By weaving structures of solidarity, creativity and activism, squatters transgress and disrupt normative forms of domestic inhabitation and patriarchal structures. A significant number of squats house households composed of nuclear families. Similarly, women make up an equal representation of squatter populations in the 4 case studies discussed previously. The case studies are testament to the ways in which domestic labor can be centralized to significantly reduce the burdens of reproductive labor on the nuclear family, particularly the mother. Three key elements can be adapted to models of co-living to centralize reproductive labor into communal functions and shared burdens.

Ultimately, market-driven policies, the economic and political pressures, have pushed people to rely on their own means and on infrastructures of commonality. It is within this setting that we can extract significant conclusions about how squatter communes may influence future co-living models by allowing the liberation of the commons from economic and political systems, allowing participation and agency by resident and inhabitant, allowing for the rethinking centralized domestic labor and disrupting normative forms of domestic inhibition and patriarchal structures.

Communal kitchens

Allow for the centralization of food production- reducing the time which individuals have to spend completing domestic labor. All case studies have implemented this,although at different scales. Some implemented rotation systems while others have formed cook groups in which cooking is completed communally.

Nurseries and Creches

Larger squats have nurseries which allow further centralization of domestic labor as nurturing children becomes a communal practice.

Live-work:

Squats have deployed communal live-work programs which allow residents maintain physical and social presence in squats. By eliminating the physical thresholds between life and work, the Squat residents more productively engage with the communal setting of the squat.

Decentralization of Domestic Labor

Decentralization of Domestic Labor

Ground floor — Office space

Squats have deployed communal live-work programs which allow residents maintain physical and social presence

NURSERY

Larger squats have nurseries which allow further centralization of domestic labor as

Squatter Communes: Towards a A Future of Sharing in Co-Living First floor

Ground floor

physical and social presence in squats. By eliminating the physical thresholds between life and work, the Squat

Squatter Communes Appropriated: An Cooperative Housing Model

Domestic Framework: in the Cooperatives (CLTs, etc)

Communes Appropriated:

Housing Model

Domestic Framework: Reproduction in the Commons

Domestic Framework: Reproduction in Squats (Amsterdam)

Labor Pool

Purchase of Co-op Share

Communal Kitchen and Cafetaria

Allows for centralization of domestic labor and sharing of reproductive burdens.

Living Units

High reconfigural double height units in which inhabitants determine the domestic environment, degree of privacy and social exchange between roommates and commune residents.

Cowork Studios

Allows for persuit of live-work lifestyle, easing the burden on both while improving social fabric within the commune.

Interior Corridor

Threshold for an environment degree permeability

between each other and to the structure which they have directly configured...

Interior Social Corridor

Threshold space - allows open interior environment with high degree of social permeability

Agricultural space in which some foods will be grown for communal food production.

Promotes shared stewardship

Event Space

Primary spaces of negotiation - multifunctional and adaptable space frames re-configurable by residents. May become temporary exhibition and theatre space, meeting halls, or more permenant individual and small possession sharing rooms, libraries, offices, nurseries, and daycares.

Ground Level

Commercial Space

Restaurants and commercial space in the ground level allow residents to lease commercial space and generate income towards the co-op

Squatter Communes: Towards a A Future of Sharing in Co-Living

Imagining Alternative Domesticities

URBAN ROOF FARM

Chapter/Theme

Squatting evolved into a type of class conflict that centers around the issue of housing, but is not limited to it. In reality, squatting encompasses more than simply finding shelter under a roof, as it involves a communal effort to self-organize in order to acquire reasonably priced living space, a cooperative method of renovating and maintaining the building, an alternative mode of existence that exists on the fringes of capitalist norms, and a political opportunity to demonstrate and mobilize through direct action. People who aspire to live in communes or in cohousing initiatives, for instance, may also contribute to the expression of housing needs in the form of a demand.

Squatting Amsterdam

Squatting Amsterdam

Primarily, the primary requirement for homeless individuals is to obtain a place to call their own. Conversely, home seekers consist of individuals such as young adults, residents dwelling in inadequate housing, expanding families, separated couples, those who require space to work remotely, and migrants who have recently arrived (Bouillon, 2009; Leal, 2010). Individuals who desire to live in communities or collaborative housing ventures may also express their need for housing in the form of a request.

Squatters utilize their power and skills to satisfy their own requirements while also supporting the efforts of those who are marginalized by the current housing system. A political objective of all types of squatters, including those who self-provide their housing and those who operate occupied social centers, is to demonstrate solidarity with homeless, poorly-housed, economically disadvantaged, and young individuals who cannot afford a suitable and well-equipped home. They often disregard political representation in favor of self-sufficiency, direct democracy, and self-advocacy. Which individuals are given priority to receive housing? What guidelines are employed to ensure that access to an occupied location is both equitable and fair? How can we eliminate obstacles encountered by specific social groups due to their gender, class, ethnicity, or physical limitations (Nussbaum, 2003)?

These squatters engage in self-help and assist others in locating accommodation, using squatting as a method to protest against housing shortages, vacancy, speculation, and housing policies. Numerous independent groups hold discussions, establish norms, and make their own decisions regarding where to squat based on the location, type of building, and their knowledge of the owner. They also recruit members and support other potential squatters based on trust, political alignment, needs, opportunities, abilities, knowledge, and other factors.Typically, squatters do not assert their right to a legal title as private owners (although this may sometimes occur). Rather, they assert their right to manage the building and its inhabitants according to their own collectively agreed-upon regulations (Martínez, 2002: 189–92). This might be referred to as the right to partial private possession, as opposed to private property.

The privatization of communal goods, land, natural resources (such as minerals, oil, water, and fisheries), public services (such as health, education, transport, and planning), software, and knowledge has created new types of scarcity.

Squatting has played a significant role in Amsterdam’s political landscape over the past few decades, shaping debates and policies around issues of housing, urban planning, and social justice.

Amsterdam has a long history of squatting, with the practice becoming widespread in the 1970s and 1980s as the city faced a shortage of affordable housing and rising rents. Squatting became a form of direct action against the dominant economic and political systems that were failing to provide adequate housing for all.

Squatting in Amsterdam has had a significant impact on local politics, both in terms of direct action and broader policy debates. Squatters and their supporters have organized numerous protests and demonstrations to highlight the issue of housing inequality, and have successfully pressured policymakers to take action on the issue.

One of the most significant outcomes of squatting in Amsterdam has been the creation of a legal framework for squatting. In the 1990s, Amsterdam became one of the few cities in Europe to legalize squatting, allowing people to legally occupy vacant buildings for as long as they were not being used. This policy helped to regulate the practice of squatting, and also ensured that vacant buildings were being put to use rather than left empty.

Source: Rene Boer, Architecture of Appropriation

Poortgebouw is a former office building located in Rotterdam, the second-largest city in the Netherlands. The building was constructed in the 1980s and was initially utilized as an office space for a shipping company. However, the building was left vacant after the shipping company moved out, and it soon became a target for squatters.

In 1980, a group of squatters, many of whom were artists, musicians, and activists, occupied the building and began to transform it into a communal living and working space. The squatters organized themselves into a collective, and they set up a system for managing the building, including cleaning, maintenance, and security.

Over time, the Poortgebouw became a hub for alternative culture in Rotterdam, hosting concerts, art exhibitions, and other cultural events. The building was also home to a number of small businesses, including a bakery, a silk-screen printing shop, and a bicycle repair workshop. The Poortgebouw was not officially recognized by the government as a legal squat, but the squatters managed to stay in the building for more than 20 years. In 2001, the squatters were finally evicted by the police, and the building was sold to a private developer Today, the Poortgebouw is still remembered as a unique and vibrant space that embodied the spirit of resistance and creativity that defined Rotterdam’s alternative scene in the 1980s and 1990s..

Source: Rene Boer, Architecture of Appropriation

Source: Rene Boer, Architecture of Appropriation

Source: Rene Boer, Architecture of Appropriation

Original Building Plans

Squatter Adapted Building Plans

Source: Rene Boer, Architecture of Appropriation

The Plantage Dok squat was a famous squat located in Amsterdam, the capital city of the Netherlands. The squat was established in 1981, in a former naval barracks that had been abandoned for many years. The building was located in the Plantage neighborhood, near the city center.

The squat was initially occupied by a group of squatters who were looking for affordable housing in the city. Over time, the building was transformed into a communal living space, with dozens of residents sharing the space. The squatters organized themselves into a collective, and they set up a system for managing the building, including cleaning, maintenance, and security.

The Plantage Dok squat became a symbol of the squatting movement in Amsterdam, and it was known for its active involvement in political and social issues. The residents of the squat were involved in various community projects, including a neighborhood garden and a community center. The building also hosted cultural events, including concerts, art exhibitions, and theater performances. The Plantage Dok squat was not officially recognized by the government as a legal squat, but the squatters managed to stay in the building for over 20 years.

Source: Rene Boer, Architecture of Appropriation

Source: Rene Boer, Architecture of Appropriation

Source: Rene Boer, Architecture of Appropriation

Source: Rene Boer, Architecture of Appropriation

SQUATTER COMMUNES

SQUATTER COMMUNES

The squat was initially occupied by a group of squatters who were looking for affordable housing in the city. Over time, the building was transformed into a communal living space, with dozens of residents sharing the space. The squatters organized themselves into a collective, and they set up a system for managing the building, including cleaning, maintenance, and security.

The Plantage Dok squat became a symbol of the squatting movement in Amsterdam, and it was known for its active involvement in political and social issues. The residents of the squat were involved in various community projects, including a neighborhood garden and a community center. The building also hosted cultural events, including concerts, art exhibitions, and theater performances.

Despite the eviction, the Plantage Dok squat remains an important part of Amsterdam’s history. The squat was an inspiration to many activists and artists, and it was an important symbol of the city’s alternative culture. The legacy of the Plantage Dok squat lives on in the city, and it continues to inspire new generations of activists and squatters who are fighting for affordable housing and social justice.

In 1980, a group of squatters, many of whom were artists, musicians, and activists, occupied the building and began to transform it into a communal living and working space. The squatters organized themselves into a collective, and they set up a system for managing the building, including cleaning, maintenance, and security.

Over time, the Poortgebouw became a hub for alternative culture in Rotterdam, hosting concerts, art exhibitions, and other cultural events. The building was also home to a number of small businesses, including a bakery, a silk-screen printing shop, and a bicycle repair workshop.

The Poortgebouw was not officially recognized by the government as a legal squat, but the squatters managed to stay in the building for more than 20 years. In 2001, the squatters were finally evicted by the police, and the building was sold to a private developer.

Despite the eviction, the legacy of the Poortgebouw lives on in Rotterdam. The building was an important symbol of the city’s counterculture, and it remains an inspiration to many activists and artists. Today, the Poortgebouw is still remembered as a unique and vibrant space that embodied the spirit of resistance and creativity that defined Rotterdam’s alternative scene in the 1980s and 1990s.

Income Generators

Collective Negotiations

The squat was initially occupied by a group of squatters who were looking for affordable housing in the city. Over time, the building was transformed into a communal living space, with dozens of residents sharing the space. The squatters organized themselves into a collective, and they set up a system for managing the building, including cleaning, maintenance, and security. The Plantage Dok squat became a symbol of the squatting movement in Amsterdam, and it was known for its active involvement in political and social issues. The residents of the squat were involved in various community projects, including a neighborhood garden and a community center. The building also hosted cultural events, including concerts, art exhibitions, and theater performances.

Individual Spatial Transactions

The Plantage Dok squat was not officially recognized by the government as a legal squat, but the squatters managed to stay in the building for over 20 years. In 2001, the squat was finally evicted by the police, and the building was sold to a private developer.

Despite the eviction, the Plantage Dok squat remains an important part of Amsterdam’s history. The squat was an inspiration to many activists and artists, and it was an important symbol of the city’s alternative culture. The legacy of the Plantage Dok squat lives on in the city, and it continues to inspire new generations of activists and squatters who are fighting for affordable housing and social justice.

PLANTAGE DOK - First Floor | Social Assemblage

The squat was initially occupied by a group of squatters who were looking for affordable housing in the city. Over time, the building was transformed into a communal living space, with dozens of residents sharing the space. The squatters organized themselves into a collective, and they set up a system for managing the building, including cleaning, maintenance, and security. The Plantage Dok squat became a symbol of the squatting movement in Amsterdam, and it was known for its active involvement in political and social issues. The residents of the squat were involved in various community projects, including a neighborhood garden and a community center. The building also hosted cultural events, including concerts, art exhibitions, and theater performances.

The Plantage Dok squat was not officially recognized by the government as a legal squat, but the squatters managed to stay in the building for over 20 years. In 2001, the squat was finally evicted by the police, and the building was sold to a private developer.

Despite the eviction, the Plantage Dok squat remains an important part of Amsterdam’s history. The squat was an inspiration to many activists and artists, and it was an important symbol of the city’s alternative culture. The legacy of the Plantage Dok squat lives on in the city, and it continues to inspire new generations of activists and squatters who are fighting for affordable housing and social justice.

SCALE: 1/8” = 1’

The squat was initially occupied by a group of squatters who were looking for affordable housing in the city. Over time, the building was transformed into a communal living space, with dozens of residents sharing the space. The squatters organized themselves into a collective, and they set up a system for managing the building, including cleaning, maintenance, and security. The Plantage Dok squat became a symbol of the squatting movement in Amsterdam, and it was known for its active involvement in political and social issues. The residents of the squat were involved in various community projects, including a neighborhood garden and a community center. The building also hosted cultural events, including concerts, art exhibitions, and theater performances.

The Plantage Dok squat was not officially recognized by the government as a legal squat, but the squatters managed to stay in the building for over 20 years. In 2001, the squat was finally evicted by the police, and the building was sold to a private developer.

Despite the eviction, the Plantage Dok squat remains an important part of Amsterdam’s history. The squat was an inspiration to many activists and artists, and it was an important symbol of the city’s alternative culture. The legacy of the Plantage Dok squat lives on in the city, and it continues to inspire new generations of activists and squatters who are fighting for affordable housing and social justice.

In some cities, squats have been used as community spaces where people can come together to share resources, knowledge, and ideas. These spaces often host events such as concerts, art exhibits, and workshops, and they can be important hubs for marginalized communities who may not have access to other public spaces.

That being said, it’s worth noting that occupying abandoned buildings is generally illegal and can be dangerous. Squats often lack basic infrastructure such as running water and electricity, and they may be prone to collapse or fire. In addition, the legality of squats varies depending on the country and region, and occupying a building without the owner’s consent can lead to legal repercussions.

In summary, while squats may be able to serve as social centers, it’s important to consider the potential risks and legal implications before participating in or supporting squatting activities.

The Plantage Dok squat was a famous squat located in Amsterdam, the capital city of the Netherlands. The squat was established in 1981, in a former naval barracks that had been abandoned for many years. The building was located in the Plantage neighborhood, near the city center.

The squat was initially occupied by a group of squatters who were looking for affordable housing in the city. Over time, the building was transformed into a communal living space, with dozens of residents sharing the space. The squatters organized themselves into a collective, and they set up a system for managing the building, including cleaning, maintenance, and security.

The Plantage Dok squat became a symbol of the squatting movement in Amsterdam, and it was known for its active involvement in political and social issues. The residents of the squat were involved in various community projects, including a neighborhood garden and a community center. The building also hosted cultural events, including concerts, art exhibitions, and theater performances.

The Plantage Dok squat was not officially recognized by the government as a legal squat, but the squatters managed to stay in the building for over 20 years. In 2001, the squat was finally evicted by the police, and the building was sold to a private developer.

Despite the eviction, the Plantage Dok squat remains an important part of Amsterdam’s history. The squat was an inspiration to many activists and artists, and it was an important symbol of the city’s alternative culture. The legacy of the Plantage Dok squat lives on in the city, and it continues to inspire new generations of activists and squatters who are fighting for affordable housing and social justice.

The Plantage Dok squat was a famous squat located in Amsterdam, the capital city of the Netherlands. The squat was established in 1981, in a former naval barracks that had been abandoned for many years. The building was located in the Plantage neighborhood, near the city center.

The squat was initially occupied by a group of squatters who were looking for affordable housing in the city. Over time, the building was transformed into a communal living space, with dozens of residents sharing the space. The squatters organized themselves into a collective, and they set up a system for managing the building, including cleaning, maintenance, and security.

The Plantage Dok squat became a symbol of the squatting movement in Amsterdam, and it was known for its active involvement in political and social issues. The residents of the squat were involved in various community projects, including a neighborhood garden and a community center. The building also hosted cultural events, including concerts, art exhibitions, and theater performances.

The Plantage Dok squat was not officially recognized by the government as a legal squat, but the squatters managed to stay in the building for over 20 years. In 2001, the squat was finally evicted by the police, and the building was sold to a private developer.

Despite the eviction, the Plantage Dok squat remains an important part of Amsterdam’s history. The squat was an inspiration to many activists and artists, and it was an important symbol of the city’s alternative culture. The legacy of the Plantage Dok squat lives on in the city, and it continues to inspire new generations of activists and squatters who are fighting for affordable housing and social justice.

In 1980, a group of squatters, many of whom were artists, musicians, and activists, occupied the building and began to transform it into a communal living and working space. The squatters organized themselves into a collective, and they set up a system for managing the building, including cleaning, maintenance, and security.

Over time, the Poortgebouw became a hub for alternative culture in Rotterdam, hosting concerts, art exhibitions, and other cultural events. The building was also home to a number of small businesses, including a bakery, a silk-screen printing shop, and a bicycle repair workshop.

The Poortgebouw was not officially recognized by the government as a legal squat, but the squatters managed to stay in the building for more than 20 years. In 2001, the squatters were finally evicted by the police, and the building was sold to a private developer.

Despite the eviction, the legacy of the Poortgebouw lives on in Rotterdam. The building was an important symbol of the city’s counterculture, and it remains an inspiration to many activists and artists. Today, the Poortgebouw is still remembered as a unique and vibrant space that embodied the spirit of resistance and creativity that defined Rotterdam’s alternative scene in the 1980s and 1990s.

The Squat Poortgebouw, located in Rotterdam, the Netherlands, is a historic building that has become a symbol of resistance against the dominant economic and political systems. The squat was established in the 1980s by a group of activists who were seeking to create an alternative community and challenge the hegemony of capitalist culture.

The building that houses the Squat Poortgebouw was originally constructed in 1879 as a gatehouse for the Rotterdam city wall. It later served as a police station and a social services office before falling into disuse in the 1970s. In 1980, a group of squatters took over the building and transformed it into a hub for political and cultural activism.

The Squat Poortgebouw quickly became a center for radical politics and countercultural activity. The activists who lived and worked there organized events and actions aimed at challenging the status quo and creating a more just and egalitarian society. The squat hosted concerts, film screenings, and art exhibitions, as well as political rallies and demonstrations.

One of the key features of the Squat Poortgebouw was its commitment to direct action and autonomy. The activists who lived and worked there sought to create a self-sufficient and sustainable community that was independent of the mainstream economic and political systems. They built their own living spaces, grew their own food, and organized their own systems of governance and decision-making.

The Squat Poortgebouw was also notable for its commitment to social justice and inclusivity. The activists who lived and worked there welcomed people from all backgrounds and identities, and worked to address issues of poverty, homelessness, and inequality in their local community. They were also active in solidarity campaigns with oppressed and marginalized communities both within the Netherlands and around the world.

Squatting City

Flexible spaces in homes have become increasingly important in recent years, as the way we live and work has changed. Flexible spaces are designed to be adaptable to a range of different uses, allowing homeowners to maximize their living space and make the most of their homes. One of the main benefits of flexible spaces in homes is that they can be used for multiple purposes. For example, a room might serve as a home office during the day, and then transform into a guest bedroom at night.

Finally, flexible spaces in homes can also help to promote sustainability and reduce our environmental impact. By designing spaces that can be easily adapted to different uses, homeowners can avoid the need to build additional rooms or add-ons to their homes, which can be costly and resource-intensive. Additionally, by designing spaces that can be used for different purposes, homeowners can avoid the need to purchase additional furniture or equipment.

Squatting the

Flexible spaces in homes have become increasingly important in recent years, as the way we live and work has changed. Flexible spaces are designed to be adaptable to a range of different uses, allowing homeowners to maximize their living space and make the most of their homes. One of the main benefits of flexible spaces in homes is that they can be used for multiple purposes. For example, a room might serve as a home office during the day, and then transform into a guest bedroom at night.

Finally, flexible spaces in homes can also help to promote sustainability and reduce our environmental impact. By designing spaces that can be easily adapted to different uses, homeowners can avoid the need to build additional rooms or add-ons to their homes, which can be costly and resource-intensive. Additionally, by designing spaces that can be used for different purposes, homeowners can avoid the need to purchase additional furniture or equipment, reducing their overall consumption and waste.

Flexible spaces in homes have become increasingly important in recent years, as the way we live and work has changed. Flexible spaces are designed to be adaptable to a range of different uses, allowing homeowners to maximize their living space and make the most of their homes. One of the main benefits of flexible spaces in homes is that they can be used for multiple purposes. For example, a room might serve as a home office during the day, and then transform into a guest bedroom at night. This type of flexibility allows homeowners to make the most of their space, and also ensures that they have the flexibility to adapt to changing needs over time.

In conclusion, flexible spaces in homes have become increasingly important in today’s changing world. By designing homes with adaptable and versatile spaces, homeowners can maximize their living space, support a range of different lifestyles and activities, and promote sustainability and efficiency. As our homes continue to evolve, flexible spaces are likely to become an increasingly important feature of modern home design.

Woodworking workshops can be very useful for a number of reasons.

Skill Development: Woodworking workshops provide an opportunity to learn and develop new skills in woodworking, such as how to use tools, select materials, and construct furniture or other wood-based projects. By learning and practicing these skills, participants can gain confidence in their abilities and become more proficient woodworkers.

Creative Expression: Woodworking workshops can be a great outlet for creative expression, allowing participants to explore their artistic side and develop their own unique style. Through the process of creating wood-based projects, participants can exercise their imagination and create something that is both practical and aesthetically pleasing.

Community Building: Woodworking workshops can be a great way to connect with other woodworkers and build a sense of community around a shared interest. Participants can share tips and techniques, offer feedback on each other’s work, and support one another in their creative pursuits.

Practical Skills: In addition to the artistic and creative benefits of woodworking workshops, participants can also gain practical skills that can be applied in their personal and professional lives. For example, learning how to build furniture or other woodbased projects can be a valuable skill for home improvement and DIY projects.

SOCIAL PRACTICE

PRACTICE

In some cities, squats have been used as community spaces where people can come together to share resources, knowledge, and ideas. These spaces often host events such as concerts, art exhibits, and workshops, and they can be important hubs for marginalized communities who may not have access to other public spaces.

That being said, it’s worth noting that occupying abandoned buildings is generally illegal and can be dangerous. Squats often lack basic infrastructure such as running water and electricity, and they may be prone to collapse or fire. In addition, the legality of squats varies depending on the country and region, and occupying a building without the owner’s consent can lead to legal repercussions.

In summary, while squats may be able to serve as social centers, it’s important to consider the potential risks and legal implications before participating in or supporting squatting activities.

Flexible spaces in homes have become increasingly important in recent years, as the way we live and work has changed. Flexible spaces are designed to be adaptable to a range of different uses, allowing homeowners to maximize their living space and make the most of their homes.

Flexible spaces in homes can also be designed to support a range of different lifestyles and activities. For example, a space might be designed to serve as a yoga studio, a playroom for kids, or a home theater. By designing spaces that support different activities, homeowners can create homes that are better suited to their individual needs and preferences.

One of the main benefits of flexible spaces in homes is that they can be used for multiple purposes. For example, a room might serve as a home office during the day, and then transform into a guest bedroom at night. This type of flexibility allows homeowners to make the most of their space, and also ensures that they have the flexibility to adapt to changing needs over time.

Another advantage of flexible spaces is that they can be designed to be more functional and efficient. By designing a room to serve multiple purposes, homeowners can avoid having rooms that are rarely used or that become cluttered with furniture that only serves a single purpose. This can help to reduce the overall size of a home, making it more efficient and cost-effective to heat, cool and maintain.

Flexible spaces in homes can also be designed to support a range of different lifestyles and activities. For example, a space might be designed to serve as a yoga studio, a playroom for kids, or a home theater. By designing spaces that support different activities, homeowners can create homes that are better suited to their individual needs and preferences.

Finally, flexible spaces in homes can also help to promote sustainability and reduce our environmental impact. By designing spaces that can be easily adapted to different uses, homeowners can avoid the need to build additional rooms or add-ons to their homes, which can be costly and resource-intensive. Additionally, by designing spaces that can be used for different purposes, homeowners can avoid the need to purchase additional furniture or equipment, reducing their overall consumption and waste.

In conclusion, flexible spaces in homes have become increasingly important in today’s changing world. By designing homes with adaptable and versatile spaces, homeowners can maximize their living space, support a range of different lifestyles and activities, and promote sustainability and efficiency. As our homes continue to evolve, flexible spaces are likely to become an increasingly important feature of modern home design.

URBAN PRACTICE

PRACTICE

In the 1960s and 1970s, Amsterdam, like many other European cities, experienced a shortage of affordable housing. This led to a growing movement of young people who began squatting abandoned buildings, primarily in the city center. These squatters saw themselves as part of a broader countercultural movement that rejected mainstream society and embraced alternative forms of living.

The first high-profile squat in Amsterdam was the Lucky Luyk, a former hotel on the Lijnbaansgracht, which was occupied in 1968. Over the following years, many more buildings were squatted, and the movement gained momentum. Squatters formed collectives, organized protests, and even published their own newspaper, the Bluf!

In the 1980s, the Dutch government introduced a policy of “tolerance” towards squatters, which allowed them to remain in occupied buildings as long as they met certain conditions, such as maintaining the property and not causing a public nuisance. This policy led to a period of relative stability, as squatters were able to negotiate with the government and property owners to legalize their occupancy. However, in the 1990s, the government’s attitude towards squatting began to shift. In 1994, a new law was introduced that made squatting illegal in the Netherlands. This led to a wave of evictions and clashes between squatters and police, particularly in Amsterdam.

Squatting, or the practice of occupying and using an abandoned or unoccupied building without the owner’s permission, has a long and complex history in Amsterdam.

In the 1960s and 1970s, Amsterdam, like many other European cities, experienced a shortage of affordable housing. This led to a growing movement of young people who began squatting abandoned buildings, primarily in the city center. These squatters saw themselves as part of a broader countercultural movement that rejected mainstream society and embraced alternative forms of living.

The first high-profile squat in Amsterdam was the Lucky Luyk, a former hotel on the Lijnbaansgracht, which was occupied in 1968. Over the following years, many more buildings were squatted, and the movement gained momentum. Squatters formed collectives, organized protests, and even published their own newspaper, the Bluf!

In the 1980s, the Dutch government introduced a policy of “tolerance” towards squatters, which allowed them to remain in occupied buildings as long as they met certain conditions, such as maintaining the property and not causing a public nuisance. This policy led to a period of relative stability, as squatters were able to negotiate with the government and property owners to legalize their occupancy.

However, in the 1990s, the government’s attitude towards squatting began to shift. In 1994, a new law was introduced that made squatting illegal in the Netherlands. This led to a wave of evictions and clashes between squatters and police, particularly in Amsterdam.

Despite the illegality of squatting, there are still some squatters in Amsterdam today. Some argue that squatting is a necessary response to the city’s ongoing housing crisis, while others see it as a form of anarchism that has outlived its usefulness.

In the 1960s and 1970s, Amsterdam, like many other European cities, experienced a shortage of affordable housing. This led to a growing movement of young people who began squatting abandoned buildings, primarily in the city center. These squatters saw themselves as part of a broader countercultural movement that rejected mainstream society and embraced alternative forms of living.

The first high-profile squat in Amsterdam was the Lucky Luyk, a former hotel on the Lijnbaansgracht, which was occupied in 1968. Over the following years, many more buildings were squatted, and the movement gained momentum. Squatters formed collectives, organized protests, and even published their own newspaper, the Bluf!

In the 1980s, the Dutch government introduced a policy of “tolerance” towards squatters, which allowed them to remain in occupied buildings as long as they met certain conditions, such as maintaining the property and not causing a public nuisance. This policy led to a period of relative stability, as squatters were able to negotiate with the government and property owners to legalize their occupancy. However, in the 1990s, the government’s attitude towards squatting began to shift.

DOMESTIC PRACTICE

DOMESTIC PRACTICE

In the 1960s and 1970s, Amsterdam, like many other European cities, experienced a shortage of affordable housing. This led to a growing movement of young people who began squatting abandoned buildings, primarily in the city center. These squatters saw themselves as part of a broader countercultural movement that rejected mainstream society and embraced alternative forms of living.

The first high-profile squat in Amsterdam was the Lucky Luyk, a former hotel on the Lijnbaansgracht, which was occupied in 1968. Over the following years, many more buildings were squatted, and the movement gained momentum. Squatters formed collectives, organized protests, and even published their own newspaper, the Bluf!

In the 1980s, the Dutch government introduced a policy of “tolerance” towards squatters, which allowed them to remain in occupied buildings as long as they met certain conditions, such as maintaining the property and not causing a public nuisance. This policy led to a period of relative stability, as squatters were able to negotiate with the government and property owners to legalize their occupancy. However, in the 1990s, the government’s attitude towards squatting began to shift.

In the 1960s and 1970s, Amsterdam, like many other European cities, experienced a shortage of affordable housing. This led to a growing movement of young people who began squatting abandoned buildings, primarily in the city center. These squatters saw themselves as part of a broader countercultural movement that rejected mainstream society and embraced alternative forms of living.

The first high-profile squat in Amsterdam was the Lucky Luyk, a former hotel on the Lijnbaansgracht, which was occupied in 1968. Over the following years, many more buildings were squatted, and the movement gained momentum. Squatters formed collectives, organized protests, and even published their own newspaper, the Bluf!

URBAN COMMONS

COMMONS

Squatting in Amsterdam refers to the practice of occupying unused or abandoned buildings in the city and using them as a place to live, work or organize social and cultural events. Squatting has a long history in Amsterdam, dating back to the 1960s and 1970s when the city experienced a housing crisis.

In the past, squatters in Amsterdam were able to claim legal rights to a property after living in it for a certain period of time, which is known as “kraken” in Dutch. However, the Dutch government has since made squatting illegal in 2010, with penalties including fines and imprisonment.

Despite the legal consequences, there are still a number of squats in Amsterdam, particularly in areas such as the Jordaan, De Pijp, and Nieuwmarkt. Squats often serve as creative and alternative spaces for artists, musicians, and activists, as well as a way to provide affordable housing in a city with high living costs. However, it is important to note that squatting is a controversial issue in Amsterdam and beyond, with some arguing that it is a necessary response to housing shortages and social inequality, while others view it as an illegal and disruptive activity that undermines property rights and public safety.

Speculative Domestic Production and Reproduction

Siting Spatial

Co-op finds vacant property and makes contract with building owner

The Co-op Board is composed of democratically selected stakeholders/residents from previous iterations of this co-living model

Inquiry

Co-op seeks stakehoders and allows them to become members by buying a share of the Co-op

Co-op occupies ing and adapts their collective individual

Communes Appropriated: Cooperative Housing Model

Domestic Framework: Reproduction in the Commons

Architect

CO-OP FUNDS

Purchase of Co-op Share

Construction and Maintenance ownership

Occupant

Spatial Activism

Determine design of living organization of event (adaptable social and spaces), necessity for commercial space, kitchen and commusize and location of space, presence of fixed such as nursery and daycare, and gym

Individual Living Units

Relocation

Co-op finishes its lease period and relocates to another vacant structure

Architect is the mediator between stakeholder and develope- the instigator. They will ask questions and bring up concerns during stakeholder meetings as a “consultant”. They will then translate ideas to a building design and communicate to developer.

Distribution

Process repeats as Co-op generates income and grows to be able to purchase properties

Co-op works to with stakeholders to determine how residents will contribute to manage of communal facilities and how credits will be distributed based on contribution to the co-op.

Squatting in Amsterdam refers to the practice of occupying unused or abandoned buildings in the city and using them as a place to live, work or organize social and cultural events. Squatting has a long history in Amsterdam, dating back to the 1960s and 1970s when the city experienced a housing crisis.

In the past, squatters in Amsterdam were able to claim legal rights to a property after living in it for a certain period of time, which is known as “kraken” in Dutch. However, the Dutch government has since made squatting illegal in 2010, with penalties including fines and imprisonment.

Despite the legal consequences, there are still a number of squats in Amsterdam, particularly in areas such as the Jordaan, De Pijp, and Nieuwmarkt. Squats often serve as creative and alternative spaces for artists, musicians, and activists, as well as a way to provide affordable housing in a city with high living costs. However, it is important to note that squatting is a controversial issue in Amsterdam and beyond, with some arguing that it is a necessary response to housing shortages and social inequality, while others view it as an illegal and disruptive activity that undermines property rights and public safety.

Squatting in Amsterdam refers to the practice of occupying unused or abandoned buildings in the city and using them as a place to live, work or organize social and cultural events. Squatting has a long history in Amsterdam, dating back to the 1960s and 1970s when the city experienced a housing crisis.

In the past, squatters in Amsterdam were able to claim legal rights to a property after living in it for a certain period of time, which is known as “kraken” in Dutch. However, the Dutch government has since made squatting illegal in 2010, with penalties including fines and imprisonment.

Despite the legal consequences, there are still a number of squats in Amsterdam, particularly in areas such as the Jordaan, De Pijp, and Nieuwmarkt. Squats often serve as creative and alternative spaces for artists, musicians, and activists, as well as a way to provide affordable housing in a city with high living costs. However, it is important to note that squatting is a controversial issue in Amsterdam and beyond, with some arguing that it is a necessary response to housing shortages and social inequality, while others view it as an illegal and disruptive activity that undermines property rights and public safety.

Squatting in Amsterdam refers to the practice of occupying unused or abandoned buildings in the city and using them as a place to live, work or organize social and cultural events. Squatting has a long history in Amsterdam, dating back to the 1960s and 1970s when the city experienced a housing crisis.

In the past, squatters in Amsterdam were able to claim legal rights to a property after living in it for a certain period of time, which is known as “kraken” in Dutch. However, the Dutch government has since made squatting illegal in 2010, with penalties including fines and imprisonment.

Despite the legal consequences, there are still a number of squats in Amsterdam, particularly in areas such as the Jordaan, De Pijp, and Nieuwmarkt. Squats often serve as creative and alternative spaces for artists, musicians, and activists, as well as a way to provide affordable housing in a city with high living costs. However, it is important to note that squatting is a controversial issue in Amsterdam and beyond, with some arguing that it is a necessary response to housing shortages and social inequality, while others view it as an illegal and disruptive activity that undermines property rights and public safety.

Squatting in Amsterdam refers to the practice of occupying unused or abandoned buildings in the city and using them as a place to live, work or organize social and cultural events. Squatting has a long history in Amsterdam, dating back to the 1960s and 1970s when the city experienced a housing crisis.

In the past, squatters in Amsterdam were able to claim legal rights to a property after living in it for a certain period of time, which is known as “kraken” in Dutch. However, the Dutch government has since made squatting illegal in 2010, with penalties including fines and imprisonment.

Despite the legal consequences, there are still a number of squats in Amsterdam, particularly in areas such as the Jordaan, De Pijp, and Nieuwmarkt. Squats often serve as creative and alternative spaces for artists, musicians, and activists, as well as a way to provide affordable housing in a city with high living costs. However, it is important to note that squatting is a controversial issue in Amsterdam and beyond, with some arguing that it is a necessary response to housing shortages and social inequality, while others view it as an illegal and disruptive activity that undermines property rights and public safety.

Modular adaptive architecture is often seen as a response to the changing needs of modern society, such as the need for flexible workspaces, multi-use buildings, and sustainable design solutions. It is also considered a way to reduce construction waste and carbon emissions by using pre-fabricated components that can be easily assembled and disassembled.

One of the key advantages of modular adaptive architecture is its flexibility. Buildings designed with modular components can be easily reconfigured and expanded to meet changing needs. For example, a commercial building may be designed with modular office pods that can be easily moved or reconfigured to accommodate different teams or work styles. Similarly, a residential building may be designed with modular living spaces that can be added or removed to accommodate growing or shrinking families.

Another advantage of modular adaptive architecture is its speed of construction. Prefabricated components can be manufactured off-site and quickly assembled on site, which can significantly reduce construction time and costs. This can be particularly beneficial in areas where traditional construction methods are not feasible due to limited space or resources.

In addition to its flexibility and speed, modular adaptive architecture is also valued for its sustainability. By using prefabricated components, building waste can be significantly reduced, and the environmental impact of construction can be minimized. Furthermore, modular buildings are often designed with energy-efficient features, such as passive heating and cooling systems, that can reduce the building’s carbon footprint.

Overall, modular adaptive architecture offers a promising approach to building design that is flexible, efficient, and sustainable. As society continues to evolve and change, this type of architecture is likely to become increasingly popular as a way to create buildings that can adapt and respond to the needs of the people who use them.

MANIFESTO

In pace with the extraordinary rural-urban migration and international immigration, humanity will end the 21st century as an entirely urban species. But urban environments are factories- the site of perpetual reproduction of services, interactions, urban and domestic spaces for capital accumulation, rather than the outcome of social processes. As such, the conditions under which migrants have integrated into the urban environments globally are characterized by the extraordinary struggle for decent housing and work.

Globally, it is the squatting movement that responded by countering exclusionary forms of ownership and radically transforming urban and domestic conditions for migrants through two distinct operations: the illegal appropriation of vacant buildings and domestic interventions centered on the commons. Leveraging collective action, they produced extraordinary domestic and urban spaces for migrants and refugees, utilizing collective labor, spatial activism, and by imagining alternative models of family and ownership.

In the Netherlands, gentrification and decline of the social housing stock since the 2000s, drastically exacerbated the State’s strictly regulated, migrant integration protocol.

MANIFESTO

It was Amsterdam’s Squatter institutions that responded. Unique in this way, Amsterdam’s squatting movement can be distinguished by its quasi-institutional, urban-scale operations critiquing the city’s social hierarchies, housing speculation and political negligence. Thus, the integration of migrants and refugees into the urban environment was bottom-up and organic, turning squatting into a practice that enables anyone, even migrants and refugees, to intervene in the urban environment according to their needs and reconstruct the city according to their desires.

In 2010, Amsterdam outlawed squatting entirely, further escalating the city’s housing and refugee crises.

To re-instate in a legal form, this radical urban and domestic practice of co-producing the city, my thesis proposes a new domestic prototype/typology to counter Amsterdam’s speculative housing market through a reflection on the organic social and spatial commoning tactics of the Squatters. Dubbed the Sharehouse, this domestic typology for migrants and refugees capitalizes on discomfort and friction, promotes negotiation, and leverages collective action to enable domestic assemblage. Rather than merely housing, this thesis reconceptualizes domestic space as a process to co-produce and transform the city.

Influx of refugees and Migrants in the Netherlands amidst

Source

Central Agency for the Reception of Asylum Seekers (COA)

amidst Global Crises, 2021-2022

Machine Translated

Squatting became a powerful form of social and political activism in Amsterdam, with many squatters organizing protests and demonstrations to demand affordable housing and to resist eviction. Squatting also became an important part of Amsterdam’s counterculture scene, with many squats serving as venues for art exhibitions, music performances, and other cultural events.

Over time, the government and property owners began to crack down on squatting, with many squats facing eviction and legal battles. In 2010, the Dutch government passed a law making it illegal to squat residential buildings, although squats that were established before the law was passed were given a grace period of one year to legalize their occupation.

Today, while squatting is still technically illegal in Amsterdam, the city has become more tolerant of squats that are used for cultural or community purposes.

Upper-Middleclassmigration

Integration: The integration of immigrants and their families into Dutch society is a major challenge. Despite government efforts to promote integration, many immigrants face difficulties in finding employment, housing, and accessing social services. This can lead to social exclusion and tensions between different communities.

Asylum Seekers: The Netherlands has seen a significant increase in the number of asylum seekers in recent years, particularly since the start of the Syrian civil war in 2011. While the government has provided assistance to these asylum seekers, there have been issues with the processing of applications and providing adequate housing and services.

Illegal Immigration: Like many other European countries, the Netherlands also faces issues with illegal immigration. This includes the issue of undocumented migrants who have overstayed their visas or crossed borders illegally. There is ongoing debate about how to address this issue, including calls for stronger border controls and more effective deportation policies.

Migration: From Rural to the Margins

government intervention

High degree of family seperation + social isolation

High degree of Regulation

Arrival Cities

Poor access to urban infrastructure, education, employment “Transitional Neighborhoods”

Homogenous High Crime

Poor Reputation

SLOTERVAART

Tower In The Park Model

NO DENSITY FLEXIBILITY AUTONOMY

Squatting: From the Margins to the City

Flexible spaces in homes have become increasingly important in recent years, as the way we live and work has changed. Flexible spaces are designed to be adaptable to a range of different uses, allowing homeowners to maximize their living space and make the most of their homes.

One of the main benefits of flexible spaces in homes is that they can be used for multiple purposes. For example, a room might serve as a home office during the day, and then transform into a guest bedroom at night. This type of flexibility allows homeowners to make the most of their space, and also ensures that they have the flexibility to adapt to changing needs over time.

Another advantage of flexible spaces is that they can be designed to be more functional and efficient. By designing a room to serve multiple purposes, homeowners can avoid having rooms that are rarely used or that become cluttered with furniture that only serves a single purpose. This can help to reduce the overall size of a home, making it more efficient and cost-effective to heat, cool and maintain.

Assemblage

Integration: The integration of immigrants and their families into Dutch society is a major challenge. Despite

these asylum seekers, there have been issues with the processing of applications and providing adequate housing and

Illegal Immigration: Like many other European countries, the Netherlands also faces issues with illegal immigration. This includes the issue of undocumented migrants who have overstayed their visas or crossed borders illegally. There is ongoing debate about how to address this issue, including calls for stronger border controls and more effective deportation policies.

to Base Program

to Domestic + Urban Assemblage

Kitchen + Space

Kitchen + Space

Assemblage

Productive Space Living Units

Productive Space Living Units

SHAREHOUSE

Explorations

Accommodating changing lifestyles: As people’s lifestyles and needs change over time, flexible spaces can adapt to accommodate these changes. For example, a flexible space can be converted into a nursery when a family has a child, and then back into a home office when the child grows up.

Promoting sustainability: Flexible spaces can also promote sustainability by reducing the need for additional construction and space. Rather than building additional rooms or structures to accommodate changing needs, residents can use existing flexible spaces to meet their needs.

Increasing Affordability: Flexible spaces can make housing more affordable by reducing the need for larger or more expensive homes. For example, a smaller home with flexible spaces can accommodate a family’s changing needs over time, rather than requiring them to move to a larger home as their needs change.

The ShareHouse - FLOOR (Domestic

The ShareHouse - FLOOR (Domestic

Flexible Partition Walls

Flexible Partition Walls

Systemized Flexbility

Systemized Flexbility

UNIT MODULES

DOMESTIC LEVEL

Units defined through Rigid Partitions

DOMESTIC LEVEL

Units Modified Through Flexible Partitions

FRAME SYSTEM and MODULAR ORGANIZATION

“Urban Ground”

URBAN GROUND PROTOTYPE

URBAN GROUND PROGRAM

Negotiation

ShareHouse - Module Prototype 2

Accommodating changing lifestyles: As people’s lifestyles and needs change over time, flexible spaces can adapt to accommodate these changes. For example, a flexible space can be converted into a nursery when a family has a child, and then back into a home office when the child grows up.

Promoting sustainability: Flexible spaces can also promote sustainability by reducing the need for additional construction and space. Rather than building additional rooms or structures to accommodate changing needs, residents can use existing flexible spaces to meet their needs.

Modules Negotiated

Increasing Affordability: Flexible spaces can make housing more affordable by reducing the need for larger or more expensive homes. For example, a smaller home with flexible spaces can accommodate a family’s changing needs over time, rather than requiring them to move to a larger home as their needs change.

Fostering community: Flexible spaces can also be used for community-building activities, such as hosting events or sharing resources. By promoting community interaction, flexible spaces can help create a more supportive and collaborative living environment.

Unit Module Adapted

Co-produced Space

Unit Module Adapted

The ShareHouse

FRAME SYSTEM and MODULAR ORGANIZATION

Units defined through Partitions

Unit Modules Negotiated

Prototype

Co-produced Space

of

Adaptable

Adaptable

Adaptable

Adaptable

Adaptable

Adaptable

Adaptable

Adaptable

Negotiated

ModuleUnit Module Adapted

Modules Negotiated

Modules Negotiated

Co-produced Space

The ShareHouse - Module Prototype

AMSTERDAM MIGRANTS

Housing: Amsterdam is facing a severe housing crisis, with a shortage of affordable housing for both locals and migrants. This has led to high rents and a lack of suitable accommodation, which has made it difficult for many migrants to find a place to live.

Employment: While Amsterdam has a strong economy and many job opportunities, it can be difficult for migrants to find work due to language barriers, discrimination, and other factors. This can lead to social exclusion and economic hardship for migrants.

Integration: The process of integrating into Dutch society can be challenging for migrants, particularly those from nonWestern countries. Language barriers, cultural differences, and discrimination can all pose obstacles to integration, which can lead to social isolation and marginalization.

Amsterdam: Migration To The Margins

Margins

Marginalization

Housing: Amsterdam is facing a severe housing crisis, with a shortage of affordable housing for both locals and migrants. This has led to high rents and a lack of suitable accommodation, which has made it difficult for many migrants to find a place to live.

Employment: While Amsterdam has a strong economy and many job opportunities, it can be difficult for migrants to find work due to language barriers, discrimination, and other factors. This can lead to social exclusion and economic hardship for migrants.

Integration: The process of integrating into Dutch society can be challenging for migrants, particularly those from nonWestern countries. Language barriers, cultural differences, and discrimination can all pose obstacles to integration, which can lead to social isolation and marginalization.

Xenophobia: While Amsterdam is generally a tolerant and openminded city, there is still a risk of xenophobia and discrimination towards migrants. This can be fueled by economic anxieties, cultural differences, and political rhetoric, which can create a hostile environment for migrants.

Squatting: From the Margins to the City

While informal economies are often associated with poverty and inequality, they can also provide important economic and social benefits to individuals and communities. For example, informal economies can provide livelihoods and income for people who are excluded from the formal labor market, or who face barriers to entering formal employment due to discrimination, lack of education or training, or other factors. Informal economies can also provide goods and services that are not available in the formal economy, or that are available at lower prices.

However, informal economies can also pose significant challenges and risks, both to individuals and to society as a whole. For example, informal economies can be associated with low wages, poor working conditions, and limited access to social protection and other benefits. Informal economies can also be vulnerable to exploitation, corruption, and criminal activity, which can undermine the rule of law and pose risks to public safety and security.

One of the key challenges of informal economies is their invisibility and lack of regulation. Because informal economies are not monitored or taxed by the government, they can be difficult to measure and understand, and can operate in ways that are not transparent or accountable. This can make it difficult to address problems such as exploitation, discrimination, or environmental degradation that may be associated with informal economies.

Despite these challenges, there are various strategies that can be used to promote greater inclusion and formalization of informal economies. For example, governments can create policies and programs that support the development of formal employment and entrepreneurship opportunities, or that provide social protection and other benefits to workers in the informal economy. Governments can also work to create more enabling environments for informal enterprises, such as by reducing barriers to entry, providing access to credit and other resources, or improving infrastructure and public services.

In conclusion, informal economies are complex and diverse phenomena that can have both positive and negative impacts on individuals and communities. While informal economies can provide important economic and social benefits to people who are excluded from the formal economy, they can also pose significant challenges and risks to workers and society as a whole. Strategies to promote greater inclusion and formalization of informal economies are needed to ensure that these activities are safe, sustainable, and contribute to broader social and economic development goals.

Despite these challenges, there are various strategies that can be used to promote greater inclusion and formalization of informal economies. For example, governments can create policies and programs that support the development of formal employment and entrepreneurship opportunities, or that provide social protection and other benefits to workers in the informal economy. Governments can also work to create more enabling environments for informal enterprises, such as by reducing barriers to entry, providing access to credit and other resources, or improving infrastructure and public services.

In conclusion, informal economies are complex and diverse phenomena that can have both positive and negative impacts on individuals and communities. While informal economies can provide important economic and social benefits to people who are excluded from the formal economy, they can also pose significant challenges and risks to workers and society as a whole. Strategies to promote greater inclusion and formalization of informal economies are needed to ensure that these activities are safe, sustainable, and contribute to broader social and economic development goals.

Modular adaptive architecture refers to a type of building design that incorporates modular or prefabricated components that can be easily adapted or reconfigured to meet changing needs. The idea is to create a flexible and adaptable space that can evolve over time to suit different purposes and accommodate various activities.

Modular adaptive architecture is often seen as a response to the changing needs of modern society, such as the need for flexible workspaces, multi-use buildings, and sustainable design solutions. It is also considered a way to reduce construction waste and carbon emissions by using prefabricated components that can be easily assembled and disassembled.

One of the key advantages of modular adaptive architecture is its flexibility. Buildings designed with modular components can be easily reconfigured and expanded to meet changing needs. For example, a commercial building may be designed with modular office pods that can be easily moved or reconfigured to accommodate different teams or work styles. Similarly, a residential building may be designed with modular living spaces that can be added or removed to accommodate growing or shrinking families.

Another advantage of modular adaptive architecture is its speed of construction. Prefabricated components can be manufactured off-site and quickly assembled on site, which can significantly reduce construction time and costs.

The Proposal

Proposal

Amsterdam has a well-developed urban infrastructure that is designed to support the needs of its residents and visitors. The city’s infrastructure includes a variety of transportation, housing, and social services that are essential for a thriving urban environment.

Transportation: Amsterdam is known for its extensive network of bike paths, which allows residents and visitors to easily get around the city by bicycle. In addition to biking, the city also has an efficient public transportation system that includes trams, buses, and trains. Amsterdam’s Schiphol Airport is one of the busiest airports in Europe and serves as a major transportation hub.

Housing: Amsterdam has a diverse housing market that includes both private and public housing options. The city has a strong social housing sector, with a large percentage of residents living in publicly subsidized housing. In recent years, the city has also seen a growth in private and high-end housing options to meet the needs of a more affluent population.

Social Services: Amsterdam has a range of social services to support the needs of its residents, including healthcare, education, and social welfare programs. The city is home to a number of hospitals and healthcare facilities, as well as a range of public and private schools and universities.

Amsterdam has a well-developed urban infrastructure that is designed to support the needs of its residents and visitors. The city’s infrastructure includes a variety of transportation, housing, and social services that are essential for a thriving urban environment.

Transportation: Amsterdam is known for its extensive network of bike paths, which allows residents and visitors to easily get around the city by bicycle. In addition to biking, the city also has an efficient public transportation system that includes trams, buses, and trains. Amsterdam’s Schiphol Airport is one of the busiest airports in Europe and serves as a major transportation hub.

Housing: Amsterdam has a diverse housing market that includes both private and public housing options. The city has a strong social housing sector, with a large percentage of residents living in publicly subsidized housing. In recent years, the city has also seen a growth in private and high-end housing options to meet the needs of a more affluent population.

Social Services: Amsterdam has a range of social services to support the needs of its residents, including healthcare, education, and social welfare programs. The city is home to a number of hospitals and healthcare facilities, as well as a range of public and private schools and universities.

Amsterdam has a well-developed urban infrastructure that is designed to support the needs of its residents and visitors. The city’s infrastructure includes a variety of transportation, housing, and social services that are essential for a thriving urban environment.

Transportation: Amsterdam is known for its extensive network of bike paths, which allows residents and visitors to easily get around the city by bicycle. In addition to biking, the city also has an efficient public transportation system that includes trams, buses, and trains. Amsterdam’s Schiphol Airport is one of the busiest airports in Europe and serves as a major transportation hub.

Housing: Amsterdam has a diverse housing market that includes both private and public housing options. The city has a strong social housing sector, with a large percentage of residents living in publicly subsidized housing. In recent years, the city has also seen a growth in private and high-end housing options to meet the needs of a more affluent population.

Social Services: Amsterdam has a range of social services to support the needs of its residents, including healthcare, education, and social welfare programs. The city is home to a number of hospitals and healthcare facilities, as well as a range of public and private schools and universities.

Amsterdam has a well-developed urban infrastructure that is designed to support the needs of its residents and visitors. The city’s infrastructure includes a variety of transportation, housing, and social services that are essential for a thriving urban environment.

Transportation: Amsterdam is known for its extensive network of bike paths, which allows residents and visitors to easily get around the city by bicycle. In addition to biking, the city also has an efficient public transportation system that includes trams, buses, and trains. Amsterdam’s Schiphol Airport is one of the busiest airports in Europe and serves as a major transportation hub.

Housing: Amsterdam has a diverse housing market that includes both private and public housing options. The city has a strong social housing sector, with a large percentage of residents living in publicly subsidized housing. In recent years, the city has also seen a growth in private and high-end housing options to meet the needs of a more affluent population.

Social Services: Amsterdam has a range of social services to support the needs of its residents, including healthcare, education, and social welfare programs. The city is home to a number of hospitals and healthcare facilities, as well as a range of public and private schools and universities.

Amsterdam has a well-developed urban infrastructure that is designed to support the needs of its residents and visitors. The city’s infrastructure includes a variety of transportation, housing, and social services that are essential for a thriving urban environment.

Transportation: Amsterdam is known for its extensive network of bike paths, which allows residents and visitors to easily get around the city by bicycle. In addition to biking, the city also has an efficient public transportation system that includes trams, buses, and trains. Amsterdam’s Schiphol Airport is one of the busiest airports in Europe and serves as a major transportation hub.

Housing: Amsterdam has a diverse housing market that includes both private and public housing options. The city has a strong social housing sector, with a large percentage of residents living in publicly subsidized housing. In recent years, the city has also seen a growth in private and high-end housing options to meet the needs of a more affluent population.

Social Services: Amsterdam has a range of social services to support the needs of its residents, including healthcare, education, and social welfare programs. The city is home to a number of hospitals and healthcare facilities, as well as a range of public and private schools and universities.

These squatters engage in self-help and assist others in locating accommodation, using squatting as a method to protest against housing shortages, vacancy, speculation, and housing policies. Numerous independent groups hold discussions, establish norms, and make their own decisions regarding where to squat based on the location, type of building, and their knowledge of the owner. They also recruit members and support other potential squatters based on trust, political alignment, needs, opportunities, abilities, knowledge, and other factors.

Typically, squatters do not assert their right to a legal title as private owners (although this may sometimes occur). Rather, they assert their right to manage the building and its inhabitants according to their own collectively agreed-upon regulations (Martínez, 2002: 189–92). This might be referred to as the right to partial private possession, as opposed to private property.

The privatization of communal goods, land, natural resources (such as minerals, oil, water, and fisheries), public services (such as health, education, transport, and planning), software, and knowledge has created new types of scarcity. Although no squatters’ movement has been strong enough to put an end to these ongoing financial processes, occupying some vacant spaces at least makes them more visible.

Squatters are not necessarily opposed to private property, but rather to the social inequality produced by exclusive accumulation and the capitalist mechanisms of speculation.