Coffeetable hele bogen by Realdania By & Byg

Realdania Byg is a property development and preservation company. The objective of the company is to accumulate a portfolio of good examples of building styles and architecture from different periods and areas of Denmark and to ensure their preservation for future generations, as well as to invest in the development of new buildings that are experimental in character. Realdania Byg is a wholly owned subsidiary of the Realdania Foundation.

The history of the building known as the Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen goes back more than 500 years. The house was built as a bishop’s palace in 1504. Subsequently, it was both a royal manor and the property of noble families for several generations. Only during the 18th century was it fitted out as the secular convent building we know today. Large parts of the original building vanished long ago, and most ancillary buildings were sold off and demolished, but parts of the original house can still be faintly traced, in a history which is both a testimony to and the result of more than 500 years of historical upheavals, changing owners and changing needs.

Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster

Buildings are a part of our cultural heritage. A tangible legacy passed on by our forefathers, which we have a duty to preserve.

Realdania Byg

ISBN: 978-87-92230-58-4

Bygninger er en del af vores kulturarv. Et håndgribeligt levn, som vores forfædre har givet videre, og som vi er forpligtet til at værne om.

Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster

Realdania Byg er et ejendomsselskab for udvikling og bevaring. Selskabets formål er at opbygge og formidle en samling af gode eksempler på byggestil og arkitektur fra forskellige tidsperioder og egne i Danmark samt at investere i udviklingen af eksperimenterende nybyggeri. Realdania Byg er et helejet Realdaniaselskab. Læs mere på www.realdaniabyg.dk

Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen

Fotos / Photos Roberto Fortuna, Kurt Rodahl Hoppe m.fl. / and others

Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster 1. udgave, 1. oplag 2013 ISBN 978-87-92230-58-4 Tekst og redaktion: Realdania Byg, Barbara Zalewski, Line Bregnhøi, Søren Lundqvist og Jakob Tue Christensen. Layout: Realdania Byg A/S og OAB-Tryk a/s Sat med Minion Pro og trykt af OAB-Tryk a/s, Odense Omslagsfoto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe

Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen 1. edition, 1. print 2013 ISBN 978-87-92230-58-4 Edited by: Realdania Byg, Barbara Zalewski, Line Bregnhøi, Søren Lundqvist and Jakob Tue Christensen. Layout: Realdania Byg A/S and OAB-Tryk a/s Printed in Denmark by: OAB-Tryk a/s, Odense English translation: LanguageWire Cover photo: Photographer Kurt Rodahl Hoppe

Realea er et helejet Realdaniaselskab A Realdania company

Indhold Contents

Forord. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Plantegninger The floor plans. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Bispegård i 500 år 500 years as a bishop’s palace Af / by Barbara Zalewski . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Odensegaard –Kronens ejendom Odensegaard – Crown property Af / by Barbara Zalewski . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Fynsk adel Funen Nobility Af / by Barbara Zalewski . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Udvikling og afvikling Decline and fall Af / by Barbara Zalewski . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251

Restaureringen af Jomfruklosteret Restoration of Jomfruklosteret Af / by Frants Frandsen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273

Tidernes skiftende interiørmode The changing trends in interior design Af / by Line Bregnhøi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303 11 Karen Brahes bibliotek Karen Brahe’s library Af / by Barbara Zalewski . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 335 59 De arkæologiske undersøgelser The archaeological investigations Af / by Jakob Tue Christensen. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 353 76 Litteratur, kilder og noter Literature, sources and notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 384

Jomfrukloster Jomfruklosteret – The Secular Convent Af / by Barbara Zalewski . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111

Priorinder / Prioresses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 396

Forord

Odense Adelige Jomfruklosters historie går mere end 500 år tilbage. Anlægget er opført som bispegård i 1504. Det har siden været både kongsgård og i adelig eje i generationer. Først i løbet af 1700tallet er det indrettet som det jomfrukloster, vi kender i dag. Store dele af det oprindelige anlæg er i dag for længst forsvundet, de fleste tilhørende bygninger solgt fra og siden nedrevet, men dele af det oprindelige anlæg mumler alligevel stadig med i en historie, der både er vidnesbyrd om og et resultat af mere end 500 års historiske omvæltninger, skiftende beboere og behov. Siden funktionen som jomfrukloster ophørte i 1972, er der gennem de sidste 40 år flere gange gjort forsøg på at få viden om bygningernes historie og tidligere forlæg. Hver undersøgelse har kunnet bidrage med nye brikker til billedet af anlægget og dets historie, men oftest har de samme undersøgelser samtidig rejst nye spørgsmål. De seneste er ingen undtagelse. På den ene side står man med jomfruklosteret med en bygning, hvor traditionen har været at føje nye lag oven på det eksisterende, på den anden side er flere spor alligevel løbende fjernet eller flyttet, ligesom information er gået op i flammer med nedbrændte arkiver, således at et komplet billede næppe nogen sinde lader sig tegne fuldstændig. Mange ting kan vi iagttage, men ikke altid få en forklaring på.

I dag er der gennemført en gennemgribende restaurering og transformation til fremtidige formål af klosteret. Et omfattende arbejde, der ikke blot har omfattet genopretning af bygningen, men også har rummet registreringsarbejder af husets omgivelser, fundament og ikke mindst de mange lag i husets interiør. Husets spraglede og farverige fortid som jomfrukloster er fastholdt som det gennemgående greb i transformationen. Enkelte steder er døre, farver, tapeter eller rum genskabt af konservatorer. Andre steder er rummene farvesat med inspiration i historien som et nyt lag på de bevarede historiske lag, som fortsat er en del af bygningen. Det stod lysende klart, da klosteret lukkede døren bag den sidste klosterjomfru, at bygningerne ikke bare skulle bevares for eftertiden, men også bringes ind i en ny fremtid. Mange ideer, forslag, midlertidige lejemål og ikke mindst kulturelle aktiviteter så dagens lys i årtierne frem til Realdania Bygs overtagelse. Alle har villet det bedste for klosteret og respekteret de vilkår, en sådan bygning stiller til sin bruger. Det er derfor en stor glæde, at det nu er lykkedes at bringe det smukke anlæg ind i en ny fremtid, hvor mange vil få glæde af bygningen gennem dens kommende lejer, Syddansk Universitets virke og aktiviteter. Realdania Byg, august 2013

Klosteret vinteren 2012. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. The convent, winter 2012. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Klosteret for책ret 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

The convent, spring 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Preface

The history of the building known as the Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen or “Jomfruklosteret” goes back more than 500 years. The house was built as a bishop’s palace in 1504. Subsequently, it was both a royal manor and the property of noble families for several generations. Only during the 18th century was it fitted out as the secular convent building we know today. Large parts of the original building vanished long ago, and most ancillary buildings were sold off and demolished, but parts of the original house can still be faintly traced, in a history which is both a testimony to and the result of more than 500 years of historical upheavals, changing owners and changing needs. Since the building’s function as a secular convent ceased in 1972, several attempts have been made in the last 40 years to gain insight into the building’s history and former incarnations. Each investigation has fitted new pieces into the puzzle of the whole site and its history, but generally speaking, the same studies have also thrown up new questions. The latest investigations are no exception to this. On one hand, Jomfruklosteret is a building in which it has been the practice to add new layers to the existing ones; on the other hand, several pieces of evidence have been removed or relocated over the years, while other information has perished in the flames of archive fires, so it is unlikely that a full picture will ever be available. Many aspects can be observed, but not always explained.

In our day, a thorough restoration and transformation of the Convent to prepare it for its future life has been carried out. This has been a wide-ranging work which has included not only the restoration of the building but also the recording of the house’s surroundings, foundations and, not least, the many layers in the interior of the house. The building’s varied and colourful past as a secular convent has been maintained as the guiding feature of the transformation. In places, doors, colours, wallpaper or rooms have been recreated by the conservators. Elsewhere, the rooms have been decorated in the spirit of a past age, as a new layer on top of the preserved historical layers which are still part of the building. On the day the Convent closed its doors on its last resident, it was clear to all that the building should not only be preserved for posterity but also prepared for a new future. Many ideas, suggestions, temporary occupants and not least cultural activities saw the light of day in the decades before Realdania Byg took over the building. Everyone wanted the best for the Convent and respected the constraints which such a building demands of its users. It is therefore a source of great pleasure that it has been possible to ready this fine house for a new future, where many can enjoy the building through the activities and efforts of its future tenant, the University of Southern Denmark. Realdania Byg, August 2013

Plantegninger The floor plans

Rum 207. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Room 207. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Under det omfattende registreringsarbejde blev alle husets rum nummereret. Nummereringen følger sin egen logik, hvor alle rum på én etage har samme interval, og hvor birum betegnes med bogstaver. Her er det valgt at fastholde dette princip, så den interesserede læser har mulighed for at finde tilbage fra et billede eller en oplysning til plantegningens overblik eller en af baggrundsrapporterne. Enkelte rum har med tiden fået et navn, fx rum 101, der kaldes Biblioteket, og 104, der kaldes Salen. Der er ligeledes gjort forsøg på at navngive alle rum ved at sammenholde dem med beboerlister. Men dels er det ikke alle beboere, man kan knytte til et bestemt rum, og dels vil et sådant billede alligevel kun have gyldighed i ganske få år, før beboersammensætningen igen var ændret. Måske vil flere rum vinde sig et navn i tiden fremover. During the comprehensive registration work, every room of the building was numbered. The numbering follows its own logic, where all rooms on a floor has the same interval and where secondary rooms are designated with letters. It has been decided to maintain this principle so that interested readers have the possibility of returning to the floor plans from a picture or a piece of information. Individual rooms have acquired a name over time, for example room 101, which is called the Library, and 104, which is called the Hall. During the research it has been attempted to name all rooms in relation to resident lists. But, on the one hand, not all residents can be associated with a certain room and, on the other hand, this state of affairs would only be valid for a few years, before the composition of residents had changed. Perhaps more rooms will acquire a name for themselves in the future.

Bispegård i 500 år 500 years as a bishop’s palace Af / by Barbara Zalewski

For lidt over tusind år siden gjorde paven Odense til bispesæde, og snart blev den lille by præget af den romersk-katolske kirke og dens eksotiske tilbehør. Der kom kirker med brogede glasruder, glitrende helgenbilleder og kostbare skrin, røgelse, dyre vokslys og sang på latin. Gadebilledet mindede året rundt og hver time på dagen om Kirken. Lyden af store og små klokker fyldte luften otte gange i døgnet, sognepræsterne ilede til de døende med den sidste olie, og overalt var der munke af forskellige ordener. Pilgrimme, rige og fattige, valfartede fra nær og fjern til Knud den Hellige, den myrdede konges helgengrav. På de mange helgendage bar menighed og gejstlige kors, relikvier og helgenbilleder rundt i byen, og biskoppen i strålende ornat gik med sit følge til Domkirken for at celebrere messe. Store bygningsanlæg i datidens mest moderne arkitektur fyldte stadig flere åbne partier i byen: Klostre, provstegård, lærde skoler og en bispegård. Skønt Odense må have haft en bispegård som Stiftets centrum og bolig for næsten 30 biskopper i mere end et halvt årtusinde, er der ikke bevaret noget om den – og heller ikke om den nuværende bygning ved Albani Torv. Alt det, som man gerne ville vide i dag, lå i Fyens Stifts arkiv på bispeborgen Ørkild uden for Svendborg, men den blev ødelagt i 1534 under Grevens Fejde, og 500 års dokumenter og regnskaber gik op i luer. Men flere spor peger i retning af, at bispegården længe har ligget på dette sted, i den østlige del af det

Just over a thousand years ago, the Pope made Odense the seat of a bishopric, and soon the little town bore all the marks of the Roman Catholic Church and its exotic accoutrements. Churches sprang up with colourful stained glass windows, glittering images of saints and costly shrines, incense, expensive beeswax candles and Latin chanting. Life in the streets reflected the life of the Church, day by day and hour by hour. The sound of small and large bells filled the air eight times a day, priests would hurry by to administer the last rites to departing parishioners and, everywhere, monks of the different orders could be seen. Pilgrims, rich and poor, arrived from near and far to visit the tomb of St. Knud (Canute), the murdered king. On the many saints’ days, priests and laity bore the cross, relics and images of the saints round the town, while the bishop in his resplendent robes led the procession to the Cathedral to celebrate mass. Large buildings in the most up-todate architecture of the time came to fill more and more of the town’s open spaces – monasteries, deaneries, grammar schools and a bishop’s palace. Although Odense, as the centre of the diocese and home to nearly 30 bishops for more than a half millennium, must have had a bishop’s palace, no records remain about it – and the same is true of the present building at Albani Torv. The historical details we should like to know were preserved in the Diocesan Archives at the bishop’s Ørkild Castle outside Svendborg – but this was laid waste in 1534 during the so-called Counts’

Kig over klosterets tag mod den katolske Sct. Albani kirke, opført 1908. 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. A view across the roof of the Convent facing the Catholic St. Albani church, built in 1908. 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

område, som arkæologerne nu mener var Odenses oprindelige centrum. Det var også byens åndelige og kulturelle centrum: Her lå kirkerne St. Albani og St. Knuds, der blev domkirke, og ikke mindst klosteret, som betjente dens relikvier og helgengrav. Klosteret modtog rige donationer fra kongefamilien og adelen og havde til gengæld pligt til at huse dem, når de opholdt sig i Odense eller var på gennemrejse til Danehof, retterting og herredage, adelige bryllupper og begravelser. Også biskoppen modtog fornemme gæster, både gejstlige og verdslige. De fynske biskopper var kirkefyrster med hof og kancelli, de korresponderede med paver og konger og indledte deres breve med majestætisk pluralis: “Vi, af Guds nåde biskop af…” Biskopperne var med til at indsætte og styrte danske konger, de var aktive i stats- og kirkepolitik, og fra midten af 1400-tallet var de medlemmer af Rigsrådet. Det skulle være mærkeligt, om Odense-bispernes gård ikke har ligget tæt på begivenhedernes centrum og på domkirken, ligesom i Aarhus og Roskilde, hvor bispegårdene lå så nær ved domkirken, at der var en løngang mellem dem, og i København, hvor Roskilde-bispens gård lå tæt på byens største kirke.1

Bispegaards-karreen Dybt i jorden under og omkring Jomfruklosteret, den tidligere Bispegaarden, er der spor efter århundreders menneskelig aktivitet. Der er fundet skår af Østersøkeramik, de ældste fra 1100-tallet, stumper af slidte lædersko og dyreknogler.2 I forbindelse med restaureringen af Jomfruklosteret har Odense Bys Museer fundet grå potteskår af lertøj fra 1250-1450, smedeslagger og, lidt nord for hovedbygningen, en brønd med træsider fra årene omkring 1300.3 Ingen af fundene fortæller, at det netop var en bispegård, som lå her, men det er heller ikke at forvente. En katolsk bispegård var et administrationscenter og et stort hushold og rummede meget lidt, der havde med det religiøse liv at gøre, det hørte hjemme i kirkerne og klostrene.

Feud, and 500 years of documents and accounts went up in flames. But several indications suggest that the bishop’s palace had long been situated here, at the eastern end of the area which archaeologists now believe was the original centre of Odense. This was also the town’s spiritual and cultural centre. Here lay the churches of St. Albani and St. Knud, here lay the cathedral, and not least the monastery which serviced the latter’s relics and saint’s tomb. The monastery accepted rich donations from royalty and nobility, but in return was obliged to house them while staying in Odense or passing through on their way to a Danehof parliament, a court of justice, an assembly of magnates, noble weddings or funerals. The bishop too would receive distinguished guests, both spiritual and temporal. The bishops on the island of Funen were princes of the church, with their own court and chancellery. In their correspondence with popes and kings they would open their letters with the majestic plural: “We, by God’s grace, Bishop of ...”. The bishops were involved in installing and deposing Danish kings, they were active in state and church politics, and from the middle of the 15th century were members of the Rigsrådet (Council of State). It would have been odd for the Odense bishop’s palace not to have lain close to the centre of events and to the Cathedral, just as it did in Aarhus and Roskilde, where the bishop’s palaces were so close to the Cathedral that a roofed passage ran between them, or in Copenhagen, where the Bishop of Roskilde’s palace lay close to the city’s largest church.1

The bishop’s palace street block Deep in the ground below and around the present Jomfruklosteret, the site of the former bishop’s palace, are the traces of hundreds of years of human activity. Fragments of Baltic ware, the oldest dating from the 12th century, pieces of worn-out leather shoes and animal bones have all been found.2 During the restoration of Jomfruklosteret, the City of Odense Museums discovered sherds of grey earthenware from

Bispegaards-karreens nordlige del med hovedbygningen, nu Jomfruklosterets placering i det oprindelige miljø. Efter Reformationen tilhørte nogle af ejendommene Bispegaardens ejere, og fra 1721 ejede dels Brahe-familien, dels Jomfruklosteret hele karreen ned til Odense Å. I slutningen af 1860’erne måtte klosteret frasælge alt undtagen selve hovedbygningen og haven. Billedet er taget 1883 fra Odenses nye 45 m høje rådhustårn, der blev revet ned igen i 1942. Odense Bys Museer.

The northern part of the Bishop’s Palace street block, showing the position of the main building, now Jomfruklosteret, in its original setting. After the Reformation, some of the plots belonged to the owners of the Bishop’s Palace, while from 1721 the whole block down to Odense River was owned either by the Brahe family or by Jomfruklosteret. At the end of the 1860’s, Jomfruklosteret was forced to sell off all but the main building and its garden. This photograph was taken in 1883 from the new 45 m high City Hall tower, itself demolished in 1942. City of Odense Museums.

Et par ældre Odense-historikere har ment, at kongsgården lå her til 1247, hvor den brændte under et fjendtligt angreb på byen. Kongen skænkede området til Kirken og opførte i stedet den gård, som senere blev Gråbrødre Kloster. Men på sikker grund er historikerne først i den eneste bevarede skriftlige kilde om en bispegårds beliggenhed, et tingsvidne fra 1480. Fire hæderlige, gamle mænd nævnte “det stræde som løber norden frem for bispegården” ligesom i deres barndom

1250-1450, smithy slag and, just north of the main building, a wooden-sided well from around 1300.3 None of these finds prove that the site was accurately a bishop’s palace, but that is to be expected. A catholic bishop’s palace was a centre of administration, with a large household and very little direct connection with the religious life conducted in the churches and monasteries. A few older Odense historians have thought that the royal palace lay here until 1247, when it burnt to

Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster ligger ved Albani Torv, på en stor grund, der skråner smukt ned til Odense Å. Her har været menneskelig aktivitet i tusind år, og hovedbygningen har stået her halvdelen af den tid – som bispegård, kongebolig, adelsgård og jomfrukloster. Da adelsdamen Karen Brahe oprettede et jomfrukloster i bygningen i 1716, næsten tohundrede år efter Reformationen, kaldte hun den stadig Bispegaarden. Men efterhånden blev Jomfruklosteret en integreret del af bybilledet, og nu kendes bygningen under dét navn, skønt klosteret blev nedlagt for mere end fyrre år siden. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster, Odense’s Secular Convent for Noblewomen, lies alongside Albani Torv in large attractive grounds sloping down to Odense River. The site has been the scene of human activity for a thousand years, and the present main building has been in existence for half that time – as bishop’s palace, royal residence, nobleman’s mansion and secular convent. When noblewoman Karen Brahe established a secular convent in the building in 1716, almost 200 years after the Reformation, she still called it the Bishop’s Palace. But little by little the Convent became a familiar element of the city, and its short title is now Jomfruklosteret, the “Ladies’ Convent”, even though it ceased to be a convent more than forty years ago. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

tres år tidligere. Strædet findes stadig, i dag Adelgade, tidligere Adelstræde, efter gadenavneskikken en algade, en af byens ældste færdselsårer. Senest omkring 1420 lå Odenses bispegård således på den grund, hvor Jomfruklosteret står i dag. Bispegaarden udgjorde en hel karré. Det er vigtigt at gøre sig klart, at navnet Bispegaarden – som blev brugt lige til Jomfruklosterets oprettelse i 1716 – ikke kun var én bygning, men en ejendom med mange bygninger. Det forvirrende er naturligvis, at også selve den eksisterende hovedbygning omtaltes som Bispegaarden. Eftertiden har derfor opfattet den katolske bispegård ligesom en protestantisk, men de var vidt forskellige: Den protestantiske er embedsbolig for en statslønnet, mens den katolske var centrum for et jordegods og stiftets administration, dvs. et kompleks af mange bygninger, hvoraf biskoppens bolig kun var én. Bispegaards-karreens afgrænsning mod nord var Adelgade, mod øst gik skellet som nu ved Paaskestræde. Mod vest lå indtil 1580, hvor Albani Torv blev etableret, to kirkegårde. Mellem dem og Bispegaarden gik en sti ned til åen, det senere Bispegaardsstræde; der var ingen bro før Albanibroen blev bygget i 1858 og strædet blev til Albanigade.4 Den nye gade tog et stykke af grunden, og en udvidelse i 1970 tog endnu et stykke, idet det oprindelige vestskel lå langs den sydgående kørebane på den nuværende Albanigade. Bispegaardens grund var således en del større end Jomfruklosterets nuværende. Efter Reformationen overtog Kronen bispegodset og stiftets faste ejendomme, herunder hele Bispegaards-

the ground during a hostile attack on the city. The King granted the area to the Church and instead erected the complex which later became the Greyfriars Monastery. But historians only feel on safe ground with the only surviving written source as to the location of the bishop’s palace, a legal testimony from 1480. Four old men of good repute mention “the street which runs north of the bishop’s palace” just as it did in their childhood sixty years before. This street still exists, the present-day Adelgade, formerly Adelstræde, a name commonly given to a town’s main street, and one of the city’s oldest traffic arteries. In other words, no later than about 1420, Odense’s bishop’s palace lay on the site where Jomfruklosteret stands today. The bishop’s palace filled a whole street block. However, it is important to realise that the expression Bishop’s Palace – which was used right up to the establishment of Jomfruklosteret in 1716 – was not just one building, but a property with many buildings. The confusing thing is that the existing main building was also called the Bishop’s Palace. Subsequent generations imagined that the Catholic bishop’s palace was very like a Protestant one, but they were in fact very different: a Protestant bishop’s palace is the official residence of a state-salaried employee, while the Catholic palace was the centre of an agricultural estate and of the diocesan administration, in other words a precinct of many buildings, of which the bishop’s home was only one. To the north, the block on which the bishop’s palace stands ended at Adelgade, while the boundary to the east was, as now, Paaskestræde. Over to the

karreen. I slutningen af 1570’erne blev den udstykket i en stor grund langs Adelstræde og nogle små grunde, mens resten af karreen med hovedbygningen udgjorde én ejendom, der fortsat blev kaldt Bispegaarden. Den gamle bispegårds hovedbygning, nu Jomfruklosteret, indgik i en type anlæg, som kendes overalt i Nordeuropa: Et stenhus til beboelse og en række andre bygninger til gårdens øvrige funktioner, hvoraf de brandfarlige var fritliggende. Bispegaarden i København fra 1420’erne og den lidt yngre i Aarhus var anlagt på samme måde, men de var ikke specielt gejstlige anlæg. Datidens borge og slotte var opbygget på samme måde, for eksempel Københavns Slot indtil Christian III samlede bygningerne i 1550’erne.

Byggeri på Bispegaarden 1466 Jomfruklosteret, den gamle bispegårds hovedbygning, er forunderlig: Den ser så enkel ud, som den ligger i ensom majestæt på sin grund ned til åen, men både bygningen og dens omgivelser er fyldt med gåder. I 2009-2010 gravede Odense Bys Museer i henhold til Museumsloven på de steder, der ville blive berørt af Realdania Bygs restaurering af Jomfruklosteret. Formålet var at registrere og sikre eventuelle fortidsminder, men det var også en god mulighed for at afdække mere af Bispegaardens fortid. Og ligegyldigt hvor grab, graveske og spade blev sat ned – inde i hovedbygningen, i bindingsværksfløjen og i de umiddelbare omgivelser – har nye interessante ting set dagens lys. Det er ikke så sært. Med alle de funktioner, som en bispegård dengang havde, var karreen tæt pakket med store og små bygninger, og der har været et dagligt leben overalt, hvad enten biskoppen selv opholdt sig i Odense eller var borte i embeds medfør. Såvel logikken som de nye fund tyder på, at Jomfruklosteret ikke var den første hovedbygning på grunden. Efter traditionen er den eksisterende hovedbygning opført 1504-1508 af biskop Jens Andersen med tilnavnet Beldenak, men under bygningens kældergulv har arkæologerne fundet et stykke teglstensgulv

west lay two churchyards until 1580, when the Albani Torv marketplace was established. Between them and the bishop’s palace was a path down to the river, the later Bispegaardsstræde; there was no bridge until the Albani Bridge was built in 1858 and the lane was renamed Albanigade.4 The new street encroached on part of the plot, while an extension in 1970 took even more, covering the original western boundary, which ran along the south-bound carriageway of the present Albanigade. The land occupied by the bishop’s palace was thus a good deal larger than the present-day Jomfruklosteret. After the Reformation, the Crown took over the bishop’s estates and the diocese’s buildings, including the whole of the bishop’s palace block. Towards the end of the 1570’s, this area was divided into a large plot alongside Adelstræde and a few smaller plots, while the rest of the block with the main building formed a single property, which was still called the Bishop’s Palace. The main building of the old bishop’s palace, the present Jomfruklosteret, had a layout familiar throughout Northern Europe. A brick-built house for living in and a number of other buildings for the property’s other functions, with those most at risk of fire lying separately. The Bishop’s Palace in Copenhagen, built in the 1420’s, and the slightly later one at Aarhus, were both constructed in the same way, but they were not of a specifically ecclesiastical design. All castles and palaces in those days were laid out in the same way, for example, Copenhagen Castle, until Christian III combined the buildings in the 1550’s.

Construction at the Bishop’s Palace in 1466 Jomfruklosteret, the main building of the old bishop’s palace, is a riddle: it looks so simple as it stands in lonely majesty on grounds above the river, but both the building and its surroundings are full of puzzles. In 2009-2010, pursuant to the Danish Museums Act, City of Odense Museums excavated the parts of the site which would be affected by Realdania Byg’s restoration

Odense å. 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Odense stream. 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Den oprindelige hovedindgang til Bispegaarden var i denne sal, rum 104. Dengang var alle sale gennemgående, senere er de opdelt på langs, så dette nu er det eneste rum med vinduer til begge sider. 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

og en rende, som er ældre. Gulvet lå i en bygning, som er orienteret lidt skråt i forhold til den nuværende og en anelse smallere. Desuden blev der fundet en muret brønd så tæt på en af krydshvælvspillerne, at den må have ligget her før hvælvene blev opført. Der har været byggeaktivitet på grunden i 1466, hvor biskop Mogens Krafse lod opføre et kapel til St.

of Jomfruklosteret. The purpose was to record and secure any ancient monuments, but it was also an opportunity to discover more about the Bishop’s Palace’s past. And, no matter where trowel, spade or mechanical digger entered the ground – in the main building, in the half-timbered wing or in the immediate environs – new and interesting items were revealed. Not that that is a surprise. With

The original main entrance to the Bishop’s Palace was in this hall, room 104. At that time, all halls were continuous; later, they were split up lengthwise, so now this is the only room with windows to both sides. 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Knuds Kirke og begyndte “at bygge Bispe-Gaarden i Odense, som siden hørte Hr. Jørgen Brahe til.”5 Arkæologerne har endnu ikke klarlagt den ældre bygnings alder, så det vides ikke, om den er Krafses. Nye fund, blandt andet spor efter smedning, ud for Jomfruklosterets sydfacade udelukker dog ifølge arkæologerne, at en endnu ældre bygning har ligget på samme sted. Måske har den ældste bispegård ligget på den nordlige del af grunden, hvor der som nævnt er fundet en velbygget brønd af godt træ, der er dateret til årene lige omkring 1300. Krafse eller Jens Andersen har således besluttet at opføre en ny hovedbygning på grundens sydlige del, med fri udsigt over åen og landskabet. Det vides heller ikke, hvor langt Krafse nåede. Bygningsteknisk kan det ikke afgøres, om opførelsen af den nuværende bygning er sket helt eller delvist i 1466 eller først i 1504, for byggemåden forandrede sig ikke i løbet af de fyrre år. Derimod er det oprindeligt trefløjede anlæg så konsistent i dimensioner og elementer, at der må have foreligget en samlet plan for byggeriet – uanset, at det er udført i etaper, som nogle detaljer i murværket og små forskelle i teglstenene antyder. Der må derfor have været en professionel bygmester involveret, og faktisk havde St. Knuds Kirke én tilknyttet. Funktionen omtales i biskop Krafses testamente 1474 i forbindelse med et legat til to nybygninger på den nordlige del af dens kirkegård; de skulle stedse være under tilsyn af den “structuarius eller bygmester”, som til enhver tid var ved St. Knuds Kirke og Kapel.6 Disse bygmestre var ikke hvem som helst, ellers var de ikke blevet ansat til at vedligeholde og opføre nyt ved en af landets største, fornemste og rigeste kirker, og det må formodes, at begge biskopper har benyttet dem på Bispegaarden.

Byggeri på Bispegaarden 1504-1508 Traditionen om biskop Jens Andersen som bygherre på den eksisterende bygning er baseret på én eneste kilde: En længst forsvundet inskription, der gengives af Arild Huitfeldt i Danmarks Riges Krønike.7 I Jens

all the functions exercised by a bishop’s palace in those days, the street block was tightly packed with large and small buildings, with constant daily comings and goings, whether the Bishop was in residence or away on official business. Both logic and the new finds suggest that Jomfruklosteret was not the first main building on the site. According to tradition, the existing main building was constructed in 1504-1508 by Bishop Jens Andersen, known as Beldenak, but beneath the cellar floor archaeologists discovered a piece of brick floor and a gutter which are earlier than this. The floor lay in a building oriented at a slight angle to the present building and slightly narrower. A brick well was also found and was so close to one of the cross-vault pillars that it must have been here before the vaulting was established. There had been building activity on the site in 1466, when Bishop Mogens Krafse had a chapel to St. Knud’s Church raised, and began “to build the Bishop’s Palace in Odense, which later belonged to Mr. Jørgen Brahe.”5 Archaeologists have not yet determined the age of the older building, so it is not known whether it is Krafse’s. New finds, including evidence of smithing, outside the southern facade of Jomfruklosteret could, according to archaeologists, point to an even older building on the same site. Perhaps the oldest bishop’s palace lay on the northern part of the site, where as mentioned above, a skilfully built well of good timber has been found and dated to the years around 1300. Krafse or Jens Andersen would thus have decided to build a new main building on the southern part of the site, with open views over the river and countryside. It is not known how far Krafse progressed with his work. The construction techniques do not allow us to determine whether the present building was completed wholly or partly in 1466 or not until 1504, as building methods did not change in those 40 years. On the other hand, the original three-wing plan is so consistent in its dimensions and elements that there must have been an overall building plan – even if the work was conducted in stages, as some masonry details and small differences in bricks hint.

Tv.: Brønd i hovedbygningens kælder under Odense Bys Museers udgravning 2010. Hver af krydshvælvenes piller hviler på én stor kampesten, som står på et gulv, der er ældre end den nuværende bygning. Brønden stammer formentlig også fra denne bygning. Den oprindelige middelalderlige brøndkarm i røde sten ses nederst. Foto: Odense Bys Museer.

Left: Well in main building cellar during excavation by City of Odense Museums 2010. The free-standing vault pillars each rest on a single large boulder on a floor which is older than the present building. The well in the cellar is presumably also from the older building. The original medieval red-brick well curb can be seen at the bottom. Photo: City of Odense Museums.

Th.: Brønden er efter restaureringen markeret i gulvet. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Right: During the restoration, the well has been marked on the floor. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Andersens lebenslauf står, at i 1504 “indviede han den nørre part af kirkegården til St. Knud og begyndte at bygge paa Bispgaarden”. Der står altså ikke udtrykkeligt, at han begyndte at opføre selve den bygning, som står her nu, men at biskoppen byggede noget i Bispegaards-karreen. Det kan have været en ændring, udvidelse eller færdiggørelse af Krafses anlæg. Huitfeldt fortsætter: “hvor denne skrift findes”, her oversat fra latin:

A professional builder must have been involved, and in fact one such was attached to St. Knud’s Church. The function is mentioned in Krafse’s will of 1474, in connection with an endowment for two new buildings at the northern end of the churchyard; they were to be under the constant supervision of whoever was the “structuarius” or builder attached to St. Knud’s Church or Chapel at the time in question.6 These builders were not casual appointments, otherwise they would have not been engaged to maintain and erect buildings at one of the country’s largest, most distinguished and richest churches, and it must be presumed that both bishops made use of them at the Bishop’s Palace.

”Doktor i statskundskab Jens Andersen, biskop i Odense, påbegyndte opførelsen af denne bygning i det Herrens år 1504 og afsluttede samme 1508. I det første opførelsesår kostede en skæppe byg tre skilling, i det følgende fire, i de øvrige kostede den som sædvanlig.” Det siges ikke, at denne såkaldte “skrift” sad på den nuværende bygning, heller ikke hvordan den så ud: Var det en tavle på en ydermur eller måske et kalkmaleri inden døre i stil med samtidens våbenskjolde og skriftbånd i kirker og på slotte? Den lange latinske tekst var ikke beregnet på den almindelige odenseaner,

Construction at Bishop’s Palace 1504-1508 The tradition that Bishop Jens Andersen commissioned the existing building goes back to a single source: a long-lost inscription recorded by Arild Huitfeldt in his Chronicle of the Danish Realm.7 The account of Jens Andersen’s life states that in 1504 “he dedicated the northern part of the churchyard to St. Knud and began to build at the Bishop’s Palace”.

Prisen på byg

The price of barley

Referencen til bygpriserne i Jens Andersens indskrift virker umiddelbart absurd – men byg var en del af bispetiende og landgilde af bispedømmets jordegods. Kornet blev solgt på markedet, og når priserne på landbrugsvarer var høje, kunne biskoppen tillade sig ekstraordinære udgifter, såsom nybyggeri på Bispegaarden. Flere nyere historikere har hygget sig over Jens Andersens materialisme: han burde som en kirkens mand være hævet over den slags, historikeren Erik Arup kalder ham i sin Danmarks Historie ligefrem “den gamle studepranger”. Men i den katolske tid var biskopperne ikke lønnede af staten som efter Reformationen – de levede ligesom adelen af jorden. Det gjorde også en af Bispegaardens senere ejere, godsejeren og lensmanden Jørgen Brahe, og i hans dagbøger nævnes høstudbytter og kornpriser ofte. De rige Rosenkrantzer var heller ikke for fine til at nævne priser: et urværk på Rosenholm blev gjort i 1564, “da gjaldt et fad stål XII daler”, står der på urværkets ramme. Og i 1741 redegjorde selveste Christian VI i en inskription for, hvorfra pengene til det vældige nye Christiansborg kom.

At first sight, the reference to barley prices in Jens Andersen’s inscription seems absurd – but barley was part of the bishop’s tithe and manorial dues from the episcopal estates. The grain was sold on the market and when the prices of agricultural commodities were high, the bishop could afford extraordinary expenditure, such as new buildings at the Bishop’s palace. Several historians of recent times have made fun of Jens Andersen’s materialism: as a man of the church he should have been above that kind of thing, and historian Erik Arup in his History of Denmark even calls him “the old cattle-dealer”. But in Catholic times, bishops were not paid by the State as they were after the Reformation – and like the nobility, they lived off the land. The same was true of one of the Bishop’s Palace’s later owners, nobleman and Lord Lieutenant Jørgen Brahe, whose journals often mention harvest yields and grain prices. Nor were the wealthy Rosenkrantz family too proud to name prices: a clock movement at Rosenholm Castle was made in 1564 “when a barrel of steel cost XII dalers”, as it says on the clock frame. And in 1741, even King Christian VI used an inscription to explain where the money had come from for the immense new Christiansborg Castle.

men på biskoppens gæster, gejstlighed og adel, som beherskede sproget, så indskriften kan udmærket have prydet en sal. Huitfeldts ærinde var ikke at beskrive en bestemt bygning, men at oplyse sin kilde til Jens Andersens nybyggeri 1504-1508. Senere er indskriften blevet opfattet som en tavle, og da den nuværende bygning, Jomfruklosteret, er den

In other words, it is not expressly stated that he began to build the building which stands today, but that the bishop built something in the Bishop’s Palace street block. It may have been a modification, extension or completion of Krafse’s work. Huitfeldt continues: “where the following writing can be found:” (here translated from the Latin)

Karikatur af biskop Jens Andersen, prægtigt klædt og med de kostbare embedsinsignier mitra og bispestav. Den var titelblad på reformatoren Hans Tausens åbne brev: “Et kort svar på bispens sendebrev af Odense” – biskoppen havde i 1527 advaret menighederne i Viborg og Aalborg mod at optage den nye protestantiske lære. Trykt i Aalborg 1529. Det Kgl. Bibliotek. A caricature of Bishop Jens Andersen, ornately clad and with the costly insignia of his office, the mitre and crozier. This was the title sheet of reformer Hans Tausen’s open letter: “A short response to the bishop’s epistle from Odense” – in 1527 the Bishop had warned the congregations of Viborg and Aalborg against the new Protestant teachings. Printed in Aalborg 1529. Royal Library.

“Doctor of Political Science Jens Andersen, Bishop of Odense, commenced the construction of this building in the Year of our Lord 1504 and completed the same in 1508. In the first year of construction a measure of barley cost three skilling, in the following four, in the other years the usual price.”

eneste tilbageværende og har videreført navnet Bispegaarden, har historikere senere konkluderet, at den sad her. Men det vides ikke med sikkerhed, ej heller om denne bygning var biskoppens bolig eller tjente et andet formål. Ved opførelsen var den i én etage og kortere i begge ender, og den indeholdt to rum, der kun har været brugt til repræsentation. Biskopperne opholdt sig ofte og længe på det store stifts bispeborge og ved Hoffet, så for mange af dem var selve boligen blot en pied-àterre, når deres tilstedeværelse i Odense var nødvendig. Men hvem der end lod bygningen, nu Jomfruklosteret, opføre, og hvad den end blev brugt til før Reformationen, står her den her nu – som den sidste rest af Odenses bispegårdskompleks, det største senmiddelalderlige hus i Danmark, fyldt med udsagn om mere end 500 års arkitektur, interiør og vidt forskellige livsformer. Det er mere end rigeligt til at gøre bygningen til en af de mest interessante i landet.

It is not stated that this so-called “writing” was placed on the present building, nor how it looked: was it a plaque on an outer wall or maybe a wall painting indoors similar to contemporary coats of arms and scrolls in churches and manor houses? The long Latin text was not calculated for ordinary Odense folk, but for the Bishop’s guests, clergy and nobility, who could read the language, so the inscription could well have ornamented an interior wall. Huitfeldt’s purpose was not to describe a particular building but to source his information regarding Jens Andersen’s new building of 1504-1508. Later the inscription was envisaged as a plaque, and as the present building, Jomfruklosteret, is the only one remaining and has perpetuated the Bishop’s Palace name, later historians concluded that it was located here. But this is not known with certainty, and nor is it known whether this building was the bishop’s residence or served some other purpose. On erection, the building had just one storey and was shorter at both ends. It contained only two rooms, both used solely for receptions and entertainment. The bishops would often stay for long periods of time in the large diocese’s episcopal castles or at the Court, so for many of them

Udsnit af dør mellem rum 102 og trapperum 112. Klosteret 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. Section of door between room 102 and staircase 112. The convent, 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Husets låse er som dørene en broget samling af tidens skiftende mode og formåen. Den store variation er fastholdt ligesom det øvrige interiør i klosteret som vidnesbyrd om netop de mange tilføjelser og ændringer i bygningens udtryk gennem tiden. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. Like the doors, the locks in the building are a mixed collection of the changing fashion and abilities through the ages The large variation has been maintained as is the case with the rest of the interior in the Convent as evidence of the the many additions and changes in the expression of the building over time. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Biskop Jens Andersen Biskop Jens Andersen havde tilnavnet Beldenak ligesom en samtidig svensk biskop. Det skal betyde “skaldet nakke”, og ligesom historien ikke fortæller andet om de merovingiske kongers udseende, end at de var langhårede, ved man heller ikke andet om biskoppens udseende, end at han var skaldet. Dette skaldede hoved var imidlertid ualmindelig godt. Jens Andersen havde foretaget en svimlende rejse, socialt og geografisk. Hans fader var skomager i en landsby ved Limfjorden, men via en af den katolske kirkes latinskoler fik han en akademisk grad ved universitetet i Köln og kom derfra til Rom, hvor han studerede videre og var i pavens kancelli. Jens Andersen var dog ikke teolog. Han oplyser i teksten til sit epitafium, at han havde læst humanistiske videnskaber og jura – en klassisk uddannelse, hvor man først studerede de frie kunster, dvs. emner, som det frie menneske, der ikke behøvede at arbejde, kunne fornøje sig med, og derefter specialiserede sig i teologi, jura eller medicin. Kort før Jens Andersens ankomst til Rom var disse emner sammenfattet til det program for malerkunst, byplanlægning og arkitektur, som eftertiden har døbt renæssancen. Han har ikke kun kendt disse emner i teorien, men også set de første bygninger i den nye stil i Rom og Norditalien. Efter 1495 var Jens Andersen tilbage i Danmark, hvor pave Alexander VI Borgia i årene forinden havde skaffet ham adskillige indbringende kirkelige embeder.8 Jens Andersens ry for juridisk indsigt og kløgt førte snart til stillingen som kong Hans’ sekretær og rådgiver. Han fulgte nu kongen, som efter tidens skik rejste rundt i landet med Hoffet, Kancelliet og hele Hofholdningen, med ophold på borge og kongsgårde. Det var noget helt andet end at færdes i Vatikanets veludstyrede kontorer og kirkefyrsternes pragtboliger med tidens bedste kunst og kunsthåndværk, tilmed under lune himmelstrøg. Hvorfor Jens Andersen ikke forblev i de komfortable omgivelser vides ikke, måske var det kongens løfte om at få ham valgt til biskop over Fyens Stift ved næste

the palace itself was merely a pied-à-terre when their presence in Odense was necessary. But whoever had the building, the present Jomfruklosteret, constructed, and whatever it was used for prior to the Reformation, it is still with us here today – as the last remnant of Odense’s bishop’s palace complex and the largest late medieval house in Denmark, filled with clues to more than 500 years of architecture, interiors and widely varied ways of life. That is more than enough to make the building one of the most interesting in the country.

Bishop Jens Andersen Bishop Jens Andersen was also known as Beldenak, a surname he shared with a contemporary Swedish bishop. Apparently this means “bald nape”, and just as history tells us no more about the appearance of the Merovingian kings than that they were long-haired, we know no more about the bishop’s appearance than that he was bald. This bald head, however, was uncommonly acute. Jens Andersen’s journey had been extraordinary, both socially and geographically. His father was a village cobbler from the Liim Fiord, but by way of one of the Catholic Church’s grammar schools he himself rose to take a degree at the University of Cologne, from there making his way to Rome, where he embarked on further studies and joined the Pope’s chancellery. However, Jens Andersen was not a theologian. In the text for his epitaph he explains that he had read the humanities and law – a classic degree, in which the preliminary studies were in the free arts, that is, the subjects which a free man, who had no need to work, could enjoy, followed by specialisms in theology, law or medicine. Shortly before Jens Andersen’s arrival in Rome, these subjects had coalesced into the programme for painting, town planning and architecture which subsequent ages have named the Renaissance. He had not only studied these subjects in theory, but also seen the first buildings in the new style in Rome and Northern Italy. After 1495, Jens Andersen was back in Denmark again. In the years prior to this, Pope Alexander VI

vakance. En lignende position kunne han næppe have opnået i Rom, hvortil alle kristenhedens kvikkeste og mest intrigante mænd strømmede og flittigt brugte albuer, tunge, pen og giftbægre. Jens Andersen blev biskop omkring årsskiftet 1501-1502. Hermed var han medlem af Rigsrådet, der ellers kun optog mænd af den ældste og fornemste adel, og herre over større besiddelser end nogen adelsmand. Med tiden fik Jens Andersen magtfulde fjender. Han var hidsig, skolet i spidsfindigheder, hovmodede sig af sit gode hoved som andre af deres adel og sagdes at kunne mere end sit Fadervor, og efterhånden lå han i strid med Christian II, rigsråder, andre adelsmænd og gejstlige, i ord og gerning. Hans hånd var mod alle,

Borgia had secured him various lucrative church posts in this country.8 Jens Andersen’s reputation for legal acumen and shrewdness soon led him to a position as King Hans’ secretary and councillor. He now accompanied the King, who, as was the custom, progressed round the country with the Court, the Chancellery, and the whole Household, staying at castles and royal manors. A completely different life from the Vatican’s well-equipped offices and the magnificent residences of the princes of the church, stuffed with the best contemporary art and craftsmanship, and under warmer climatic conditions to boot. Why Jens Andersen did not remain in this comfortable environment is not known; perhaps it was

Jomfruklosterets sydfacade. Skraveringen viser rester af senmiddelalderligt murværk. Sammenholdt med plantegningen ses den oprindelige kortere og lavere hovedbygning tydeligt. Bispegaardens oprindelige indgang var den højtsiddende, rundbuede åbning til højre for den nuværende hovedtrappe. Opstalt og plan: Arkitekt MAA Kjeld Borch Vesth.

og alles hånd mod ham, og han havde ikke et roligt øjeblik. Biskoppen var som sine forgængere borte fra Odense i lange perioder. Han opholdt sig ofte på bispeborgene Ørkild og Kjærstrup og var på rejser i det vidtstrakte stift og i Rigets ærinder. Han var to gange fængslet i årevis af Christian II, men fulgte ham til Sverige for at ordne statsretlige sager og levere det juridiske grundlag for Det stockholmske Blodbad 1520, hvorefter han blev biskop i Sverige et år. På Fyens Stifts bispeborge oplevede han både belejring og bortførelse, og han blev holdt som fange af sine personlige fjender, men dette voldsomme og romanagtige liv, der sluttede i 1537, er en helt anden historie, der ikke har med Bispegaarden at gøre.9

Den oprindelige hovedbygning Bispegaardens grundmurede hovedbygning, nordfløjen, var ved opførelsen mindre end i dag, dvs. kun én etage over den høje kælder og ca. 10 m kortere. Formentlig i anden halvdel af 1500-tallet – det vides endnu ikke med sikkerhed hvornår – blev begge ender forlænget, så nordfløjen blev de nuværende 44,5 m, og der blev sat en etage på. Bygningens dybde er den oprindelige, 10,5 m. Murene er meget kraftige. I stueetagen mod nord er murene 1,6 m tykke, og – efter murspor at dømme – samme tykkelse i de oprindelige gavle, mens sydmuren er 1,2 m. En lignende forskel på murtykkelserne ses i Aarhus Bispegaards hovedfløj, omend af knap så kraftige dimensioner. Fænomenet forekommer i mange senmiddelalderlige bygninger og kan ikke altid forklares med befæstning, for eksempel var bispegården i Aarhus ikke befæstet. Taget var som nu et sadeltag, måske med trempel. Der er ikke spor af kamtakker eller tidens anden pyntelige gavltype, den vælske, og restaureringsarkitekterne mener, at de nuværende gavle hører sammen med den senere forhøjelse. Tagstenene var de såkaldte munke-og-nonner, og i 2012 blev der nord for

the King’s promise to have him elected Bishop of Funen Diocese the next time it fell vacant. He would be unlikely to achieve anything similar in Rome, the destination of Christendom’s brightest schemers, ever ready to use their elbows, tongue, pen and poisoned wine. Jens Andersen became bishop at the end of 1501 or the start of 1502. This made him a member of the Council of State, a body otherwise open only to the oldest and most distinguished noble families, and also the master of land holdings greater than any nobleman could muster. Over time, Jens Andersen acquired powerful enemies. He was choleric by nature, schooled in sophistry, as haughtily proud of his mind as others were of their noble birth, and was said to know more than just his prayers. As time went by, he came to be at loggerheads with Christian II, the State Councillors and with other nobles and clerics, both in word and deed. “His hand” was “against every man and every man’s hand against him”, and he had no peace whatever. Like his predecessors, the bishop was away from Odense for long periods. He would often stay at his castles of Ørkild and Kjærstrup, or travel through his extensive diocese or in the service of the Realm. Twice he was imprisoned for years at a time by Christian II, but he followed the King to Sweden to settle constitutional matters and provide the legal basis for the Stockholm Bloodbath of 1520, after which he became a bishop in Sweden for a year. In his castles in Funen diocese, he experienced both siege and abduction, and was held prisoner by his personal enemies, but this frenzied and melodramatic life, which came to an end in 1537, is a completely different story, and has no relation with the Bishop’s Palace.9

The original main building The brick-built main building of the Bishop’s Palace, the north wing, was at the time of erection smaller than it is today. It had only one storey above the high-ceilinged cellar and was approx. 10 m shorter. Presumably in the second half of the 16th century – it is not yet known

The south façade of Secular Convent for Noblewomen. The shading shows traces of the masonry from the late middle ages. The original shorter and lower main building is clearly seen as compared to the floor plan. The original entrance of the Bishop’s Palace was the highly placed, arched opening to the right of the current main staircase. Elevation and plan: Kjeld Borch Vesth, Architect MA.

Højt oppe på hovedfløjens mur er der rester af en borthugget buefrise. Partiet med lidt mørkere sten er den svære nordgavl på den oprindelige østfløj, som blev inkorporeret i forlængelsen. Lundqvist Tegnestue. High up on the wall of the main building are the hacked-off remains of an arch moulding. The area of slightly darker bricks is the thick northern gable end of the original east wing, which was incorporated into the building extension. Lundqvist Architects.

hovedbygningen fundet en mængde af disse sten, som menes at stamme fra en reparation eller omlægning af taget på denne bygning eller en anden i karreen. Den høje kælder har ni sektioner krydshvælv i den oprindelige del, fordelt omkring en passage på tværs, så det var muligt at komme i kælderen fra begge sider af bygningen, ligesom det ses på Aarhus Bispegaard. Der var tilsyneladende ikke trappe mellem kælder og stueetage. I forlængelserne er der tøndehvælv. Den nuværende hoveddør er udhugget senere. Den oprindelige døråbning kan endnu anes på facaden til højre for denne dør, over kældernedgangen, og der må have været en trappe op til et galleri eller en svalegang af træ. Under restaureringen blev gulvbrædderne i Jomfruklosterets midterste sal fjernet, og under et af de dybe vinduer sås spor af indgangen, med fasttrampet ler og enkelte gulvtegl. Sydfacaden havde store vinduer, mens vinduerne i nordfacaden var så små, at de ikke har efterladt sig spor, da de nuværende større vinduer blev udhuggede. Om der var vinduer i de oprindelige gavle vides ikke, da de forsvandt med forlængelsen af bygningen.

exactly when – both ends were extended, bringing the north wing to its present length of 44.5 m, and a second storey was added. The depth of the building is the original 10.5 m. The walls are extremely thick. On the ground floor towards the north, the walls are 1.6 m thick, and – to judge by marks in the brickwork – had the same thickness at the original gable ends. The south wall was 1.2 m. A similar difference in wall thicknesses can be seen in the main wing of the bishop’s palace in Aarhus, though there the dimensions are more modest. This phenomenon is repeated in many late medieval buildings and cannot always be explained as a defensive measure; the Aarhus bishop’s palace was never fortified. As now, the roof was a pitched roof, perhaps springing from a parapet above the ceiling joists. There are no traces of crow steps or the other decorative gable type of the period, the Dutch gable, and conservation architects believe that the present gables were constructed at the time of the later height increase. The roof tiles were so-called barrel tiles, and in 2012 a quantity of these was found north of the main building.

Fugleperspektiv: Albani Torvs omgivelser i 1510, før torvets etablering i 1580. Bispegaards-komplekset omfattede på dette tidspunkt formentlig hele karéen fra Adelgade til åen. Porten i vestfløjen vendte ud mod domkirken, St. Albani Kirke og kirkegårdene, mens hovedadgangen til komplekset lå mod nord, ud fra to samtidige kilder sandsynligvis på hjørnet af Paaskestræde og Adelgade, så den kunne ses fra Overgade ved Skjolden. Rekonstruktion ved arkitekt MAA Per Nørbach.

Bird’s eye view: Environs of Albani Torv in 1510 before the square was established in 1580. At this time, the Bishop’s Palace probably occupied the whole street block from Adelgade to the river. The gate in the west wing of the palace opened towards St. Knud’s and St. Alban’s Churches and their churchyards. The main access to the property was from the north, presumably at the corner of Adelgade and Paaskestræde, thus making the gate visible from the main street Overgade. Reconstruction by architect MAA Per Nørbach.

Ved Odense Bys Museers udgravning i 2010 blev der syd for østfløjen fundet en del af en kassemur, der var 1,75 m bred. Murbredden korresponderer med en tilsvarende mur ud fra vestfløjen, der blev fundet ved udgravningerne 1975-1977. Murene er ganske vist i forskellig teknik, men arkæologerne mener, at de udgør enderne af en spærremur eller en sydfløj. In the excavations by City of Odense Museums in 2010, part of a 1.75 m wide cofferwork wall was discovered south of the east wing. The thickness of the wall corresponds to a similar wall extending from the west wing uncovered in the excavations of 1975-1977. The two walls are of differing construction, but archaeologists think that they are the ends of a dividing wall or of a south wing.

They are thought to stem from the repair or alteration of the roof of this building or one of the others in the street block. The high cellar has nine sections of cross vaulting in the original part, arranged around a cross passage which gave access to the cellar from both sides of the building, as also seen at Aarhus Bishop’s Palace. Apparently there was no stair between the cellar and the ground floor. The end extensions are barrel-vaulted. The present main door was inserted later. The original door opening can still be traced on the facade to the right of this door, above the cellar steps, and there must have been a staircase up to a wooden gallery. During restoration, the floorboards in the middle room were removed, and traces of the entrance were found beneath one of the deep windows, with stamped clay and the odd floor tile. The south facade had large windows, while those on the north facade were so small that they have left no trace, being obliterated when the present larger windows were inserted. Whether there were windows in the original gable ends is unknown, as they disappeared when the building was extended.

The wings According to marks in the brickwork, side wings originally extended from each end of the south facade of the north wing. It is not known when the wings

Fløjene Ifølge spor i murværket udgik der oprindeligt en fløj fra hver ende af nordfløjens sydfacade. Det vides ikke, hvornår fløjene blev fjernet fra jordens overflade, men det blev gjort så grundigt, at deres eksistens først blev opdaget ved arkæologiske udgravninger i 1976-77 og 2009-2010. Fløjene var ens, ca. 24 x 9 m, og ligesom i hovedbygningen var murtykkelserne forskellige: Ind mod gårdspladsen og i gavlene var murene 1,4 m og i ydermurene ca. 1,7 m. Vestfløjens kælder havde krydshvælv i hele sin længde, magen til dem i hovedbygningen, og i østfløjen er der fundet murrester efter tilsvarende krydshvælv. Bispegaarden var således et harmonisk anlæg, hvor de tre fløje var ligeværdige. Den nuværende ydmyge bindingsværksbygning i øst er først opført i 1749, men der er ingen fysisk forbindelse mellem dens fundament og det oprindelige, som var dækket af jord, og som Bispegaardens ejere derfor ikke havde viden om. Ved udgravningerne i 1970’erne fandt man et murforløb af fundamentdimensioner ved vestfløjens sydgavl, og noget tilsvarende blev fundet ved østfløjens sydgavl under den seneste udgravning. Da hele strækningen imidlertid endnu ikke er udgravet, er det uvist, om det er rester af en spærremur eller en egentlig sydfløj som afslutning på anlægget.11

were removed to ground level, but this was done so thoroughly that their existence was only discovered in the archaeological excavations of 1976-77 and 2009-2010. The wings were identical, approx. 24 x 9 m, and just as in the main building, they had varying wall thicknesses: towards the courtyard and at the gable ends, the walls were 1.4 m thick while the outer walls were approx. 1.7 m. The cellar in the west wing was cross-vaulted for its whole length, corresponding to the vaulting in the main building, while in the east wing, masonry remains of similar cross-vaulting have been found. The Bishop’s Palace was thus a harmonic composition with three equal wings. The present humble half-timbered building to the east was not erected until 1749, but there is no physical connection between its foundation and the original foundation, which was covered in soil, and which the owners of the Bishop’s Palace were therefore unaware of. In the excavations in the 1970’s, a line of walling with foundation-like dimensions was discovered by the south gable end of the west wing, and something similar was found by the south gable end of the east wing in the latest excavations. However, as the whole section has not yet been excavated, it is uncertain whether these are remnants of a dividing wall or of an actual south wing fully enclosing the courtyard.11

The gates Portene Siden Odense Bys Museer ved udgravningerne i 1975-1977 fandt en nedrevet vestfløj med port, er denne port blevet betragtet som hovedindgangen til Bispegaarden. Men da det nuværende bygningsanlæg blev opført, var hele området mod vest optaget af to kirkegårde, mens Torvet først blev anlagt i 1580. Forbi kirkegårdene løb en sti mellem Bispegaarden og St. Knuds Kirke, og det er derfor mest sandsynligt, at porten i vest har ført ud til en processionsvej til domkirken. Her gik biskoppen og hans følge til de messer, han skulle celebrere, til gudstjenester og

Since the discovery of a demolished west wing with gate by City of Odense Museums in the excavations of 1975-1977, this gate has been regarded as the main entrance to the Bishop’s Palace. But when the present building complex was erected, the whole area to the west was occupied by two churchyards, while Albani Torv was only established in 1580. Past the churchyards a path ran between the Bishop’s Palace and St. Knud’s Church, so it is most likely that the western gate led out to a processional route to the Cathedral. From here the bishop and his retinue would walk to the masses he was due to celebrate and to services and other religious

andre kirkelige begivenheder. Sådanne processionsveje mellem bispegård og domkirke kendes fra Roskilde og Århus, hvor de endda på et tidspunkt blev overdækkede. Ved udgravningen af østfløjen viste det sig, at den oprindelige kælder i nordenden ikke gik helt ind til hovedbygningens facade, og sammen med den nævnte rest af en buefrise kunne det tyde på en port mod Paaskestræde, af samme bredde som porten i vest, der ville understrege det oprindelige anlægs symmetri. Arkæologerne har dog ikke fundet afgørende beviser for denne port.12 Hverken vestporten eller en eventuel østport kan dog have været hovedindgang til hele Bispegaardskomplekset. Det virker ikke sandsynligt, at de store mængder råvarer til husholdet – kvæg, korn, brænde, hø og halm osv. – kom ind gennem de porte, der førte lige til biskoppens hoveddør. Derimod kan vinfade være lagt ned i de hvælvede kældre. Varerne havde heller ikke noget at gøre på den repræsentative plads, biskoppens cour d’honneur, men skulle anbringes i gårdens økonomibygninger. Det er ikke meget sandsynligt, at de har ligget foran hovedbygningen, på terrænet ned til åen, der helt op i 1800-tallet beskrives som lavtliggende og fugtigt. En kilde oplyser, at biskop Jens Andersen havde sat sit valgsprog, Salve patientia gloriosa victrix – Hil den glorværdige tålmodighed, som sejrer, over Bispegaardens port. Det var skrevet med gyldne bogstaver, som man havde gjort i antikken og efterlignede på renæssancens bygninger. Valgsproget var anbragt på en fremtrædende plads, hvor det kunne læses af alle, der passerede forbi, bemærkes det.13 Adelgade og Overgade var alfarvej, og det taler ligesom de logistiske forhold for en oprindelig hovedport mod nord, formentlig hvor Paaskestræde og Adelgade mødes.14 Forløbet af et angreb i 1534 under Grevens Fejde og flere kilder fra slutningen af 1500-tallet tyder tillige på en port i nord. Jomfruklosterets nordfacade og den nuværende lille strimmel jord op til en mur bag-

events. Similar processional routes between bishop’s palace and cathedral are known from Roskilde and Aarhus, where they were even roofed over at one point. Excavations of the east wing showed that the original cellar at the north end did not extend all the way to the facade of the main building, and, together with the above-mentioned trace of an arch moulding, this could indicate a gate towards Paaskestræde, with the same width as the western gate, thus emphasizing the original symmetry of the layout. However, archaeologists have not found any decisive evidence for this gate.12 However, neither the west gate nor a putative east gate could have been the main entrance to the whole Bishop’s Palace precinct. It seems unlikely that the large quantities of household commodities – cattle, grain, firewood, hay and straw, etc. – would enter through gates leading directly to the bishop’s front door. On the other hand, wine tuns may have been stored in the vaulted cellars. Everyday commodities would also be out of place in the ceremonial courtyard, the bishop’s cour d’honneur. Instead they would be taken to the utility buildings on the site. It is unlikely that these were situated in front of the main building on the land down towards the river, which right up into the 19th century was described as low-lying and damp. One source states that Bishop Jens Andersen placed his motto, Salve patientia gloriosa victrix – Hail glorious patience, which overcomes – over the Bishop’s Palace gate. It was written in letters of gold, as was done in antiquity and imitated on renaissance buildings. The motto was placed in a prominent place where everyone who passed by could read it, the source tells.13 Adelgade and Overgade were public highways, and considering logistics this suggests a main gate to the north, presumably at the junction of Paaskestræde and Adelgade.14 The details of an attack in 1534 during the Counts’ Feud and several sources from the end of the 16th century also point to a gate to the north of the site. The northern facade of Jomfruklosteret and the present small strip of land backing onto a wall have long been assumed to be the original boundary of the Bishop’s Palace to the north.

Jomfruklosteret i 1909, set fra den sydlige have neden for gårdspladsen. De to haverum er adskilt af en stensætning af kampesten, som udligner den store niveauforskel i terrænet. Stensætningen fandtes allerede i 1700-tallet, hvor trappen og stakittet nævnes i regnskaberne. Arkæologerne mener, at stensætningen kan markere en sydfløj eller en spærremur, men om den hører til biskoppernes eller kongernes byggerier på Bispegaarden kan først afgøres ved en udgravning. Odense Bys Museer.

Jomfruklosteret in 1909, seen from the south garden below the courtyard. The two garden areas are separated by a bank of field stones bridging the large difference in levels. This bank existed as far back as the 18th century, when the steps and fence are mentioned in the accounts. Archaeologists believe that the bank could mark the site of a south wing or a dividing wall, but whether it is to be dated to the bishop’s or to the king’s building work at the Bishop’s Palace can only be determined by excavation. City of Odense Museums.

ved er længe blevet opfattet som Bispegaardens oprindelige afgrænsning mod nord. Det er blevet tolket sådan, at biskoppens hus var en fæstning, der vendte ryggen til byen. Tolkningen er støttet af, at nordmuren og gavlene er betydeligt tykkere end sydmuren. Men Bispegaarden var ikke en fæstning: Indtil slutningen af 1570’erne lå hovedbygningen frit midt på den store grund. Herefter blev enkelte grunde udstykket af karreen, mens resten udgjorde én ejendom, hvis ejer i

This has been interpreted as showing that the bishop’s house was a fortress which turned its back on the city, an interpretation supported by the fact that the north wall and gable ends are considerably thicker than the south wall. But the Bishop’s Palace was no fortress: until the end of the 1570’s, the main building stood alone in the middle of the large plot. Subsequently, a few plots were parcelled off within the street block, but the rest remained a single property, whose owner, according to the deeds, was

Udsigt mod syd fra Bispegaarden. Neden for gårdspladsen, en cour d’honneur foran hovedindgangen, ligger haven, som muligvis har været yderligere terrasseret. På den anden side af åen lå engen Bispeløkken, som 1508-1869 tilhørte Bispegaarden, senere Jomfruklosteret. Det vide udsyn over det fynske landskab blev brudt i 1859, hvor Albani Bryggeriernes store industrikompleks i historicistisk klosterstil blev opført. Til venstre for den karakteristiske gruppe gamle søjlepopler i Jomfruklosterets have ses Odense Ting- og Arresthus, netop opført 1861, da billedet blev taget. Odense Bys Museer.

View to the south from the Bishop’s Palace. Below the ceremonial courtyard or cour d’honneur in front of the main building is the garden, which was possibly more terraced than it is at present. On the other side of the river lay the meadow known as Bispeløkken, which from 1508-1869 belonged to the Bishop’s Palace, the later Jomfruklosteret. The wide views over the Funen landscape were curtailed in 1859, when the large industrial complex of the Albani Breweries was erected in historicist monastic style. To the left of the characteristic group of old fastigiate poplars in the Jomfruklosteret garden can be seen Odense Courthouse and Cells, erected in 1861, the year this photograph was taken. City of Odense Museums.

skødet blev sikret “fri vej til grunden fra den gamle Adelvej”.15 Denne ejendom blev solgt et par gange, splittet ved arv, solgt og samlet igen 1720-1721, og hele karreen tilhørte dels Jomfruklosteret, dels Stamhuset Hvedholm, indtil Jomfruklosteret begyndte at sælge fra i 1869. I 1579 fortæller et skøde, at der var indgang til ejendommen Bispegaarden fra nord. Senere havde Jomfruklosteret en have på denne del af grunden, og der blev udhugget en havedør i nordmuren, som senere er tilmuret. Haven lå fælles med klosterets ejendom ud til Torvet, den såkaldte Patrongaard, og da bygningerne mod Adelgade var lave, var der mere lys end i dag. Hvornår den nuværende jordvold mod Adelgade er opstået, har arkæologerne endnu ikke afklaret;16 efter skøder og fotografier at dømme stammer den fra opførelsen af en mur omkring 1906, da den katolske kirke og en beboelsesejendom blev opført på Patrongaardens grund.

secured “free access to his property from the old Adelvej”.15 The property was sold on a few times, divided among heirs, sold and reunited again in 1720-1721, while the whole street block belonged partly to Jomfruklosteret and partly to the Hvedholm entailed estate, until Jomfruklosteret began to sell off the land in 1869. A deed of 1579 states that the entrance to the Bishop’s Palace property was from the north. Later, Jomfruklosteret had a garden on this part of the land, and a garden door was inserted in the north wall, although it was later bricked up again. The garden was connected with the garden of Jomfruklosteret’s property, the so-called Patrongaard next to Albani Torv, and as the buildings facing Adelgade were only low, there was more light than there is today. When the present earth bank facing Adelgade was established is something archaeologists have not yet clarified;16 to judge from deeds and photographs, it dates from the erection of a wall around 1906, when the Catholic church and a dwelling house were built on the Patrongaard site.

Beliggenheden Biskopperne Krafse og Jens Andersen var fortrolige med renæssancen og romersk arkitektur fra deres besøg i Rom og rejser gennem Norditalien, og Andersen havde under sine humanistiske studier læst arkitekturteoretikeren Leon Battista Albertis traktater. Alberti beskrev blandt andet en villa suburbana, dvs. et landsted tæt på byen: En symmetrisk hovedbygning, der helst skulle ligge på en skrænt med udsigt over en terrasseret og symmetrisk have og med vue mod horisonten hen over et kultiveret landskab. Denne definition kunne være en beskrivelse af den nybyggede Bispegaard, hvis oprindelige hovedfløj oven i købet ligger på en kunstig forhøjning i terrænet, og måske var biskoppen inspireret af dette ideal, da han i 1508 mageskiftede sig til en eng på den modsatte åbred. En sydfløj ville spærre for dette vue, så de fundne murrester ved fløjenes gavle kunne være fundament for små endepavilloner, som nogle italienske villaer havde.

Site environs Bishops Krafse and Jens Andersen were familiar with Renaissance and Roman architecture from their visits to Rome and travels in Northern Italy, and Andersen had read the treatises of architectural theoretician Leon Battista Alberti as part of his humanistic studies. Alberti has a description of a villa surburbana, i.e. a country residence close to the town: a symmetrical main building, preferably built on a slope overlooking a terraced, symmetrical garden and with a prospect towards the horizon over a cultivated landscape. This definition could be a description of the newly built Bishop’s Palace, whose original main wing actually lies on an artificial elevation above ground level, so perhaps the bishop was inspired by this ideal when in 1508 he acquired by exchange a meadow on the opposite bank of the river. A south wing would block this view, so the wall fragments found by the end gables of the wings could be the foundations of small end pavilions, such as are found in some Italian villas.

Prospekt af Odense i 1580’erne

Prospect of Odense in the 1580’s

Prospektet viser den eneste afbildning, der findes af Bispegaarden indtil 1800-tallet. Prospektet er en del af atlasværket Civitates Orbis Terrarum, fremstillet af Braunius og Hogenberg, der havde et stort professionelt kortværksted i Køln. Oplysningerne til prospektet blev indsamlet få år forinden, idet kansler Niels Kaas i juli 1586 sendte et kort over byen og en beskrivelse til kortværkstedet, som gjorde Odense-bladet færdigt i 1593.17 Det er ikke et øjebliksbillede af Odense anno 1586. Både af bemærkninger til nogle bygninger, af tekstboksen nederst og af kortets tekst fremgår, at prospektet viser flere tidsperioder på én gang. Det var ikke blot et bykort, så fremmede kunne finde rundt. Det fortalte også byens historie og udvikling på samme måde som nutidens “Turen går til”-bøger fortæller turistmålenes historie. F.eks. er St. Albani Kirke stadig med, skønt den var helt eller delvist nedrevet, men den refererer

The prospect shows the only illustration of the Bishop’s Palace prior to the 19th century. The prospect is part of the atlas Civitates Orbis Terrarum produced by Braunius and Hogenberg, who had a large professional mapmaking workshop in Cologne. The information for the prospect was collected a few years previously when Chancellor Niels Kaas in July 1586 sent a map and a description of the city to the mapmaking workshop, which then completed the Odense sheet in 1593.17 It is not a snapshot image of Odense in the year 1586. Comments on certain buildings, the text box at the bottom and text on the map all make it clear that the prospect shows several time periods at once. It was not just a city plan for the convenience of strangers, but also described the history and development of the city, like a modern-day guide book might tell the history of a tourist destination. For example, St. Albani Church is still included, even though it had been wholly or

til tekstdelen med en beskrivelse af kongemordet 1086 og helgenkåringen. Generelt er proportionerne noget forvrængede, men i hvert fald i Bispegaardens nabolag genfindes nutidens karreer. Hvad bygningernes udseende angår, er i det mindste nogle af dem pålideligt gengivet, f.eks. rådhuset på Flakhaven, opført 1482. Ved nedrivningen i 1880 blev det opmålt og svarer til prospektet.18 Det samme gælder biskop Jens Andersens kancellibygning sammesteds, her kaldt Myropolium, idet den blev parfumeri og apotek efter Reformationen. Dens udseende kendes fra billeder, før den blev nedrevet i 1857. Bispegaards-karreen ses lidt øst for prospektets midte på den nordlige bred af Odense Å, markeret med bogstavet e og beskrevet i tekstboksen som: Hic sita erat Curia episcopalis ǭ [quem] totam hanc plaga à ciuib[us] nunc ædificata antea complexa est: Her lå Bispegaarden. Nu [kort før 1586] er hele området bebygget med borgerhuse. Lidt forskelligt alt efter sprog beskrives Bispegaarden således i prospektets tekstdel: Latin: Der fandtes også en bispegård i Odense med en prægtig beliggenhed. Den er nu lavet om til bolig for borgerne. Tysk: Der har også i Odense været et bispepalads [Palatium], det ejede et stort, smukt område, men i nutiden har borgerne bygget deres boliger der. Fransk: Biskoppen havde også i denne by et smukt palads [palais], der var af stor udstrækning og optog megen plads; nu har man bebygget det med huse. Af teksten fremgår det, at der er tale om hele Bispegaards-karreen og ikke kun hovedbygningen, det nuværende Jomfrukloster. Oplysningen om borgerne var nærmest dugfrisk, da prospektet blev tegnet, idet der var sket forandringer i karreen i det foregående tiår. Administrationen af Fyens Stifts og Bispegaardens gods var fortsat styret herfra efter Reformationen, og kongerne boede her under ophold i Odense. I 1575 flyttede kongeboligen til St. Hans Kloster, og

partly demolished, but with a reference to the text and its description of the king’s murder in 1086 and subsequent canonisation. Generally speaking, the proportions are somewhat distorted, but the neighbourhood of the Bishop’s Palace still shows the street blocks visible today. As far as the appearance of the buildings is concerned, at least some of them are faithfully rendered, e.g. the City Hall on Flakhaven, erected in 1482. When this was pulled down in 1880, it was measured, and corresponds to the prospect.18 The same applies to Bishop Jens Andersen’s chancellery building on the same street, here called Myropolium, as it became a perfumery and apothecary’s premises after the Reformation. Its appearance is known from pictures from before its demolition in 1857. The street block containing the Bishop’s Palace can be seen just to the east of the centre of the prospect on the northern bank of Odense River, marked with a letter e and described in the text box as: Hic sita erat Curia episcopalis – [quem] totam hanc plaga à ciuib[us] nunc ædificata antea complexa est: Here lay the Bishop’s Palace. Today [just before 1586], the whole area is built over with the citizens’ houses. The Bishop’s Palace is described with slightly differing words in the different languages of the textual part of the prospect: Latin: A bishop’s palace also existed in Odense, with a magnificent location. It has now been altered into homes for the citizens. German: A bishop’s palace has also existed in Odense, which owned a large, attractive area, but in modern times the citizens have built their dwellings there. French: The bishop had also in this city a beautiful palace of large extent and occupying a large area; nowadays this is built over with houses. The text makes it clear that the subject is the whole Bishop’s Palace street block and not just the main building, the present Jomfruklosteret. The information about the citizens was almost up-to-the-minute when

en del af karreen blev udstykket til en borgmester og et par andre borgere, mens Odense-købmanden Oluf Bager fik resten af ejendommen med hovedbygningen.19 Frederik II havde 1560-1561, måske også senere, bygget og ombygget i karreen, så enkelte af prospektets bygninger er muligvis fra den tid. Til gengæld var enkelte gamle bygninger, formentlig hovedbygningens fløje, nogle stalde og et nyt hus, som kongen selv havde opført på den nordlige del af grunden, blevet nedtaget i årene efter 1575 og genbrugt på St. Hans Kloster.

Bispegaards-komplekset Proportionerne i Bispegaards-karreen er i særlig grad forvrængede, eftersom der er angivet langt flere store bygninger, end der er plads til, men en lang række detaljer viser sig ved nøje gennemgang at være korrekte. Et bud på denne mærkværdighed kunne være, at de herrer, som samlede oplysninger til prospektet, har afleveret både en beskrivelse eller endda en afbildning af Jens Andersens anlæg, da det var nyt, og en beskrivelse af dets aktuelle udseende. Det har tegneren misforstået og indtegnet begge komplekser. Det nordlige kompleks med den høje portbygning svarer nemlig nøje til det, Odense Bys Museer har fundet arkæologisk gennem de seneste 30 år. Det sydlige kompleks og boderne ned mod åen viser de faktiske forhold i 1580’erne – og de følgende næsten 300 år, indtil Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster i 1870 solgte den del af grunden, hvor nu tre huse lå på de små boders plads. Hvis hypotesen holder, har de gamle herrer, som stod for formidlingen til kortværkstedet, fået lutendranken galt i halsen, da prospektet udkom i 1597.

the prospect was drawn, as the changes to the street block had taken place in the previous decade. The Funen Diocese and the Bishop’s Palace estates were still administered from here after the Reformation, and the Kings stayed here during visits to Odense. In 1575, the Royal Residence moved to St. Hans Friary, and part of the street block was parcelled out to a mayor and a couple of other citizens, while Odense merchant Oluf Bager received the rest of the property, including the main building.19 In 1560-61, and maybe also later, King Frederik II carried out building and rebuilding work in the street block, so some of the buildings in the prospect possibly date from that time. On the other hand, certain of the old buildings, presumably the wings to the main building, a few stables and a new house which the King himself had erected on the northern part of the site were dismantled in the years following 1575 and reused at St. Hans Friary.

The Bishop’s Palace The proportions of the Bishop’s Palace street block are particularly distorted, as far more large buildings are indicated than there is space for, but, on close inspection, many of the details prove to be correct. One reason for this odd state of affairs could be that the gentlemen responsible for collecting information for the prospect provided both a description or even an illustration of Jens Andersen’s buildings when they were new and a description of their current appearance. The artist misunderstood this and drew in both sets of buildings. The northern complex with the high gate building turns out to correspond exactly to the archaeological discoveries made by City of Odense Museums over the past 30 years. The southern complex and the cottages down to the river show the actual situation in the 1580’s – and for almost the next 300 years, until 1870, when Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster sold off the part of the site containing the three houses which lay on the site of the cottages. If this hypothesis is true, the elderly gentlemen responsible for providing information to the mapmaking workshop would have choked on their hippocras when the prospect was published in 1597.

Prospektets øverste kompleks. Fortandinger i hovedbygningens sydfacade viser, at muren udgjorde portens ene side, og at vestfløjen oprindeligt havde samme højde som østfløjen. Her er fløjen en hel etage højere end hovedfløjen, og porten mod Torvet ligger et andet sted, så den kan være en nybygning eller forhøjelse fra Frederik IIs tid. I østfløjen er der signatur for en loggia eller korsgang, måske med murede søjler, et renæssancetræk. Den kan ikke være tilfældig, for den ses ikke andre steder på prospektet; Gråbrødre Kloster havde korsgange, men de kunne ikke ses fra prospektets vinkel. Kun fundamentet fra den oprindelige østfløj er tilbage under den nuværende bindingsværksbygning, endda med et lag jord imellem, så det kan ikke konstateres, om fløjens vestmur var udformet således. Upper complex on the prospect. The toothing in the south facade of the main building shows that the wall formed one side of the gate and that the west wing had originally been the same height as the east wing. Here the wing is a whole storey higher than the main wing, and the gate towards Albani Torv is in a different position, so this may be a new or heightened building from the time of Frederik II. The east wing shows the conventional signs for a loggia or cloister, possibly with brick pillars, a renaissance feature. This cannot be chance, as it appears nowhere else on the prospect. Greyfriars Monastery had cloisters, but these were invisible from the angle of the prospect. Only the foundation of the original east wing remains under the present half-timbered building, and even this is covered with a layer of soil, so it cannot be confirmed that the west wall of this wing had this appearance.

Prospektets nederste kompleks. Enten er kun en del af den høje vestfløj tilbage, eller også er der opført en anden, mindre bygning, som ser ud til at have passage til Torvet. Er prospektet korrekt, er den oprindelige vestfløj eller i det mindste dens sydlige ende nedrevet før midten af 1580’erne. Østfløjen er ligeledes blevet forkortet – eller gennembrudt – så der blev adgang til gårdsrummet fra Paaskestræde. Også i den senere bindingsværksbygning fra 1700-tallet var der en passage. Mod syd ses en spærremur, efter signaturen teglhængt, eller en smal sydfløj. Rækken af små boder er ikke fri fantasi. I 1630 var der stadig fem boder ud til Bispegaardsstræde, senere Albanigade. Både i Odense og andre byer blev sådanne lejeboder til mindrebemidlede opført efter samme skabelon med én dør, ét vindue, ét rum og et ildsted. Lower complex on the prospect. Either only part of the high west wing is left, or another smaller building, apparently with a passage to Albani Torv, has been erected. If the prospect is correct, the original west wing, or at least its southern end, was pulled down before the mid 1580’s. The east wing has also been shortened – or broken through – to give access to the courtyard from Paaskestræde. The later 18th century half-timbered building also had a through-passage. Towards the south is a dividing wall, tiled according to the drawing, or a narrow south wing. The line of small cottages is not the artist’s impression. In 1630 there were still five cottages facing Bispegaardsstræde, later Albanigade. Both in Odense and other towns, rented cottages of this type for the less welloff were constructed to the same pattern, with one door, one window, one room and a hearth.

Bispehoffet

The Bishop’s Court

Bispegaarden var som nævnt ikke kun sæde for biskoppen og stiftets administration, men også centrum for Bispegaardens eget gods. Det bestod af ejendom, der gennem århundreder var skænket bispestolen af konger, adel og almindelige mennesker for deres sjæls frelses skyld. Fyens Stift omfattede omkring år 1500 Fyn, Lolland-Falster, Als, Ærø og alle småøerne. Stiftet ejede foruden Bispegaarden borgen Ørkild ved Svendborg og borge på Lolland og Falster med tilliggende bøndergods samt borgen Kjærstrup med næsten hele Tåsinge. Den sidste havde dronning Margrethe I skænket specifikt til “bispebordet i Odense”, mod at der til evig tid blev holdt årlige sjælemesser for hendes forfædre og efterkommere.20 Bispebordet var ikke et møbel med fire ben, men hele biskoppens husholdning, ligesom kongens fadebur ikke var et spisekammer, men omfattede hele Hofholdningen. En biskop var ikke nødvendigvis teolog, og han var først og fremmest stiftets administrator, hvilket faktisk var en del af hans fulde titel. Bispegaardskomplekset rummede derfor som alle bispegårde på den tid mange funktioner: Kancelli, administration af jordegodset, biskoppens bolig og hans store hushold. Bispehoffet var opbygget som kongens og i nogle henseender som en miniatureudgave af pavehoffet i Rom, Curien. Curia betyder gård og kendes via fransk cour fra f.eks. nytårskur. Det er samme ord som det tyske Hof, Hoffet. Når der på Odense-prospektet står Curia ud for den tidligere katolske bispegård, var det latin for selve bygningskomplekset, dvs. en stor gård, og for funktionen. I biskoppens kancelli sørgede hans kansler, sekretærer og skrivere for korrespondance med paven, gejstlige og verdslige fyrster, testatorer og Stiftets sognepræster om kirkevielser og genindvielser, aflad for besøg ved altre og i kirker og ejendomsforhold. Jurister tog sig af bandlysninger og navnlig ægteskabssager, og en arkivar holdt styr på skøder og breve. Biskoppens

As mentioned, the Bishop’s Palace was not just the bishop’s residence and seat of the diocesan administration, but also the centre of its own estate. This estate consisted of property donated to the bishopric over centuries by kings, nobility and ordinary people for the salvation of their souls. About the year 1500, Funen Diocese encompassed the islands of Funen, Lolland, Falster, Als, Ærø and all the smaller islands. Apart from the Bishop’s Palace, the diocese owned Ørkild Castle near Svendborg, castles on Lolland and Falster with associated tenant farms, and Kjærstrup Castle together with nearly the whole of the island of Tåsinge. This latter had been granted by Queen Margrethe I specifically to the “bishop’s table in Odense” in return for perpetual annual masses for the souls of her ancestors and descendants.20 The bishop’s table was not a four-legged piece of furniture, but the whole of the bishop’s household, just as the “King’s Pantry” was not a larder, but included the whole Royal Household. A bishop was not necessarily a theologian, but was first and foremost the administrator of the diocese, and this was in fact part of his full title. Like all other bishop’s palaces of the period, the Odense Bishop’s Palace comprised many functions: chancellery, administration of the landed property, the bishop’s residence and that of his large household. The Bishop’s Court was organised like that of the king, and in some respects was a miniature edition of the Papal Court in Rome, the Curia. The word curia is the equivalent of the French cour, or the German Hof, meaning a yard or courtyard. When the Odense prospect writes Curia outside the former Catholic bishop’s palace, this was Latin both for the actual building complex, i.e. buildings centred round a courtyard, and for the property’s function. In the bishop’s chancellery, his chancellor, secretaries and clerks would handle correspondence with the pope, spiritual and temporal princes and the parish priests of the diocese regarding dedications of churches, indulgences

I begyndelsen af 1500-årene kunne Bispegaarden ikke længere rumme både Stiftets og Bispegaards-godsets administration, og biskop Jens Andersen lod opføre en kancellibygning på Flakhaven. Det var et smukt ni-fags renæssancehus, som stod næsten uberørt til 1857 og kan give en forestilling om de arkitektoniske kvaliteter ved Jens Andersens bispegård, nu Jomfruklosteret. Kronen overtog bygningen sammen med Stiftets øvrige ejendomme efter Reformationen, hvorefter den blev apotek og siden adelsgård. Akvarel af J.H.T. Hanck, 1835. Odense Bys Museer.

By the early 1500’s, the Bishop’s Palace could no longer accommodate the administration of both the Diocese and the episcopal estates, and Bishop Jens Andersen had a chancellery building erected in Flakhaven. It was a fine nine-bay renaissance house which remained almost untouched until 1857, and may give an impression of the architectural qualities of Jens Andersen’s bishop’s palace, now Jomfruklosteret. The Crown took over the building together with the Diocese’s other buildings after the Reformation, and it became an apothecary’s shop and later a nobleman’s house. Watercolour by J.H.T. Hanck, 1835. City of Odense Museums.

camera, skatkammeret, bestyrede indtægterne af det vældige bispegods og donationer, dvs. arv og gaver. Desuden var skatkammeret ansvarligt for biskoppens bordsølv og klenodier. Til bispehoffet hørte sangere og musikere til liturgisk brug, der også underholdt biskoppens gæster. På Bispegaarden boede og spiste tolv skoledrenge, der sang i nogle af byens kirker, og de var her endnu fyrre år efter Reformationen.21

for visits to altars and churches and property matters. Lawyers would deal with excommunications and in particular marital cases, while an archivist kept control of deeds and letters. The bishop’s camera, or treasury, controlled the revenues of the vast episcopal estates and the donations, i.e. bequests and gifts. The treasury was also responsible for the bishop’s table silver and treasures. The bishop’s court included singers and musicians, both for liturgical use and for entertaining the bishop’s

Ligesom herremændene var biskoppen altid omgivet af væbnede svende. Det signalerede status i eget hus, som gæst og på rejser. På Bispegaarden hørte svendene hjemme i borgestuen, og den bibelske scene med fodvaskningen illustrerer tummelen. Claus Bergs altertavle, St. Knuds Kirke, Odense. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. Like the great lords of the country, the bishop was always surrounded by armed retainers. These signalled his status in his own house, as a guest and on journeys. At the Bishop’s Palace, the retainers would spend their time in the servant’s hall, and this Biblical footwashing scene illustrates the hubbub. Altarpiece by Claus Berg, St. Knud’s Church, Odense. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

En herregård i byen Omfanget af Bispegaardens jordegods kendes ikke, men det må have været af en vis størrelse, for efter Reformationen udgjorde det nogle år et selvstændigt len med egen lensmand. Senere blev det administreret sammen med snart et, snart et andet af de fynske len; først i 1575 blev Bispegaards Len lagt sammen med Næsbyhoveds og St. Hans Klosters Len til Odensegaards Len.22 Biskoppens hushold var meget pladskrævende. Bispegaardens jordegods leverede naturalier, så på gården var der stald til levende slagtenød, kornlofter, rum til malt og humle og forrådsrum til saltede dyrekroppe og smørtønder. Over hundrede dage om året var fastedage, hvor kødspiser var forbudt. Folkene fik tørret eller saltet fisk, mens der var fersk fisk på biskoppens bord, så der har været gravet en lille fiskedam som hyttefad. Her var stegers og et storkøkken til folkeholdet, bryggers med kar og kedler til ølbrygning, bageri, vaskeri, badstuer og dampbad, ligesom Roskilde-bispen havde det på sin gård i København. Alene brændeoplaget til kaminer, køkkener, bagning, brygning, vask og bade har optaget en stor plads i karreen. Her var beboelse til fogeden og hans folk, portner, vægter og

guests. Residing and eating at the Bishop’s Palace were twelve schoolboys, who sang in some of the city’s churches. Forty years after the Reformation, they were still there.21

A manor house in the city The extent of the Bishop’s Palace’s estates is not known, but they must have been fairly large, as after the Reformation they were made a separate fief for a number of years with their own feudal lord. Later the estates were administered together with one or other of the Funen fiefs: for instance, in 1575 the Bishop’s Palace fief was united with Næsbyhoved and St. Hans Friary Fief, to form the new Odensegaard Fief.22 The bishop’s household required a great deal of space. The bishop’s estates delivered goods in kind, so the palace included stalls for livestock awaiting slaughter, grain lofts, rooms for malt and hops and storerooms for salt meat and butter barrels. Over one hundred days per year were fast days on which meat dishes were forbidden. The people ate dried or salted fish, but there was fresh fish on the bishop’s table, so a

Udsigt til Odense Å fra rum 110. Klosteret 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

View of Odense stream from room 110. The convent, 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Folkekøkken og borgestue 1518. Johann Stoeffler: Calendarium Romanum. Det Kgl. Bibliotek.

Servants’ kitchen and servants’ hall 1518. Johann Stoeffler: Calendarium Romanum. Royal Library.

fyrbøder, biskoppens køgemester og køkkenfolk, hans mange væbnede svende og tjenere og en borgestue til måltider og dagligt ophold. Der var også opholdsrum til de kvindelige tjenestefolk, som tog sig af biskoppens klæder og ornater, bordhimle og -tæpper, sengeomhæng osv., og der blev spundet og vævet til husets behov ligesom på kongs- og herregårdene. Her var stor hestestald, med rum til hø og halm, og et vognskur, eftersom biskopperne og deres folk rejste meget mellem ejendommene i Stiftet og i Kirkens og Rigets anliggender. Ved udgravningen 2009-2010 er der fundet affald efter en smedie, som har sørget for beslaget.

small fishpond was dug to store them in. The palace contained a roasting hearth and a kitchen for the bishop’s retainers, a brewhouse with vats and coppers for beer brewing, a bakery, washhouse, bathhouses and steam bath, just as the Bishop of Roskilde had at his palace in Copenhagen. The fuel stores alone for the fireplaces and kitchens and for baking, brewing, laundry and baths would have taken up a large area of the street block. Here too were living quarters for the bailiff and his people, for gatekeeper, watchman and fire mender, the bishop’s cook and kitchen staff, his many armed retainers and servants, who had a servant’s hall for meals and daytime use. There were also rooms for the female servants who looked after the bishop’s clothing and robes, the table canopies and cloths, the bed curtains etc., and who span and wove for the needs of the household just as in the homes of royalty and nobility. There were large stables with space for hay and straw and a coach shed, as the bishops and their people were always travelling between the diocesan properties or on service for the Church and the Realm. The excavations of 2009-2010 uncovered waste from a smithy which would have been responsible for carriage fittings.

Køkkenerne På Bispegaarden var der flere køkkener, ligesom der også var på kongeslottene og i klostrene, for de forskellige niveauer i hierarkiet fik ikke samme mad. I klostrene var der tre køkkener: Et til abbeden, et til munkene og et til lægfolkene. Abbederne havde pligt til at modtage fornemme folk, og manges borde var værd at gæste og vidt berømte. Sådan har det også været hos Odense-bispen, som selv levede godt og havde fornemme gæster, men også mange medarbejdere og stort folkehold på kost.

Fra Biblioteket, rum 101. 2013. På kisten ses Preben Gyldenstjernes våben i midten, flankeret af våbnene for hans to hustruer. Det vides ikke, hvad årstallet 1611 refererer til, da var de alle for længst døde. Gyldenstjernes datter Anne og hendes mand Jørgen Brahe ejede Bispegaarden 1630-1677. Foto: Roberto Fortuna. From the Library, room 101. 2013. Preben Gyldenstjerne’s coat of arms are on the middle of the coffin flanked by the coat of arms for his two wives. It is not known what the year 1611 refers to, since they were all long dead by that time. Gyldenstjerne’s daughter Anne and her husband Jørgen Brahe owned the Bishop’s Palace from 1630-1677. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

Spor efter ildsted i hovedbygningens kælder; til venstre en af skorstenene. Ved restaureringen valgte arkitekterne at lade ildstedet være synligt. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Traces of a fireplace in the main building cellar; on the left, one of the chimneys. The conservation architects chose to leave the fireplace visible. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Både som kongelig gård efter Reformationen og under de senere adelige ejere var der adskilte køkkener; når der er fundet to køkkener under udgravning og restaurering af Jomfruklosteret, har de således ikke afløst hinanden, men fungeret samtidig. Der er spor efter et ildsted i den østlige ende af hovedbygningens kælder, men det vides ikke, hvor gammelt det er, eftersom de basale elementer som skorsten, røgfang og fundamenter til ildbænken ikke forandrede sig gennem mange århundreder. Et køkken inde i hovedbygningen har været biskoppens, hvor der tilberedtes udsøgte retter i mindre mængder af en særlig kok, svarende til kongens mundkok. Hvor der var faciliteter til spidstegning, der var ganske pladskrævende, kan dog ikke konstateres.

The kitchens

The Bishop’s Palace had several kitchens, just as in the Royal Palaces and monasteries, because the different levels of the hierarchy were served different food. The monasteries had three kitchens: one for the abbot, one for the monks and one for the laypeople. The abbots were obliged to receive distinguished guests, and many kept tables which were worth visiting and known far and wide. The same applied to the Bishop of Odense, who lived well and entertained distinguished guests, but also had many employees and a large household to feed. Both as a royal manor after the Reformation and under the later aristocratic owners, the kitchens were kept separate. The two kitchens discovered during the excavation and restoration of Jomfruklosteret were

Maden til det øvre lag af biskoppens folk blev lavet af andre kokke, eventuelt i et nærliggende rum, mens storkøkkenet til folkene har ligget et tredie sted, ligesom bryggers, bageovn og badstuer i en isoleret bygning på grund af brandfaren. Hverken arkæologer eller restaureringsarkitekter har fundet middelalderlige bageovne og bryggerkedler inden for Jomfruklosterets mure, hverken under hovedbygningen eller i fløjene eller som spor i murværket. Under udgravningen i østfløjen 2009-2010 er der fundet en fint opbygget stenrende, der løber mod syd og åen, men ikke har noget udløb i sydgavlen, som ville være mest logisk. I Jomfruklosterets regnskaber fra 1700-tallet nævnes imidlertid en rende fra køkkenet i østfløjen til den såkaldte baggård, den østligste del af grunden mod Paaskestræde, og herfra må det snavsede køkkenvand være ledt i åen.

Biskoppens bolig Hovedbygningen var indrettet med en række store, gennemgående rum, der først senere er delt op, med de største sale i gavlene. I den nuværende sal i vest, kaldet Biblioteket, er den oprindelige del malet med blymønje i mandshøjde over et mørkegråt, illusionsmalet fodpanel, og efter forlængelsen er hele salen malet med den billigere røde farve, jernoxid. Der var bjælkeloft, sikkert også rødmalet, og på gulvet lå store fliser, formentlig af Ølandssten. Med Jens Andersens status og midler har han fulgt tidens mode. Bispegaarden blev indrettet samtidig med dronning Christinas gård i Odense, fra 1522 St. Clara Kloster, og de to boliger har uden tvivl haft samme stil og udstyr.23 De enkle, malede vægge uden egentlige dekorationer var kun baggrund for boligudstyret af tekstiler som vægtæpper, bordhimle og bordtæpper, bænke- og stolehynder, og der har stået store udskårne skabe og skænke, hvor biskopperne kunne anbringe deres mange kostbarheder. Ud over det bohave, han selv anskaffede, har Jens Andersen sikkert ligesom tidligere biskopper overtaget

thus not successive sites, but were in function at the same time. There are traces of a fireplace at the eastern end of the cellar to the main building, but it is not known how old it is, as the basic elements such as chimney, smoke canopy and hearth foundations never changed over many hundreds of years. A kitchen in the main building would be the bishop’s, in which exquisite dishes in smaller quantities would be prepared by a special cook, corresponding to the King’s personal cook. Where the facilities were for spit-roasting, an activity which required a great deal of space, cannot be confirmed. The food for the upper class of the bishop’s retinue was prepared by other cooks, perhaps in a nearby room, while the main kitchen for the people would be in a third location, and, like the brewhouse, bakery and bathhouses, would have stood separately because of the risk of fire. Neither archaeologists nor conservation architects have found medieval ovens or brewing coppers within the walls of Jomfruklosteret, whether under the main building, in the wings or as traces on the masonry. During the excavation of the east wing in 20092010, a neatly constructed brick gutter was found, running southwards towards the river, but there was no outlet in the south gable end, as would have been logical. However, the 18th century accounts for Jomfruklosteret mention a gutter from the east wing kitchen to the so-called back yard, the eastern part of the plot facing Paaskestræde, and from here the dirty kitchen water must have been led to the river.

The bishop’s home The main building was constructed as a series of large, continuous rooms, which were only later subdivided, with the largest rooms at the gable ends. In the present west room, called the Library, the original part was painted in red lead to head height over a dark-grey trompe-l’oeil skirting, while after lengthening, the

Den skare borgere fra Svendborg, som midt i juli 1534 angreb Bispegaarden, var bevæbnet på samme måde som flokken på dette næsten samtidige træsnit af en ubekendt kunstner. The crowd of citizens from Svendborg who in mid-July 1534 attacked the Bishop’s Palace were armed in the same way as the crowd on this almost contemporaneous woodcut by an unknown artist.

en del af sin forgængers løsøre og klenodier. Han begik flere dødssynder som hovmod og vrede, men griskhed og begærlighed efter jordisk gods og luksus delte han med alle Europas kirkefyrster. På Bispegaarden udgjorde kostbarhederne måske ikke “a king’s ransome”, men dog en biskops. I 1519 blev en mordsag fra 1504 genrejst, og af politiske årsager blev Jens Andersen involveret og kastet i hårdt fængsel. Det blev først lempet lidt, så han fik en kande øl og et par timers frisk luft om dagen, efter at han tilbød at aflevere “sølv, guld og klenodier” til Christian II. En af kongens embedsmænd mødte op i Bispegaarden med en notar, der gjorde byttet op og fjernede det. Kongen tog desuden Bispegaarden og dens gods i pant for mandeboden. Senere blev Jens Andersen løsladt og fik gården tilbage mod at afgive 2/3 af Fyens Stifts indtægter til Kronen for resten af sin levetid. Den ekspropriation omgjorde Frederik I, men kostbarhederne var og blev borte.

Biskop Jens Andersen går af Det vides ikke, hvornår Jens Andersen var født, men i 1525 var han stadig sit sædvanlige, overmodige selv. Da adelen ved en lejlighed antydede, at han burde

whole room was painted with the cheaper iron oxide red paint. There was a beamed ceiling, probably also painted red, while the floor was covered with large paving stones, presumably from Øland. Jens Andersen took care to match his status and means to the fashions of the times. The Bishop’s Palace was fitted out at the same time as Queen Christina’s Palace in Odense, from 1522 the St. Clara Convent, and the two residences doubtless exhibited the same style and fittings.23 The simple, painted walls without actual decorations were just a background for textile furnishings such as tapestries, table canopies and cloths, and bench and chair cushions, while large carved cupboards and sideboards allowed the bishops to display their many costly treasures. Apart from the possessions he acquired himself, Jens Andersen had, like former bishops, certainly taken over part of his predecessor’s chattels and heirlooms. He may have committed deadly sins such as pride and anger, but those of greed and covetousness for earthly goods and luxury were sins he shared with every other European prince of the church. At the Bishop’s Palace, the luxuries may not have amounted to a king’s ransom, but they certainly amounted to a bishop’s. In 1519 a murder case of 1504 was resurrected, and Jens Andersen was involved for political reasons and subjected to harsh imprisonment. Conditions were only mitigated to allow him a jug of ale and a few hours of fresh air a day after he offered to provide Christian II with “silver,

Udsnit af afdækning i rum 217, bevaret efter restaureringen som et kig til husets historiske interiørlag. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. Section of uncovering in room 217, retained after the restoration as a view into the historic interior layer of the building. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

træde tilbage, svor han ved den hellige ble – Jesu ligklæde – at han ville dø som en vældig biskop i Fandens navn. Det forskrækkede Victoriatidens blodfattige historikere, men kong Hans bandede også: Da Jens Andersen engang spillede ham et puds, udbrød han: “Guds dros, bispen er en skalk!” Et par år senere, da en reformation af kirken for alvor gærede, følte han sig imidlertid gammel og træt og fik en hjælpebiskop, der også skulle være hans efterfølger, Knud Henriksen Gyldenstjerne. I 1529 var Jens Andersen så “vanmægtig af sygdom”, skrev han, at han ikke kunne bevæge sig over til St. Knuds Kloster. Søndag før Palmesøndag indbød han derfor alle implicerede til sig i Bispegaarden for at overdrage bispeembedet til Gyldenstjerne. Han oplæste forskellige dokumenter, deriblandt om stiftets ejendomme, og stillede sine betingelser: En pension og ophold på Kjærstrup med underhold af alle naturalier, så længe han levede. Med sig fra Bispegaarden skulle han have kvæg, alle slags fødevarer og sine ejendele. Palmesøndag indsatte han i St. Knuds Kirke Gyldenstjerne, som skulle blive den sidste katolske biskop over Fyens Stift.

Bispegaarden angribes 1534 Hvor lidt tykke mure, ja endog voldgrav og vindebro, i realiteten beskyttede, blev tydeligt under Grevens Fejde, et almueoprør, der også handlede om meget andet end religion og varede fra 1534 til 1536. Talrige herregårde og flere bispeborge blev ødelagt af almueskarer. De havde stort set kun høtyve, leer og begfakler til rådighed, men plyndrede, hærgede, slog undertiden adelige ihjel og drog hujende videre, mens flammerne steg op fra de brændende gårde. Nogle steder deltog købstadsborgere med luntebøsser og små kanoner, som de havde pligt til at have til lokalt forsvar mod landets fjender. Alligevel kan det undre, hvordan selv kraftige borge som kongens Næsbyhoved og biskoppens Ørkild kunne blive så ødelagte, at de aldrig kunne rejses igen. Også Bispegaarden blev angrebet, og det gjaldt både biskop Gyldenstjerne og selve bispeinstitutionen.

gold and jewels”. One of the king’s officials attended the Bishop’s Palace with a notary who recorded the booty and removed it. The King also seized the Bishop’s Palace and its estates as surety for the blood money. Later Jens Andersen was released and retrieved his palace on pain of surrendering two thirds of Funen Diocese revenues to the Crown for the rest of his life. This expropriation was reversed by Frederik I, but the treasures had gone, and remained so.

Bishop Jens Andersen retires How old he was at the time is unknown, but in 1525 Jens Andersen was still his usual haughty self. When the nobility on one occasion suggested that he should retire, he swore, devil take him, that by the Sacred Shroud he would die a mighty bishop. This scared off milksop Victorian-age historians, but King Hans was also capable of swearing. Once when Jens Andersen played a trick on him, he exclaimed, “God’s Wounds, the bishop is a scoundrel!” A few years later, however, with the reformation of the Church looming ominously on the horizon, he realised that he was old and tired and secured an auxiliary bishop with the idea of making him his successor. This was Knud Henriksen Gyldenstjerne. In 1529, Jens Andersen was so “impotent with sickness” as he wrote, that he was unable to make the short trip to St. Knud’s Monastery. For this reason he invited all the involved parties to the Bishop’s Palace on the Sunday before Palm Sunday to transfer his bishop’s office to Gyldenstjerne. He read out various documents, including one on the diocese’s property holdings, and laid down his conditions: a pension and the right to live at Kjærstrup with all its revenues in kind, as long as he should live. With him from the Bishop’s Palace he should have the right to take cattle, all kinds of provisions and his own possessions. On Palm Sunday he installed Gyldenstjerne as bishop in St. Knud’s Church. Gyldenstjerne would be the last Catholic bishop of Funen Diocese.

Cornelius Hamsfort den Yngre, der var farmaceut og arvede sin faders apotek i biskoppens kancellibygning, var en habil amatørhistoriker. Han samlede kilder til blandt andet Fyens Stifts bispehistorie og illustrerede den selv. Her er det biskop Gyldenstjerne, der har aflagt mitra og bispestav og iført sig rustning for at leve resten af sit liv som den højadelige godsejer, han var født til at være. Det Kgl. Bibliotek. Cornelius Hamsfort the Younger, an apothecary and heir to his father’s apothecary’s shop in the bishop’s chancellery building was an able amateur historian. His collection included sources for the history of the Diocese of Funen, which he illustrated himself. Here we see Bishop Gyldenstjerne, having laid aside his mitre and crozier and donned a suit of armour, in order to live the rest of his life as the distinguished noble landowner he was born to be. Royal Library.

En gruppe borgere tog midt i juli 1534 fra Svendborg til den nærliggende Ørkild og brændte den af, hvorpå de ilede videre mod Odense og Bispegaarden. Gyldenstjerne havde tidligere absenteret sig, men der var selvfølgelig altid folk på gården. Arild Huitfeldt fortæller i Danmarks Riges Krønike:24 “Ud i lige måde plyndrede og indtog de Svendborg borgere Odense Bispegaard, de begav dem udi S. Albani Kirke straks hos og udi andre huse omkring Bispegaarden og skød af kirken og husene til hvem sig lod se eller ville stille til værn af vinduerne på Bispegaarden. Imidlertid fik de nogle ført på en båd over graven som førte ild og tjære udi porten som ikke var hvælvet og der med opbrændte porten og i så måde blev de gården mægtige [fik den i deres magt].” St. Albani lå kun et par hundrede meter vest for Bispegaardens vestfløj og porten ud til kirkegårdene, og på den afstand kunne datidens håndvåben med deres ringe skudvidde ikke ødelægge en kraftig port

Attack on the Bishop’s Palace, 1534 The limited protection afforded by thick walls, and even moats and drawbridges, became painfully clear during the Counts’ Feud, a popular uprising which involved much more than religion and lasted from 1534 to 1536. Numerous manor houses and several bishop’s castles were destroyed by peasant bands. They had little more than hayforks, scythes and pitch torches at their command, but they plundered and ravaged, sometimes killing members of the nobility, before noisily moving on, as the flames rose from the burning farmsteads. In some places, the citizens of market towns joined in with their matchlocks and small cannons, which it was their duty to keep for local defence against the enemies of the Realm. Even so, it is surprising that even large castles such as the King’s Næsbyhoved, or the bishop’s Ørkild could be damaged so badly that they never rose again. The Bishop’s Palace was also attacked, and both Bishop Gyldenstjerne and his bishopric were to feel the effects. In mid-July 1534, a group of citizens advanced from Svendborg to the nearby Ørkild Castle and

i en muret bygning. Historien melder ikke noget om, at svendborgerne medbragte kanoner, og det lykkedes dem da heller ikke at trænge ind gennem vestporten.25 Svendborgerne skød også fra husene, fortæller Huitfeldt, men de eneste huse inden for håndvåbnenes skudvidde lå nordvest og nord for hovedbygningen, så de har beskudt hovedporten mod Adelgade og økonomibygningerne. Den store hovedbygning kunne de slet ikke nå fra den position. Biskoppens folk forsvarede sig, nogle af dem fra Bispegaardens vinduer. Forsvarernes våben havde lige så ringe skudvidde og kunne ikke nå kirken, så de kunne kun få ram på de angribere, der befandt sig på kirkegården eller lige foran porten i vestfløjen. Fra vinduerne ud til Adelgade var de derimod på skudhold af husene overfor. Herefter fortæller Huitfeldt noget, som har undret flere historikere og bygningsarkæologer, nemlig at svendborgerne satte en båd over (vold)graven. En sådan grav er ikke påvist arkæologisk,26 og der er hverken topografiske spor eller et naturligt vandløb, ligesom en grav ikke er nævnt hverken før eller siden. Hvis Huitfeldt ikke har været lokalkendt og blot har forestillet sig, at der måtte være en voldgrav, var scenariet nok snarere, at svendborgerne fik fat i en båd, lagde nogle tjæretønder i den og havde held til at lægge til åbredden neden for Bispegaarden. Herfra kunne de bære tjæren op til Adelgade ad Paaskestræde. Eller nemmere endnu, til en mindre port i den sydlige spærremur. Mens alle Bispegaardens folk var engagerede af angriberne oppe ved Adelgade-porten og i vestfløjen, kunne de listige svendborgere således i ro og mag åbne bagindgangen. Så snart angriberne var inden for i karreen, var der fri adgang til at plyndre forrådene, og de kunne nærmest spadsere lige ind i biskoppens bolig midt på grunden. Det havde nok været en anden snak, hvis Gyldenstjerne med sine professionelle svende havde været der, men fogeden og hans karle kunne ikke forsvare hovedbygningen effektivt og havde desuden travlt alle vegne.

burned it to the ground, before hurrying off to Odense and the Bishop’s Palace. Gyldenstjerne had previously made himself scarce, but naturally there were always people at the Bishop’s Palace. Arild Huitfeldt describes it in his Chronicle of the Danish Realm:24 “In similar fashion the citizens of Svendborg plundered and occupied the Bishop’s Palace in Odense, they took up position outside St. Albani Church directly opposite and in other houses around the Bishop’s Palace, and from the church and houses shot at whoever showed their face or tried to defend themselves at the windows of the Bishop’s Palace.Meanwhile certain persons managed to get over the moat in a boat and placed fire and pitch in the unvaulted gate and thereby burned the gate and thus overpowered the palace.” St. Albani was only a few hundred metres from the west wing of the Bishop’s Palace and the gate leading out to the churchyards, but at that distance the small arms of the time with their short range would be unable to destroy a strongly-built gate in a brick building. History is silent as to whether the men from Svendborg had cannons with them, but they were unable to penetrate the west gate.25 They also shot from the nearby houses, according to Huitfeldt, but the only houses within small-arm shooting distance were to the northwest and north of the main building, so they must have shot at the main gate onto Adelgade and the service buildings. From that position, the large main building was completely out of their reach. The bishop’s staff defended themselves, some from the Bishop’s Palace windows. The defenders’ weapons had just as short a range as the attackers’, and could not reach as far as the church, so they could only hit assailants in the churchyard or right in front of the west wing gate. From the windows facing Adelgade, they were within range of the houses opposite. Huitfeldt then introduces an element which has puzzled many historians and building archaeologists,

Fra kælderen. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. 2013. From the basement. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. 2013.

Angriberne er myldret op ad trappen til svalegangen og trængt ind gennem hoveddøren og vinduerne. De stak biskoppens kostbarheder i lommerne, bandt dyre stoffer omkring sig, tømte vinfadene og smadrede indboet, som det berettes, når landsknægte plyndrede. Tidligere har historikere og arkæologer tolket Huitfeldts tekst sådan, at Bispegaarden brændte og blev ødelagt under angrebet. Han skriver imidlertid ikke noget om brand, men nævner udtrykkeligt, at bispens borg Ørkild brændte. Under restaureringen er der fundet sodpartikler i gulvfyldet over hvælvingerne flere steder, dog ikke i den oprindelige vestlige ende, det senere Bibliotek, og i så små mængder, at den kan stamme fra nedtagelse af skorstenene i forbindelse med forlængelsen. Eller, idet soden primært er fundet langs ydervæggene,27 måske fra en sørgebemaling med kønrøg og senere nedvaskning. Da Christian III døde i 1559, gav Frederik II lensmændene omhyggelige instrukser om at drage sale og kamre i alle de kongelige ejendomme med sort stof eller på anden vis klæde rummene i sorg. Det må også have omfattet Bispegaarden, den kongelige residens i Odense, hvortil den afdøde konge blev ført fra Koldinghus og bisat i St. Knuds Kirke. Først tyve år senere blev liget ført til Roskilde Domkirke. Da Frederik II døde i 1588, var Bispegaarden ikke længere offentlig ejendom.

Den sidste katolske biskop I Grevens Fejde lå magten snart hos den ene side, snart hos den anden. Gyldenstjerne var dybt involveret i politik og opholdt sig sjældent på Bispegaarden. Da Christian IIs parti en overgang havde magten på Fyn, blev han afsat og en tidligere svensk ærkebiskop, Gustav Trolle, indsat. Trolle hørte efter nogle samtidiges mening ikke til Guds bedste børn, og i Skibbykrøniken kaldes han “denne urolige og ustadige mand med det vilde sind, der åndede død og fordærvelse.” Trolle skal have opholdt sig på Bispegaarden den følgende vinter, så enten var hovedbygningen stadig beboelig, eller der var andre passende huse i karreen.28

that the Svendborg contingent sent a boat across the moat. No such moat has been discovered in archaeological investigations,26 and there are neither topographical traces nor a natural watercourse. No moat has ever been mentioned before or since. If Huitfeldt was unaware of local conditions and merely imagined there must have been a moat, the situation was probably that the Svendborg mob got hold of a boat, placed some tar barrels in it and succeeded in landing on the river bank below the Bishop’s Palace. From here they could carry the tar up to Adelgade via Paaskestræde. Or, even more easily, to a smaller gate in the southern dividing wall. While all the Bishop’s Palace staff were occupied by the attackers at the Adelgade gate end and in the west wing, the cunning Svendborgers could quietly enter by the back door. As soon as the attackers had penetrated the outer walls, they would have free access for plundering the provisions, and they could almost stroll into the bishop’s residence in the centre of the site. The situation would have presumably been different if Gyldenstjerne and his professional retainers had been there, but the bailiff and his men would be unable to defend the main building effectively, and were kept busy on all fronts. The attackers would have swarmed up the staircase to the gallery and burst in through the main door and windows. They would pocket the bishop’s treasures, wrap themselves in the expensive textiles, empty the wine casks and smash the household effects, as we learn from accounts of mercenary plundering. Previous historians and archaeologists have interpreted Huitfeldt to mean that the Bishop’s Palace was burnt and destroyed during the attack. However, he says nothing about a fire, though he expressly states that Ørkild Castle burnt down. During restoration, soot particles were found in the floor infill above the vaulting at various points, but not at the original west end, the later Library, and in such small quantities that they may stem from the taking down of the chimneys

Udsnit af hjørneskab i trapperum 215. 2007. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Section of corner cabinet in staircase 215. 2007. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

at the time the building was extended. Or, in as much as the soot was primarily found along the outer walls,27 maybe from funeral decorations with lampblack which were later washed off. When Christian III died in 1559, his successor Frederik II gave his Lord Lieutenants careful instructions to have all the halls and chambers in the royal residences covered with black cloth or otherwise clad for mourning. This must also have included the Bishop’s Palace, the royal residence in Odense, to which the deceased king was carried from Kolding Castle before interment in St. Knud’s Church. Only twenty years later was the body transferred to Roskilde Cathedral. By the time Frederik II died in 1588, the Bishop’s Palace was no longer state property.

The last Catholic bishop

Knud Henriksen Gyldenstjerne, den sidste katolske biskop over Fyens Stift, sad fængslet et års tid efter Reformationen; da han blev løsladt, nu fri af cølibatet, giftede han sig med Jytte, en datter af den rige Predbjørn Podebusk til Nørre Vosborg.29 Knap hundrede år senere, i 1630, købte parrets barnebarn, Anne Gyldenstjerne, og hendes mand Jørgen Brahe Bispegaarden, og i 1716 skænkede deres barnebarn igen, Karen Brahe, gården til brug for et adeligt jomfrukloster. Parrets gravplade i Aarhus Domkirke. Det Kongelige Bibliotek. Knud Henriksen Gyldenstjerne, the last Catholic bishop of Funen Diocese, was imprisoned for a year following the Reformation; on his release, and now free from his vow of celibacy, he married Jytte, daughter of the rich Predbjørn Podebusk of Nørre Vosborg.29 Just under 100 years later, in 1630, the couple’s grandchild, Anne Gyldenstjerne and her husband Jørgen Brahe purchased the Bishop’s Palace, and in 1716 their grandchild, Karen Brahe, donated the property for use as a Secular Convent for Noblewomen. The couple’s monumental plaque in Aarhus Cathedral. The Royal Library.

During the Counts’ Feud, power shifted constantly from one side to the other. Gyldenstjerne was deeply involved in politics and was seldom in residence at the Bishop’s Palace. When Christian II’s party held Funen at one point, he was deposed as bishop and a previous Swedish archbishop, Gustav Trolle was installed. According to some of his contemporaries, Trolle was no angel, and the Skibby Chronicle describes him as “this unquiet and capricious man with an untamed mind who breathed death and destruction.” Apparently Trolle resided at the Bishop’ Palace the following winter, so either the main building was still habitable or there were other suitable houses within the precincts.28 The summer after, he was mortally wounded at the Battle of Øksnebjerg near Assens, the turning point of the civil war. On 29 July 1536, the besieged Copenhagen surrendered to Christian III and the war was over. Gyldenstjerne was immediately reinstated, but his satisfaction was short-lived as all the bishops were imprisoned that very August. The Lord Lieutenant of Næsbyhoved and two other noblemen were sent to arrest Gyldenstjerne. If he barricaded himself in the

Den protestantiske biskop Bispeembedet blev ikke afskaffet ved Reformationen, men af modvilje mod den gamle betegnelse kaldtes stifternes leder i mange år superintendent, dvs. den, der havde overopsynet med de kirkelige forhold. Den første superintendent over Fyens Stift flyttede ikke ind på Bispegaarden, men blev boende i St. Knuds Kloster som før udnævnelsen. I 1538 fik han embedsbolig i en del af det nedlagte St. Clara Kloster, dronning Christinas tidligere gård, og det varede længe, før man begyndte at kalde dén for bispegård.

The Protestant bishop The bishop’s office was not abolished at the Reformation, but from an aversion to the old title, the leader of the diocese was for many years called the Superintendent, i.e. the person with oversight over ecclesiastical affairs. The first Superintendent of Funen Diocese did not move into the Bishop’s Palace but remained at St. Knud’s Monastery as he had done before his appointment. In 1538 he was given an official residence in part of the abolished St. Clara Convent, Queen Christina’s former palace, but it was many years before this came to be known as the bishop’s palace.

Sommeren efter blev han dødeligt såret i Slaget ved Øksnebjerg ved Assens, der vendte borgerkrigen. 29. juli 1536 overgav det belejrede København sig til Christian III og krigen var forbi. Gyldenstjerne blev straks genindsat, men fornøjelsen var kort, eftersom alle biskopper blev arresterede allerede i august. Lensmanden på Næsbyhoved skulle sammen med to andre adelsmænd arrestere Gyldenstjerne. Hvis han forskansede sig på Bispegaarden, lød ordren på at tage fogeder, andre lensmænd med deres svende, borgere og almue til hjælp. Sammen med det vellykkede angreb to år tidligere fortæller det, at hovedbygningen ikke var mere befæstet end enhver anden rigmandsbolig i Odense. Arrestationen kom imidlertid til at gå stilfærdigt for sig: Efter en gudstjeneste trådte Gyldenstjerne ud af St. Albani Kirke for at begive sig tilbage til Bispegaarden, men blev standset af en adelsmand og en tysk officer. Han fik oplæst den kongelige arrestordre og fulgte fredsommeligt med dem. Bispegaardens katolske tid var forbi.

Bishop’s Palace, the order was to enlist in aid bailiffs, other feudal lords and their retainers, citizens and peasantry. Together with the successful attack two years previously, this tells us that the main building was no better fortified than any other rich man’s house in Odense. However, the arrest passed off without incident: following a church service, Gyldenstjerne left St. Albani Church to return to the Bishop’s Palace, but was stopped by a nobleman and a German officer. The arrest order was read to him and he gave himself up without protest. The time of the Catholic Church at the Bishop’s Palace was over.

Odensegaard – Kronens ejendom Odensegaard – Crown property Af / by Barbara Zalewski

På Reformationens officielle fødselsdag, 30. oktober 1536, blev Christian IIIs reces om de nye kirkelige forhold oplæst på et stændermøde i København. Herefterdags skulle “alle stifters gods, slotte, gårde, huse og jordegods, som bisperne nu har haft i hænde og værge herefter til evig tid være og blive med al deres indtægt og tilliggende (…) under Kronen”. Almuen råbte begejstret ja. De ville af med biskopperne og håbede dermed, “at man ikke så ofte skulle skatte den fattige almue,” fortæller Arild Huitfeldt. Men de glædede sig for tidligt. Året efter blev bispetienden forvandlet til kongetiende, og en tiendedel er nu engang en tiendedel.30 De fynske lensmænd, som havde arresteret biskop Gyldenstjerne, fik nu ordre til sammen med to tyske officerer og en væbnet styrke at sætte sig besiddelse af Stiftets ejendomme. Det var drabeligt, men kongemagten frygtede åbenbart stadig uro efter de år, hvor sindene havde været i kog. De skulle lave lister over inventaret, hvortil også hørte forrådene af landsbrugsprodukter, og på Bispegaarden skulle de tage Odenses magistrat med på gennemgangen.

On the official birthday of the Reformation, 30 October 1536, Christian III’s “Recess” on the new ecclesiastical situation was read out at an assembly of the Estates General in Copenhagen. Henceforth, “all diocesan estates, palaces, farms, houses and manors now in the bishops’ possession and custody shall for ever be and remain, with all their revenues and appurtenances (…) under the Crown”. The Commoners applauded enthusiastically. They wanted the bishops abolished and hoped that as a result, “the poor commoners should no longer be taxed so often,” Arild Huitfeldt explains. But they rejoiced too soon. The following year the Bishop’s Tithe was converted into a Royal Tithe, and, after all, a tithe is a tithe.30 The Funen lords who had arrested Bishop Gyldenstjerne now received orders, together with two German officers and an armed force, to take possession of the Diocesan estates. This was a mighty show of force, but the Crown apparently still feared unrest after the many years of public agitation. Inventories were to be taken, including the stores of agricultural products, and at the Bishop’s Palace, the Odense Magistrates were also to be invited.

Bispegaards Len og stiftslenet Når der overhovedet var inventar og forråd på Bispegaarden efter angrebet, var det fordi den fortsat fungerede som centrum for Bispegaards-godset. Fogeden og gårdens folk arbejdede, boede og spiste på gården, ligesom produktionen på bispegodset fortsatte; nu gik

Bishop’s Palace Fief and Diocesan Fief That there were still possessions and stores left at the Bishop’s Palace after the attack was due to the fact that the place still functioned as the centre of the Bishop’s

Vinter 2012. Foto Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. Winter, 2012. Photo Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Palace estates. The bailiff and the palace staff worked, lived and ate at the palace, and production on the estates continued as before: only now, all revenues went to the Crown. The twelve singing schoolboys also lodged and ate here, while fourteen poor scholars, who also sang, received half board. In 1537 the Bishop’s Palace estates, including Tåsinge, hitherto a separate fief, were united under the name of Bishop’s Palace Fief and received their own Lord Lieutenant. With the confiscation of the country’s episcopal estates, the Crown came into possession of vast territories – Funen Diocese alone owned 440 farms on Funen, the Ørkild Castle manor, most of Tåsinge and isolated estates on Langeland, Lolland, Falster, Als and Ærø. These properties could not operate without administration, so a new post was created, that of Diocesan Lord Lieutenant. In the first years, these conducted estate management and revenue collection and a number of other functions performed by the bishops, such as parish church matters and matrimonial cases in the church court. The final two functions only completely disappeared in the municipal reforms of 2007.31 The Bishop’s Palace became the headquarters of the Diocesan Lord Lieutenant over the Funen and Langeland parts of the Diocese, and the administrative and judicial apparatus based in the Bishop’s Palace and Chancellery building continued as if the change in religion had never happened. From 1541, the whole country’s episcopal estates were reorganised, and the small Bishop’s Palace Fief was now administered together with one of the other Funen fiefs, Nyborg, Rugaard or St. HansNæsbyhoved, apparently according to whichever Lord Lieutenant seemed best suited. The composition of the fiefs is named specifically in the patents. Until 1575, a few Diocesan Lord Lieutenants resided at the Bishop’s Palace, while others preferred to live in their other fiefs. In other words, the administrative details explain many of the difficulties in the history of the Bishop’s Palace buildings and their use over the forty years they were in Crown ownership. Fra Salen, rum 104, med kig til gårdspladsen. 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

60 From the Hall, room 104, looking into the courtyard. 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

alle indtægter blot i Kronens kasse. Desuden boede og spiste de tolv syngende skoledrenge her, mens fjorten fattige skoledrenge, der ligeledes sang, fik halv kost på gården. I 1537 blev Bispegaardens gods, herunder Tåsinge, et særskilt len, kaldet Bispegaards Len, og fik egen lensmand. Med inddragelsen af landets bispegods kom Kronen i besiddelse af en vældig godsmængde – alene Fyens Stift ejede 440 fynske gårde, Ørkilds jordegods, det meste af Tåsinge og strøgods på Langeland, Lolland-Falster, Als og Ærø. Disse ejendomme kunne jo ikke være uden administration, så der blev oprettet et nyt embede, stiftslensmænd. De varetog de første år godsdrift og indtægter samt en række andre funktioner, der havde hørt under biskopperne, blandt andet sognekirkernes forhold og kirkeretten med ægteskabssager. De to sidste funktioner forsvandt først helt ved kommunalreformen i 2007.31 Bispegaarden blev sæde for stiftslensmanden over den fynske og langelandske del af Stiftet, og det administrative og juridiske apparat, som havde domicil på Bispegaarden og i Kancellibygningen, fortsatte uanfægtet af religionsskiftet. Fra 1541 blev hele landets bispegods omorganiseret, og det lille Bispegaards Len blev nu administreret sammen med et af de øvrige fynske len: Nyborg, Rugaard eller St. Hans-Næsbyhoved, tilsyneladende alt efter hvilken lensmand, der egnede sig. Sammensætningen af len nævntes udtrykkeligt i bestallingerne. Indtil 1575 residerede nogle stiftslensmænd på Bispegaarden, andre foretrak at bo på deres andet len. De administrative detailler oplyser med andre ord mange uklare punkter i Bispegaardens bygningshistorie og anvendelse i de fyrre år, hvor den var i Kronens eje. Det har hidtil været antaget, at St. Hans Kloster blev administrationscentrum for dette klosters gods og Næsbyhoved og kongelig residens med navnet Odensegaard, da Christian III kom på tronen. Denne antagelse skyldes, at kongen daterede nogle breve på klosteret med “vor gaard”, men det kaldte han også andre af Kronens nyerhvervelser efter Reformationen, som f.eks. Kancellibygningen på Flakhaven, da han skødede

It has hitherto been assumed that when Christian III ascended the throne, St. Hans Monastery became the administrative centre for the estates of that monastery and Næsbyhoved as a royal residence called Odensegaard. This assumption stems from some letters from the king at the monastery signed as from “our house”, but this was also his name for other new Crown acquisitions after the Reformation, for instance the Chancellery building on Flakhaven, when he made it over to his personal physician and apothecary in 1549. Royal letters have been signed in several locations in and around Odense right from the 15th century. Many official letters communicate decisions taken at meetings, and it appears that the locations were chosen according to the number of attendees, such as the Deanery, the Blackfriars Monastery, St. Hans Monastery, etc. Moreover, St. Hans Monastery was still functioning as a monastery. The monks were not expelled at the Reformation, but under the new ecclesiastical organisation were allowed to remain until their death or until they chooose to re-enter the secular world, while the feudal lords of the monastery estates had to maintain them for the remainder of their life. In return the monks of St. Hans were required to register deeds, titles, letters and treasures, so that the Crown had an overview of its new possessions. They worked on this until 1558, and the monastery function only ceased 20 years later.32 The kings had no fixed residences, but travelled round the country with a large retinue and part of the administration, so the primary need was for stabling for what sometimes amounted to 200 horses. The stabling was insufficient at the Monastery, but the Bishop’s Palace had large stables. The Lord Lieutenant holding Bishop’s Palace Fief was therefore under an obligation “as often as We or Our wife come to Odense” to supply “Our and Our attendants’ horses with the necessary hay and litter”. In 1578 he was ordered to prepare straw fodder, hay and litter for the king’s, courtiers’ and foreign guests’ horses, as Frederik II was already

Renæssancedør fra første del af 1600-tallet i stueetagen, rum 102, der på et tidspunkt er afskilt fra den store sal mod vest, Biblioteket. Døren er genbrug, idet der er mærker efter ældre hængsler; den er, sammen med en tilsvarende dør for enden af rummet, anskaffet enten til denne ombygning eller hentet et andet sted i huset. Konservatorerne har afdækket flere områder med en række senere overmalinger, blandt andet en accentuering af dens detaljer, og er nået ind til dørens egetræ og intarsia i forskellige træsorter. Foto: Roberto Fortuna. Renaissance door from the first part of the 17th century on the ground floor, room 102, which at some point was separated from the great hall facing west, the library. The door has been reused, since there are markings from older hinges; along with another similar door at the end of the room, it was acquired either for this refurbishment or taken from elsewhere in the building. The conservators have uncovered several areas with a number of later repainting, among other things an accentuation of its details, and have gotten down to the door’s oak and intarsia in various types of wood. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

den til sin livlæge og apoteker i 1549. Kongelige breve er daterede flere steder i og omkring Odense helt fra 1400-tallet. Mange officielle breve formidler beslutninger taget på møder, og det ser ud til, at der blev valgt lokaler alt efter antallet af mødedeltagere, på Provstegaarden, i Sortebrødre Kloster, på St. Hans Kloster osv. St. Hans Kloster fungerede desuden stadig som kloster. Munkene blev ikke jaget bort ved Reformationen, men måtte ifølge den nye kirkeordning blive boende, indtil de døde eller selv søgte ud i verden, og lensmændene på klostergodset skulle underholde dem resten af deres levetid. På St. Hans Kloster skulle de til gengæld registrere skøder, adkomster, breve og klenodier, så Kronen havde overblik over sin nye ejendom. Det syslede de med til 1558, og først tyve år senere ophørte klosterfunktionen helt.32 Kongerne havde ikke faste residenser, men rejste rundt i landet med stort følge og en del af administrationen, så der skulle først og fremmest være staldplads til undertiden et par hundrede heste. Det var der ikke på klosteret, men på Bispegaarden var der store stalde. Den lensmand, som havde Bispegaards Len, var derfor forpligtet til, “så tit vi eller vor hustru komme til

planning the Ceremony of Homage of 1580, which led to the establishment of the Albani Torv square just outside the Bishop’s Palace. If the history of the Bishop’s Palace in this period has often been difficult to work out, it is because only few, and only chance, official letters and documents have been preserved. Now and then, a glimpse emerges, but all the interim events have been lost, and only with a number of letters and patents from 1575 does the earlier status of the Bishop’s Palace suddenly become intelligible. In June of that year, Frederik II appointed a new Lord Lieutenant over “the Bishop’s Palace in Odense, together with Næsbyhoved Fief, the Diocesan Estates and St. Hans Monastery Fief ”. The Lord Lieutenant was thus also Diocesan Lord Lieutenant. Five weeks previously, the King had already written to him, telling him to move to the Home Farm outside Odense, as “Odensegaard is to be demolished”. St. Hans Monastery cannot here be Odensegaard, as that very day the King wrote to the same lord telling him that he had been to inspect St. Hans Monastery – with which he was apparently rather unfamiliar – and had

Da væglærreder og spåntapet blev fjernet i den gennemgående sal, rum 104, kom Bispegaardens oprindelige indgangsdør til syne. Bag panelet blev fundet rester af et faststampet lergulv, der har været dækket af stenfliser. Den tilmurede dør ses tydeligt på ydermuren mod syd, øst for den nuværende hovedtrappe. Man kom op til døren ad en trappe, en svalegang eller et galleri af træ. Foto: Tv. Lundqvist Tegnestue. Th. Roberto Fortuna.

When the wall canvases and the straw wallpaper were removed in the continuous hall, room 104, the original entrance door of the Bishop’s Palace emerged. Remains from a tamped earthen floor, which has been covered with stone tiles, were found behind the panel. The walled-up door is clearly visible on the exterior wall facing south, east of the current main staircase. You came up to the door via a staircase, an outside gallery or a wooden gallery. Photo: Left, Lundqvist Architects. Right, Roberto Fortuna.

Odense” at holde “vore og vore hofsinders heste med nødtørftigt hø og strøelse”. I 1578 skulle han have stråfoder, hø og strøelse til kongens, hoffolkenes og de fremmede gæsters heste parat, idet Frederik II allerede var ved at planlægge lenshyldningen 1580, som førte til anlæggelsen af Albani Torv lige uden for Bispegaarden. Når Bispegaardens historie i denne periode har været vanskelig at få rede i, skyldes det, at der kun er bevaret meget få og helt tilfældige breve og dokumenter fra officielt hold. Af og til kastes et strejflys ind, men alle mellemregningerne mangler, og først gennem en række breve og bestallinger fra 1575 bliver Bispegaardens tidligere status pludselig fortåelig. Dette år udnævnte kongen en ny lensmand over “Biskopsgaarden i Odense med Næsbyhoved Len, Stiftets gods og St. Hans Klosters Len”. Lensmanden

decided to move there from the Bishop’s Palace. And, in fact the Monastery was not demolished but instead extended.33 However, the new Lord Lieutenant died in November of that year. The letters patent to his successor refer to “St Hans Monastery and the estates formerly under the Bishop’s Palace and Næsbyhoved Fief and the Diocesan Estates.” As the King wished to “have the Bishop’s Palace pulled down and St. Hans Monastery refurbished”, he was to devote his attention to this building work.34 In other words, in the course of these few months, the King had merged the fiefs, after which St. Hans Monastery became known as Odensegaard, the present Odense Castle. Even so, the main building at the Bishop’s Palace was not pulled down, but a decision to the contrary has not survived.

I den vestlige ende af den nye førstesal var væggene rødmalede med sort og grå stregdekoration og illuderet fodpanel, malet næsten en halv meter op. Indhuggene er lavet senere for at sikre vedhæftning af puds. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. Th.: udsnit af loftdekoration 2013. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

At the west end of the new first floor, the walls were painted in red with black and grey decorative lines and a trompe l’oeil skirting painted to a height of nearly half a metre. The notches were made later to help the adhesion of a plaster finish. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. Right: Section of the ceiling decoration, 2013. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

blev således også stiftslensmand. Allerede fem uger senere skrev kongen til ham, at han skulle flytte til Ladegaarden uden for Odense, da “Odensegaard skal nedbrydes”. Her kan St. Hans Kloster umuligt være Odensegaard, eftersom kongen selvsamme dag skrev til selvsamme lensmand, at han havde været henne at bese St. Hans Kloster – som han åbenbart ikke var særlig fortrolig med – og havde besluttet at flytte fra Bispegaarden dertil. Og klosteret blev som bekendt ikke nedbrudt, men tværtimod udbygget.33 Lensmanden døde imidlertid allerede i november. Hans efterfølgers bestalling lød nu på “St. Hans Kloster med det gods, som lå under Biskopsgaarden og Næsbyhoved Len samt Stiftets gods”. Da kongen ville “lade Biskopsgaarden nedrive og istandsætte St. Hans Kloster”, skulle han tage sig af dette byggeri.34 Kongen havde altså i løbet af de få måneder fusioneret lenene, og herefter blev St. Hans Kloster til Odensegaard, i dag Odense Slot. Bispegaardens hovedbygning blev dog ikke nedbrudt.

The Bishop’s Palace was thus known as Odensegaard for 40 years, until 1575. This is in line with the practice in Aarhus and Roskilde, where the Catholic bishop’s palaces became the seats of the Diocesan Lord Lieutenant and were now known as Aarhusgaard and Roskildegaard. The buildings had an important function as storage space for the tithe grain and manorial dues in kind from the diocesan estates, as can be seen from letters to the Lord Lieutenant and others at the Bishop’s Palace.35 The grain was to be used by the Royal Household or sold on the free market, and the fireproof main buildings were ideal grain lofts.

Royal residence During his stays in different parts of the country, the King, and sometimes the whole Royal Family and retinue, would live with the Lord Lieutenant. They would occupy several rooms and be sustained with the

Om det skyldes, at beslutningen ikke er bevaret, eller om kongen i virkeligheden mente Bispegaards-komplekset og ikke selve hovedbygningen, vides ikke. Bispegaarden var således Odensegaard i fyrre år, indtil 1575. Det stemmer med, at de katolske bispegårde i for eksempel Aarhus og Roskilde blev sæde for stiftslensmændene og nu kaldtes Aarhusgaard og Roskildegaard. Bygningerne havde en vigtig funktion som oplagsplads for tiendekorn og landgildeprodukter fra stiftsgodset, som det fremgår af breve til blandt andre lensmanden på Bispegaarden.35 Kornet skulle bruges af Hofholdningen eller sælges på det frie marked, og de brandsikre hovedbygninger var ideelle kornlofter.

Kongelig residens Under ophold rundt om i landet boede kongen, eventuelt hele kongefamilien, og følget hos lensmanden. De beboede nogle rum og fik hele deres underhold af stedets naturalier, mens resten af gården fungerede som den plejede. Bispegaarden var således ikke en residens på samme måde som senere, hvor slottene var forbeholdt kongefamilien, Hoffet og Hofholdningen og indrettede til repræsentation. Et årstid efter at den unge, energiske Frederik II var kommet på tronen, Helligtrekongers Dag 1560, skrev han til lensmanden på Nyborg, som også havde Bispegaards Len, og henviste til en tidligere samtale om at “opbygge” Bispegaarden.36 Ordet “opbygge” er blevet læst som “genopbygge” i lyset af den antagelse, at Bispegaardens hovedbygning var ødelagt under Grevens Fejde, men Kancelliets Brevbøger – den trykte kilde til tidens officielle breve – citerer ikke ordret; de refererer, og i andre breve bruges ordet “bygge”. Meningen kan derfor udmærket være, at gården skulle opgraderes. Hovedbygningen var nu omkring 60 år og havde de sidste fjorten år rummet kontorer, så den var slidt af mange menneskers daglige færden, mens bygningerne på den nordlige del af grunden antagelig var endnu ældre. Men Bispegaarden havde potentiale, den lå smukt og var – ligesom alle den katolske kirkes ejendomme –

products of the local estate, while the rest of the house functioned in the usual way. The Bishop’s Palace was thus not a residence in the same way as was the case later on, when the palaces were reserved for the Royal Family, the Court and Household, and furnished for ceremony and entertainment. A year after the young and energetic Frederik II had ascended the throne, at Epiphany 1560, he wrote to his Lord Lieutenant at Nyborg, who also held Bishop’s Palace Fief, referring to a previous conversation about “building up” the Bishop’s Palace.36 The words “building up” have been understood to mean “restoring”, under the assumption that the main building of the Bishop’s Palace had been destroyed during the Counts’ Feud, but the Correspondence Books – the printed source for the official letters of the period – do not quote the letters, they refer, and in other letters the word means “building”. The meaning could simply be that the place was to be upgraded. The main building was now about 60 years old and for the previous 14 years had served as offices, so it would now be shabby from the daily work of many different people; the buildings on the northern part of the site were presumably even older. But the Bishop’s Palace had potential; it had a fine situation, and – like all the properties of the Catholic Church – was newer and more comfortable than most of the Crown’s own possessions in Denmark. Frederik II was a modern Renaissance prince and an ambitious one, as his building work and interiors witness; the Bishop’s Palace, with only one storey and shorter than today, would have been too small. The building was to be extended to give space for a large retinue and guests and there was to be more stabling. At least a large white building on the northern part of the land and new stables are explicitly mentioned 15 years later in connection with the move to St. Hans Monastery. Building was to begin immediately after Shrove Tuesday, and the mother of the as-yet unmarried King, Queen Dorothea, had promised to go to Odense and oversee the building work. However, progress was

I forbindelse med forhøjelsen blev der opsat trekantfrontoner af sandsten over vinduerne i sydfacaden og på vestgavlen. På facaden er de senere borthuggede, mens de stadig sidder på gavlen. Foto: Lundqvist Tegnestue. In connection with the heightening work, triangular sandstone pediments were erected above the windows in the south facade and on the west gable end. On the facade, they were later hacked off, but they still survive on the gable. Photo: Lundqvist Architects.

slow: over the next few months the King wrote several reminders about materials and labour, and these give a small insight into the work. If all letters from this period have been preserved, the problems related only to rafters, timber, wall anchors and nails, windows and window glass, while bricks are not mentioned. This could indicate that the building was to be half-timbered. The half-timbering had to be filled with something, but there were old bricks everywhere. The list of bricks from demolished buildings transported over long distances and re-used in new royal buildings is endless. Lime was ordered from the store at Copenhagen Castle, but the Lord Lieutenant of Nyborg was to keep sufficient to limewash Nyborg Castle, so this was presumably intended for the same use here. Frederik II wanted white buildings, and as mentioned, a white building later stood in the northern part of the Bishop’s Palace precinct. Ahead of the christening of Christian IV in 1577 – which the King hoped all the Protestant princes would attend – he had Copenhagen Castle limewashed.37 As completion of the work was dragging out, the King wrote to the Lord Lieutenant that on “St. John’s Day Midsummer” he intended to hold an Assembly of Magnates in Odense, and, regardless of whether the house at the Bishop’s Palace was ready or not by then, he intended to stay at St. Hans Monastery.38 Apparently the Bishop’s Palace could not be made presentable enough for the representatives of the Hanseatic Cities who were expected to attend the Magnates’ negotiations. Only sporadic letters about further building work at the Bishop’s Palace have been preserved over

nyere og mere komfortabel end de fleste af Kronens egne rundt om i landet. Frederik II var en moderne renæssancefyrste og ambitiøs, hvad hans byggerier og interiører vidner om, og med kun én etage og kortere end i dag har Bispegaarden været for lille. Beboelsen skulle udvides med plads til et stort følge og gæster, og der skulle være mere staldplads, i hvert fald nævnes et hvidt hus på den nordlige del af grunden og nye stalde eksplicit 15 år senere i forbindelse med flytningen til St. Hans Kloster. Byggeriet skulle påbegyndes straks efter Fastelavn, og den endnu ugifte konges moder, enkedronning Dorothea, havde lovet ham at tage til Odense og stå for byggeriet. Det gik dog trevent: Kongen skrev de næste måneder adskillige rykkere om materialer og arbejdskraft, der giver et lille indblik i byggeriet. Hvis alle breve fra denne periode ellers er bevarede, var der kun tale om spær, tømmer, murankre og søm, vinduer og vinduesglas, mens teglsten ikke nævnes. Det kunne tyde på, at der skulle rejses en bindingsværksbygning. Noget skulle bindingsværket dog udmures med, men der var gamle sten alle vegne, listen over sten fra nedrevne bygninger, der blev fragtet over lange afstande og genbrugt i nye kongelige byggerier er endeløs. Der blev bestilt kalk fra lageret ved Københavns Slot, men lensmanden på Nyborg skulle beholde nok til at hvidte Nyborg Slot med, så det var formentlig til samme brug her. Frederik II ville have hvide bygninger, og som nævnt stod der senere en hvid bygning i den nordlige del af Bispegaards-karreen. Forud for Christian IVs dåb i 1577 – som kongen håbede at alle protestantiske fyrster ville bivåne – lod han således også Københavns Slot hvidkalke.37 Da det trak ud med færdiggørelsen, skrev kongen i juni til lensmanden, at han “St. Hans Dag Midsommer” ville holde Herredag i Odense og at han, uanset om huset paa Bispegaarden var færdigt til den tid eller ej, ville bo på St. Hans Kloster.38 Bispegaarden kunne åbenbart ikke nå at blive præsentabel nok til de repræsentanter for Hansestæderne, som ventedes til forhandlinger på Herredagen.

Mærkeligt nok er der ikke gjort noget forsøg på at camouflere udvidelserne ved at mure i samme forbandt, men hele bygningen skulle males eller kalkes. Bispegaarden har kun stået i blank mur de første årtier og igen fra slutningen af 1800-tallet, i mellemtiden har den været skiftevis hvid, rød og hvid. Foto: Lundqvist Tegnestue. Strangely, no attempts were made to camouflage the extensions by continuing the brickwork in the same bond, but the whole building was intended to be painted or limewashed. The Bishop’s Palace remained with bare brickwork for the first few decades and again from the end of the 19th century. In the interim it changed from white, to red and to white again. Photo: Lundqvist Architects.

the next few years, and thereafter nothing at all for a long period. This has been interpreted to mean that the King abandoned building work at the Bishop’s Palace half-way through and thereafter stayed at St. Hans Monastery when he was in Odense, but this is incompatible with the fact that, fifteen years later, he decided to move from the Bishop’s Palace.

The main building is extended

Den anden side af renæssancedøren mellem rum 102 og 103. Her fandt konservatorerne under forundersøgelsen en senere bemaling med fuglemotiv. På næste opslag ses hele bemalingen, efter at alle senere malingslag er fjernet. Foto: Roberto Fortuna. The other side of the renaissance door between rooms 102 and 103. Here, the conservators found a later coat of paint with a bird motif during the preliminary examination. The next presentation shows the entire coat of paint, after all later layers have been removed. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

Der er kun bevaret sporadiske breve om yderligere byggeri på Bispegaarden det næste par år og derefter intet i en lang årrække. Det er blevet tolket sådan, at kongen opgav byggeriet på Bispegaarden midt i det hele og derefter boede på St. Hans Kloster, når han var i Odense, men det stemmer ikke med, at han femten år senere besluttede sig for at flytte fra Bispegaarden.

It looks as if nothing was done to the old main building in 1560-61 apart from a presumed refurbishment. One of the few traces from this period is the decoration in the eastern hall, a base coat of yellow paint. With regard to the furnishings, these had not changed much since the bishops’ time. A house was still made inhabitable with textiles, and when the King’s Pantry was moved, the wagons contained practically everything that was needed – from bedding to table cloths, napkins, tapestries and cushions for chairs and benches. On the other hand, there are plenty of indications that the extension and heightening of the main wing was undertaken in the following period – presumably before 1563 or after 1570, as Frederik II had other things to think about during the Seven Years War against Sweden. The side wings were demolished prior to the extension of the main wing, but there may have been a gap of several years, as otherwise the extension would probably have been made with bricks from the side wings. This is not the case, as the bricks from all the original parts of the buildings are slightly larger than those used for the extension, for which a dozen different types of brick were used. During the extension, the original gable ends were pulled down, but their foundations still exist as dividing walls in the cellar. There must also have originally been gable-end fireplaces, but the chimneys were taken down and new ones erected for the large fireplaces in the new gable ends. One of these is still there in the Jomfruklosteret library, while the eastern one is visible but has been bricked up. The soot particles found in the floor fill during restoration are possibly from the demolition of the old chimneys. The new first floor consisted of two large rooms, of which only one is decorated, albeit extremely simply. This may seem puzzling in what was a royal – and expensive – building, but the heightening was not done as ornamentation: it was intended to hold the tithe grain and other goods from Bishop’s Palace Fief, and the conservators designate the other room as a store.

Rum 103 i stueetagen, hvor Karen Brahe Selskabet havde hjemme nogle år, indtil Realdania Bygs restaurering begyndte. I baggrunden renæssancedøren med det delvist afdækkede fuglemotiv. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

Room 103 on the first floor, home of the Karen Brahe Society for some years, until Realdania Byg’s restoration began. The renaissance door in the background with the partially uncovered bird motif. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

Bemalingen af døren i rum 103 står nu helt afdækket: Det er fugle og landskaber – kineserier, som var meget yndede i begyndelsen af 1700-tallet. Gerichter og paneler har fået den temmelig mørke, grå farve, som er fundet i rummet fra samme periode. Foto: Roberto Fortuna. Modsatte side: foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

The paint on door in room 103 is now fully uncovered: It is birds and landscapes - Chinoiserie, which was very popular in the beginning of the 18th century. Mouldings and panels have been given the rather dark, grey colour, which is found in the room from the same period. Photo: Roberto Fortuna. Opposite page: photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Hovedbygningen udvides Det ser ud til, at der ikke blev udført noget på den gamle hovedbygning 1560-61, ud over formentlig en istandsættelse. Et af de få spor fra denne periode er dekorationen i den østre sal, en gul bundmaling. Hvad indretningen angår, havde den ikke ændret sig meget siden biskoppernes tid. Et hus blev stadig gjort beboeligt med tekstiler, og når kongens fadebur blev flyttet, rummede vognene stort set alt, hvad der skulle til – fra sengetøj til duge, servietter, vægtæpper og hynder til stole og bænke. Derimod taler meget for, at forlængelsen og forhøjelsen af hovedfløjen skete i den følgende tid – formentlig før 1563 eller efter 1570, idet Frederik II havde andet at tænke på under Syvårskrigen mod Sverige. Fløjene er nedrevet før udvidelsen af hovedfløjen, men det kan være sket med flere års mellemrum, ellers ville udvidelsen nok være foretaget med sten fra fløjene. Det er dog ikke tilfældet, eftersom stenene i alle oprindelige dele af anlægget er lidt større end dem, der er brugt i udvidelsen, hvor der i øvrigt forekommer en halv snes forskellige slags mursten. Ved udvidelsen blev de oprindelige gavle nedrevet, men deres fundamenter står stadig som skillemure i kælderen. Der må også oprindeligt have været gavlkaminer, men skorstenene blev ikke stående, og der blev opført skorstene til de store kaminer i de nye gavle. Den ene står stadig i Jomfruklosterets bibliotek, den anden i øst kan ses, men er muret til. De sodpartikler, der er fundet i gulvfyldet under restaureringen, stammer muligvis fra nedrivningen af de gamle skorstene. Den nye førstesal bestod af to store rum, hvoraf kun det ene er dekoreret, om end uhyre enkelt, og det kan undre i betragtning af, at det var et kongeligt – og dyrt – byggeri, men forhøjelsen var ikke til pynt: Den skulle rumme tiendekorn og andre varer fra Bispegaards Len, og konservatorerne betegner da også det andet rum som magasin. Der var ikke indvendige trapper til den nye førstesal, så enten er der bygget en etage på galleriet eller

There were no internal stairs to the new first floor, so either a deck was built on the gallery or a staircase tower was constructed. Strangely enough, this is not marked on the otherwise detailed prospect of the 1580’s, so it may have been erected later. The two present internal staircases are from their style to be dated to the 1720’s, but are first mentioned in the account books around 1742. Although an extension of five metres at each end of the main wing does not sound much, the total extension increased the floor area of the main wing by more than 100 per cent. But maybe even that was not enough: a single letter of 1570 has been preserved from the King to the Prior at the still functioning St. Knud’s Monastery, who hoped to dig out the river and construct a dam, while the King thought that this would damage the “foundations of the building the King himself intends to erect at Odensegaard [the Bishop’s Palace]”.39 With that location, this can only mean a south wing or – if the side wings were already demolished – a building parallel with the main wing, as it would seem foolish to build a new on the site of

også er der opført et trappetårn. Det figurerer mærkeligt nok ikke på det ellers så detaillerede prospekt fra 1580’erne og kan derfor være opført senere. De to nuværende indvendige trapper er efter stilen at dømme fra 1720’erne, men omtales først i regnskaberne omkring 1742. Skønt en forlængelse på fem meter i hver ende af hovedfløjen ikke lyder af meget, øgede den samlede udvidelse hovedfløjens etageareal med mere end hundrede procent. Men det var måske ikke engang nok: Fra 1570 er der bevaret et enkelt brev fra kongen til prioren på det endnu fungerende St. Knuds Kloster, som ville fortage en oprydning af åen og bygge en dæmning, mens kongen mente, at det ville skade “grundvolden på den bygning kongen selv vil opføre til Odensegaard [Bispegaarden]”.39 Med den beliggenhed kan det kun dreje sig om en sydfløj eller – hvis sidefløjene allerede var nedrevet – en bygning parallelt med hovedfløjen, da det ville være halsløs gerning at bygge nyt på fløjenes plads. Der er ikke bevaret andet om dette byggeri, og kun fremtidige udgravninger kan vise, om det blev til mere.

Kronen sælger Bispegaarden Blandt de sparsomme kilder til Bispegaarden i 1500tallet er der bevaret en række breve vedrørende Frederik IIs beslutning om at fraflytte og afhænde den i 1575. Kongen var i 1572 blevet gift med Sophie af Mecklenburg, og de havde allerede to døtre. Hofholdningen var opbygget således, at hvert medlem af kongefamilien, også spædbørnene, havde sin egen hofstat, og for hvert barn voksede antallet af ansatte med en halv snes personer, hvorfor der blev for trangt på Bispegaarden. Kongen drøftede sagen med den nye lensmand og stiftslensmand, Erik Rosenkrantz, der kendte komplekset fra en tidligere lensmandsperiode, var en dygtig administrator og selv i denne tid bygherre på Arreskov, så Frederik II kunne ikke få en bedre rådgiver.

the side wings. No further details of this building have been preserved and only future excavations will reveal whether anything came of it.

The Crown sells the Bishop’s Palace Among the scanty sources for the Bishop’s Palace in the 16th century, a series of letters have been preserved relating to Frederik II’s decision to move from and sell the property in 1575. In 1572, the King had married Sophie of Mecklenburg, and they already had two daughters. The Household was organised such that each member of the Royal Family, even babies, had their own Household Staff, so for each child the number of employees increased by ten or more, and the Bishop’s Palace rapidly became too small. The King discussed the matter with the new Lord Lieutenant and Diocesan Lord Lieutenant, Erik Rosenkrantz, who knew the place from a previous Lieutenancy period. He was also an able administrator and himself at this time involved in building work at Arreskov, so Frederik II could not have had a better adviser. In late July, the King wrote to him that he had now inspected St. Hans Monastery and concluded that it was “better to keep house at and live in than the Bishop’s Palace”. Rosenkrantz had apparently already presented him with a plan, for the King simultaneously gave him permission, in accordance with his request, to take down “the new stables and old houses at the Bishop’s Palace” and erect them at the Monastery. These socalled old houses were not necessarily from the time of the bishops, and maybe were not even particularly old, but in former times the King and nobility were very quick to call things old and dilapidated and to replace them with the most up-to-date equivalent. Similarly, Rosenkrantz was allowed to take down “the new house at the Bishop’s Palace” and to use bricks, timber and other materials for work at the monastery buildings. The new house must be the building erected in 15601561.40 It sounds drastic to have all these buildings

De karakteristiske kamtakkede gavle stammer fra udvidelsen af hovedflĂ¸jen, men er sat om og ĂŚndrede flere gange siden. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. The characteristic crow-stepped gables date from the extension of the main wing, but have been rearranged and altered several times since. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Sidst i juli skrev kongen til ham, at han nu havde beset St. Hans Kloster og fundet, at det var “bedre at holde hus på og bo i end Biskopsgaarden”. Da havde Rosenkrantz åbenbart allerede præsenteret en plan, for kongen gav ham samtidig tilladelse til, sådan som han havde ønsket, at nedtage “de nye stalde og gamle huse på Biskopsgaarden” og opsætte dem på klosteret. Disse såkaldt gamle huse var ikke nødvendigvis fra biskoppernes tid og måske ikke engang særlig gamle, men konge og adel var tidligere meget hurtige til at kalde noget for gammelt og brøstfældigt og udskifte det med tidens mest moderne. Ligeledes måtte Rosenkrantz nedtage “det nye hus på Biskopsgaarden” og bruge sten, tømmer og andet materiale til at supplere klosterbygningerne. Det nye hus må være den bygning, som blev opført 1560-1561.40 Det lyder voldsomt, at alle disse bygninger skulle nedtages, transporteres tværs gennem Odense og bygges op igen, men de har været af bindingsværk. I april 1576 fik borgmester Rosenvinge skøde på en ubebygget grund ved siden af det hvide hus, som “er under nedbrydning”, og i 1581 nævnes det som nedbrudt, da borgmesteren blev fritaget for jordskyld, fordi hans grund stadig var ubebygget. Den følgende vinter noterede lensmanden, at der på Bispegaarden var brudt kampesten op, som sammen med jord, grus og andet var kørt til St. Hans Kloster. Hvorfor dette materiale skulle flyttes, melder historien ikke noget om.41 Sommeren efter var området stadig fyldt med fundamenter, måske kældre, og nedbrydningslag af samme slags som dem arkæologerne de senere år har fundet under og lige op ad Jomfruklosteret.

Købmand Oluf Bager I januar 1579 fik den odenseanske storkøbmand Oluf Bager skøde på resten af Bispegaards-komplekset med hovedbygningen, “den gamle Bispegaard med al sin gårdsrum og haverum”, som det fremgår af en oversigt over hans ejendomme 1584.

dismantled, transported through the streets of Odense and rebuilt again, but they were half-timbered constructions. In April 1576, Mayor Rosenvinge obtained a deed for an unoccupied plot next to the white house which “is in the process of demolition”, and in 1581 the house is mentioned as demolished when the mayor was exempted from ground rent because his land had still not been built on. The following winter, the Lord Lieutenant noted that fieldstone had been dismantled and transported to St. Hans Monastery together with earth, gravel and other materials. What these items were needed for is not reported.41 The following summer the area was still filled with foundations, maybe cellars, and demolition layers of the kind that archaeologists have found in recent years beneath and directly adjacent to Jomfruklosteret.

Merchant Oluf Bager In January 1579, the leading Odense merchant Oluf Bager received the deeds for the remainder of the Bishop’s Palace complex with the main building, “the old Bishop’s Palace with all its courtyards and garden areas”, as a summary of his properties states in 1584. In the deeds the property is identified as “the land on which the Bishop’s Palace stood”, and this passage has given scholars many a headache;42 does it mean that Bishop Jens Andersen’s building had been pulled down? The explanation is that the deed is not referring to the building but to the area’s function as the centre of the Bishop’s Palace Fief. Oluf Bager also took possession of “the old bricks and stones in the house”. These might be the floor cladding, a precious commodity, whether it was “astrag”, i.e. small glazed and unglazed tiles, traces of which have been found in the floor fill, or large Øland stone flags, the outlines of which have been found. It sounds as if the Bishop’s Palace complex was stripped of building materials when the King moved out, except for the floor slabs, which were valued in the sale.

Oluf Bagers epitafium i Skt. Hans Kirke, Odense. Realdania Byg. Oluf Bager’s epitaph in St. Hans Church, Odense. Realdania Byg.

I skødet anføres hans ejendom som “den grund, hvorpå Biskopsgaarden har stået”, og den sætning har voldt forskerne mange hovedbrud,42 for betyder det, at biskop Jens Andersens bygningsanlæg da var nedrevet? Forklaringen er, at skødet ikke omtaler bygningen, men områdets funktion som centrum for Bispegaards Len. Oluf Bager overtog også “de gamle sten, som findes i huset”. Det kunne være gulvfliserne, der var kostbare, hvad enten det var astrag, dvs. små glaserede og uglaserede fliser, som der er fundet rester af i gulvfyldet, eller store fliser af Ølandssten, som der findes aftryk af. Det lader til, at Bispegaards-komplekset blev ribbet for byggemateriale ved flytningen, blot ikke fliserne, der er indgået i købet som en værdi. Oluf Bager havde siden 1573 forpagtet alt tiendekorn fra Odensegaard Len, og formentlig har kornet som hidtil ligget oplagret på Bispegaarden og blev solgt derfra. Samme år som Oluf Bager fik skøde på gården, 1579, indgik han en aftale med Kronen om levering af 500 amer “rigtig god rhinskvin” årligt i fem år, og de hvælvede kældre har nok været brugt til opbevaring af de store vinfade. Bager-familien beboede ikke Bispegaarden, de havde deres hjem i Overgade, så Oluf Bager har velsagtens udlejet stueetagen til boliger. Det er uvist, om Bager ejede Bispegaarden til sin død i 1602 eller afhændede den før, men i begyndelsen af 1600-årerne var den på adelige hænder.

Since 1573, Oluf Bager had leased the whole grain tithe from Odensegaard Fief, and probably the grain had been stored at the Bishop’s Palace as always and sold from there. The year of the deed, 1579, Oluf Bager made an agreement with the Crown for the delivery of 500 amer of “very good Rhine wine” per year for five years, and the vaulted cellars were probably used for storing the large wine casks. The Bager family did not live at the Bishop’s Palace but had their home in Overgade, so Oluf Bager may well have rented out the ground floor as dwellings. It is unknown whether Bager owned the Bishop’s Palace until his death in 1602 or sold it off prior to this, but by the beginning of the 17th century it was in noble hands.

Fynsk adel Funen Nobility Af / by Barbara Zalewski

Der er kun bevaret et par navne med tilknytning til Bispegaarden i begyndelsen af 1600-tallet, og det er ikke sikkert, at de ejede hele komplekset, der på det tidspunkt var opdelt i flere lodder. Noget lignende var sket på Sortebrødre Kloster ikke langt derfra, hvor tre lensmænd straks efter Reformationen havde fordelt bygningerne mellem sig og indrettet dem som byresidenser. Måske var det først nu, i forbindelse med opdelingen, at Bispegaardens hovedfløj blev forhøjet, forlænget og forsynet med nogle skillevægge i første etage. Henning Gabrielsen Akeleye, af en gammel fynsk adelsslægt, skrev sig “til Odense Bispegaard”. Han gjorde ligesom to af sine brødre karriere i Flåden og var blandt andet kaptajn på den ekspedition 1619-1622, som førte til oprettelse af kolonien Trankebar.43 Hans livsløb kendes kun fra hans udkommandoer, og det vides ikke, om han var gift, om han havde børn, og om han nogensinde boede på Bispegaarden, når han ikke var til søs. Det var sandsynligvis hans fader, Gabriel Knudsen Akeleye, der havde købt sig ind på Bispegaarden. Som landsdommer for Fyn i 1590’erne har han haft brug for en bolig i Odense. Han skrev sig til Nordskov, Krengerup og Hjularöd i Skåne, men i hans tid var både hovedbygninger og jordtilliggender ganske beskedne, så der blev ikke meget i arv til hver af de femten overlevende af seksten børn. En pæn bolig med staldplads på Bispegaarden kan have været en af arvelodderne, for det er ellers helt usædvanligt, at nogen skrev sig til en gård i byen.

Only a few names connected with the Bishop’s Palace at the beginning of the 17th century have been preserved, and it is not certain that they owned the whole site, which at the time was split up into several shares. The situation was similar at the nearby Blackfriars Monastery, where, immediately after the Reformation, three feudal lords had split the buildings between them and furnished them as urban residences. Maybe it was only at this point, when the site was divided up, that the main wing of the Bishop’s Palace was heightened, extended and provided with partition walls on the first floor. Henning Gabrielsen Akeleye, of an old Funen noble family, styled himself “of Odense Bishop’s Palace”. Like two of his brothers, he had made his career in the Navy, serving as a Captain in the expedition of 1619-1622 which led to the founding of the colony at Tranquebar.43 His life is only known from his appointments to new ships, and it is unknown whether he was married or had children or ever lived at the Bishop’s Palace when he was not at sea. It was probably his father, Gabriel Knudsen Akeleye, who had acquired the Bishop’s Palace. As High Court Judge for Funen in the 1590’s, he had needed a home in Odense. He styled himself “of Nordskov, Krengerup and Hjularöd in Scania”, but in his time both main buildings and associated land holdings were quite modest, so there was not much of an inheritance for each of his 15 surviving children out of 16. A fine house with stabling at the Bishop’s Palace may have been one

Slægts- eller våbenbøger med heraldik og genealogiske oplysninger havde praktiske formål, der pegede både tilbage og frem. I 1547 blev det forbudt adelige at ægte uadelige, og der skulle opvises seksten adelige aner, fire generationer. De mange våbener smykkede epitafier og tidens omfattende ligprædikener som bevis på herkomsten. Men bøgerne var også en hjælp, når slægtens fremtid skulle arrangeres i ægteskaber og ved arv. Det var oftest kvinder, der udarbejdede bøgerne, korresponderede for at få oplysninger og lod slægt og venner rette eller tilføje. I Lisbet Bryskes Våbenbog står to slægter med tilknytning til Bispegaarden, Akeleye og Aschersleben, tilfældigvis på samme side. Om Aschersleben står, at det “er en tysk slægt som ikke været længe i Danmark den første som kom herind hed Jørgen Askersleben hans sønner var Moris Askersleben og Anders Askersleben han drog ud i Tyskland og giftede sig der”. Lisbet Bryske (1585-1674) skrev forrest i bogen i juni 1651, “da jeg var 66 år gammel”, at hun havde “den selv malet og skrevet.” Fru Lisbet blev i sit andet ægteskab farmoder til en svigerinde af Karen Brahe og oldemoder til hendes niece, Jomfruklosterets patronesse Susanne Brahe. Kort før sin død forærede fru Lisbeth bogen til en ugift datterdatter, og gennem arv endte den i Karen Brahes Bibliotek. Karen Brahes Bibliotek. Foto: Karsten Damstedt.

Genealogical tables and armorials with heraldic and genealogical information had practical purposes which pointed both to the past and to the future. In 1547, the nobility were forbidden to marry non-noble persons, and had to prove 16 noble ancestors over four generations. The many coats of arms decorating the epitaphs and lengthy funeral sermons of that time are evidence of noble origins. But these books were also of assistance in arranging the future of the family by means of marriage or inheritance. It was usually the women of the family who compiled these books, entered into correspondence for information, and asked family and friends for corrections or additions. Lisbet Bryske’s Armorial contains two families with a connection to the Bishop’s Palace, the Akeleyes and the Ascherslebens, and by chance they are on the same page. About the Ascherslebens it is stated that they “are a German family who have not been long in Denmark, the first who came here was Jørgen Askersleben, his sons were Moris Askersleben and Anders Askersleben, he left for Germany and married there”. Lisbet Bryske (1585-1674) wrote at the front of the book in June 1651, “when I was 66 years old”, that she had “painted and written it myself.” In her second marriage Lady Lisbet became grandmother to a sister-in-law of Karen Brahe and great grandmother to Karen’s niece, the patroness of Jomfruklosteret Susanne Brahe. Shortly before her death, Lady Lisbet gave the book to an unmarried granddaughter, and by inheritance it ended in Karen Brahe’s Library. Karen Brahe’s Library. Photo: Karsten Damstedt.

Rum 103 med kig til Salen, rum 104. Rummets udsmykning med fyldningspaneler og brystninger i vinduespartierne stammer fra 1700-tallet. Udsnit af det nye gulv, der er udformet som det eksisterende, der ikke stod til at redde, som det ellers er lykkedes i flere af husets øvrige rum. Det nye gulv er lagt i samme mønster med kantbort som det foregående, hvis alder ikke kendes. 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Aschersleben og Gøye I 1604 solgte Henning Akeleyes fader Nordskov til to brødre von Aschersleben; de kom fra Mecklenborg, integrerede sig på Fyn gennem godskøb og blev begge gift ind i den højere danske adel. I 1594 stod Jørgen von Ascherslebens bryllup med Maren Brockenhuus. Brylluppet blev noteret i brudens fader, Eiler Brockenhuus’ indholdsrige kalender, der i dag findes i Karen Brahes Bibliotek. Blandt parrets børn var Mourids, der fik tidens adelige opdragelse og opholdt sig længe rundt om i Europa for at studere, lære verdensmandsmanerer og det militære håndværk. I august 1625 stod Odense på den anden ende med tre adelige bryllupper: Aschersleben blev gift med Ellen Gøye, samme dag som hendes søster Ide blev gift med en Juel, og få dage senere blev brudenes broder, Eskild Gøye, gift med en Rosenkrantz.44 De slægtsforbindelser fik betydning for Bispegaarden og senere Jomfruklosteret i næsten to hundrede år. Bryllupperne blev holdt af den lærde Holger Rosenkrantz til Rosenholm på Djursland, der meget mod sin lyst var lensmand på Odensegaard en årrække. Mens Eskilds brud var en meget fjern slægtning, var de tre unge Gøyer hans hustru Sophie Brahes søsterbørn med Henrik Gøye og parrets protegéer. Skønt de selv fik tretten børn, hvoraf otte levede, havde de økonomisk og personligt overskud til efter tidens skik at opdrage snesevis af andre adelige børn og unge. Da fru Sophies søster blev enke, kom de fire sønner til Rosenholm, hvor de fik samme dyre uddannelse og rejser som familiens egne. Da deres moder døde nogle år senere, fulgte de seks døtre efter, og heller ikke her sparede det rige ægtepar på noget. Næsten alle, der var i slægt med familien på Rosenholm eller havde opholdt sig dér, gjorde karriere og blev godt gift, og Aschersleben med sin fortrinlige

of the inherited shares, as it was otherwise unusual for anyone to style themselves with a town property.

Aschersleben and Gøye In 1604, Henning Akeleye’s father sold Nordskov to two von Aschersleben brothers; they were from Mecklenburg, had integrated themselves in Funen through purchase of estates and both married into the higher Danish nobility. In 1594, Jørgen von Aschersleben’s marriage to Maren Brockenhuus took place. The wedding was noted in the bride’s father’s, Eiler Brockenhuus’s, voluminous diary, at present held in Karen Brahe’s Library. Among the couple’s children was Mourids, who received the aristocratic upbringing of the day and spent years in Europe studying, learning to be a man of the world and imbibing the craft of warfare. In August 1625, the whole of Odense was turned upside down with three noble weddings. Aschersleben married Ellen Gøye the same day as her sister Ida married a Juel, and a few days later the brides’ brother, Eskild Gøye, married a Rosenkrantz.44 These family relations would have significance for the Bishop’s Palace and the later Jomfruklosteret for almost 200 years. The weddings were held by the learned Holger Rosenkrantz of Rosenholm on Djursland, who much against his will was Lord Lieutenant at Odensegaard for a number of years. While Eskild’s bride was a very distant relative of Rosenkrantz’s, the three young Gøyes were the children of his wife Sophie Brahe’s brother Henrik, and were their protégés. Although they themselves had 13 children, of whom eight lived, they had the financial and personal resources to raise scores of other noble children and young people, as was the custom. When Sophie’s sister was widowed, her four sons came to Rosenholm, where they received the same

Room 103 with view of the Hall, room 104. The wooden panels, covering all walls from floor to ceiling and the deep window recesses, originates from the 18th century. A section of the new floor, an exact replica of the former one of unknown age. It was the only floor throughout the building that could by no means be preserved. It has a rim and four square sections, joined in an uncommon way in the centre of the room. 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Jørgen Brahe som officiel person. Han blev rigsråd 1644 og var blevet ridder af Elefantordenen i 1633; det år var den kombineret med Den væbnede Arms Orden for fortjenester i Kalmarkrigen. Brahes indsats er her illustreret ved de svenske hoffolks fane, som han erobrede og som blev ophængt ved hans gravsted i Horne Kirke. Tegningen forestiller muligvis fæstningen Stribsodde over for Frederiksodde, senere Fredericia, som Brahe var involveret i; den blev ikke til noget. Maleri og stik fra 1720’erne efter maleri før 1657. Det Kongelige Bibliotek. Jørgen Brahe in his official capacity. He became Councillor of State in 1644 having been made a Knight of the Order of the Elephant in 1633; in that year it was combined with the Order of the Armed Fist for services in the Kalmar War. Brahe’s contribution is here illustrated by the Swedish Household Banner, which he captured and which was hung at his tomb in Horne Church. The drawing possibly indicates the Stribsodde fortress opposite Frederiksodde, later Fredericia, which Brahe was involved with. The project came to nothing. Painting and print from the 1720’s, after a painting dating from before 1657. The Royal Library.

expensive education and travels as the family’s own children. When their mother died a few years later, the six daughters followed their brothers, and the wealthy Gøye couple stinted them in nothing. Almost all those who were related to the family at Rosenholm or who had stayed there went on to make careers and a good marriage, and Aschersleben with his impeccable background became through his marriage part of this network of well-educated active higher nobility. The Gøyes were an able and spirited family in which both men and women had intellectual interests, not least the large brood of brothers and sisters who have just been introduced. Aschersleben and his wife Ellen had homes at his family’s manors in Funen, but they lived at the Bishop’s Palace – or a part of it – whenever they were in Odense. At this point it must have been in good condition, for not only were they themselves used to the best, they could also invite anyone they chose. The property’s later owner, Jørgen Brahe of Hvedholm, wrote in his almanac on 17 November 1625: “The Prince was Morids Aschersleben’s guest at the Bishop’s Palace.”45 This was Christian IV’s eldest son, acting as Regent during the King’s absence in the “Emperor’s War” and who was mustering the Funen nobility with their armed men and horses. Both he and the King often ate and spent the night with common folk during their travels, but on this occasion the Prince was a guest – otherwise Brahe would not have thought it worth mentioning. It must have been a sight to behold when the newly married couple received the Prince and his retinue outside the Bishop’s Palace and accompanied him to a table loaded with the great plenty of the fertile Funen, something the vigorous Prince appreciated above all else. The couple’s further life is worthy of a novel but is not played out at the Bishop’s Palace, as, in 1630, this was sold to Jørgen Brahe and his wife, Anne Gyldenstjerne. However, the two families had a bond of affection: Brahe was godfather to their son, and his namesake, and they became related when in 1653

Boligindretning, klædedragt og bord var ens i den europæiske overklasse i 15-1600-tallet. De fleste danske adelsmænd havde studeret i udlandet, opholdt sig ved andre hoffer og deltaget i krige, og som modne mænd rejste de i rigets ærinder – både de og deres fruer vidste, hvad der rørte sig. Den franske kunstner Abraham Bosses stik fra 1633 af en banket hos en rigmand kunne være fra Mourids von Ascherslebens selskab på Bispegaarden for Den udvalgte Prins Christian. The Metropolitan Museum of Art.

Furnishings, clothing and table were identical in the European upper classes in the 16th-17th centuries. Most Danish nobles had studied abroad, stayed at other courts and participated in wars, and in their maturity they travelled in the service of the Realm – so both they and their ladies knew the world. This print by French artist Abraham Bosse of 1633 showing a rich man’s banquet could be of Mourids von Aschersleben’s party at the Bishop’s Palace for Heir Apparent Prince Christian. The Metropolitan Museum of Art.

baggrund blev ved giftermålet en del af dette netværk af veluddannet, aktiv højadel. Gøyerne var en dygtig og livlig slægt, hvor både mænd og kvinder havde intellektuelle interesser, ikke mindst den store søskendeflok, som nu er introduceret. Aschersleben og fru Ellen havde deres hjem på hans families gårde rundt om på Fyn, men boede på Bispegaarden – eller en del af den – når de var i Odense. På det tidspunkt må den have været i fin stand, for

his own son Preben Brahe married a niece of Ellen’s. Once again the Gøyes were regular visitors within the red-rendered walls – and for one of them it became a home. Almost 100 years later the Brahes returned the Rosenholm family’s generosity by providing for its deeply impoverished descendants to the most distant degree. They were accommodated in the house and later in the Secular Convent established by Brahe’s granddaughter Karen Brahe at the Bishop’s Palace.

ikke blot var de selv godt vante, de kunne også byde hvem som helst indenfor. Gårdens senere ejer, Jørgen Brahe til Hvedholm, skrev i sin almanak 17. november 1625: “Prinsen var Morids Ascherslebens gæst på Bispgaarden.”45 Det var Christian IVs ældste søn, der var regent under kongens deltagelse i Kejserkrigen og mønstrede den fynske adel med deres væbnede folk og heste. Både han og kongen spiste og overnattede ofte hos jævne folk under rejser, men i dette tilfælde var prinsen gæst – ellers havde Brahe heller ikke fundet det værd at nævne. Det har været festligt, da det nygifte par modtog prinsen og hans følge foran Bispegaarden og ledsagede ham til et bord, der bugnede af alt, hvad det rige Fyn formåede, noget den blodrige prins satte overordentlig pris på.

The Bishop’s Palace as a noble guildhall? Aschersleben did not own the Bishop’s Palace but perhaps held a share of it together with his maternal uncle, Claus Brockenhuus, just as the complicated inheritance rules of those times meant that they owned a number of farms in common. But it looks as if Brockenhuus had right of disposal over the Bishop’s Palace – or thought that he had. In 15 January 1625, Jørgen Brahe noted that he had negotiated with “Claus Brockenhuus about his property called the Bishop’s Palace on behalf of the lesser nobility; and let us have it for 3300 dalers in coin; but nothing finally decided, nor ever happened.” The “lesser nobility” was all nobility apart from the Councillors of State. To judge from the date, the two men

Hvornår hovedindgangen blev flyttet mod vest vides ikke, men den nuværende statelige trappe med smedejernsgelænder og -lygte er opført i 1759. Odense Bys Museer. It is not known when the main entrance was moved westward, but the present stately stairway with wrought-iron railings and lanterns was built in 1759. City of Odense Museums.

Parrets videre skæbne er en hel roman, men den udspiller sig ikke på Bispegaarden, for i 1630 blev den solgt til Jørgen Brahe og hans frue, Anne Gyldenstjerne. De to familier havde dog en hjertelig forbindelse: Brahe var fadder til deres søn, opkaldt efter ham, og de kom i slægt, da sønnen Preben Brahe i 1653 blev gift med en broderdatter til fru Ellen. Gøyerne fik nu igen deres gang – og en af dem sin bolig – bag de røde mure. Og næsten hundrede år senere gengældte Braherne Rosenholm-familiens generøsitet ved at forsørge dens dybt forarmede efterkommere, helt ud i de fjerneste led. De blev optaget i huset og siden på det jomfrukloster, som Brahes barnebarn Karen Brahe oprettede på Bispegaarden.

Jørgen Brahe og Anne Gyldenstjernes våben, hugget i sandsten, over hoveddøren. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. Jørgen Brahe and Anne Gyldenstjerne’s coats of arms, carved in sandstone, above the main door. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Bispegaarden som adelens hus? Aschersleben ejede ikke Bispegaarden, men havde måske del i den sammen med sin morbroder, Claus Brockenhuus, ligesom de på grund af datidens indviklede arveregler ejede nogle gårde sammen. Men det ser ud til, at Brockenhuus kunne disponere over Bispegaarden – eller mente, at han kunne. Jørgen Brahe noterede 15. januar 1625, at han havde forhandlet med “Claus Brockenhuus om hans gård, som kaldes Bisschopsgaarden på menige adelens vegne; og lod han os få den for 3.300 daler in specie; dog intet endeligt sluttet, skete ikke heller.” “Menige adel” var hele adelen bortset fra rigsråderne. Efter datoen at dømme har de to herrer talt sammen under den fynske adels årlige landemode, som var dens egen institution til at håndtere skattebevillinger, rustninger og andet af fælles og national interesse. Møderne krævede plads til en stor forsamling, og et par gange, hvor store ting var på spil, måtte St. Knuds Kirke tages i brug. Adelen havde også egen retsinstans med en adelig landsdommer, kaldt landstinget (land betød region), der blev holdt i Gråbrødre kloster.46 Og så var der livets store højtider med masser af gæster fra nær og fjern, som de tre omtalte bryllupper, der måtte holdes på rådhuset, da ingen adelsgård var stor nok. Adelen manglede kort sagt dét, som byens gilder og håndværkerlaug havde, sit eget forsamlingshus.

had spoken together at the annual assembly of the Funen nobility, which was their own institution for discussing tax concessions, armaments and other matters of common and national interest. These meetings required space for large numbers of people, and on occasions when major issues were at stake, St. Knud’s Church had to be used. The nobility also had their own court with a noble high-court judge. This was called landstinget and was held in Greyfriars Monastery.46 And then there were the high days and holidays of life with guests pouring in from near and far, such as the three weddings mentioned above, which had to be held at the City Hall, as no nobleman’s town mansion was large enough. In a word, the nobility lacked what the City’s livery companies and craftsmen’s guilds possessed, their own guildhall. When Jørgen Brahe could even mention the Bishop’s Palace in that connection, this tells us even more than the royal visit about the condition and furnishings of the main building, as the high price also indicates. However, this was a cock that refused to fight. A few years later, the nobility bought a property opposite the Bishop’s Palace on the narrow lane and met here until 1660, when the introduction of the Absolute Monarchy, almost at a stroke, deprived the provincial nobility of its independent role.

Når Jørgen Brahe overhovedet kunne tænke på Bispegaarden til det formål, fortæller det endnu mere end det kongelige besøg om hovedbygningens stand og indretning, hvad den høje pris også tyder på. Der blev imidlertid ingen bukser af det skind. Nogle år senere købte adelen en gård vis-à-vis Bispegaarden ud til det smalle stræde, og forsamledes der til 1660, hvor provinsadelen med Enevældens indførelse nærmest med ét slag mistede sin selvstændige rolle.

Jørgen Brahe køber Bispegaarden Nu havde Jørgen Brahe fået kig på Bispegaarden. Han havde ikke sin egen gård i Odense og må have boet hos slægtninge og venner under sine mange ærinder dér og på gennemrejse. I 1630 kom muligheden for at erhverve ejendommen, ikke blot hovedbygningen, men hele karreen bortset fra Rosenvinges Gård ud til Adelstræde og de små borgerhuse. Henning Akeleye var netop død, og Claus Brockenhuus solgte hele herligheden, hvorefter han blev trukket i retten af afdødes broder, der havde skøde på en lod. Det var ikke den eneste gang, Brockenhuus solgte en ejendom, som ikke med sikkerhed var hans. Det endte dog med forlig i Kongens Retterting, og Jørgen Brahe og fru Anne kunne som eneejere drage ind i gården og sætte tavlen med deres våbener op over hoveddøren, hvor den stadig sidder. Særlig for fru Anne, der som alle adelsdamer på den tid havde fuldstændig rede på sin slægt, må Bispegaarden have været interessant: Hun var barnebarn af Knud Henriksen Gyldenstjerne, Odenses sidste katolske biskop, der 100 år tidligere var gået ud ad Bispegaardens port til gudstjeneste, blev arresteret på vej tilbage og afsat.

Brahe og Gyldenstjerne Jørgen Steensen Brahe havde fået en fremragende uddannelse, sprogligt, humanistisk og militært, over hele Europa, og Christian IV brugte denne verdensmand

Jørgen Brahe buys the Bishop’s Palace But Jørgen Brahe now had the Bishop’s Palace in his sights. He had no property in Odense and must have stayed with relatives and friends during his many errands there or while passing through. In 1630, the opportunity arose to purchase the property, not just the main building but the whole street block apart from the property known as Rosenvinges Gård on Adelstræde and the small private houses. Henning Akeleye had just died, and Claus Brockenhuus sold the whole thing, lock, stock and barrel, only to be dragged in court by the deceased man’s brother who had a deed for one of the shares. This was not the first time Brockenhuus had sold a property which was not certainly his. However, the matter ended with a settlement in the King’s Court, and Jørgen Brahe and his wife Anne were able to move in as sole owners and to set up the plaque with their coats of arms above the main door, where it remains to this day. Especially for Lady Anne, who like all noblewomen of that time had the family history at her fingertips, the Bishop’s Palace must have been of interest: She was the granddaughter of Knud Henriksen Gyldenstjerne, Odense’s last Catholic bishop, who 100 years earlier had passed through the palace gate for a church service, been arrested on the way back and had been deposed.

Brahe and Gyldenstjerne Jørgen Steensen Brahe had received an excellent education in languages, the arts and military science, acquired all over Europe, and Christian IV used this man of the world as his representative at princely weddings, for receiving guests in Denmark and as a companion on his travels. After many adventures and a dramatic role in the Kalmar War, where he was wounded, Brahe left the service of the Court in 1614. For the rest of his life, apart from occasional honourable representative assignments, he remained linked to Funen as Lord Lieutenant and General War Commissioner and one of the island’s biggest landowners.

Fru Anne Gyldenstjerne bærer enkedragt og et kostbart Memento Mori-smykke; hvis portrætterne er malet samtidig, er pendanten af Jørgen Brahe posthum. De var begge dybt troende og strengt ortodokse og læste tidens salmer, bønnebøger og skrifter, der kredser om suk, tårer, anger, ruelse, anråbelser og først og sidst: døden. Deres barnebarn Karen Brahes Bibliotek indeholder en stor mængde af denne type litteratur og personlige optegnelser, som har tilhørt familien, slægt og venner eller ligefrem er skrevet af dem. Malerierne hang antagelig på Hvedholm til Karen Brahes død i 1736. To år senere var de på Bispegaarden i “Den store Stue” i vestgavlen og 1762 i “Vinterstuen”, den midterste sal. I dag kan de ses på Roskilde Kloster. Foto: Karsten Damstedt.

Lady Anne Gyldenstjerne wearing widow’s weeds and a costly memento-mori jewel; if the portraits were painted at the same time, the parallel painting of Jørgen Brahe must be posthumous. They were both deeply devout and strictly orthodox, reading the hymns, prayer books and writings of the day, all of which centre on sighs, tears, repentance, contrition, supplications, and, above all, death. The Library of their granddaughter Karen Brahe contains a large quantity of this type of literature and of personal records belonging to the family, its relatives and friends, or even written by them. The paintings presumably hung at Hvedholm until Karen Brahe’s death in 1736. Two years later they were in the Bishop’s Palace in the “Great Room” at the west end, and in 1762 in the “Winter Room”, in the centre. Today they can be seen at Roskilde Kloster. Photo: Karsten Damstedt.

som sin repræsentant ved fyrstelige bryllupper, til modtagelser herhjemme og som ledsager på sine rejser. Efter mange oplevelser og dramatisk deltagelse i Kalmarkrigen, hvor han blev såret, forlod Brahe i 1614 hoftjenesten. Resten af sit liv var han, bortset fra enkelte ærefulde repræsentative opgaver, knyttet til Fyn som lensmand og generalkrigskommissær og en af øens største jordbesiddere.

Perhaps his change of career was connected with a desire to marry. He sought an interview – “after diligent entreaties to God” and the advice of his honoured father and friends – with Councillor of State Preben Gyldenstjerne of Nørre Vosborg and bade for the hand of “his dear daughter”, the 18-year old well-educated Anne. For 45 years, the couple were devoted to each other and enjoyed a close family life with the four of

Måske hang karriereskiftet sammen med, at han gik på frierfødder. Han henvendte sig – “efter flittig Gudspåkaldelse” og sin hr. faders og sine venners råd – hos rigsråd Preben Gyldenstjerne til Nørre Vosborg og bad om “hans kjære datter”, den 18-årige veluddannede Anne. Ægteparret havde i 45 år et hengivent forhold og et varmt familieliv med de fire af deres otte børn, der overlevede fødslen, og til sidst kun to sønner. Hvem der havde knæbukserne på, fremgår nok af, at Jørgen Brahe rådede børnene til altid at følge deres gode moders råd, “hvorved jeg stedse har befundet mig vel.” Bortset fra tabet af børnene lykkedes og blomstrede alt for de to. De var med ved alle begivenheder over hele riget, og fru Anne var ofte indbudt som dragefrue ved dåb, bryllupper og begravelser. Brahe havde i perioder travlt med militær økonomi og mønstringer, han deltog i Rigsrådsmøder, Herredage og den fynske adels forsamlinger, alt sammen en adelsmands pligter over for fædrelandet – han var en af de første, der brugte ordet – kongen og standsfællerne. Men først og fremmest var de som hele adelen knyttede til jorden. Foruden forleningerne drev parret mange gårde, som de arvede, købte eller selv byggede, over hele Fyn og i Jylland. Der var fogeder, skrivere og folkehold alle steder, tusind små og store ting at tage stilling til, og rejser mellem gårdene på tidens dårlige veje tog mange dage om året. Deres egne børn fik megen opmærksomhed, og efter tidens skik optog de også slægtninges børn i hjemmet i kortere og længere tid. Alligevel havde de begge tid til at både læse og skrive om tro og religion, og i Karen Brahes Bibliotek findes i dag 24 prædikener, oversat fra latin til dansk af Jørgen Brahe, og en bønnebog skrevet af fru Anne.

Bispegaarden som hotel Blandt de mange gårde var Hagenskov i alle årene familiens hjem – efter en rejse kunne Brahe skrive i almanakken: “Til Hagenskov. Gud være evig ære” eller

their eight children who survived birth, later reduced to just two sons. Which of them wore the trousers can be seen from Jørgen Brahe’s advice to his children always to follow the advice of their beloved mother, “by means of which I have always benefited.” Apart from the loss of the children, the two succeeded and flourished in every department of their life. They attended all the events of the Realm, and Lady Anne was often invited to organize christenings, weddings and funerals in noble families all over the country. At times Brahe was kept busy with military finance and inspections, and he participated in Councils of State, Assemblies of Magnates and the meetings of the Funen nobility, all the duties of a nobleman to his fatherland – he was one of the first to use this word – and to his King and peers. But like all the nobility, he was first and foremost joined to his landed possessions. Apart from the enfeoffed possessions, the couple managed many farms and manor houses which they had inherited, purchased or built over the whole of Funen and in Jutland. Everywhere there were bailiffs, clerks and farm labourers, a thousand details large and small to decide, and travelling between the farms on the bad roads of the time occupied many days a year. Their own children received a great deal of attention, and according to custom they accepted their relatives’ children into their home for shorter or longer periods. Even so, both of them had the time to read and write about faith and religion, and in Karen Brahe’s Library there are 24 sermons translated by Jørgen Brahe from Latin to Danish, and a prayer book written by Lady Anne.

The Bishop’s Palace as a hotel Among their many manor houses, Hagenskov was always the family’s actual home – after a journey, Brahe could write in his almanac: “To Hagenskov. To God be eternal praise” or “So we arrived, praise God, at Hagenskov”. Brahe’s records contain many entries of how he and Lady Anne travelled – or rode – through Funen, to Jutland, Copenhagen and Scania, at all

Fra hovedtrappen. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe, 2013. From the main entrance. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe, 2013.

“Kom vi Gud ske lov til Hagenskov”. Brahes optegnelser har mange notitser om, hvordan han og fru Anne rejste – red – året rundt, på Fyn, til Jylland, København og Skåne, sammen og hver for sig og sommetider “fulgte børnene med på mine heste”. De krydsede ustandselig Odense, og Bispegaarden var et hotel, hvor den ene, de begge eller hele familien kunne slå sig ned for en eller nogle dage, undervejs og under offentlige og private begivenheder i Odense. Sådan var Bispegaarden altid blevet brugt, den havde aldrig været nogens eneste hjem – heller ikke biskoppernes – og blev det ikke før den i 1717 blev indrettet til jomfrukloster. Men gården stod ikke tom, når Brahe og fru Anne ikke var der. Der har altid været tjenestefolk, som boede der og når som helst på døgnet kunne tage sig af hestene og pakke ud, gøre ild på og tænde lysene, tilberede et måltid og rede sengene op. Husholdet fungerede også, når familien ikke var der, for tjenestefolkene skulle jo også have mad og varme og lys og et sted at sove. Og så har der som i alle adelsgårde i byen og på landet boet slægtninge, når de havde ærinder i Odense eller brug for tag over hovedet i længere perioder. Det var en fornem pligt at stille hjem, husholdning, pengepung og netværk til slægtens rådighed i lyst og nød.

Inden for på Bispegaarden Med familiens gode økonomi har Bispegaarden været standsmæssigt indrettet med rigt udskårne borde, stole og mægtige kister til mængder af gæstesengetøj og vævede og broderede tapeter, hynder og duge, så de ikke falmede og blev mølædte. Til gengæld kan det undre, at der under restaureringen ikke er fundet spor af de dengang yndede malede væg- og loftsdekorationer. Brahe og fru Anne har set dem på slægternes gårde, som f.eks. Broholm, hvor noget stadig er synligt, og Næsbyholm, hvorfra et loft kan ses på Nationalmuseet – og de havde dem også selv. På Engelsholm ved Vejle var der på sommerstuens panel

times of the year, and both together and separately, while sometimes “the children accompanied us on my horses”. They passed constantly through Odense, where the Bishop’s Palace acted as a hotel where one or both or the whole family could settle for one or more days while on a journey or during public and private events in Odense. This was how the Bishop’s Palace had always been used; it was never anyone’s sole home – not even the bishops’ – and was not destined to be one before it was converted into a Ladies Convent in 1717. But the buildings were not empty when Brahe and Lady Anne were not present. There were always servants living there, ready at any time of the day or night to take charge of the horses, unpack, light the fires and candles, cook meals and make the beds. The household continued to function when the family were not there, as the servants also need food and heat and light and a place to sleep. And as with all nobleman’s dwellings whether in town or country, relatives would stay there when they had business in Odense or needed a roof over their heads for a longer period. It was an aristocratic duty to provide relatives with a home, household, purse and network in times of pleasure or adversity.

Inside the Bishop’s Palace With the healthy state of the family’s finances, the Bishop’s Palace would have been furnished in accordance with its owners’ dignity, with richly carved tables, chairs and huge chests for bedlinen for guests, and for woven and embroidered wall-hangings, cushions and tablecloths where they would not fade and be safe from moths. However, it is surprising that during restoration no traces were found of the painted wall and ceiling decorations so favoured at that time. Brahe and Lady Anne would have seen them at their relatives’ houses, for example at Broholm, where some work is still visible or at Næsbyholm, from which a ceiling has been transported to the National Museum – and they possessed such decorations themselves. At Engelsholm near Vejle, the panelling in the Summer

I den store sal i vest er der en gavlkamin med ægteparret BraheGyldenstjernes initialer og årstallet 1673. Jørgen Brahe døde i 1661, men Anne Gyldenstjerne levede til 1677, og hun har naturligvis brugt Bispegaarden også som enke. At anføre den salig ægtemands initialer var almindeligt, dels var ægteskaber stiftede i Himmelen, dels var det ikke uden betydning, hvem enken havde været gift med. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

In the large room to the west there is a gable-end fireplace with the Brahe-Gyldenstjerne couple’s initials and the year 1673. Jørgen Brahe died in 1661, but Anne Gyldenstjerne lived until 1677, and would naturally have used the Bishop’s Palace after she became a widow. Including the late husband’s initials was common practice; a marriage was made in Heaven and it was not without significance who the widow had been married to. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

malet sentenser med forgyldte bogstaver hele vejen rundt, og loftet i Fjellebros sommerstue var dækket med 71 figurer og sentenser. Sommerstuen var i reglen den største sal, der var svær at opvarme eller slet ikke havde kamin, men ellers var der ikke meget sommerligt ved datidens sommerstuer, selvom de lå i nederste etage havde de ikke senere tiders udgang til haven. Vinterstuen var mindre og opvarmet, og her opholdt familien, slægtninge og gæster sig dagen igen-

Room is painted all the way round with maxims in golden letters, while the ceiling in the Summer Room at Fjellebro was covered with 71 figures and maxims. Generally summer rooms were the largest rooms, as they were difficult to heat, but otherwise they were not very summery, as even though they lay on the ground floor, they had no access to the garden as in later times. The Winter Room was smaller and heated, and here the family, relatives and guests would spend their time during the day round a large table with room for

nem omkring et stort bord med plads til håndarbejder, bøger, papirer og de daglige måltider – sådan levede selv kongefamilien til daglig. Omkring denne tid begyndte man i større hjem at differentiere funktionerne og indrette flere mindre rum i de gamle gårde. Jørgen Brahe nævner blandt andet fru Annes kammer – uvist på hvilken gård – hvor der gik ild i et stort, snoet vokslys, så flere blade af den bønnebog, som hun læste i, og af “den store bibel” brændte. I både kongelige og adelige instrukser om børnenes hverdag omtales ammestuer, skolestuer, legeværelser og et rum, hvor de spiste og sov. Først efter det syvende år var børnene lejlighedsvis sammen med de voksne. Borgestuen, folkenes opholdsrum, og deres fælles soverum, opdelt efter køn, lå som regel i husets modsatte ende eller en sidefløj. På Bispegaarden ændredes indretningen efterhånden i anden halvdel af 1600-tallet, der er spor efter skillevægge, og der blev bygget ekstra skorstene, så flere rum kunne opvarmes.

needlework, books, documents and drawings and the daily meals – even the Royal Family lived like this. It was about this time that the larger homes began to differentiate the functions and partition off several smaller rooms in the old houses. For instance, Jørgen Brahe mentions Lady Anne’s Chamber – though at what house is uncertain – in which a large twisted wax candle caught fire and several pages of the prayerbook she was reading and of the “big Bible” were burned. In both Royal and noble instructions for the routines for children, nurseries, schoolrooms, playrooms and a room for eating and sleeping are mentioned. Only after they reached the age of seven were children occasionally together with the adults. The Servants’ Hall and the servants’ dormitories, divided by sex, generally lay at the opposite end of the house or in a side wing. At the Bishop’s Palace, the division of rooms gradually changed during the second half of the 17th century, as there are traces of partition walls, and extra chimneys were built to heat a greater number of rooms.

View from room 110 through room 111 to the Hall, room 104. The two rooms 110 and 111 were a part of the prioress’ flat, while the Hall was a common room. The emerald green wallpaper with moiré pattern has been re-established with inspiration from a remnant from the beginning of the 19th century, which was found during the investigations of the room. The strong colours have also characterised this room in the past. There was turquoise wallpaper with a pattern of flower-filled medallions in the end of the 18th century. Photo: Left: Roberto Fortuna. Left: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Kig fra rum 110 gennem rum 111 til Salen, rum 104. De to rum 110 og 111 indgik i priorindens lejlighed, mens Salen var fællesrum. Det smaragdgrønne tapet med moirémønster er genskabt med inspiration i en rest fra begyndelsen af 1800-tallet, der blev fundet under undersøgelserne af rummet. De stærke farver har også tidligere præget dette rum, i slutningen af 1700-tallet var her et turkis tapet med mønster af blomsterfyldte medaljoner. Foto: Tv.: Roberto Fortuna. Th.: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Salen Under restaureringen er der fundet et lag sort limfarve i den midterste sal, rum 104. Konservatorerne tolker det som sørgemaling, der i så fald er påført i de dage, der gik fra Brahes død på Hvedholm 12. februar 1661, til hans kiste 4. marts ankom til Bispegaarden, hvor den stod indtil bisættelsen. Den senere biskop Jens Bircherod, der udarbejdede et katalog over Anne Gøyes bibliotek for Karen Brahe, så som lille dreng ud ad et vindue “salig hr. Jørgen Brahes lig, kommende fra Hvedholm, med stor proces[sion] circa horam qvartam pomeridianam at indføres i hans gård på Torvet, Bispegaarden kaldet.” Kisten stod kun tre dage på salen, så “blev bemeldte herres lig efter gammel adelig vis udi St. Knuds Kirke i Odense hæderligen begravet og ligprædiken holdt af bispen, Laurids Jacobsen [Hindsholm].” Herefter blev kisten ført tilbage til Hvedholm og nedsat i Horne Kirke.47

Sidst i 1500-tallet blev det på mode i adelen at drage sal, ligstue og efterhånden hele huset med sort klæde. Det var en bekostelig affære, og Christian IV prøvede at begrænse denne overdådighed i en forordning. På det nu forsvundne Silkeborg Slot blev salen “sværtet” ved lensmandens død i 1641, og først et årstid senere fjernede en lokal maler den sorte farve, anstrøg loftet med hvidt og malede væggene.48 Da Christian IVs ældste søn – han, der havde gæstet Bispegaarden – døde i 1647, blev gipslofter, vægge og vindueskarme i sovegemakkerne, Stengangen og andre rum på Rosenborg anstrøget med sort. Lofter og vægge må have fået limfarve, for halvandet år senere, da det nye kongepar indrettede sig, blev det hele vasket ned. Da Brahe døde, var det ikke længere forbudt at drage med klæde, men han var af den gamle skole, hvor ære og tro, ikke demonstrativt forbrug, var sande adelsmærker. Det kan ikke konstateres, hvor hurtigt efter Jørgen Brahes død Salen blev malet med marmorerede kvadre. Dekorationen er kun fundet omkring skorstenen, idet resten af rummet på et tidspunkt er blevet pudset op.

Salen, rum 104, før restaureringen begyndte. Ved en tidligere konservatorundersøgelse var der fjernet et bryst-panel, og væglærred og spåntapet var rullet op, så den tidligere marmorering og resterne af sørgemaling blev synlige. Foto: Lundqvist Tegnestue.

Reposing room During restoration a coat of black distemper was found in the main room, room 104. The conservators interpret this as mourning paintwork, which would then have been applied in the days between Brahe’s death at Hvedholm on 12 February 1661 until his coffin arrived at the Bishop’s Palace on 4 March, where it remained until interment. A later Bishop, Jens Bircherod, who was to compile a catalogue of Anne Gøye’s library for Karen Brahe, recalled, as a little boy, seeing “His late Lordship Jørgen Brahe’s body arriving from Hvedholm with a large procession at about the fourth hour post meridiem and entering his house on the Square, called the Bishop’s Palace.” The coffin stood for three days in the main room, after which “the said nobleman’s body according to ancient noble custom was honourably buried in St. Knud’s Church in Odense and the funeral sermon preached by Bishop Laurids Jacobsen [Hindsholm].” After this the coffin was returned to Hvedholm and deposited in Horne Church.47 In the late 16th century it was the fashion among nobility to line halls, reposing room and, later on, the whole house, with black fabric. This was a costly affair and King Christian IV tried to limit this extravagance by decree.

At the now lost Silkeborg Castle, the hall was “blackened” at the death of the Lord Lieutenant in 1641, and only about a year later did a local painter remove the black paint, coat the ceiling in white and paint the walls.48 When the eldest son of King Christian IV – the one who had been a guest at the Bishop’s Palace – died in 1647, plaster ceilings, walls and window frames in the bedchambers, the Stone Corridor and other rooms at Rosenborg Castle were painted black. The ceilings and walls must have been distempered, for six months later when the new Royal couple moved in, everything was washed down again. When Brahe died, it was no longer forbidden to line rooms with cloth, but he was of the old school in which honour and faith and not conspicuous consumption were the true marks of nobility. It cannot be determined how soon after Jørgen Brahe’s death the room was painted with marbled squares. This decoration is only found round the chimney, as at some point the rest of the room was plastered.

The hall, room 104, before the restoration was started. During a previous conservator examination, a dado and wall canvas were removed and the flock wallpaper was rolled up, so the earlier marbling and the remains of the mourning paintwork were visible. Photo: Lundqvist Architects.

Fra Salen, rum 104. Omkring 1750 blev Salen indrettet med pudset loft, brystninger og vinduesinddækninger, mens væggene blev overtrukket med lærred, hvorpå var malet en rokokodekoration i grisailleteknik i grå farver. Efter restaureringen er et udsnit med personer og rocailler synligt på nordvæggen. Siden er lærrederne overmalet flere gange med forskellige monokrome farver. Den nuværende gule oliemaling med hvid skabelondekoration er fra omkring 1800 og kom til syne, da de originale lærreder blev renset i forbindelse med restaureringen. Det er den originale farve, nænsomt eftergået af konservatorholdet. Foto: Th.: Roberto Fortuna. Tv.: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

From the Hall, room 104. Around 1750, the Hall was fitted with a plastered ceiling, dados and shutters, while the walls were covered with canvas, upon which a rococo decoration was painted in grisaille technique in bluegrey colours. After the restoration, a section with persons and rocailles is visible on the north wall. The canvases have been painted over several times since then in different monochrome colours. The yellow oil-based paint with white stencil decoration seen today is from around 1800 and was brought to light, when the original canvases were cleaned during the restoration. It is the original colour, carefully retouched by the restoration team. Photo: Right: Roberto Fortuna. Left: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Preben Brahe, beskedent klædt med kalot og slåbrok. Ikke desto mindre havde han sin stands stolthed, og da han døde i 1708 blev han “med en anseelig og kostbar begængelse, efter gammel adelig vis, til jorden bestediget.” Det skal have været den sidste af den type begravelser, ikke kun fordi moden skiftede, men den gamle adels stilling var fundamentalt forandret. En pendant med fru Susanne Gøyes portræt, som hang i Jomfruklosteret endnu i begyndelsen af 1900-tallet, findes ikke længere. Roskilde Kloster. Foto: Karsten Damstedt. Preben Brahe, modestly dressed in skullcap and dressing gown. Nevertheless he had the pride of his station, and when he died in 1708, he was “with stately and costly obsequies, after ancient aristocratic fashion, committed to the earth.” This was apparently the last example of this type of funeral, not just because of changes in fashion, but because the position of the old nobility had fundamentally changed. A parallel portrait of his spouse Susanne Gøye, which still hung in Jomfruklosteret in the beginning of the 20th century, has disappeared. Roskilde Kloster. Photo: Karsten Damstedt.

Preben Brahe og Susanne Gøye

Preben Brahe and Susanne Gøye

Preben Brahe fik ligesom sin fader en omfattende uddannelse, primært inden for juraen og helt uden det militære element, og hans udenlandsrejse varede over fire år. Alligevel gjorde han ikke karriere og havde ingen offentlige hverv. Han var, hvad en senere tid kaldte a gentleman of leisure, men ikke of pleasure. Brahe var en alvorsmand. I 1653 blev han gift med Susanne Gøye, datter af Falk Gøye til Hvidkilde, en af de ti dygtige søskende fra Rosenholm, der endte sit liv som hofmester på det ridderlige akademi i Sorø. Susanne og hendes søskende var ualmindeligt veluddannede, fuldstændig hjemme i fransk kultur og sprog, og kunne begå sig overalt, hvad brødrene også gjorde, ved Hoffet og i diplomatiet herhjemme og udenlands. Ved giftermålet fik de overladt Jørgen Brahes imposante gård Engelsholm. Efter forældrenes død fik Preben og hans broder hver en del af det store jordegods og arvede desuden noget af det i fællesskab, deriblandt Hvedholm. Bispegaarden tilfaldt Preben.

Like his father, Preben Brahe received a wide-ranging education, mainly within the law and completely lacking a military element. His foreign travels lasted over four years. Even so he embarked on no career and held no public office. He was what a later period would call a gentleman of leisure, though not one of pleasure. Brahe was a serious soul. In 1653 he married Susanne Gøye, daughter of Falk Gøye of Hvidkilde, one of the ten able children from Rosenholm, and who ended his life as High Steward of the Knight Academy at Sorø. Susanne and her brothers and sisters were uncommonly welleducated, completely at home in French language and culture and able to perform successfully in every setting, as the brothers proved at the Court and in diplomacy at home and abroad. On marrying the couple received Jørgen Brahe’s impressive house at Engelsholm. After their parents’ death, Preben and his brother each received part of the large landed estate, some of it, such as Hvedholm,

Indbygget skab i rum 108d. Det er indsat i en vinduesniche mod syd, der blev tilmuret formentlig ved opførelsen af bindingsværksfløjen ca. 1749. Den nuværende dekoration med oliemaling stammer fra ca. 1870. De to afdækninger på skabsdørenes spejle er fra den oprindelige dekoration med stjerner, roser og romber. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. 2013. Built-in cabinet in room 108d, sitting in a window niche facing south, walled up most likely when the timber frame wing was added around 1749. The decor in oil-based paint originates from around 1870. The two uncoverings of the cabinet door mirrors are from the original decoration with stars, roses and rhombi. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. 2013.

Anne Gøye i 1647, da hun var 38 år og havde boet hos sin broder Falk Gøye og hans hustru Karen Bille i tyve år. Roskilde Kloster. Foto: Karsten Damstedt. Anne Gøye in 1647, when she was 38 and had lived with her brother Falk Gøye and his wife Karen Bille for 20 years. Roskilde Monastery. Photo: Karsten Damstedt.

Her boede han og fru Susanne med deres oprindeligt otte børn selvfølgelig, når de var i Odense, men de var ikke så ofte på farten som hans forældre og lod derfor slægtninge bo der.

held in common. The Bishop’s Palace came to Preben. Here he and Lady Susanne naturally stayed whenever they were in Odense, together with what was originally eight children, but they did not travel as much as his parents and so allowed relatives to live there.

Anne Gøye En af fru Susannes ugifte fastre var jomfru Anne Gøye. Hendes tilværelse formede sig som de fleste ugifte adelsdamers og pebersvendes i 15-1600-tallet: De boede hos slægtninge, nære eller fjerne, eller deres forældres venner. På denne tid var det ikke kun et spørgsmål om økonomi. Det gjaldt hos både høj og lav, at ingen blev overladt til sig selv. Nogle kunne som jomfru Anne have egne midler og være omgivet af tjenestefolk, men ugifte var alene, hvis de ikke levede sammen med deres egne. For eftertiden kan det lyde omsorgsfuldt, men det var et usikkert arrangement, for dels kunne den ugifte blive nødt til flytte ind hos en anden familie, hvis forholdene ændrede sig ved dødsfald eller giftermål, dels er det usandsynligt, at alle altid levede i skøn samdrægtighed.

Anne Gøye One of Susanne’s maiden aunts was Mistress Anne Gøye. Her life unfolded like those of most unmarried noblewomen and spinsters in the 16th-17th century. They lived with relatives, near or distant, or with their parents’ friends. In those days it was not just a matter of finances. It was a rule for both low and high that noone was left to their own devices. Persons like Mistress Anne could have their own means and be surrounded by servants, but as unmarried persons they would count as alone, unless they lived with their own people. To later generations this may sound caring, but it was an uncertain arrangement, as, on the one hand, an unmarried person might be forced to move in with

Rum 107, et lille køkken inde i priorindens lejlighed. Foto: Roberto Fortuna 2013. Room 107, a small kitchen in the prioress’ flat. Photo: Roberto Fortuna 2013.

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Jomfru Anne boede hos en af sine brødre, derefter hos en anden broder, fru Susanne Gøyes fader og hos hendes moder, da hun blev enke. Siden boede hun hos den unge Brahe-familie, som hun fulgte, uanset hvor de flyttede hen. I perioder opholdt hun sig hos sin søster Ellen og Mourids von Aschersleben på Jerstrup, hvor hun sad ved syge- og dødslejer og førte opbyggelige samtaler. I tretten år havde hun, med eller mod sit ønske, sit eget hjem i Næstved; her omgikkes hun med sin Rosenholm-baggrund byens lærde og samlede på danske bøger og håndskrifter af især religiøst indhold. Da jomfru Anne var i 60’erne, i 1673, inviterede Preben Brahe og fru Susanne hende til at bo på Bispegaarden – ikke sammen med dem på Hvedholm, som nu var deres hjem. Anne Gyldenstjerne levede stadig og må netop have sat i stand, for kaminen i Biblioteket bærer dette årstal. På Bispegaarden boede måske også andre slægtninge og venner, men det vides ikke. Det er tilfældigt, hvad der er bevaret, især fordi Hvedholm brændte i 1681, og mange papirer gik tabt. Når Anne Gøye er gået over i historien som beboer i Bispegaarden, er det fordi hun medbragte sit bibliotek på omkring 900 numre, heraf 388 ligprædikener. Adelen samlede på dem, nogle på grund af biskoppers og modepræsters lange udredninger af bibelord, andre for de fyldige biografiske og genealogiske afsnit. Der var flere andre adelige biblioteker, hvoraf en del var meget større end dette. Flere var blevet ødelagt eller bortført under Svenskekrigene, andre blev spredt ved dødsfald eller social deroute. Jomfru Anne sørgede for, at hendes bibliotek i det mindste blev holdt samlet. I vinteren 1680-81 skrantede hun og skrev til en ven om de bøger, som hun “med så stor flid og glæde havde samlet” – hun havde givet dem alle sammen til Susanne Gøyes datter, Karen Brahe. Hun håbede, at hun ville “elske, agte og gøre sig nytte af dem”, som hun selv havde gjort. I begyndelsen af januar døde jomfru Anne under en visit hos niecen og hendes mand på Hvedholm. Vennen noterede i sin dagbog, at hun var “en højtbedaget og af sin eksemplariske gudsfrygt samt

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another family if the situation changed as a result of death or marriage, and on the other it is improbable that all parties lived in constant harmony. Mistress Anne lived with one of her brothers, then with another, Lady Susanne Gøye’s father, and with his widow after his death. She then lived with the young Brahe family, whom she followed wherever they moved to. At periods, she stayed with her sister Ellen and Mourids von Aschersleben at Jerstrup, where she attended sick-beds and death-beds and held edifying conversations. For 13 years she had her own home in Næstved, whether by or against her own will. Here, with her Rosenholm background, she surrounded herself with the town’s scholars and collected Danish books and manuscripts, especially those with a religious content. When Mistress Anne was in her sixties, in 1673, Preben Brahe and Lady Susanne invited her to live at the Bishop’s Palace – not together with them at Hvedholm, which was now their home. Anne Gyldenstjerne was still alive and must have recently refurbished the place, as the fireplace in the library bears this year. Other relatives and friends may also have lived at the Bishop’s Palace, but this is unknown. What knowledge we have only survives by chance, as Hvedholm burnt down in 1681 and many papers were lost. If Anne Gøye has gone down in history as a resident of the Bishop’s Palace, it is because she brought with her her library of about 900 items, including 388 funeral sermons. The nobility was accustomed to collect these, some for the sake of the bishops’ and fashionable priests’ long expositions of the scriptures and other for the copious biographical and genealogical sections. There were several other noble libraries, many of which were much bigger than this one. Several were destroyed or purloined during the Dano-Swedish Wars; others were dispersed after death or social disgrace. At least Mistress Anne ensured that her library was kept together. In the winter of 1680-81 she was ailing

En af de illustrerede pragtbibler med sort fløjl og sølvspænder i Karen Brahes Bibliotek. Roskilde Kloster. Foto: Karsten Damstedt. One of the luxurious illustrated Bibles with black velvet and silver buckles in Karen Brahe’s library. Roskilde Kloster. Photo: Karsten Damstedt.

store kuriositet med alle danske bøger at sammensanke vidt berømt jomfru.”49

Brahe-børnene Fru Susanne noterede de ni børns fødsel på et par ark, som ligger inden i et hæfte med trosbetragtninger og salmer af Preben Brahe, og for hvert barn skrev hun et fromt ønske. For Karen var det: “Gud lade hende leve og opvokse i Guds sande frygt, så hun kan være Gud og menneskene tækkelig”. Det betød at tækkes, ikke negativt som nu, men til behag. Som det var gennemsnitligt for tiden, var ét barn dødfødt, ét døde som lille og ét som ganske ung. En af den unge mands søskende skrev om hans død på moderens liste og sluttede: “Jeg må bære Herrens vrede, thi jeg har syndet imod ham”. Ordene er fra Mikas Bog, og brugen af denne lidet kendte del af Gamle

and wrote to a friend about the books which she “had collected with such industry and pleasure” – she had given them all to Susanne Gøye’s daughter Karen Brahe. She hoped that she would “love, esteem and make use of them” as she had done. At the beginning of January, Mistress Anne died during a visit to her niece and her husband at Hvedholm. The friend noted in his diary that she was “advanced in years and a lady widely famed for her exemplary reverence and deep curiosity in collecting all Danish books.”49

The Brahe children Lady Susanne noted the births of her nine children on a couple of sheets in a booklet of religious reflections and hymns by Preben Brahe, and for each child she wrote a pious wish. For Karen this was as follows: “May God let her live and grow in the true fear of God, so she

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Testamente viser blandt mange andre citater i slægtens efterladte papirer, hvor grundig Brahe-børnenes bibellærdom var. De følgende år var det virkelig som om Herrens vrede ramte familien Brahe. Engelsholm og dens bøndergods var blevet ilde tilredt under Svenskekrigene og var så bekosteligt at genopbygge, at Brahe måtte søge skattefrihed for en del øde gårde. I 1681 brændte Hvedholm, der havde været familiens hjem de foregående fem år, og skulle genrejses. To år senere døde fru Susanne, og Preben Brahe blev “ked af verden”, som Odense-biskoppen Thomas Kingo kort forinden havde formuleret det i en salme. Brahe skiftede med sine børn og lukkede sig inde på Engelsholm med de fire døtre og sine lærde og religiøse sysler. Med tiden blev en af døtrene, Sophie, gift med en sachsisk adelsmand og officer i dansk tjeneste. De tre andre – storesøsteren Anne, Karen og lillesøsteren Birgitte – forblev ugifte. Anne boede nogle år hos morbroderen Marcus Gøye på Lolland, men efter hans død i 1698 flyttede hun ind på Bispegaarden, som døtrene havde fået i fællesskab ved faderens skifte. I 1700 købte Karen Brahe, der alle dage var den mest velhavende af dem, sine søstre ud af ejendommen. Det ser ud til, at der foruden Anne boede nogle fattige slægtninge. Hvor Birgitte var i disse år vides ikke. I 1700 boede hun på Bispegaarden en tid, og faderen forærede hende en kakkelovn til hendes værelse. Karen blev hos faderen på Engelsholm og styrede husholdningen. Hun delte hans interesser og var, som der står i Preben Brahes ligprædiken 1708, hans hjælp og trøst i alderdommen. Den yngste broder arvede nu Engelsholm, mens Karen og Birgitte flyttede til Østrupgård på Sydfyn, som de også ejede i fællesskab, og her levede de resten af deres liv.

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may be seemly to God and men”. Seemly here means pleasing. As was the average for the time, one child was stillborn, one died in infancy and one while still very young. One of this young man’s brothers or sisters wrote of his death on the mother’s list, closing with: “I will bear the indignation of the LORD, because I have sinned against him”. The words are from Micah, and the use of this little-known Old Testament book, among many other scripture quotations in the family’s papers, shows how thorough a knowledge of the Bible the Brahe children had. In the following years it really was as if the Lord’s indignation were directed at the Brahe family. Engelsholm and its tenanted estates had been badly damaged in the Dano-Swedish Wars and were so costly to repair that Brahe had to claim tax dispensation for a number of abandoned farms. In 1681, Hvedholm, the family home for the previous five years, burnt down and had to be rebuilt. Two years later, Lady Susanne died, and Preben Brahe became “tired of the world”, as the Bishop of Odense, Thomas Kingo, had expressed it in a hymn just before. Brahe divided the family possessions among his children and shut himself away at Engelsholm with his four daughters and his learned and religious pursuits. In time, one of the daughters, Sophie, would marry a Saxon nobleman and officer in Danish service. The three others – Anne the eldest, Karen and Birgitte, the youngest – remained unmarried. Anne lived for some years with her uncle Marcus Gøye on Lolland, but after his death in 1698, moved to the Bishop’s Palace, which the daughters had received in common as part of their inheritance. In 1700, Karen Brahe, always the wealthiest of them, bought her sisters out of the property. It seems that, aside from Anne, some poor relatives also lived there. Where Birgitte was in these years is unknown. In 1700 she lived at the Bishop’s Palace for a while, and her father presented her with a tiled stove for her room. Karen remained with her father at Engelsholm and ran the household. She shared his interests and, as

Rum 103, et af de nordvendte rum i stueetagen, før og efter restaureringen. Rummet var først forsynet med brystpaneler i vinduesnichen og senere helt panelklædt; panelerne er dårligt tilpassede og er genbrug, hentet et andet sted i huset eller udefra. Bag panelet fandt konservatorerne kun en kalket væg fra husets opførelse 1504-1508. Under et linoleumsgulv lå et smukt fyrretræsgulv, delt i fire kvadrater med bræddeborter. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

Room 103, one of the north-facing rooms on the ground floor, before and after the restoration. The room was first fitted with dados in the window recess and later completely covered with panelling; the panels fit poorly and had been reused, taken from another place in the building or from somewhere else. Behind the panel, the conservators found only a limewashed wall from the construction of the building 1504-1508. Under a linoleum floor was a beautiful pine floor divided into four squares by arrow shaped boards. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

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Lige efter nytår 1716 blev jomfru Anne Brahe båret over Albani Torv og nedsat i sit eget gravsted i St. Knuds Kirke. Det strenge epitafium, kun med nuancer af Brahe-slægtens heraldiske farver sort og sølv, er ren barok med sin sære sammenstilling af den lidende Kristus og kranier med englevinger. St. Knuds Kirke, Odense. Just after New Year 1716, Mistress Anne Brahe was borne across Albani Torv Square and interred in her own tomb in St. Knud’s Church. The austere epitaph, solely in shades of the Brahe family’s heraldic colours of sable and silver, is pure baroque with its strange counterpoint of the suffering Christ and skulls with angel wings. St. Knud’s Church, Odense.

is told of her in Preben Brahe’s funeral sermon of 1708, she was his help and consolation in his old age. The youngest brother now inherited Engelsholm, while Karen and Birgitte moved to Østrupgård in South Funen, which they also owned in common, and here they lived for the rest of their lives.

Karen Brahe and death Karen Brahe had her mother’s list of wishes for her children, and kept it up to date, now striking out a name whenever death carried off one of her brothers and sisters, whereas Lady Susanne had added to it. The first to go was Sophie, who had followed her husband into war, as officers’ wives did at that time, and died in Flanders in 1695 during the Palatinate Wars of Succession. She had a little girl, Susanne, who could not be with her father in the field, and whom Karen Brahe took under her wing. Time flies and men are like grass; the wind blows over them and they are no more: In 1708 Susanne married an elderly Funen landowner, and nine months later died, only 19 years only, in childbed, together with the child. In 1715 Karen Brahe had to take out the list again and write that “on 29 December my dear sister Mistress

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Anne Brahe, Karen Brahes storesøster, der boede på Bispegaarden knap tyve år. Det Kgl. Bibliotek. Anne Brahe, Karen Brahe’s elder sister, who lived at the Bishop’s Palace for nearly 20 years. Royal Library.

Karen Brahe og døden Karen Brahe havde sin moders liste med ønskerne for søskendeflokken og førte den videre, men når døden bortrev hendes søskende, trak hun nu fra, hvor fru Susanne havde lagt til. Den første var Sophie, der havde fulgt sin mand i krig, som officershustruer dengang gjorde, og døde i Flandern 1695 under Den pfalziske Arvefølgekrig. Hun havde en lille pige, Susanne, som ikke kunne være hos sin fader i felten, og som Karen Brahe tog til sig. Tiden iler og mennesket er som et græs, vinden farer hen over det, og det er ikke mere: Allerede i 1708 blev Susanne gift med en ældre fynsk godsejer,

Anne Brahe passed away at our house in Odense, where she lived for 17 years; blessed are the dead who die in the Lord, they rest from their labours and their deeds follow them.” As she was ordering her sister’s papers she found the latter’s “Sundry godly thoughts” and wrote on them too the date of her sister’s death and that God had called her dear sister home “by a very gentle, sweet and blessed death in her home in Odense”. Less than two weeks later, the eldest brother Jørgen died in Odense. His home was at Hvedholm, but, as High Court Judge for Funen, he probably stayed at the Bishop’s Palace when he was in court. He had been weak for a time, “to the concern of us all,” wrote Karen Brahe on the list. One night he suffered a “stikflod”, a violent expectoration of mucus from an apoplectic attack which can suffocate the patient, as Moth’s contemporary dictionary explains it. Jørgen Brahe’s death was neither gentle nor sweet. “Now that I must see most of my own gathered to peace, it will be long for my soul to dwell in the tents of Kedar [a desert]; Thou God are my trust, my hope from my youth, forsake me not, do not take Thy hand from me. God my blessing and strong protector,” Karen Brahe concluded. She wrote this on 21 March 1716 at Østrupgård. She was now nearly 60, and the circle of heirs to the family’s estates was becoming smaller and smaller. There was only the unmarried sister Birgitte and the youngest brother Henrik left. This last had had eleven children with his wife, of whom two sons and three daughters were still alive. But however distressing all this was, the land and fortune available for each of them increased each time a family member or an unmarried or childless relative died.

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Den oprindelige store sal i østgavlen mod Paaskestræde blev tidligt opdelt. Det tværgående gulvbræt viser, hvor bygningen er forlænget. Gulvet i den oprindelige del er formentlig Danmarks ældste bevarede egetræsgulv – det er omhyggeligt repareret og lagt ned igen. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

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The original large hall in the east end facing Paaskestræde was split up early on. The transverse floorboard show how the building was extended. The floor in the original part is probably Denmark’s oldest preserved oak floor - it has been carefully repaired and put down again. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

og ni måneder senere døde hun, kun 19 år gammel, i barselseng sammen med barnet. I 1715 måtte Karen Brahe tage listen frem igen og skrive, at “29. dec. døde min kære søster jomfru Anne Brahe udi vores gård i Odense, hvor hun boede i 17 år; salige ere de døde, som dø i Herren, de hvile af deres arbejde, og deres gerning følger dem.” Da hun ryddede op i søsterens papirer, fandt hun hendes “Adskillige gudelige tanker” og skrev også på dem dødsdagen, og at Gud havde kaldt hendes kære søster hjem “ved en sær sagte sød og salig død udi hendes bopæl i Odense”. Knapt to uger senere døde den ældste broder Jørgen i Odense. Hans hjem var Hvedholm, men som landsdommer for Fyn har han sikkert boet på Bispegaarden, når han var i landsting. Han havde været svag en tid, “os alle til bekymring”, skrev Karen Brahe på listen. En nat fik han et stikflod i halsen, en stærk slimafsondring ved apoplektiske anfald, der kan kvæle patienten, som det forklares i Moths samtidige ordbog. Jørgen Brahes død var hverken sagte eller sød. ”Nu jeg maa se de fleste af mine hensamlet til ro, bliver det min sjæl langt at bo i Kedars bolig [en ørken]; du Gud est min tillid, mit håb af min ungdom, forlad mig ikke, tag ikke din hånd fra mig. Gud min salighed og høje beskærmelse,” sluttede Karen Brahe. Dette skrev hun 21. marts 1716 på Østrupgård. Hun var nu nær de 60 år, og kredsen af arvinger til slægtens jordegods blev stadig mindre. Tilbage var kun den ugifte søster Birgitte og den yngste broder Henrik, som med sin frue havde fået elleve børn, hvoraf to sønner og tre døtre endnu levede. Men hvor sørgeligt det hele end var, øgedes den enkeltes jordegods og formue, hver gang et familiemedlem eller en ugift eller barnløs slægtning døde. Karen Brahe havde i sit religiøse liv altid sit endeligt for øje. Hun havde blandt andet allerede i 1704 købt et gravsted i St. Knuds Kirke, og det var på høje tid også at forberede sig i det jordiske, praktiske liv. Et halvt år senere havde hun tænkt færdig. Den 8. november 1716 underskrev hun en omhyggelig fundats til “et adeligt jomfrukloster” på Bispegaarden.

Den såkaldte bandedekoration, de grønne og røde striber, var populær i begyndelsen af 1700-tallet og er blandt andet fundet på det nuværende Nationalmuseum, Prinsens Palais, fra en indretning i begyndelsen af 1720’erne. Rummet har haft flere typer dekoration, der nu kan ses i små felter rundt om på væggene. Stregerne skal illudere et træpanel med fyldinger. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. The vertical green and red stripe decor, in Danish called ”bander” from French ”bandes”, was popular in the 17th and 18th centuries. It was e.g. used in the early 1720’s in The Prince’s Palace, today the National Museum of Denmark. The room has had several types of decoration, which can now be seen in small areas around on the walls. The lines create an illusion of wood panelling with inset panels. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

In her religious life Karen always had her own end in sight. As early as 1704, she had bought a grave in St. Knud’s Church, and it was high time she prepared herself in her earthly, practical life. Six months later her thoughts were complete. On 8 November 1716 she signed a carefully worded trust deed for “a secular convent for noblewomen” at the Bishop’s Palace.

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Jomfru Karen Brahe som 42-årig, flankeret af sine forældres våben: Brahernes til venstre og Gøyernes til højre. Portrættet kendes i tre udgaver, som Karen Brahe har foræret bort, eller som andre har ladet kopiere – portrætter var ikke unika, men skulle netop spredes ligesom portrætstik og senere fotografier. I Den blå Stue hang i 1738 hele to af klosterets tre malerier af Karen Brahe side om side, men inventariet fortæller ikke, om de var ens.50 Roskilde Kloster. Foto: Karsten Damstedt.

Jomfrukloster Jomfruklosteret – The Secular Convent Af / by Barbara Zalewski

Hvordan kom Karen Brahe på den tanke at stifte et jomfrukloster – og hvad var et kloster overhovedet i 1716? Selve ordet virker ejendommeligt i datidens strengt protestantiske klima, og i dag forbinder vi det med den katolske tid. Men ordet har ikke noget religiøst indhold, det betyder blot et aflukket sted, af latin claustrum, hvor beboere og omverden er adskilte. Kloster refererede derfor til en organisationsform: Et beskyttet sted med bolig og underhold, som regel for hele livet. De katolske nonneklostre var primært adelige institutioner. Deres beboere var gennem århundrederne kommet fra velhavende familier, som kunne give klosteret et indskud i form af penge og jordegods for at få en jomfru optaget. Nogle jomfruer aflagde klosterløfte og blev nonner, andre blev anbragt indtil et giftermål, og atter andre blev en periode opdraget hos slægtninge, der kunne være abbedissen, priorinden eller en af nonnerne. Det var også muligt at købe sig ind i klosteret som pensionær for at få en betrygget tilværelse uden at skulle følge klosterets strenge regler, og især ældre kvinder og enker benyttede sig af muligheden. Efter Reformationen fik de to birgittinske klostre, Mariager og Maribo, lov til fortsat at optage ugifte, adelige kvinder. De levede side om side med de oprindelige nonner, og alle kaldtes klosterjomfruer. Hverdagen mindede nu om pensionærernes, og gudstjeneste og bønner var naturligvis protestantiske. I 1551 døde

Where did Karen Brahe get the idea of founding a “Ladies’ Convent” – or Secular Convent as it is more technically known – and what was a convent in 1716? The word itself sounds strange in the strict Protestant climate of the time, and is something we would associate with Catholic times. But the word convent is not religious in itself, deriving from the Latin word for a community. The same applies to the Danish equivalent kloster (a convent or monastery; the form klosteret simply means the convent or the monastery), which comes from the Latin for an enclosed area. The words refer to an organisational method for providing a place of protection with board and lodgings, generally for a whole lifetime. The Catholic nunneries were primarily aristocratic institutions. Down the centuries their residents had come from wealthy families who were able to endow the Convent with money and land in return for their acceptance of a young woman. Some women took religious vows and became nuns, while others were accommodated until the time of their marriage. Others again were educated for a time with relatives, who might be the abbess, prioress or one of the nuns. It was also possible to buy a place in a convent as a boarder in order to enjoy a secure life without following the Convent’s strict rules, and especially elderly women and widows took advantage of this. After the Reformation the two Bridgettine convents at Mariager and Maribo were permitted to

Mistress Karen Brahe, at the age of 42, flanked by her parents’ coats of arms: that of the Brahes to the left and that of the Gøyes to the right. The portrait is known in three versions, which Karen Brahe gave away or which others had copied – portraits were not regarded as unique works of art, but were created for distribution, like the later prints and photographs. In 1738, the Blue Room contained two of the institution’s three paintings of Karen Brahe, but the inventory does not mention whether they were identical.50 Roskilde Kloster. Photo: Karsten Damstedt.

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Maribo Kloster var blot et stednavn, da Maribo blev tegnet til et kortværk ca. 1670. Et halvt århundrede før var de bygninger nedrevet, som havde rummet nonneklosteret og det første protestantiske, adelige jomfrukloster. De resterende bygninger, der nu var Kronens ejendom, stod delvist tomme. Et tidligere gæstehus for klosterets fornemme besøgende blev udset som en passende bolig for Leonora Christina Ulfeldt, da Christian V løslod hende fra Blaataarn i 1685. Det ligger parallelt med kirken, op til en af de tidligere klosterhaver. Peder Hansen Resen: Atlas Danicus. Maribo Convent was just a placename when Maribo was drawn on this map of around 1670. Fifty years previously the buildings containing the Convent and the first Protestant secular convent for noblewomen had been pulled down. The remaining buildings, now Crown property, were mainly empty. A former guesthouse for the Convent’s distinguished visitors was selected as a suitable residence for aristocrat and diarist Leonora Christina Ulfeldt, when Christian V released her from the Blue Tower in 1685. It lies parallel with the church, adjoining one of the previous convent gardens. Peder Hansen Resen: Atlas Danicus.

den sidste nonne, men Maribo Kloster lukkede ikke, og fem år senere fik det officielt status som “adeligt jomfrukloster”.1 Det fungerede til 1621 og blev således en overgangsform mellem de katolske klostre og en række nye protestantiske institutioner, der skulle sikre tilværelsen for ugifte, adelige kvinder.

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continue accepting unmarried noblewomen. They lived side by side with the original nuns and all were called conventuals. Daily life was now similar to that of the boarders, and the services and prayers were naturally Protestant. In 1551 the last nun died, but Maribo Convent did not close down, and five years later received the official status of “secular convent for noblewomen”.1 It functioned until 1621 and was thus a transition between the Catholic convents and a number of new Protestant institutions for securing the life of unmarried noblewomen. The first of these institutions, founded in 1699, continued the functions of Maribo under a similar name: Roskilde Secular Convent for Noblewomen; its overseers were also known as the Abbess and Prioress. Karen Brahe and the royal and noble ladies who founded similar institutions in the first half of the 18th century used the same designations. At the beginning of the 18th century there was strong distrust and disapproval of Catholicism in official quarters, so the pious Protestant ladies were not creating convents in a Catholic sense. Rather than a religious practice, they preserved a well-known organisational form which had previously proved its utility and benefit for the nobility.

Aristocratic convents In Catholic times there were some women, both young and older, who took the veil by their own wish; there were others who did not enter the Convent voluntarily. Many families placed their daughters there for financial reasons under the mask of piety. Where there were many children, and especially many girls, it made a difference if one or more no longer needed a dowry, would bring no new generations into the world to share the estate and who would not inherit themselves. They were in all respects “dead to the world”, as the saying went. The family eased its conscience by ensuring that the daughter lived as befitted her station. The wealthy

Klostrene efter Reformationen

Monasteries after the Reformation

Loven om de nye kirkelige forhold efter Reformationen, Recessen af 1536, var meget human. Munke og nonner kunne blive boende i klostrene resten af deres liv. De skulle dog følge protestantisk religiøs praksis, og der måtte ikke længere optages novicer. Klostrene blev afviklet ved naturlig afgang, og de sidste munke og nonner døde først nogle år ind i Christian IVs regeringstid. Efterhånden som klostrene lukkede, blev formue og klostergods overtaget af Kronen og omdannet til len, der med tiden blev solgt. Flere herregårde har rod i klostergods, og nogle steder indgår bygningerne i den nuværende hovedbygning.

The law on the new ecclesiastical situation after the Reformation, the Recess of 1536, was humanely drafted. Monks and nuns could remain in their monasteries for the rest of their life. However, they were obliged to follow Protestant religious practice and no new novices were to be accepted. The monasteries were wound down by natural wastage, and the last monks and nuns died a few years into Christian IV’s reign. As the monasteries closed, their wealth and estates were taken over by the Crown and converted into fiefs, and over time sold off. Several great houses stem from the monastic estates and in some cases the old buildings are incorporated in the present main building.

Den første af disse institutioner, stiftet i 1699, videreførte Maribos funktion og klosterbetegnelsen: Roskilde Adelige Jomfrukloster, ligesom titlerne for dets øverste ledelse: abbedisse og priorinde. Karen Brahe og de kongelige og adelige damer, som stiftede lignende institutioner i første del af 1700-tallet, benyttede de samme betegnelser. Der var i begyndelsen af 1700-tallet fra officiel side stærk mistro til og modvilje mod katolicismen, så nonneklostre i katolsk forstand var ikke forbillede for de fromme, protestantiske damer. De videreførte derfor ikke en religiøs form, men en kendt organisationsform, der tidligere havde været til hjælp og støtte for adelen.

Adelens klostre I den katolske tid havde nogle unge eller modne kvinder selv ønsket at tage sløret, andre gik ikke frivilligt i kloster. En del familier havde under fromheds maske anbragt døtre af økonomiske hensyn. Hvor der var

convents had beautiful buildings, a lovely garden and an excellent kitchen, and there were servants for all purposes. All the residents belonged to the nobility and were related more or less closely. The nuns at Maribo, and later the conventuals, lived in the same way as was done in the great houses: they read, wrote, drew, embroidered, made elixirs and preserved expensive fruits. Just as in the women’s quarters back home, much time was spent on the news, recording the lives of both ancestors and living relatives and arranging marriages. And both before and after the Reformation, many families sent their small daughters for upbringing and education by a convent-living relative or friend. But being sent to a convent was not just a matter of finances. A place in a religious convent or a secular convent of the 18th century was a solution to social changes in the young girls’ homes, whether they lived with their parents, married brothers or sisters or relatives. One or both parents might die and the survivor contract a new marriage: Cinderella’s situation

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Hand-painted map of Odense 1717, the same year the Secular Convent for Noblewomen was founded. It is marked as one of the city’s important buildings. Across from the Convent there is the island and marsh, which Bishop Jens Andersen acquired in 1519 and which followed the owners of the Bishop’s Palace and later Secular Convent for Noblewomen until about 1870. Royal Library.

mange børn og navnlig mange piger, betød det noget, om en eller flere ikke skulle have medgift, ikke fødte nye generationer, som skulle dele jordegodset, og ikke selv arvede. De var på alle måder “døde for verden”, som det hed. Familien dulmede samvittigheden med, at datteren kom til at leve standsmæssigt. De rige klostre havde smukke bygninger, en dejlig have og et glimrende køkken, og der var folk til alt. Alle beboere tilhørte adelen og var beslægtede, nært eller fjernt. Nonnerne og senere klosterjomfruerne i Maribo foretog sig det samme, som man gjorde på herregårdene: Læste, skrev, tegnede, broderede, fremstillede eliksirer og præserverede dyre frugter. Ligesom i fruerstuerne gik megen tid med nyheder, med at holde styr på både aner og nulevende slægtninge og med at arrangere ægteskaber. Og både før og efter Reformationen sendte mange deres små døtre til opdragelse og oplæring hos en klostergivet slægtning eller veninde. Men anbringelse drejede sig ikke kun om økonomi. En klosterplads var i nonneklostrene og i 1700-tallets jomfruklostre en løsning ved sociale begivenheder i jomfruernes hjem, hvad enten de boede hos forældre, gifte søskende eller slægtninge. Den ene eller begge ægtefæller døde, eller den efterladte indgik nyt ægteskab: Askepots tilværelse var ikke opdigtet. Der var påtrængende eller uønskede friere, ufordragelige jomfruer og nogle, der var uafsættelige på grund af fysiske eller psykiske skavanker. Jomfruerne kunne også selv betragte klosteret som en tilflugt: Ved ulykkelig kærlighed, et anstrengende liv med langvarige sygelejer i familien, pasning af familiens gamle, husfruens årlige barselseng og et mylder af små hel- og halvsøskende, hvoraf mange døde som børn. Det lod nogle ane i deres ansøgninger om en plads i Maribo Kloster, og sådanne forhold kan også helt op i 1800-tallet have spillet en rolle for de frøkener, der flyttede ind på Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster – fem-seks og helt op til femten søskende var ikke ualmindeligt. At nonneklostrene havde tjent andre formål end det religiøse blev meget synligt efter Reformationen,

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was not just a story. There were importunate or undesirable suitors, cantankerous girls and some who could not be married off because of physical or mental defects. The young girls might even see the Convent as a refuge, perhaps from unhappy love, an exhausting life with lengthy illnesses in the family, looking after the old people in the family, or attending to the lady of the household’s annual childbirth and a myriad of small siblings or half-siblings, many of whom would die in childhood. These reasons shine through in some of the applications for a place at Maribo Convent, and the same considerations may have played a role right up to the 19th century for the unmarried women who moved into the Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen – having five or six or even as many as 15 brothers and sisters was not uncommon. That the convents had purposes other than religious became very plain after the Reformation, when, as mentioned before, the nobility could still have their daughters entered in the convents at Mariager and Maribo. In fact the noble classes found the convents so necessary, that, 25 years after the Reformation, they proposed that the King should found more of them. If not, they might be forced to marry off their unsupported daughters with non-nobles, a dreadful thought in those times. The conventuals did not come from poor homes, so unsupported must not be understood as without means – merely that there was no-one to look after them and protect them. Married women had a husband and his family, and, in perilous hours, his armed servants, moat and castle wall. Unmarried women had only convent walls to help them. The number of daughters the nobility wished to place must have been astonishingly large, if Mariager and Maribo were insufficient. The convent buildings were dimensioned for an abbess, a prioress, 60 nuns and a few boarders, so there would have been about 150 places in all, while the whole Danish nobility did not consist of more than 2000 persons. The King rejected the proposal, presumably because convent estates would not become Crown

Håndmalet kort over Odense 1717, samme år som Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster blev stiftet. Det er indtegnet som en af byens betydelige bygninger. Overfor klosteret ligger øen og engen, som biskop Jens Andersen erhvervede i 1519 og som fulgte ejerne af Bispegaarden og senere Jomfruklosteret helt til omkring 1870. Det Kgl. Bibliotek.

hvor adelen som nævnt stadig kunne sætte døtre i klostrene i Mariager og Maribo. Faktisk fandt standen som helhed jomfruklostre så nødvendige, at den 25 år efter Reformationen foreslog kongen at oprette flere. Hvis ikke, kunne man blive nødt til at bortgifte uforsørgede døtre til uadelige, hvilket var en frygtelig tanke efter datidens begreber. Klosterjomfruerne kom ikke fra fattige familier, så uforsørget skulle ikke forstås som ubemidlet – der var blot ikke nogen til at sørge for og beskytte dem. Gifte fruer havde en mand og hans slægt, og i farefulde stunder hans væbnede folk, voldgrav og borgmur. Jomfruerne havde kun klostermurene.

property. In the Golden Age of the nobility, as the 16th and the first decades of the 17th centuries are known, the nobility as a class or as individual persons could have erected one or more small convents. Later history shows that it would have been no problem at all. But the idea never came to anything. Family and relatives took care of the unmarried women, as was the case with the Gøye children, where only one of the sisters married, while the others stayed with her, with their brothers or with their relatives by marriage, the Brahe family. And soon the nobility had other things to think about. War proceeded almost uninterruptedly from

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Det var et forbløffende antal døtre, adelen ønskede anbragt, når Mariager og Maribo ikke var tilstrækkelige. Klosterbygningerne var dimensionerede til en abbedisse, en priorinde, 60 nonner og nogle pensionærer, så der har været omkring 150 pladser i alt, mens hele den danske adel bestod af knapt 2.000 personer. Kongen afslog forslaget, formentlig fordi klostergodset således ikke ville blive krongods. I adelens gyldne tid, som 1500-tallet og de første årtier af 1600-tallet er blevet kaldt, kunne adelen som stand eller enkeltpersoner selv have oprettet et eller flere mindre klostre. Det viste sig senere, at det udmærket kunne lade sig gøre. Men det blev ikke til noget. Familie og slægt tog sig af de ugifte kvinder, som det var tilfældet i Gøyesøskendeflokken, hvor kun én af fire søstre blev gift, mens de ugifte på skift boede hos hende, deres brødre og Brahe-familien. Og snart fik adelen andet at tænke på. Der var næsten uafbrudt krig fra Kalmarkrigen 1611-1612 til 1720, hvor Store Nordiske Krig sluttede, og efter Enevældens indførelse i 1660 skete der store forandringer i adelen.

Fattig adel Karen Brahe skrev i fundatsen til sit nye jomfrukloster i 1716, at hendes gård i Odense, Bispegaarden, skulle indrettes til et sted, der var “adelige jomfruer til nytte, særdeles de, som ikke uden venners hjælp, af egne midler kunne subsistere”.2 Den sidste sætning beskriver det, der var sket, siden Maribo Adelige Jomfrukloster lukkede: Mange adelige var nu nærmest subsistensløse og måtte ty til venners hjælp – ordet omfattede ligesom i lovgivningen familie – og det skulle kun blive værre i løbet af 1700-tallet. Samtidig med krigene medvirkede mange faktorer til at fjerne fundamentet under den gamle jordadel, som Karen Brahe tilhørte. Rige og magtfulde slægter blev forarmede på en generation eller to, og kun nogle få af dem – eller enkelte familier i slægterne – red stormen af med økonomien nogenlunde i behold.

the Kalmar War of 1611-1612 to 1720 when the Great Northern War ended, and after the introduction of absolute monarchy in 1660, there were big changes to the circumstances of the nobility.

Impoverished nobility In the trust deed of 1716 for her new Ladies Convent, Karen Brahe instructed that her house in Odense, the Bishop’s Palace, should be fitted out as a place for the “benefit of noble maidens, especially those unable to subsist on their own means without the help of friends”.2 The last few words describe what had happened since the Maribo Secular Convent for Noblewomen had closed. Many nobles were now almost destitute, and had to turn to friends for help (this word included family, in the legal terminology of the day) – and matters would only worsen during the 18th century.

Kig til rum 204. Værelset er et af de rum på førstesalen, der har færrest dekorationslag. Værelset stod ved Realdania Bygs overtagelse med den dekoration, som det fik i ca. 1890: papirtapet med blomstermønster i lys og mørk brun og mørke prikker på grå bund. Foto tv.: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe, th.: Roberto Fortuna. A glimpse of room 204, one of those on the first floor with the fewest decorations. When Realdania Byg acquired the building, this room still had the wallpaper hung around 1890: light and dark brown with a floral pattern and dark dots on a grey background. Photo, left: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe, right: Roberto Fortuna.

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Mange adelsmænd faldt i krigene som bl.a. Preben Brahes broder, Steen, i 1677 i Skånske Krig. Nogle døde af de febre og farsoter, der altid fulgte hærene, sådan som det skete for de ti Gøye-søskendes fader i 1611. Hver krig betød nedgang i antallet af adelige, for de gifte fik ikke flere efterkommere, de ugifte fik slet ingen. Det medførte et forsørgelsesproblem, ikke blot for deres enker og børn, men for alle de slægtninge, unge og gamle, mænd og kvinder, som disse familier traditionelt havde taget sig af. Adelen havde tidligere været forpligtet til at gå i krig med deres egne folk. Den rolle var helt udspillet sidst i 1600-tallet, men da der blev oprettet en stående hær, valgte en del af den gamle adel en militær karriere og var nu statsansatte. Karen Brahes yngste broder og en nevø fulgte den bane. Fra 1720 var der hundrede års fred i landet, bortset fra et par småskærmydsler. Hermed var officersfamilierne kun truede ved faderens død af naturlige årsager, men de boede på tjenestestedet og mistede foruden lønnen også deres hjem. Efter hændervridende breve til kongen kunne enkelte enker allernådigst få en lille pension. Såvel i Det Harboeske Enkefruekloster i København, stiftet 1735, som i Karen Brahes jomfrukloster blev der efterhånden overvægt af enker efter og døtre af officerer.3

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Parallel with the wars, many other factors conspired to undermine the old landed nobility of which Karen Brahe was part. Powerful and wealthy noble houses fell into poverty within a generation or two, and only a few of them – or individual families within them – were able to ride the storm with their finances more or less intact. Many nobles fell in the wars, as was the case for Preben Brahe’s brother, Steen, who died in 1677 in the Scanian War. Some died of the fevers and epidemics which always followed the armies, and such was the fate of the father to the ten Gøye children in 1611. Every war meant a reduction in the number of nobles, because the married survivors would have no further descendants, and the unmarried none at all. This gave rise to the problem of support, not just of the widows and their children but of all the relatives, young and old, men and women, which these families had traditionally looked after. In previous times the nobility had been under a duty to go to war with their own men. This role was completely obsolete by the end of the 17th century, but when a standing army was created, a number of the old nobility chose a military career and were now employees of the state. Karen Brahe’s youngest brother and a nephew chose this course. From 1720 on, there were a hundred years of peace in Denmark, apart from a couple of minor skirmishes. In this situation, the families of officers were only threatened by the death of the father from natural causes, but they lived in the service location and his death meant the loss of his salary and their home. Hand-wringing letters to the King could only secure a few widows a grudging pittance of a pension. Both in the Harboeske Enkefruekloster, a widows’ convent in Copenhagen, founded in 1735, and in Karen Brahe’s Ladies Convent, the residents gradually came to consist largely of officers’ widows and daughters.3 Many officers desisted from marrying. The institution was ill-matched to life in the services, as the French Maréchal Maurice de Saxe expressed it at

En del officerer giftede sig slet ikke. Det lod sig ikke godt forene med tjenesten, sådan som den franske marskal Moritz af Sachsen sagde netop på denne tid: “Une femme n’est pas un meuble propre à un soldat” – en kvinde er ikke et passende møbel for en soldat.4 En af de ugifte officerer var oberstløjtnant Preben Brahe, en nevø af Karen Brahe og Odense Adelige Jomfruklosters patron, dvs. beskytter, der døde som slægtens

the time: “Une femme n’est pas un meuble propre à un soldat” – a wife is no suitable furniture for a soldier.4 One of the unmarried officers was Lieutenant-Colonel Preben Brahe, a nephew of Karen Brahe and the Patron, i.e. protector, of the Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen, who died as the last man in the family in 1786. With his sister’s death three years later, the Brahe family in Denmark was extinct.

Værelse på første sal, rum 204, efter restaureringen. Tapetet er moiré, der var meget populært fra 1830’erne og de følgende hundrede år. I afdækningen ses en mønstret bræddevæg, opsat da førstesalens to store rum blev delt i værelser i første halvdel af 1700-tallet. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. Room 204 on the first floor, after the restoration. The wallpaper is moiré, very popular the 1830’s and the following century. In the uncovered area in the corner, a patterned partition wall is visible, put up when the two large halls on the first floor were divided into rooms in the first half of the 18th century. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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I ovnkrogen i rum 204 er marmoreringen genskabt, en praktisk foranstaltning, hvor røg, sod og aske ikke sås så tydeligt. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Jomfruklosteret fik først indlagt el efter 1914. I rum 204 er de rør, som stofledningerne dengang blev ført i, og den klassiske messingafbryder ved døren bevaret. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

In the stove nook in room 204, the marbling – a practical measure to make traces of smoke, soot and ash less visible – is recreated. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Electricity was installed in the Convent after 1914. In room 204 there are tubes, which the textile wiring was routed through, and the classical brass switch near the door has been preserved. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

sidste mand i 1786. Da hans søster døde tre år senere, var Brahe-slægten i Danmark uddød. Det århundredgamle indtægtsgrundlag, jordegodset, smuldrede også sidst i 1600-tallet, dels på grund af arveloven, dels fordi den såkaldte nye adel, brevadel eller embedsadel, der var adlede af kongen eller havde embeder med privilegier svarende til adelens, ønskede at blive godsejere. Den gamle adels jordegods havde på en måde blot været til låns af en stor slægts-pulje, og arvegangen gik helt op til tipoldeforældres efterkommere. Blandt andet derfor var genealogien så vigtig i adelsfamilierne. Alle arvede lige meget; når søsterlodder var halvt så store som broderlodder, var det fordi, piger i hvert fald teoretisk fik medgift. Hver arving skulle have sin part af alt. Det kunne løses ved sameje, som det skete med

The centuries-old bedrock of revenue, the landed estates, also crumbled in the late 17th century, both as a result of inheritance laws, and also because the socalled new nobility who had been created by letters patent or by office (i.e., ennobled by the King or holding offices with privileges similar to the nobility) desired to become estate owners. For each generation of the old noblility, the estates were on loan so to speak from a large pool, gathered and inherited through generations, and rights of succession were traced all the way back to great great grandparents. This was one reason why genealogy was so important in noble families. Everyone inherited an equal share; if sisters’ shares were only half as large as brothers’ shares, this was because at least theoretically the girls received a dowry. Each heir was meant to receive a share of

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Brockenhuus og Akeleye ved Jørgen Brahes køb af Bispegaarden, og senere med Karen Brahe og hendes søstres sameje af Bispegaarden og Østrupgård. På den tid, hvor Anne Gøye boede på Bispegaarden, ejede hun Hvidkildes jorder, mens ladegården og borggården med beboelsen var ejet i fællesskab af hendes nevø Marcus Gøye og dennes svoger Preben Brahe, gift med Susanne Gøye. Sådanne ejerforhold førte let til stridigheder om drift, vedligeholdelse, nybyggeri og salg, og nogle steder førte samejet til så besynderlige løsninger som på Vallø, hvor borggården 1554-1651 var delt i to med en mur til tagskægget. For at mindske antallet af arveberettigede havde de samme slægter giftet sig ind i hinanden i generationer. Jo hurtigere slægterne nåede til fælles forfædre, jo færre parter skulle arven deles i. Det svimler helt, når slægtsrelationerne for de jomfruer, der boede i Karen Brahes adelige jomfrukloster, skal udredes: Ved hvert slægtsnavn skal man blot en eller to generationer tilbage eller se på de besvogrede, så viser de samme navne sig igen. Det gælder ikke kun de første klosterjomfruer af den gamle jordadel, som fik plads i Jomfruklosteret, men også den nye adel op gennem 1700-tallet. Den nye adel fulgte den gamle adels traditioner, og der var hele klaner af indgiftede familier i flere generationer i Jomfruklosteret. Dette indgifte må have haft genetiske konsekvenser, men det betød i hvert fald, at hvis det gik økonomisk galt for én familie, havde det dominoeffekt på hele deres slægtsgren. I Jomfruklosteret boede flere nært beslægtede, hvis familier det var gået sådan. Med oprettelsen 1671 af en ny adelsgruppe, grever og baroner, fulgte en ny arveform. Som kongen frejdigt udtrykte det, så fordrede sådan ære og værdighed “stor middel og formue, hvilken let forsvinder, når den i mange små lodder deles”. Grevskabet eller baroniet skulle derfor gå udelt til ældste søn eller datter, mens de øvrige børn skulle fyldestgøres af andet jordegods og løsøre, men det kunne jo ske, at der kun var ganske lidt til overs. Derefter så man ofte søskendeflokke, hvor den ældste sad på et stort gods, mens de øvrige fristede en kummerlig tilværelse.

everything. This could be achieved by joint ownership, as happened with Brockenhuus and Akeleye at the time of Jørgen Brahe’s purchase of the Bishop’s Palace, and later with Karen Brahe and her sisters’ joint ownership of the Bishop’s Palace and Østrupgård. At the time Anne Gøye lived at the Bishop’s Palace, she owned the land at Hvidkilde, while the home farm and manor house buildings with associated residence were owned in common by her nephew Marcus Gøye and his brother-in-law Preben Brahe, married to Susanne Gøye. Ownership titles of this kind easily led to disputes regarding management, maintenance, new building and sale, and in some places, joint ownership led to such strange arrangements as at Vallø, where, from 1554-1651, the castle yard was divided into two by a wall up to the eaves. To reduce the number of persons entitled to inherit, the same families had intermarried for generations. The sooner the families could find a common ancestor, the fewer the parties who could share the inheritance. The mind boggles when working out the family relations of the unmarried ladies who lived in Karen Brahe’s secular convent for noblewomen. For each family name it is only necessary to go back one or two generations or look at their relatives by marriage to notice a repetition of the same names. The same applies not just to the first conventuals from the old landed nobility who found a place at Jomfruklosteret, but also to the new nobility all the way down the 18th century. The new nobility followed the traditions of the old, and there were whole clans of intermarried families represented for several generations at Jomfruklosteret. This intermarriage must have had genetic consequences, but at all events it meant that if one family suffered financially it had a domino effect on the whole of their branch of the family name. Jomfruklosteret housed several closely related persons whose families had suffered in this way. With the establishment of a new group of nobles in 1671, the counts and the barons, a new type of succession was introduced. As the King nonchalantly expressed it, such honour and dignity demanded

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Tidligere havde adelen haft eneret på embeder i lokal- og centraladministration, og især var embedet som lensmand et glimrende supplement til indtægterne fra ens eget jordegods. Jørgen Brahe havde Hagenskov i 44 år og fik meget ud af det. Efter de ødelæggende og ruinerende Svenskekrige blev hele administrationen imidlertid radikalt omlagt for at redde landet, og adelens forrettigheder blev ophævet, så alle med evner kunne få embede. Nogle af de nye embedsmænd fik en kométkarriere, og mange blev adlede eller fik våbenbrev og privilegier “lige med adelen”, dvs. ret til at eje jord og skattebegunstigelser for den. De begyndte nu

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“great means and fortune, which can easily dwindle when divided into many small shares.” Countships and baronies would therefore pass undivided to the eldest son or daughter, while the other children would be provided with other land and chattels, though of course it might be that there was very little left. For this reason it became common to see broods of brothers and sisters, of whom the eldest possessed a large estate while the others led a life of misery. Previously the nobility had had a monopoly of positions in local and central administration, and in particular the post of Lord Lieutenant had been a splendid supplement to the revenues from the landed estates. Jørgen Brahe was Lord Lieutenant of Hagenskov for 44 years and derived great benefit from it. However, after the destructive and ruinous Dano-Swedish Wars, the whole administration was radically reorganised to save the country, and the privileges of the nobility were abolished, so that anyone of ability could obtain a post. Some of the new officials enjoyed a meteoric career, and many were ennobled or received the right to armorial bearings and privileges “equal to the nobility”, i.e. the right to own land with tax privileges. They now began to buy up the farms and manors of the old landed nobility. The ambition to be a landowner always emerges when one social group comes into money, as happened with the merchants in the “flourishing” times of Danish overseas trade or with the manufacturers and wholesalers of the late 19th century. The race was on to acquire landed estates, because the new titles of counts and barons demanded respectively 2500 and 1000 “tønder hartkorn” (land valuation units). The smallest manors were valued at 25 tønder hartkorn, so many farms were needed to reach the target. However, these were not the estates of the same name that we know today. Most manor houses were very modest, with two or three wings, and often half-timbered, and it was the new owners who united the lands around the main house and erected buildings of international standard, with interiors and gardens to match the latest fashion.

Dekorationer af denne type skulle illudere tapet – her i rum 209 er den genskabt under restaureringen ved brug af flere skabeloner. En oprindelig bemaling af bræddeskillevæggen er synlig i den lille åbning. 2013. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

Ludvig Holberg: Don Ranudo eller Fattigdom og Hoffart Skrevet 1723

Ludvig Holberg: Don Ranudo or Poverty and Arrogance Written 1723

ACTUS I. SCEN. 1

ACT 1. SCENE 1

Den nyadlede Don Gonzalo de las Minas har forelsket sig i den adelsstolte, men ludfattige Don Ranudos datter og siger til sin søster:

The newly ennobled Don Gonzalo de las Minas has fallen in love with the aristocratically haughty but poverty-stricken daughter of Don Ranudo, and remarks to his sister:

Det er sandt min hierte Søster! jeg seer ingen fordeel ved saadant partie, men I skall viide, at min kierlighed ikke grundes paa interesse. Deres familie er vel ældere og anseeligere, men vores er derfor ikke mindre adelig, kand de regne flere store folk i deres slegt, saa kand vi derimod regne vor rigdom, og sætte den imod deres elendige armod, som er større end den kand beskrives. Men jeg siger min hierte Søster, jeg sigter ikke till nogen fordeel, mit hierte er optændt af en pur og reen kierlighed till deres dotter Donna Maria, som jeg beklager ikke mindre for hendes fattigdom, end som for hendes urimelige forældre, som ved deres hovmod er bleven fabel over den hele bye, og maa derfor den heele Spanske Nation ved saadant uskyldig lide.

at opkøbe den gamle jordadels gårde. Det at blive godsejer har altid været en ambition, når en samfundsgruppe kom til penge som f.eks. købmændene i den florissante handelsperiode og fabrikanter og grosserere i slutningen af 1800-tallet. Der var kapløb om at erhverve jordegods, for de nye titler greve og baron krævede henholdsvis 2.500 og 1.000 tdr hartkorn. De mindste herregårde var på 25 tdr hartkorn, så der skulle mange gårde til for at nå målet. Det drejede sig dog ikke om de godser af samme navn, som vi kender i dag. De fleste herregårde var ganske beskedne, to eller tre fløje, ofte i bindings-

It is true, my dearest sister! I see no advantage in such a match, but you should know that my love is not based on my own self-interest. Their family is no doubt older and more distinguished, but ours is no less noble for all that, and if they can count many great men in their family, we can count our riches and contrast them with their wretched poverty, which is too deep to be described. But I tell you, my dear sister, I am not looking for an advantage, my heart is inflamed with pure and unalloyed love for their daughter Donna Maria, whom I pity not less for her poverty than for her unreasonable parents, who by their arrogance have become a byword throughout the town, and thereby are a cause of suffering for the whole Spanish nation.

The new nobility dangled their new money in front of the old landed nobility, including the Gøyes, Brahes and Rosenkrantz’s, and, especially because of the inheritance laws, many families were in a situation where they had to sell. They then moved in with married children, or rented places in the market towns or modest houses in the country. If the old manor had not been heavily indebted, the family could maybe live more or less satisfactorily on the proceeds of the sale, but there was rarely anything to pass on as an inheritance. The overall effect of these changes naturally hit men just as hard as women, but even though the men of

Decorations of this type were meant to give the illusion of wallpaper. Here in room 209 the pattern is restored, using a number of stencils. An original coat of paint on the wooden partition wall is visible in the small opening. 2013. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

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Rum 205 efter restaureringen med kig til rum 204 og trapperum 215. I 1800-tallet var stærkt grønne tapeter populære, men de var lavet med arsenholdige pigmenter og udsendte giftige gasser, især i fugtige rum; her er det dog en moderne kopi af et historisk tapet. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. Room 205 after the restoration with a view of room 204 and Stairway 215. Loud green wallpapers were popular in the 19th century, but they were made from pigments containing arsenic and released toxic gases, especially in damp rooms; however, here is a modern copy of an historic wallpaper. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

værk, og det var de nye ejere, som dels samlede godset omkring hovedgården, dels satte bygninger af international standard på, med interiører og haveanlæg efter sidste mode. Den nye adel viftede den gamle jordadel, også Gøyer, Braher og Rosenkrantzer, om næsen med deres nye penge, og mange familier var på grund af især arveloven kommet i en situation, hvor de var nødt til at sælge. Herefter rykkede de ind hos gifte børn eller boede til leje i købstæderne eller i småhuse på landet, og havde der ikke været større gæld i gården, kunne familien måske leve nogenlunde af salget, men der var sjældent noget at give i arv. Den samlede vægt af alle disse forandringer ramte naturligvis mænd lige så hårdt som kvinder, men selvom adelsmændene havde fået konkurrence til embederne, var de ikke ligefrem udelukkede. De kunne som sagt også gå i militærtjeneste, hvorved boligproblemet var løst, i det mindste så længe de var duelige i tjenesten. Kun få var helt subsistensløse. Kvinderne var meget dårligere stillede, fordi de ikke kunne tage embeder. Uden medgift havde jomfruerne ingen udsigt til ægteskab, og de hverken ville eller måtte gifte sig under deres stand, idet de og deres eventuelle børn dermed mistede deres adelskab. Desuden havde mange familier ikke længere økonomi og plads til ugifte, unge eller ældre, i hjemmet. Disse kvinders situation var allerede sidst i 1600-tallet et stort problem, og velhavende standsfæller besluttede at afhjælpe det, i første omgang inden for deres egne slægter. I 1681 oprettede et ægtepar Juul og Friis en pengestiftelse for deres slægters ugifte kvinder, Den Thaarupgaardske Stiftelse, som trådte i kraft ved den længstlevendes død i 1698; efter en fundatsændring i 1815 optog den alle døtre af dansk adel og mænd i de fire første rangklasser, og den eksisterer endnu. Pengestiftelsen dannede dog ikke straks forbillede. I de følgende knap 40 år blev klosteret den foretrukne form for støtte til ubemidlede jomfruer: Bolig og forsørgelse i ét, daglige andagter og et stilfærdigt liv tiltalte samtiden.

noble origin now had to compete for the official posts, they were not actually excluded. As mentioned, they could also make a career in the military, which solved the problem of where to live, at least, as long as they were fit for service. Only very few were completely destitute. The women were much worse off, because they were excluded from the official posts. Without a dowry, the young women had no prospect of marriage, and they were neither willing nor permitted to marry beneath their station, as this would mean that they and any children they might have would lose their noble status. In addition, many families no longer had the finances or space for unmarried women in the home, whether young or old. As early as the late 1600’s, the situation of these women had become a severe problem, and wealthy members of their class decided to do something about it, in the first instance within their own families. In 1681, a wealthy couple called Juul and Friis founded a charity fund for the unmarried women in their extended family, the Thaarupgaardske Stiftelse, which came into force on the death of the longer lived of them in 1698; according to a trust deed amendment in 1815, it would accept all daughters of the Danish nobility and the top four ranks, and it exists to this day. However the charity fund concept was not immediately followed. For just under 40 years, the convent became the preferred form of support for unmarried ladies without means: the idea of combined lodgings and subsistence, daily prayers and a quiet existence appealed to contemporary society.

Karen Brahe’s inspiration In 1716, Karen Brahe was not the first to think of founding a secular convent. She was following one of the movements of the time. Although it had long been closed down, the Maribo Secular Convent for Noblewomen was not forgotten. At family get-togethers, children and young people had heard about it from the old conventuals, and the

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Et af de nordvendte værelser, rum 205. Bræddeskillevæggen er fra begyndelsen af 1700-tallet, alkoven til højre er indbygget senere. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

One of the north-facing rooms, room 205. The partition wall is from the beginning of the 18th century, the alcove to the right was built-in later. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

Karen Brahes inspirationer

families’ letter chests contained letters and documents, maybe even the convent’s trust deeds approved by the higher nobility, the Council of State. Karen Brahe would also have known of Maribo, which had housed several Brahes, Gyldenstjernes and Gøyes. It was also common knowledge that there were four secular convents in the Duchy of Schleswig-Holstein, which, just like Maribo, had lived on after the Reformation but were still in the best of health, because the nobility of the Duchy, the Knighthood, was well organised and acted together to respond to the concerns of its class. Naturally, the Ladies-in-Waiting to the Queens and Princesses and other nobles who frequented the Court would have discussed the situation of the landed nobility. Christian V’s Queen, Charlotte Amalie, was, as far as is known, the first to take steps to revive the institution of the secular convent for noblewomen, and as early as 1694 bought the estate of Vemmetofte in Southeast Zealand for the purpose. She was unable to establish the Convent before her death in 1714, but her unmarried children, Prince Carl and Princess Sophie Hedvig, moved to Vemmetofte and left it as a secular convent in their wills. It opened after the Princess’s death in 1735 and still exists.

Karen Brahe var i 1716 ikke den første, der fik den tanke at indrette et jomfrukloster. Hun fulgte en bevægelse i tiden. Skønt nedlagt for længe siden var Maribo Adelige Jomfrukloster ikke glemt. Ved sammenkomster har børn og unge hørt de gamle klosterjomfruer fortælle, og i familiernes brevkister lå breve og dokumenter, måske endda selve klostrets fundats, som den øverste adel, Rigsrådet, havde vedtaget. Også Karen Brahe har kendt til Maribo, som husede flere Braher, Gyldenstjerner og Gøyer. Det var desuden almenviden, at der i Hertugdømmerne lå fire jomfruklostre, der ligesom Maribo var fortsat hen over Reformationen og stadig trivedes i bedste velgående, fordi adelen dér, Ridderskabet, var godt organiseret og ordnede standens anliggender i fællesskab. Dronningernes og prinsessernes hofdamer og andre adelige, der færdedes ved Hoffet, har selvfølgelig talt om jordadelens situation. Christian Vs dronning, Charlotte Amalie, var så vidt vides den første, der tog skridt til at genoplive institutionen adeligt jomfrukloster, og allerede i 1694 købte hun godset Vemmetofte i Sydøstsjælland til formålet. Hun nåede ikke at

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Førstesalen bestod oprindeligt af to store rum med en tværgående væg. Ved indretningen til værelser måtte der opsættes langsgående skillevægge til korridorer, så frøkenerne ikke skulle gennem hinandens værelser. Foto: Roberto Fortuna. The first floor originally consisted of two large rooms with a transverse wall. When the rooms were designed, corridors were made with longitudinal partitions, so that the ladies would not have to pass through one another’s rooms. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

etablere klosteret før sin død i 1714, men hendes ugifte børn, prins Carl og prinsesse Sophie Hedvig, flyttede til Vemmetofte og testamenterede det til et jomfrukloster. Det åbnede ved prinsessens død i 1735 og eksisterer stadig. I 1699 stiftede to meget velhavende enker, fru Margrethe Ulfeldt og fru Berte Skeel – lidt ældre end Karen Brahe og fra samme miljø som hun – det nævnte Roskilde Adelige Jomfrukloster, hvis organisation var kalkeret over Maribos. Det findes endnu under navnet Roskilde Kloster. To år senere bestemte grev Christian Gyldenløve, en af Christian Vs uægte sønner, i sit testamente, at Gisselfeld på Midtsjælland skulle være adeligt jomfrukloster med 16 jomfruer og en abbedisse. Han var netop blevet gift med Dorothea Krag, i sit første ægteskab svigerinde til en af Roskildes stifterinder. Klosteret skulle først træde i kraft ved grevindens død og var tænkt med boliger, men året efter hendes død i 1754 blev Gisselfeld oprettet som pengestiftelse. Også den findes stadig. Der skete således noget i de højere kredse. Karen Brahe har kendt disse personer mere eller mindre og været i selskab med dem i København, på Fyn og hos slægt og venner i hele landet. Der er næsten ingen bevarede breve til og fra Karen Brahe, så det vides ikke, om hun korresponderede med nogen om sin plan, men i hendes bibliotek ligger en festsang fra stiftelsen af Roskilde Adelige Jomfrukloster, og i 1717 havde hun kontakt med fru Berte Skeel. Karen Brahe havde allerede i 1700 købt sine medarvinger ud af Bispegaarden i Odense, måske som økonomisk støtte. Nu i senvinteren 1716, da hendes søster og broder så pludseligt var gået bort, stod hun uventet med et skrummel af et hus, som hun ikke selv ville bebo, eftersom hun havde sit liv og sit udkomme på Østrupgård. Mens hun gik rundt i huset og sorterede boets papirer, har hun uden tvivl tænkt på de ugifte kvinder, som havde haft deres hjem her: Moderens faster, Anne Gøye, og hendes egen søster, Anne Brahe. De havde begge opholdt sig hos familie i mange

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In 1699, two very rich widows, Lady Margrethe Ulfeldt and Lady Berte Skeel – both a little older than Karen Brahe and from the same background as her – founded Roskilde Secular Convent for Noblewomen, the organisation of which copied that of Maribo, as mentioned above. It still exists under the name Roskilde Kloster. Two years later, Count Christian Gyldenløve, one of Christian V’s illegitimate sons, determined in his will that Gisselfeld in Mid-Zealand was to become a secular convent for noblewomen, with 16 conventuals and an abbess. He had just married Dorothea Krag, who in her first marriage had been sister-in-law to one of the foundresses of Roskilde. The convent was to start operation after the Countess’s death, and the idea was to set up a residence. However, the year after her death in 1754, Gisselfeld was established as a charity fund. It too still exists today. Matters were being taken in hand in the higher circles. Karen Brahe knew these people to a greater or lesser extent and had socialised with them in Copenhagen, on Funen and at the houses of friends and family throughout the country. There are almost no preserved letters to or from Karen Brahe, so it is unknown whether she corresponded with anyone about her plan, but in her library there is a song written for the inauguration of Roskilde Secular Convent for Noblewomen, and in 1717 she was in contact with Lady Berte Skeel. Karen Brahe had already bought her co-inheritors out of the Bishop’s Palace in Odense in 1700, perhaps to provide them with financial support. Now, in late 1716, with her sister and brother suddenly dead, she was unexpectedly left with a monstrosity of a house she had no intention of living in, as she herself had her life and livelihood at Østrupgård. While she wandered round the house sorting out the estate papers, she no doubt thought of the unmarried women who had had their home there: her mother’s aunt, Anne Gøye, and her own sister, Anne Brahe. They had both lived with family for many years previously, which had probably

Korridor på førstesalen 2013. Den langsgående skillevæg er tapetseret med et tapet, der skal ligne træpanel. Til venstre for væggen er der indrettet et lille tekøkken samt førstesalens eneste toilet i et tidligere skab. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. Corridor on the first floor, 2013. The longitudinal partition wall has been covered with a wallpaper that resembles wood panelling. On the left-hand side of the wall a small kitchenette has been fitted, and the only toilet on the first floor has been made in a former closet. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Dekorationen i alkoven i rum 205 er en bemaling, der imiterer tapet. Skabelonen er skabt efter en tidligere bemaling, der blev fundet under restaureringen. Alkoven er en senere tilføjelse til rummet. Foto tv.: Lundqvist Tegnestue. Foto th.: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. The decor in the alcove in room 205 is paintwork imitating wallpaper. The pattern was created from a painting layer found during the restoration. The alcove is a later addition to the room. Photo, left: Lundqvist Architects. Photo, left: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

år forinden, hvilket sikkert ikke altid havde været lige fornøjeligt for nogen af parterne. De ældre to damer boede ikke alene på Bispegaarden. De havde hushold med flere tjenestefolk ude og inde som alle på deres niveau, og de havde sandsynligvis selv slægtninge boende hos sig. Meget tyder på, at de tre unge kvinder, som Karen Brahe indsatte som de første klosterjomfruer, da Jomfruklosteret officielt åbnede i 1717, allerede boede på Bispegaarden, da Anne Brahe døde. De skulle naturligvis blive, for de og deres familier havde intet at falde tilbage på. Men en bolig var ikke tilstrækkeligt. De unge kvinder skulle også leve af noget, og det skulle sikres dem på livstid. Et jomfrukloster på Bispegaarden lå snublende nær, en elegant form, der ikke havde karakter af almisse.

Fundatsen Ligesom foreninger har vedtægter, har alle stiftelser og legater en fundats, der oplyser stifternes tanker

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not always been a pleasant experience for any of the parties. The two elderly ladies had not lived alone at the Bishop’s Palace. They had their households with several servants both outside and in, as did all persons of their level, and they had probably themselves had relatives staying with them. There is much to indicate that the three young women whom Karen Brahe installed as the first conventuals when Jomfruklosteret officially opened in 1717 were already living at the Bishop’s Palace when Anne Brahe died. They would naturally stay where they were, for they and their families had nothing else to fall back on. But a home in itself was not enough. The young women also needed something to live on, and it would have to secure them for life. Establishing a secular convent at the Bishop’s Palace was an obvious step, an elegant construction without the character of almsgiving.

The trust deed Just as clubs and associations have bylaws, all charities and trusts have a trust deed describing the founders’ purposes for their endowment, the conditions and finances etc. The trust deed drawn up by Karen Brahe in 1716 was very practically framed. She had a reputation for a good understanding of finances, and this topic occupies many of the trust deed’s 33 clauses.

med donationen, betingelser, økonomi osv. Den fundats, som Karen Brahe udarbejdede i 1716, var meget praktisk anlagt. Hun havde ry for at have forstand på økonomi, som da også fylder mange af fundatsens 33 punkter. Karen Brahe skænkede “min grundmurede gård udi Odense, liggende på Torvet, kaldet Bispegaarden” til formålet. Her skulle ubemidlede jomfruer “have hus og ophold, hvor de sømmelig og skikkelig deres levned

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Karen Brahe endowed “my brick house at Odense on the Square, called the Bishop’s Palace” for the purpose. Here unmarried ladies without means should “have board and lodgings, where they fittingly and worthily can live out their days.” In modern terms, it was a home where the residents received all they needed for maintaining life, namely food, lighting, heating, a small allowance, transportation and personal service – the latter then counted as a basic necessity –

På førstesalen blev der indrettet to køkkener, da klosterets fælles husholdning blev ophævet i 1898. Buffeten i rum 202 hørte til nyindretningen, ligesom et lille køkkenbord med vask i vindueslysningen. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe 2007. Two kitchens were fitted on the first floor, when the Convent’s common housekeeping was cancelled in 1898. The buffet in room 202 was part of the refurbishment, as was a small kitchen table with sink in the window opening. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe 2007.

Fattig jomfru med løn Før Reformationen blev det anset for særlig fornemt at lade døtre opdrage hos slægtninge i kloster, men det var generelt skik at sende børnene til andre hjem i kortere eller længere tid. I mange familier var døtrene bogligt veluddannede, havde gode manerer og mange færdigheder inden for musik og håndarbejde, ligesom de havde lært at føre hus på det organisatoriske plan. Hvis det gik dårligt for familien, kunne de derfor træde i tjeneste hos heldigere stillede adelsfamilier som selskabsdamer og lærerinder. Jomfruerne brugte selv ordet “tjene”, som det var tilfældet for en af Gøye-søstrene, der var hos en Sehested-familie, og for en jomfru Parsberg hos grev Danneskiold-Laurvig først i 1700-tallet. En jomfru af den gamle adelsslægt Urne var husbestyrerinde hos Leonora Christine Ulfeldt, da hun kom ud af Blaataarn og boede i Maribo; hun blev anbefalet af en admiralinde, som hun måske tidligere havde tjent hos. Det var ingen skam at modtage løn for det, man udrettede – det fik dronningens hofdamer også. De var sekretærer og indkøbere, hjalp hofmesterinderne med at opdrage de kongelige børn, udførte kostbart håndarbejde, læste højt og var generelt selskabelige ved Hoffet.

kan fremdrage”. Med nutidige ord var det et hjem, hvor beboerne fik alt til livets ophold: Kost, lys, varme, lommepenge, befordring og opvartning – det sidste hørte dengang til de basale fornødenheder – og hvor de var sikre på at kunne tilbringe resten af livet. Sømmelig og skikkelig var nærmest synonyme og betød ’som det sømmede sig’ efter jomfruernes stand, både i omgivelser og personlig adfærd. Med til donationen hørte Bispegaardens “tilliggende boder og haver”. De lå dels nord for hovedbygningen ud mod Torvet, dels langs Bispegaardsstræde, i dag Albanigade, mens en stor eng lå på den anden side af åen. Disse ejendomme skulle ikke benyttes af klosteret, men gav lejeindtægter. Karen Brahe skrev udtrykkeligt, at hun “har skænket og givet [ejendommen] fra mig og mine arvinger”. Fundatsen svarede således til et testamente, der satte arvelovens bestemmelser ud af kraft og derfor skulle

and where they could be certain of spending the rest of their life. Fittingly and worthily were almost synonyms and meant whatever was fitting for the unmarried ladies’ station, both with regards to benefits received and their own personal behaviour. The endowment included the Bishop’s Palace’s “adjoining cottages and fields”. Some of these lay north of the main building alongside the Square, some along Bispegaardsstræde, today Albanigade, and there was also a large meadow on the other side of the river. These properties were not for the use of the secular convent, but provided rental income. Karen Brahe expressly states that she “has donated and surrendered [the property] from myself and my heirs”. The trust deed thus corresponded to a will which set aside the provisions of the inheritance law, and as such, needed to be confirmed by the King. In similar fashion, everything that Karen Brahe, or others

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Noblewomen on a salary Prior to the Reformation it had been viewed as particularly distinguished to have daughters raised by relatives in a convent, but it was the general custom to send the children to other homes for shorter or longer periods. In many families the daughters had a good literary education, refined manners and many skills in music and needlework; they had also learned how to run a house at the organisational level. If the family fell on hard times, they could therefore enter into service with better-off noble families as companions and governesses. These young women themselves used the word “service”, as was the case for one of the Gøye sisters, who worked for the Sehested family, or for a Mistress Parsberg with the Danneskiold-Laurvigs in the early 18th century. An unmarried woman of the old noble family of Urne was housekeeper to Leonora Christine Ulfeldt when she left the Blue Tower to live at Maribo; she was recommended by the wife of an admiral, with whom she had perhaps been in service previously. There was no shame in being paid for the work one did – even the Queen’s Ladies in Waiting received a salary. They acted as secretaries and buyers, helped the Queen’s Mistress of the Robes to raise the royal children, did expensive needlework, read aloud and generally made themselves sociable at the Court.

konfirmeres af kongen. Ligeledes var alt, hvad Karen Brahe selv eller andre sidenhen skænkede klosteret, urørligt. Hverken hendes egne eller andre giveres arvinger kunne gøre krav på midlerne. Kong Frederik IV ændrede et par småting i fundatsen, inden han konfirmerede den 15. marts 1717. Først fra denne dato var Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster officielt stiftet, og herefter blev de første jomfruer indsat. Jomfruklosteret var ikke blot beskyttet ved Frederik IVs og alle følgende kongers konfirmation, Karen Brahe kaldte endnu højere magter til hjælp: Hvis nogen misbrugte klosterets midler, var det “under Guds strafs forventelse”. Tog de derimod flittigt vare på midlerne, kunne de være sikre på “Guds velsignelse, den jeg og[så] hjertelig vil ønske over dem” – et magtfuldt forbund.

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at a later date, would donate to the Convent would be untouchable. Neither her own heirs nor the heirs of other donors would be able to lay claim to them. King Frederik IV made a few minor alterations to the trust deed before confirming it on 15 March 1717. This was the official date of foundation of the Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen, after which the first conventuals could be installed. Jomfruklosteret was not merely protected by Frederik IV’s confirmation and that of all future kings. Karen Brahe called even higher powers in aid: should anyone misuse the Convent’s funds, it would be “in the expectation of God’s punishment”. But if they managed the funds diligently, they could be sure of “God’s blessing, which I also cordially wish for them” – a compelling combination.

Rum 201 inden restaureringen. Den oprindelige, røde bemaling fra førstesalens opførelse anes tv.; der er hugget i pudsen for at få et senere pudslag til at hæfte. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. Room 201 before the restoration. There is a hint of the original red paint from the Renaissance addition of the first floor, left; the plasterwork was chopped to get a layer of plaster to stick. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Jomfruklostrenes organisation

Organisation of the secular convents

Klosteret og dets jomfruer skulle ledes af en priorinde. Det var en struktur, der stammede fra de katolske klostre og via Maribo var bibeholdt i Roskilde Adelige Jomfrukloster og alle senere jomfru- og frøkenklostre, også de ikke-realiserede. Ligeledes var det sådan i alle de nye klostre, at stifterinden oprettede et bestemt antal pladser, velsagtens dimensioneret efter den pågældende bygnings størrelse. Disse pladser blev, med mindre der var undtagelser i fundatsen, besat efter anciennitet med jomfruer, der var indskrevet, dvs. havde betalt et beløb og stod på venteliste. Også her fulgte stifterinderne en meget gammel tradition: Velhavende mennesker oprettede en seng eller købte plads i en eksisterende seng i stiftelser eller hospitaler, hvorefter de kunne disponere over den.5 I den katolske tid gjorde man det for sin sjæls frelse, et motiv, der faktisk ses helt til slutningen af 1700-tallet, hvor den syge eller fattige ofte skulle bede for giveren. Men der var også både før og efter Reformationen et reelt ønske om at give gamle tjenestefolk eller godsets folk en tryg alderdom eller generelt hjælpe syge og gamle, og i jomfruklostrene var køb af en plads således en hjælp til ugifte adelige. En plads i et jomfrukloster bestod af bolig og et årligt pengebeløb, kost, lys, varme, vask og øvrig husholdning samt tjenestefolk. Alt blev betalt af klosterets midler og indtægter. Indtægterne udgjordes af det, som stifterinden havde skænket, renter af indskrivningspengene, en tiendedel af det, som frøkenerne efterlod sig ved deres død, testamentariske gaver fra priorinderne og frøkenerne samt gaver fra udenforstående. Desuden havde Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster lejeindtægter af sine boder og haver. Flere af de andre klostre var godser med landbrug, kirker og andre herligheder, hvis overskud gik i klostrets kasse, men Karen Brahe holdt Jomfruklosterets økonomi og sit jordegods adskilt, det skulle hendes yngste broder og hans børn arve ifølge hendes testamente.6

The convent and its conventuals were to be led by a Prioress. This was a structure which goes back to the Catholic convents, and via Maribo was preserved at Roskilde Secular Convent for Noblewomen and all later secular convents, even those never realised. Similarly, in all the new convents, the foundress established a definite number of places, presumably dimensioned according to the size of the building in question. Barring exceptions in the trust deed, these places would be filled in order by the enrolled unmarried ladies, i.e. those who had paid a sum of money and were on a waiting list. Here too the foundresses followed a very old tradition: wealthy persons would establish a bed or buy a place in an existing bed in charities or almshouses, after which they had free disposal of them.5 In Catholic times this was done for the salvation of one’s soul, a motive which can be seen right down to the end of the 18th century, where the sick or poor person often had to pray for the donor. But there was also, both before and after the Reformation, a genuine desire to give aged servants or estate workers a secure old age or generally to help the sick and aged, and in the secular convents the purchase of a place was thus a way of helping unmarried noblewomen. A place in a secular convent consisted of an apartment and an annual allowance, food, lighting, heating, laundry and other housekeeping and servants. All was paid from the Convent’s funds and revenues. The revenues consisted of what the foundress had donated, the interest from the enrolment money, a tenth of what the conventuals left at their death, bequests from the Prioress and conventuals and gifts from outsiders. Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen also had rental income from its cottages and fields. Some of the other convents were estates with farms, churches and other delights, the surplus from which went to the Convent’s coffers, but Karen Brahe kept the finances of Jomfruklosteret and her landed estates separate, as her younger brother and his children were to inherit them under her will.6

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Fundats/ testamente Trust deed/ will

Konfirmeret/ i funktion Confirmed/ in function

Roskilde Adelige Jomfrukloster

1699

Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Sammenlagt med Roskilde Kloster 1974 / Combined with Roskilde Kloster 1974

1716

1717

Frøkenkloster Vemmetofte

1710erne / 1710’s *

Frøkenkloster Lellingegaard under grevskabet Vallø / Frøkenkloster Lellingegaard under the Countship of Vallø

1720erne / 1720’s *

Gisselfeld Adelige Jomfrukloster

1701

Krenkerup

1731 *

Frøkenkloster Lellingegaard (Vallø)

1733 *

Det Harboeske Enkefruekloster

1735

Støvringgaard Jomfrukloster

1735

1760

Vemmetofte Adelige Jomfrukloster

1735

Vallø Kongelige Frøkenstift / senere Vallø Adelige Jomfrukloster / later Vallø Adelige Jomfrukloster

1737

1738

Estvadgaard Kloster. Nedlagt 1804. Closed 1804

1745

* Ikke realiseret / * Not realised

Fotokredit / Photocredit: Roskilde Kloster: Roskilde Kloster Det Harboeske Enkefruekloster: Realdania Byg Støvringgaard Kloster: O.J. Rawert 1819. Det Kgl. Bibliotek Vallø Stift: Vallø Stift Gisselfeld Kloster: Gisselfeld Kloster Vemmetofte Kloster: Anders Sune Berg

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1755

Roskilde Kloster

Det Harboeske Enkefruekloster

StĂ¸vringgaard Kloster

VallĂ¸ Stift

Gisselfeld Kloster

Vemmetofte Kloster

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Jomfru og frøken Da Karen Brahe i 1716 skrev fundatsen til sit adelige jomfrukloster, lød jomfru allerede altmodisch. Nu kaldtes en ugift adelig kvinde for frøken. Brugen af de to ord var vandret nedad i løbet af 1600-tallet. Christian IVs døtre kaldtes frøkener, også efter giftermål, men fra 1650 skulle Frederik IIIs døtre kaldes prinsesser, og frøken gik helt ud af brug. Jomfru havde siden middelalderen betegnet en ung, ugift adelig. Ved Hoffet kaldtes de hofjomfruer, men omkring 1700 dukkede ordet frøken op igen, og de kaldtes nu hoffrøkener. Snart kaldtes alle ugifte af adel eller i rangen for frøken. Herefter blev jomfru i stedet betegnelse for det bedre borgerskabs døtre, men det varede ikke længe, før ordet gled nedad og blev benyttet om finere tjenestepiger som for eksempel kammerjomfru. I komedien Melampe fra 1727 skrev Ludvig Holberg, at det nu var kommet så vidt, at man

kaldte “borgerdøtre frøkener, stuepiger jomfruer, kokkepiger mamseller” – det var den finere franske madlavning, der gjorde det sidste. I anden del af 1800-tallet blev frøken knyttet til erhverv, der krævede en vis dannelse som skolefrøken, spillefrøken og barnefrøken. De, der havde fødevarer som erhverv, forblev jomfruer: Der var husjomfruen, som også kunne stå for madlavningen – omtalt og tiltalt som “jomfruen” uden navn – smørrebrødsjomfruer og bagerjomfruer. Karen Brahe vidste naturligvis udmærket, at det nu hed frøken, så brugen af jomfru må have været bevidst: Det pegede ligesom i Roskilde Adelige Jomfrukloster tilbage til Maribo og solid, gammeldags standsbevidsthed. Dronning Sophie Magdalenes kloster på Vallø kaldtes med velberåd hu frøkenkloster. Her gav kun 16 adelige aner adgang, men ikke rang som i jomfruklostrene.

Et adeligt projekt

An aristocratic project

Karen Brahe havde beregnet pladsen i Bispegaarden til otte jomfruer, men selv oprettede hun kun de to første pladser. Hun stiftede således ikke et komplet kloster, men stillede så at sige Bispegaarden til rådighed for andre, der ønskede at få anbragt en jomfru straks eller på længere sigt ville medvirke til at genoplive denne nyttige institution. At Karen Brahe har set Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster som et projekt af fælles interesse fremgår af, at det ikke var hvem som helst, der kunne oprette en plads. Man skulle være enten af dansk adel, af naturaliseret udenlandsk adel eller benådet med adelsbrev og ret til “hjelm og skjold at føre”. Klosteret var altså ikke oprettet som redning for den gamle jordadels forarmede jomfruer, som det ofte fremstilles, ligesom Karen Brahe selvfølgelig var bekendt med, at også nogle i den nye adel kom i klemme, når kun den ældste arvede grevskabet eller baroniet. Desuden har hun ikke været blind for, at den nye adel i ét og alt fulgte den gamles traditioner, også hvad angik velgørenhed,

Karen Brahe had reckoned on space at the Bishop’s Palace for eight conventuals, but she herself only established the first two places. Thus she did not establish the secular convent complete, but, as it were, made the Bishop’s Palace available so that others who wished to accommodate an unmarried lady immediately or in the longer term could do their part in reviving this useful institution. That Karen Brahe saw the Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen as a project of common interest is shown by the fact that establishing a place was not open to all. Interested parties should be from the Danish nobility or naturalised foreign nobility or have been granted letters of nobility and the right “to bear helmet and shield”. The convent was thus not founded in order to rescue the impoverished spinsters of the old landed nobility, as is often stated, and Karen Brahe was naturally aware that members of the new nobility could also get into difficulties, with only the eldest child inheriting the countship or barony. She was also

Der er gentagne gange flyttet rundt på dørene på Jomfruklosteret, og nogle døre er genbrug udefra – det kan man blandt andet se på hængslerne, der ofte er fra en helt anden tidsperiode end dørbladet. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. The doors of the Secular Convent for Noblewomen were repeatedly moved around, and some doors came from other places. This can be seen e.g. on the hinges, often from another period of time than the door leaf. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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Jomfru and frøken When Karen Brahe in 1716 wrote the trust deed for her secular convent for noblewomen, Jomfruklosteret, the word she used for an unmarried woman, jomfru, was already old-fashioned – like a “maiden” or “damsel”. By her time an unmarried noblewoman was called frøken. The use of the two words had come down in the world during the course of the 1600’s. Christian IV’s daughters were called frøken, even after their marriage, but from 1650, Frederik III’s daughters were to be called Princesses, and the term frøken went out of use. The word jomfru had since the Middle Ages designated a young unmarried noblewoman. At the Court they were called Hofjomfru – Court Maiden – but around 1700, the word frøken emerges again and they became known as Hoffrøken. Soon all unmarried noble or highranking girls were called frøken. The word jomfru instead became the designation for the daughters of the higher middle classes, but it was not long before the word slid down the scale again and was used for the better class of servant, such as the kammerjomfru (lady’s maid). In his comedy Melampe of 1727,

og derfor ville ønske at deltage i et sådant eksklusivt, adeligt projekt. Derimod nævnte Karen Brahe ikke den såkaldte rangadel, et begreb, der fandtes 1693-1730: De, der i kraft af deres embede stod i de tre første rangklasser og automatisk fik privilegier “lige med adelen”. I nogle af de senere klostre fik rangadelen eller de fem første rangklasser adgang. Vallø derimod krævede seksten adelige aner, her var den nye adel udelukket indtil en fundatsændring i 1838.7

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Ludvig Holberg wrote that things had gone so far that “burghers’ daughters are called frøken, parlourmaids are called jomfru and kitchen maids mamselle” – the last under the influence of French haute cuisine. In the second half of the 19th century, the term frøken became associated with occupations which required a certain amount of education such as school teachers, music teachers and nannies. Jomfru remained associated with jobs to do with food: a housekeeper, who might also be responsible for cooking, was addressed and referred to as plain “Jomfru”, and girls in fine bakeries and opensandwich makers were also thus designated. Naturally, Karen Brahe was well aware that the current term was frøken, so the use of jomfru must have been deliberate: just as with the Roskilde foundation, also a “Jomfrukloster”, it pointed back to Maribo and a good old-fashioned consciousness of social rank. Queen Sophie Magdalene’s convent at Vallø was studiedly called a “Frøkenkloster”. Here, at least 16 noble ancestors were required to be admitted, while rank was not taken into account before 1838.

not blind to the fact that the new nobility consistently followed the old traditions, not least with regard to charity, and would therefore be anxious to participate in an exclusive, aristocratic project of this nature. On the other hand, Karen Brahe did not mention the so-called “nobility by rank” a concept which existed from 1693-1730: it consisted of those who by virtue of their post occupied the first three rank classes and automatically received privileges “equal to the nobility”. In some of the later convents, the nobility by

Længdesnit gennem hovedbygningen, set fra nord mod facaden i syd. Opmålt 1925 af arkitekt og kunstmaler Thorvald Nygaard, Odense.

Longitudinal section through the main building, seen from the north against the façade in the south. Measured up in 1925 by architect and artist Thorvald Nygaard, Odense.

Oprettelse af pladser

rank or the first five rank classes were admitted. Vallø, on the other hand, required 16 noble forebears, and here the new nobility was excluded until a trust deed amendment of 1838.7

Karen Brahe ønskede selv at indsætte de tre første jomfruer, og hvis nogen af dem gik bort eller blev gift, ville hun genbesætte disse pladser, så længe hun levede. Derefter skulle hendes arvinger eller den, som hun i sit testamente udpegede til patron, besætte disse pladser. Efter de første tre jomfruer skulle der dog betales indskrivningspenge af jomfruens familie, af jomfruen selv eller af velgørere, som i flere tilfælde var patronerne. Eftersom Karen Brahe selv kun havde oprettet to pladser, måtte nogen allerede have lovet at oprette en tredje plads og givet Karen Brahe lov til at indsætte en af de første tre jomfruer i den. Desuden oprettede den ene af Roskilde Adelige Jomfruklosters stifterinder, fru Berte Skeel, og nogle slægtninge to pladser. Siden blev Plads I-III altid besat af patronen, deraf navnet patronpladser. Plads IV blev besat to gange af Scheel-Plessen og tredje gang af Jomfruklosterets patron, mens den grevelige familie Scheel besatte Plads V. Desuden indskrev Berte Skeel to jomfruer kort efter, at kongen havde konfirmeret fundatsen, og Jomfruklosteret var en realitet. I Roskilde var de 16 pladser hurtigt blevet fyldt op, og der måtte findes boliger til en del af de berettigede andre steder, så det nye kloster i Odense betød en aflastning.

Establishment of places Karen Brahe herself wished to install the first three conventuals, and if any of them died or married, she would refill these places as long as she lived. Subsequently her heirs or the person appointed in her will to be Patron would fill these places. However, after the first three conventuals, an enrolment fee would have to be paid by the conventual’s family, the conventual herself, or by benefactors, which in several cases were the Patrons. As Karen Brahe only established two places herself, someone must have already promised to establish a third place and allowed Karen Brahe to install one of the first three conventuals in it. One of the Roskilde Secular Convent for Noblewomen’s foundresses, Lady Berte Skeel, and some relatives, also established two places. Since that time Places I-III were always filled by the Patron and were known as patronal places. Place IV was twice filled by ScheelPlessen and on the third occasion by Jomfruklosteret’s Patron, while Count Scheel’s family filled Place V.

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Ældre væglærreder med tapet blev rullet op i dette rum, 203, under en kort konservatorundersøgelse i 1970’erne. Bag dem var en bræddevæg, oprindeligt med rød og gul bandebemaling. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

Older wall canvases with wallpaper was rolled up in this room, 203, during a short conservator examination in the 1970’s. Behind them was a partition wall, originally with red and yellow striped painting. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

Det var den velstående del af adelen, som Karen Brahe appellerede til om oprettelse af flere pladser, for det var dyrt. Prisen svarede til 1½ års admiralsløn. For dette beløb fik køberen og dennes arvinger ret til i al fremtid at besætte pladsen, dog mod betaling af indskrivningspenge hver gang. En anden model kostede en tredjedel mindre. Til gengæld kunne køberen kun indsætte én jomfru efter den første, som pladsen var oprettet til. Derefter ville kapitalen tilfalde klosteret, og det kunne selv besætte pladsen. Det var en satsning, for hvis de to jomfruer efter kort tids ophold døde, havde køberen ikke længere selv nytte af sin investering, men han eller hun kunne trøste sig med at have støttet klosteret som institution. Omvendt: Hvis nogle jomfruer levede endog meget længe, og hvis det skete i denne type plads, kunne der gå langt over 100 år, før klosteret fik kapitalen og pladsen til egen rådighed. Det skete i et par af pladserne.

Berte Skeel also enrolled two women shortly after the King had confirmed the trust deed and Jomfruklosteret was a reality. At Roskilde the 16 places were quickly filled, and homes had to be found for a number of the eligible candidates in other places, so the new convent in Odense was a means of accommodating them. Karen Brahe’s appeal for the establishment of more places was directed at the wealthier section of the nobility, as it was an expensive business. The price was equivalent to 1½ years of an admiral’s pay. For this sum, the purchaser and his or her heirs received the perpetual right to fill the place, though with the payment of the enrolment fee each time. Another model cost a third less, but, by contrast, the purchaser could only install one conventual after the first one for which the place was established. Thereafter the capital would fall to the Convent and it could itself fill the place. This was a gamble, because if the two conventuals died after only a short while,

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Bindingsværksvæggen i den modsatte ende af rum 203 er antagelig skillevæggen mellem de oprindelige to store rum på førstesalen. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

The half-timbered wall in the opposite end of room 203 is probably the partition between the original two large rooms on the first floor. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

I 1700-tallets anden halvdel var der oprettet yderligere syv pladser, så der i alt var elleve. Kun køberen af den ene af disse syv pladser er kendt, mens det fortaber sig, hvem der oprettede de øvrige. Pladserne blev fortløbende nummereret, uden skelen til, hvilken model det var: Den dyre, hvor køberen og dennes arvinger kunne besætte den til evig tid; den billigere, hvor pladsen kun kunne besættes to gange – eller endelig en plads oprettet med klosterets egne midler, som fundatsen gav adgang til. Derefter blev der ikke oprettet flere nye pladser, og samtidig blev færre og færre pladser besat.

the purchaser would no longer have the benefit of the investment, though he or she could console themselves that they had supported the convent as an institution. On the other hand, if the conventuals under this model lived to be very old, it might take well over 100 years before the Convent got the capital and control of the place. This happened for a couple of the places. During the second half of the 18th century, a further seven places were established, bringing the total to 11. Only the purchaser of one of these seven places is known, while the identity of the others is lost. The places were numbered by sequence, without regard to which model they were formed under: the expensive model where the purchaser and heirs filled the place for ever, or the cheaper model, where the place could only be filled twice – or finally, a place established with the Convent’s own funds, as the trust deed allowed. After this no further new places were established, and at the same time, fewer and fewer places were filled.

Indskrivning – et lotteri En tredje mulighed for at få en frøken i Jomfruklosteret var indskrivning “til forventning at komme i klosteret, når ledige pladser falde”. Det kunne trække længe ud, eftersom Karen Brahe havde besat de første tre pladser,

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mens de følgende var oprettede til bestemte frøkener, og de kunne jo sagtens blive meget gamle. Den sidste af de jomfruer, som Karen Brahe selv indsatte, døde først i 1779. Indskrivningsbeløbet var 300 rdl, hvilket svarede til årslønnen for en kaptajn i Søetaten. Det blev senere forhøjet, så det dog fulgte lidt med prisudviklingen. Der var klækkelig rabat for at indskrive flere på én gang, og det benyttede mange sig af.

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Enrolment – a lottery A third option for getting an unmarried lady into Jomfruklosteret was enrolment “in expectation of entering the Convent when places become vacant”. This could take a long time, as Karen Brahe had filled the first three places, while the following ones were established for particular women, and they might live until they were very old. The last of the conventuals installed by Karen Brahe died as late as 1779.

Rum 203 efter restaureringen. Der er opsat et lyst tapet, som svarer til et lag under de mange lag fra forskellige tidsaldre, blandt andet floktapet, der ses på de foregående sider. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. Room 203 after the restoration. Bright wallpaper has been put up corresponding to a layer under the many layers from different eras, for example the velvet wallpaper, which is seen on the previous pages. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

I princippet kunne en frøken også indskrive sig selv. Havde hun kun et lille beløb, kunne hun med indskrivningen investere det i bolig og forsørgelse på livstid, uanset hvor gammel hun blev, hvad formuen måske ikke ellers havde rakt til. Men der var den risiko, at hun enten ikke nåede at få ret til en plads, eller at der ikke blev en bolig ledig i hendes levetid. I det sidste tilfælde kunne hun dog få årpengene som hæving, dvs. udbetaling af et årligt beløb fra et kloster. De indskrevne jomfruer kom ikke ind efter tur i den første ledige plads, for klosterets kasse ville på den måde hurtigt blive tømt, hvis man for 300 rdl kunne blive standsmæssigt forsørget i 70 år eller mere. Jomfruklosteret satte derfor indskrivningspengene på rente, og først når der stod lige så meget på kontoen, som det kostede at oprette en plads, kom jomfruen ind næste gang, der blev ledigt. I mange tilfælde var pigerne derfor blevet midaldrende, før der var sammenfald mellem den fulde sum og en ledig plads. Det fik naturligvis familierne til at indskrive døtrene “på vuggen”, som det hed, så der blev sparet op så længe som muligt. Havde familien midlerne, kunne chancerne optimeres ved at indskrive døtrene i flere klostre: Før eller siden måtte de jo få bolig eller hæving et af stederne. Flere i Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster fik med tiden hæving fra andre klostre til at supplere årpengene her, mens beboerne i nogle af de andre klostre ikke måtte modtage andre hævinger. Et par frøkener, der var oprykkede til klosterjomfruer i Odense, rykkede senere op til fuld hæving eller en bolig på Vallø og foretrak det, og de frasagde sig derfor Jomfruklosteret, som det kaldtes. Der var status i at have døtre indskrevet i et eller flere klostre. Et af incitamenterne til adling var netop retten til at indskrive døtre i de nye jomfruklostre, og det gjaldt især de familier, der ikke købte jordegods og derfor ikke havde glæde af de skattefordele, som var forbundet med det. Indskrivning var et lotteri. Det siger sig selv, at familien havde tabt pengene, hvis datteren blev gift, og havde familien indskrevet flere døtre, der alle blev

The enrolment fee was 300 rixdollars, equivalent to the annual pay of a Navy captain. This was later increased, so it did follow price rises to a certain extent. There was a hefty discount for enrolling more than one person at a time, and many people took advantage of this. In principle, an unmarried lady could also enrol herself. If she only had a small sum at her disposal, she could by enrolling invest it in a home and maintenance for life, however old she became, something her capital might otherwise not have permitted her to do. But there was a risk that she might not achieve entitlement to a place, or that no apartment became vacant in her lifetime. In the latter case, however, she could receive the allowance as an annuity, i.e. payment of an annual sum from the Convent. The enrolled women were not granted the first vacancy by order of application, as the Convent’s funds would be quickly exhausted if it were possible to gain maintenance befitting one’s station for 70 years or more on payment of 300 rixdollars. Instead Jomfruklosteret put the enrolment money out at interest, and only when there was enough on the account to establish a place would the candidate be accepted the next time there was a vacancy. In many cases, the girls were thus middle-aged before there was a match between the full cost and a vacant place. Naturally, this encouraged families to enrol their daughters “from the cradle”, so the money could be saved up for as long as possible. If families had the means, they could optimise their chances by enrolling their daughters in several convents. Sooner or later they would be bound to be given an apartment or an annuity at one convent or another. Over time, several residents of Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen received annuities from other convents to supplement their annual allowance, while residents in some of the other convents were not allowed to receive other annuities. A couple of ladies who were promoted to conventuals at Odense, were later promoted to full annuity or an apartment

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gift, var tabet betragteligt. Var datteren eller døtrene desuden indskrevet i et dyrt kloster som Vallø, drejede det sig om en meget stor sum. Men frøkenen kunne også dø, før hun opnåede ret til en plads. Det skete for en halv snes af de ca. 65 piger, der blev indskrevet på ventelisten til Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster.8 Nogle ganske få frøkener takkede nej til pladsen, for når de omsider opnåede den, passede det ikke til deres livssituation. En blev for eksempel besidder af et stamhus og ville selv drive godset. To halvkusiner, de Lasson og de Rosenørn, sagde fra i 1772, hvor den ene havde arvet, og den anden havde mistet sin fader. Den sidste kunne antagelig heller ikke klare Jomfruklosterets trapper, for det hedder om hende i 1770, at hun var “kontrakt [sammenkrummet] og kunne aldeles ikke gå”.

at Vallø, and preferring this, renounced their places at Jomfruklosteret. There was status in having daughters enrolled at one or more convents. One of the incitements for seeking ennoblement was precisely the right to enrol daughters in the new secular convents, and this was particularly the case for the families who had not bought landed estates and so did not benefit from the associated tax benefits. Enrolment was a lottery. It is clear that the family would lose the money if the girl married, and if the family had enrolled several daughters who all married, the loss would be significant. And for daughters enrolled at an expensive convent such as Vallø, the sums were very large indeed. But the girls could also die before they achieved entitlement to a place. This happened to a dozen or so of the approximately 65 girls enrolled on the waiting list at Odense Secular Convent for noblewomen.8 A very few unmarried ladies declined their places, because when they were finally offered they did not suit the ladies’ life situation. One lady became owner of an entailed estate and wished to manage it herself. Two half-cousins, de Lasson and de Rosenørn, declined in 1772, as one had inherited and the other had lost her father. Probably the latter of these could not manage the steps at Jomfruklosteret, as it is stated of her in 1770 that she was “doubled up and unable to walk at all”.

Optagelseskriterierne I fundatsen var der fire betingelser for at blive optaget i Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster: Man skulle være enten af dansk adel, af naturaliseret udenlandsk adel eller benådet med adelsbrev, altså de samme grupper, der som nævnt måtte oprette pladser. Desuden skulle man være opdraget i den lutherske tro, ægtefødt og over fjorten år. Jomfruernes religion var ikke kun vigtig for den meget troende Karen Brahe; den blev nævnt i alle tidens klosterfundatser. I Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster skulle jomfruerne være opdraget i den lutherske tro

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Acceptance criteria The trust deed names four conditions for acceptance at the Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen. Persons should be from the Danish nobility or naturalised foreign nobility or have been granted letters of nobility, i.e. the same groups who were allowed to establish places. They should also be brought up in the Lutheran faith, be of legitimate birth and over 14 years of age. The religion of the conventual was not just an important factor for the very devout Karen Brahe; it

Korridor mod Ă¸stgavlen rum 217a, hvor man ser skorstenen med renselem fra den tilmurede gavlkamin i stueetagen. Ligesom mange steder i huset gemmer sig her elegante, hĂĽndmalede motiver under senere tiders monokrome overmaling. Foto: Roberto Fortuna. Corridor facing the east end room 217a, where one sees the chimney with the cleanout door from the bricked-in gable-end fireplace on the first floor. Like many places in the building, elegant, hand-painted motifs are hidden here under the monochrome painting over from later years. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

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og “ved den forblive”. Umiddelbart er det en mærkelig formulering, eftersom det dengang ikke var muligt at konvertere, men man kunne være reformert, som dronning Charlotte Amalie havde været, eller blive det. Karen Brahe ville måske have brugt ordet konfirmeret om alder og tro under ét, men konfirmation blev først indført det år, hun døde. Efter Grundloven 1849 måtte man frit konvertere, og det kunne blive et problem for dem, der allerede var klosterjomfruer. I Jomfruklosteret blev det aktuelt i 1887, hvor en 64-årig frøken udtrådte efter 13 år, fordi hun ikke længere var “luthersk”. Først i 1904 fastslog Højesteret, at Vemmetofte Adelige Jomfrukloster begik kontraktbrud ved at nægte en frøken forsørgelse for indskrivningspengene, da hun konverterede.9 Hvad alderen angår, var de første jomfruer, som Karen Brahe selv og Scheelerne indsatte, alle over tyve

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is named in all the convent trust deeds of the time. At Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen, the conventuals had to be brought up in the Lutheran faith and “remain in it”. At first sight, this is a strange formulation, as it was not possible to convert at the time, but it was possible to be Reformed, as Queen Charlotte Amalie had been, or to become Reformed. Karen Brahe might perhaps have used the word confirmed for the combined criteria of faith and age, but confirmation was only introduced in the year she died. Under the Constitution of 1849 there was a freedom to convert, and this might be a problem for those who were already conventuals. This came to the fore at Jomfruklosteret in 1887, when a 64 year old lady left after 13 years because she was no longer “Lutheran”. Only in 1904 did the High Court lay down that Vemmetofte Secular Convent for Noblewomen was in

Afdækning i rum 213a mellem rum 212 og 213. Dekorationen prydede også 213, hvor den nu er konserveret og genskabt. Foto: Roberto Fortuna 2013. Stripping in room 213a between rooms 212 and 213. The decor also adorned 213, where it has now been preserved and restored. Photo: Roberto Fortuna 2013.

Priorinde, patroner og patronesser “Så længe Gud under mig livet og helbred dertil, vil jeg selv forestå klosteret og dets midler”, skrev Karen Brahe i fundatsen til Jomfruklosteret, og hun ville selv udnævne en priorinde som klosterets daglige leder. Det gjorde hun dog ikke, men styrede klosterets økonomi og andre affærer til sin død i 1736, og først i 1740 blev der udnævnt en priorinde. I fundatsen omtalte Karen Brahe sin efterfølger som “klosterpatron og forsvar”. Patron var en institutions eller en kirkes beskytter og velynder, i dag svarende til protektor. Patronen varetog Jomfruklosterets interesser udadtil, men var også øverste instans indadtil i samarbejde med priorinden, der havde ansvar for klosterets dagligdag og hushold. Patronen og priorinden samarbejdede om klosterets overordnede anliggender, navnlig om økonomien, der i lange perioder var temmelig vaklevorn. Karen Brahe tog ikke stilling til, om patronen skulle være en mand eller en kvinde, ej heller om

år, og det gælder også for de pladser, der blev oprettet senere. I hele klosterets levetid var de yngste frøkener i 20’erne, de fleste mellem 30 og 50 år og enkelte nær de 60 år, når de rykkede op som klosterjomfruer og kunne flytte ind. En pige kunne dog optages før de fjorten år, hvis hun havde egne midler til at “oplæres i hendes kristendom og andre fornødne videnskaber, som hendes stand kan tilkomme.” Videnskaber betød dengang viden eller kundskaber, og det krævede betalt skolegang eller undervisere udefra. Det er dog ikke forekommet, at en klosterjomfru fik sin opdragelse i Jomfruklosteret. Derimod skete det sporadisk fra 1790’erne, at patronen, patronessen eller ejeren af en plads besatte pladserne med piger under fjorten år, faktisk helt ned til to år. Der blev også indsat enkelte lidt ældre piger, men stadig under tyve år. Nogle af dem var døtre af

patronen eller patronessen skulle være af Braheslægten, men i praksis kom Jomfruklosterets patronat til at følge den. Ved hendes død blev hendes 36-årige ugifte broderdatter og hovedarving, Susanne Brahe, Jomfruklosterets patronesse, den feminine form af ordet. Efter Susanne Brahes død i 1760 overgik patronatet til hendes broder, oberstløjtnant Preben Brahe til Hvedholm, som efter hende arvede Østrupgaard, Steensgaard og Damsbo samt flere ejendomme i Jomfruklosterets karré. Hele dette jordegods blev til Stamhuset Hvedholm, da Brahe døde barnløs i 1786. Det gik i arv til de beslægtede Biller, som ændrede navn til Bille-Brahe. Denne slægt overtog patronatet for Jomfruklosteret. 1787-1810 var stamherrens hustru patronesse, siden har klosteret kun haft patroner. Patronen for de sammenlagte Odense og Roskilde Adelige Jomfruklostre, Den Skeel-JuelBrahe’ske Stiftelse, er stadig et medlem af denne slægt, der siden 1873 har båret navnet Bille-Brahe-Selby.

breach of contract for denying a woman maintenance for her enrolment fee when she converted.9 As far as age is concerned, the women whom Karen Brahe and the Scheeles installed were all over 20 years old, and the same is true for the places established later. Over the whole life of the Convent, the youngest ladies were in their 20’s, most were between 30 and 50, and some were nearly 60 when they were promoted to conventual and could move in. A girl could, however, be accepted before the age of 14, if she had her own funds for being “trained up in her Christian faith and other necessary sciences to which her station entitles her.” Science then meant knowledge or proficiency and required paid school attendance or tutors from outside. However, it never happened that a conventual was educated at Jomfruklosteret.

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patronessen eller patronen eller nære slægtninge. Pigerne boede ikke på Jomfruklosteret, men hos deres forældre og fik årpengene som hæving. Kun én af dem kom til at bo på klosteret; det var en niece af patronen, som efter en familietragedie fik en patronplads som seksårig og flyttede ind som 22-årig. Hun havde pladsen i 65 år, men boede ikke i huset de sidste femten år. Hun var den sidste frøken i Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Det var formelt set ikke forkert at indskrive piger under fjorten år, for ejerne havde jo rådighed over pladserne, indskrivningspengene var betalt, og aldersgrænsen kunne som nævnt fraviges, når pigernes familier kunne betale for skolegang og den religiøse opdragelse, efter 1736 konfirmationsforberedelsen. Desuden blev adskillige piger af familier, der udmærket var i stand til at sørge for deres døtre, indsat i

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On the other hand, there were sporadic instances from the 1790’s onwards where the Patron, Patroness or owner of a place filled the places with girls under 14 years old, in fact as young as two years. A few slightly older girls were also installed, but still under 20 years. Some of them were daughters of the Patroness or Patron or close relatives. The girls did not live at Jomfruklosteret but with their parents and received the annual allowance as an annuity. Only one of them ever came to live at the Convent; this was a niece of the Patron, who after a family tragedy was given a patronal place at the age of six and moved in at the age of 22. She kept the place for 65 years but did not live in the house for the last 15 years. She was the last conventual of Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen. Formally speaking, it was not wrong to enrol girls under 14 years, because the owner had free disposal

Konservatorholdet er i gang med konserveringsarbejdet i rum 104, Salen. 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. The restoration team is in the progress of restoring room 104, the Hall. 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Prioress, patrons and patronesses “As long as God may grant me life and health, I shall myself manage the Convent and its funds,” Karen Brahe wrote in the Jomfruklosteret trust deed, and she herself was to appoint a Prioress as the daily manager. However, she did not do so, but controlled the Convent’s finances and other affairs until her death in 1736; only in 1740 was a Prioress appointed. In the trust deed Karen Brahe described her successor as the “convent’s patron and protector.” A patron was a protector and benefactor of a church or institution. The Patron looked after Jomfruklosteret’s outside interests, but was also the highest authority inside the institution, in cooperation with the Prioress, who was responsible for daily life and housekeeping in the Convent. The Patron and Prioress cooperated over the Convent’s general affairs, especially the finances, which for long periods were rather fragile. Karen Brahe expressed no preference as to whether the Patron should be a man or a woman, or from the Brahe family, but in practice the

pladserne nogle år før deres bryllup. De fik årpengene som hæving, der således blev en slags brudeudstyrslegat. Der er nemlig det ejendommelige ved Jomfruklosterets organisation, at når blot indskrivningspengene var betalt, havde hverken trang, familie- eller formueforhold nogen betydning. Disse piger, der reelt ikke havde behov for det, optog derfor en plads, indtil de blev gift. Det er blot at håbe, at de ikke spærrede for frøkener fra ventelisten, som i mellemtiden havde opnået ret til en klosterplads, for skønt formalia var i orden, stred denne kreative udlægning af fundatsen fuldstændig mod Karen Brahes formål med Jomfruklosteret. Når trang ikke var blandt optagelseskriterierne – skønt man skulle have troet, at det var det vigtigste – kunne de allerfattigste frøkener ikke komme ind, med

patronage of Jomfruklosteret would run in the family. At her death, her 36 year old unmarried niece and principal heir, Susanne Brahe, became Patroness of Jomfruklosteret. After Susanne Brahe’s death in 1760, the patronage went to her brother Lieutenant Colonel Preben Brahe of Hvedholm, who inherited from her Østrupgaard, Steensgaard and Damsbo, together with various properties in the Bishop’s Palace street block. All these landed estates became the Hvedholm Entailed Estate when Brahe died childless in 1786. The estate passed to the related Bille family, who changed their name to Bille-Brahe. This family too overtook the patronage of Jomfruklosteret. From 1787-1810, the wife of the head of the family was Patroness; subsequently all Patrons were male. The Patron of the combined Odense and Roskilde Secular Convent for Noblewomen, the Skeel-Juel-Brahe’ske Stiftelse, is still a member of this family, which since 1873 has borne the name of Bille-Brahe-Selby.

over the places, the enrolment fee had been paid, and, as mentioned, the age limit could be waived if the girl’s family could pay for schooling and religious education, or, after 1736, preparation for confirmation. Not only this, but several girls of families who were fully able to maintain their daughters installed them for some years prior to their wedding. They received the annual allowance as an annuity, which thus became a kind of bridal trousseau charity fund. The strange thing about the organisation of Jomfruklosteret is that once the enrolment fee was paid, necessity or family situation or wealth considerations had no significance. These girls, who in reality had no need for a place, would occupy one until they married. It can only be hoped that they did not stand in the way of ladies on the waiting list who had achieved the right to a convent place, because although the formal details

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Oprykning til klosterjomfru

Promotion to conventual

Når en plads blev ledig, kunne patronen eller patronessen selv besætte den med en frøken, som var særlig trængt, eller de kunne tage den næste fra ventelisten. Vedkommende skulle dog have været indskrevet så længe, at indskrivningpengene havde forrentet sig til samme beløb, som det kostede at oprette en plads. Når summen var nået, blev frøkenen oprykket til klosterjomfru, som det hed.

When a place fell vacant the Patron or Patroness could themselves fill it with an unmarried lady in particular distress, or they could take the next name from the waiting list. However, the person must have been enrolled so long that interest on the enrolment fee had increased it to the same amount it would cost to establish a place. Once the sum was reached, the candidate was promoted to conventual, as the expression went.

mindre de var i stand til at finde nogen, der ville betale indskrivningspengene for dem. Det er et paradoks i al filantropi for såkaldt “værdigt trængende”, at hjælpen ofte går til dem, der har ressourcer og ikke til de mest trængende.

Fællesskab Med kun de fire nævnte adgangsbetingelser: Adel, tro, legitimitet og alder tyder intet i fundatsen på, at Karen Brahe eller frøkenerne selv opfattede Jomfruklosteret som et kvindefællesskab. Frøkenerne var der ikke, fordi de var kvinder, men fordi de havde brug for forsørgelse, i betydningen at blive sørget for. Havde frøkenerne kunnet vælge helt frit, ville mange sikkert helst have haft mand og børn, hvilket dengang var det eneste, der gav status. Eller, hvis de ikke ønskede at blive gift, i det mindste deres eget hjem, hvor de selv kunne bestemme, hvem de ville være sammen med. Fundatsen nævner da heller ingen fælles aktiviteter eller retningslinjer for, hvad frøkenerne skulle bruge tiden til, ud over de to-tre timer dagligt, hvor de var nødt til at være sammen: Til morgen- og aftenbøn og måltiderne. Der er i de senere år opstået en fortælling om, at Jomfruklosteret var oprettet som et kulturelt centrum for lærde kvinder, hvor de kunne blive uddannede og dyrke litteraturen i Karen Brahes bibliotek. Men opdragelse og uddannelse indgik som nævnt slet ikke i klosterets formål. Desuden boede Karen Brahe ikke på

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were in order, this creative interpretation of the trust deed was completely against Karen Brahe’s aims in establishing Jomfruklosteret. Since necessity was not among the acceptance criteria – although one would have thought that it was the most important one of all – the poorest unmarried ladies could not come in unless they could find someone who would pay the enrolment fee for them. It is a paradox of all philanthropy for the so-called “deserving poor”, that the help often goes to those with resources and not to the neediest.

Community life With only the four stipulated admittance conditions of noble birth, faith, legitimacy and age, nothing in the trust deed indicates that Karen Brahe or the ladies themselves regarded Jomfruklosteret as a women’s collective. The ladies were not there because they were women, but because they needed providing for. If the ladies had had a free choice, many of them would probably have preferred a husband and children, the only situation which gave status at that time. Or, if they did not wish to marry, at least their own home, in which they could decide who they would be together with. The trust deed names no common activities or guidelines for how the ladies should spend their time, apart from the two or three hours a day in which they were forced to be together, i.e. morning and evening prayers and mealtimes.

Formentlig i 1720’erne blev der bygget en stor, moderne trappe i hver ende af hovedbygningen. De såkaldte italienske trapper var meget kostbare og hævede hele huset op i en ny klasse. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. Probably in the 1720’s, a large, modern staircase was built in each end of the main building. The so-called Italian stairs were very expensive and raised the standards of the entire building. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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Rum 111, priorindens spisestue, og døren ind til Salen, rum 104. 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Room 111, the prioress’ dining room, and the door into the Hall, room 104. 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Jomfruklosteret, men på Østrupgård, hvor hun havde sit bibliotek, og hvor det efter alt at dømme forblev efter Jomfruklosterets stiftelse. Hun brugte biblioteket og foretog nyanskaffelser indtil kort før sin død. I 1725 må dog en del af det være overført til klosteret, idet en magister takkede for et besøg der, men den første halve snes år efter stiftelsen fandtes muligheden for litterære studier ikke i Odense. Frøkenerne og biblioteket nævnes faktisk kun i sammenhæng i fundatsens sidste paragraf, der handler om biblioteket. Biblioteket skulle stå til rådighed for frøkenerne, men det var omstændeligt at bruge det. Priorinden havde nøglen til rummet og skulle spørges,

In recent years, the idea has arisen that Jomfruklosteret was set up as a cultural centre for learned women, where they could pursue their education and study literature in Karen Brahe’s library. But, as mentioned, cultivation and education are not named in the Convent’s objectives. Not only this, but Karen Brahe did not live at Jomfruklosteret, but at Østrupgård, where she had her library and where it remained, as far as can be told, after the foundation of Jomfruklosteret. She was using her library and making new acquisitions until shortly before her death. For the first 10 years or so, there was thus no opportunity for literary studies in Odense.

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når en frøken ville læse eller låne en bog, og lån og aflevering skulle noteres af den såkaldte skoleperson, der kom en gang imellem for at passe biblioteket. Hvor meget frøkenerne har benyttet sig af muligheden er uvist – udlånsbogen synes ikke at være bevaret.10 De 3.400 trykte bind havde desuden altovervejende teologisk indhold, med overvægt af en særlig type religiøs litteratur med suk, tårer, anger og anråbelser, mens de 1.150 håndskrifter hovedsagelig var ligprædikener. Selv for adelskvinder med tidens gode uddannelse, som den frøkenerne i Jomfruklosteret havde fået, var de fleste af bøgerne fuldstændig ulæselige. Mange af dem, trykt sidst i 1600-tallet og først i 1700-tallet, var skrevet af og rettet til mennesker med så brændende en tro, at det nærmede sig det vellystige. Man kan selvfølgelig ikke afvise, at enkelte frøkener har haft et sådant trosforhold, men det er noget ganske andet end at være litterært interesseret. Hvis Karen Brahe havde ønsket, at livet i hendes jomfrukloster skulle pivotere omkring biblioteket, og at jomfruerne skulle drive lærde studier, havde hendes fundats omtalt det. Som den er, giver den kun en række lavpraktiske løsninger på, hvordan man opretter en institution, får den til at løbe rundt økonomisk og holder styr på et hushold.

Priorinderne Jomfruklosterets daglige leder, priorinden, skulle være en adelig enkefrue af “dansk familie”. Her kan Karen Brahe specifikt have ment af den gamle adel. Hun skulle være skikkelig, der ikke betød et skikkeligt skrog, men vel skikket, velegnet. Også dronninger og kronprinsesser valgte adelige enker som hofmesterinder til deres og de kongelige børns hofstater: En erfaren og myndig dame, vant til at forestå et stort hushold, men nu uden egne forpligtelser. Karen Brahe har sikkert erkendt, at det kunne være vanskeligt at finde nogen, der både passede til profilen og havde lyst til at bo sammen med otte frøkener i et ældgammelt hus. Alternativt kunne

The ladies and the library are only mentioned in connection with the trust deed’s last clause, which is to do with the library. The library was to be at the disposal of the ladies, but using it was a long-winded procedure. The Prioress had the key to the room and was to be asked when a lady wished to read or loan a book, and the loan and delivery had to be noted by the so-called “school person”, who came once in a while to look after the library. How often the ladies took advantage of this offer is unknown – the loans book does not appear to have been preserved.10 The 3400 printed volumes in the library are also of predominantly theological content, with a preference for a special type of religious literature of sighs, tears, repentance and supplications, while the 1150 manuscripts were mainly funeral sermons. Even for noblewomen with what was considered a good education at the time, as was the case for the ladies of Jomfruklosteret, most of the books would have been totally unreadable. Many of them, printed in the late 17th century and early 18th century were written by and addressed to persons with so fervid a faith that it approached the libidinous. Naturally, individual ladies may well have had a faith of this nature, but that is very different from an interest in literature. If Karen Brahe had wished life in her secular convent to revolve round the library or that the conventuals were to devote themselves to learned study, it would have been mentioned in her trust deed. As it is, the deed contains only a series of severely practical solutions for establishing an institution, ensuring it could make ends meet and for keeping track of the household.

The Prioresses The daily manager of Jomfruklosteret, the Prioress, was to be a noble widow of a “Danish family”. Here Karen Brahe may specifically have had the old nobility in mind. She was to be worthy, which presumably meant well suited to the position. Even queens and crown princesses would choose noble widows as Mistress of

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Rum 216 under restaureringen, med skygger efter den sidste frøkens tætte ophængning af billedrammer. Omkring vinduet er man nået ind til det oprindelige pudslag. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

Room 216 during the restoration, with shadows after the last woman’s dense hanging of picture frames. Around the window, the original plaster coat has been reached. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

priorinden derfor vælges blandt de fire ældste jomfruer af “dansk adel”. Jomfruen skulle egne sig til stillingen og have færdighed i at “forestå regnskab og andet, som priorinden tilkommer at forrette.” Ordet “ældste” refererede ikke til frøkenernes alder, men til deres anciennitet i klosteret ifølge fundatsens § 20 om jomfruernes indbyrdes rang og stand. Det var klogt af Karen Brahe at vælge optagelsestidspunktet som indiskutabelt kriterium, for placeringen i et hvilket som helst hierarki var dengang altafgørende for selvfølelsen, og alle havde det som havkongens moder i H.C. Andersens Den lille Havfrue, der var “stolt af sin adel, derfor gik hun med tolv østers på halen, de andre fornemme måtte kun bære seks”. Det ville dog have været umuligt at afgøre hvilken af de gamle slægter, der var ældst eller mest fornem og derfor havde forrang. Faktisk havde der været evindelige skænderier og ligefrem korporligheder om dette emne i Maribo Adelige Jomfrukloster.

the Robes for their personal households and those of the royal children: as an experienced and authoritative lady, used to managing a large household, but now without obligations of her own. Karen Brahe had probably learnt that it could be hard to find someone who both matched the profile and had a desire to live together with eight unmarried ladies in an antique building. Alternatively, therefore, the Prioress could be chosen from among the four oldest conventuals from the “Danish nobility”. The conventual should be suitable for the position and have skills in “the control of accounts and other matters which it is the Prioress’s duty to perform.” The word “oldest” did not refer to the ladies’ age, but to their length of time in the Convent, in accordance with Clause 20 of the trust deed on the mutual ranking and status of the conventuals. It was wise of Karen Brahe to select the date of acceptance as the indisputable criterion,

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Efter restaureringen. Til træværket er valgt en farve fra konservatorernes farvetrappe, der matcher marmoreringen omkring ovnen, og til væggene et tapet fra samme periode. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

After the restoration. For the woodwork, a colour from the conservators’ archaeological studies concerning colour has been selected, which matches the marbling around the oven, and for the walls, a wallpaper from the same period. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

Jomfruklosterets første priorinde blev udnævnt i 1740, fire år efter Karen Brahes død. Det blev ikke en enkefrue, men den jomfru, som Karen Brahe i 1717 selv havde indsat som den første i Plads I og som derfor havde højest anciennitet. Susanne Parsberg var nu 48 år og havde i alle årene haft kontakten til Karen Brahe på Østrupgaard om praktiske og økonomiske forhold på Jomfruklosteret. Priorinde Parsberg døde 66 år gammel i 1758, et mærkeligt år i Jomfruklosterets historie, hvor også tre jomfruer, tjeneren, kusken og en kammerpige døde mellem februar og november. Indtil 1856 var priorinden altid en af de frøkener, der havde boet længst i klosteret. Det er jo ikke i sig selv en kvalifikation, og man kender ikke disse frøkeners baggrund og uddannelse, men de må have været yderst kvalificerede, for det var ikke så lidt, der hvilede på dem: Klosterets kapitaler på rente. Fjorten lejemål i karreen rundt om hovedbygningen og engen. Vedlige-

for an individual’s position in any kind of hierarchy was then vital for a person’s self-understanding, and everyone imitated the sea-king’s mother in Hans Christian Andersen’s The Little Mermaid, who was “proud of her noble birth and therefore wore 12 oysters on her tail, while the other aristocrats might only wear six”. However, it would have been impossible to determine which of the old families was oldest or most distinguished and therefore had precedence. In fact, there had been neverending arguments and even blows on this topic at Maribo Secular Convent for Noblewomen. Jomfruklosteret’s first Prioress was appointed in 1740, four years after Karen Brahe’s death. She was not a widow, but the conventual whom Karen Brahe herself had installed in 1717 as the first in Place I, and who thus had greatest seniority. Susanne Parsberg was now 48 years old and during all those years had been in contact with Karen Brahe at Østrupgård regarding

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holdelse af det store hus og lejeboligerne og styring af til- og ombygninger nævnes eksplicit i fundatsen. Priorinden førte regnskaberne vedrørende håndværkere og husholdningen med indkøb af råvarer, brænde og tjenesteydelser. Desuden var hun daglig leder af et hushold på en halv snes mennesker, og det har krævet sit at få hverdagen til at forløbe gnidningsløst med helt op til otte vidt forskellige frøkener i alle aldre med deres vaner og uvaner og særheder. Priorinden skulle rådføre sig med patronen om alle forhold, men skønt patronerne altid var meget velvilligt stemte og konstruktive, var de sjældent tilgængelige i det daglige. De havde deres godser, var involverede i politik, og en af dem var diplomat og posteret i årevis. Priorinden måtte tage de fleste beslutninger på egen hånd. Priorinden fik alt – årspenge, lys og brænde – i dobbelt mål, ligesom på Maribo og senere de øvrige nye klostre. Hun havde ansvar, besvær og repræsentative pligter, både over for enkelte gæster og med selskabelighed, ligesom hun var Jomfruklosterets ansigt i Odense. Til daglig fik priorinden kosten ligesom jomfruerne, og de skulle alle spise sammen “ved et bord”.

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practical and financial matters at Jomfruklosteret. Prioress Parsberg died at the age of 66 in 1758, an unusual year in Jomfruklosteret’s history, as three ladies, the servant, the coachman and a ladies’ maid died between February and November. Until 1856, the Prioress was always one of the ladies who had lived longest at the Convent. This was no qualification in itself, and the background and education of these ladies is unknown, but they must have been highly proficient, as their responsibilities were not light: the Convent’s capital put out at interest; fourteen tenancies in the street block round the main building and the meadow; maintenance of the large house and tenanted properties and control of additions and rebuilding work are mentioned explicitly in the trust deed. The Prioress kept accounts relating to building work and to the household, with purchases of commodities, fuel and services. She was also the daily manager of a household of ten or so persons, and it would have been a big job to ensure a friction-free day for up to eight ladies of widely differing personalities and of all ages, with their good and bad habits and peculiarities.

Et linoleumstæppe i rum 216 er istandsat og bevaret på sin plads. Disse tæpper kom på mode efter 1860, med blomster, mønstre som ægte tæpper eller, som her, med såkaldt parketteri. Foto: Roberto Fortuna. Modsatte side: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. A linoleum rug in room 216 has been restored and preserved in its place. These rugs were in fashion after 1860, with flowers, oriental rugs patterns or, as in this case, so-called parquetteri. Photo: Roberto Fortuna. Opposite page: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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Det skal tages bogstaveligt, for ved Hoffet og i store huse spiste man ved mange borde: Herskabet og dets nærmeste ved ét bord, kavalerer og damer ved et andet, ofte i et andet rum, og resten af husholdet fordelt i huset og køkkenregionerne. Men Karen Brahe ønskede altså ikke, at priorinden spiste inde hos sig selv eller ved et særligt bord. Hun forestillede sig dog ikke, at priorinde og jomfruer skulle leve som en familie med priorinden som moderligt overhoved, for det kunne sagtens forekomme, at priorinden var yngre end flere af jomfruerne. Om deres indbyrdes forhold nævner fundatsen kun, at jomfruerne ikke må svare priorinden studst eller på nogen måde vise sig modvillige eller genstridige over for hende. Opsætsighed ville blive straffet ved fradrag af halvdelen af årpengene, anden gang med trefjerdedele og tredje gang med bortvisning. Det blev dog aldrig nødvendigt at tage denne paragraf i brug.

The Prioress was to consult with the Patron in all matters, but although the Patrons were always kindly disposed and constructive, they were rarely present on a day-to-day basis. They had their estates, were involved in politics and one of them was a diplomat and posted abroad for years. The Prioress had to take most decisions on her own. The Prioress received all the benefits – annual allowance, lighting and fuel – in double measure, just as at Maribo and later the other new convents. She had the responsibility, the difficulties and entertainment duties, both with regard to individual guests and at social events, and was Jomfruklosteret’s face in Odense. In daily life, the Prioress received meals like the conventuals, and they all had to eat together “at one table”. This must be taken literally, because at the Court and in great houses, people ate at many tables: The master and mistress and those close to them at one table, gentlemen and ladies at another, often in a different room, and the rest of the household, spread throughout the house and kitchen regions. But Karen Brahe did not wish the Prioress to eat in her own quarters or at a special table. However, she did not envisage the Prioress and conventuals living like a family, with the Prioress as a kind of mother figure, as it might well be the case that the Prioress was younger than some of the conventuals. Regarding their mutual relations, the trust deed only mentions that the conventuals must not be short with the Prioress or otherwise behave grudgingly or stubbornly towards her. Insubordination would be punished by deduction of half of the annual allowance, and on a second occasion by three quarters and on a third occasion by expulsion. However, it was never necessary to put this clause into practice.

Pensionærer Ifølge fundatsen kunne Jomfruklosteret også optage pensionærer, “kostgængere” som det hed i fundatsen, hvis der var plads. Personer af samme adelige herkomst som jomfruerne kunne således bo i klosteret et år og betale kostpenge; det arrangement havde også

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Boarders According to the trust deed, Jomfruklosteret could also accept “boarders” as they are called in the trust deed, if there was room. Persons of the same noble origins as the conventuals could thus stay at the Convent for a

Et kig gennem tre rum enfilade langs stueetagens sydside (rum 110 gennem rum 111 mod salen, rum 104). Her i rum 110 lå priorindens spisestue efter en ombygning i 1869. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

A look through a suite of three rooms along the south side on the ground floor (room 110 through room 111 into the hall, room 104). The prioress had her dining room here in room 110 after a renovation in 1869. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

været brugt i de katolske klostre og i jomfruklosteret i Maribo. Det benyttede en håndfuld sig af, alle med tilknytning til frøkenerne og navnlig i de første år. En af priorinden Susanne Parsbergs fire søstre var pensionær i godt og vel et år. Hendes ophold blev betalt af svigersønnen til Karen Brahes fætter, Marcus Gøye, der var gift med Parsberg-søstrenes grandkusine, og denne søster var opkaldt efter grandkusinens moder. Det lyder usandsynlig indviklet, men er helt

year and pay board money; an arrangement which had also existed in the Catholic convents and in the secular convent at Maribo. A handful of women made use of this scheme, all with some connection to the ladies, and especially in the early years. One of Prioress Susanne Parsberg’s four sisters was a boarder for just over a year. Her stay was paid for by the son-in-law of Karen Brahe’s cousin, Marcus Gøye, who was married to the Parsberg sisters’ grand-cousin,

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karakteristisk for tidens vidtstrakte forpligtelser over for slægtninge og dem, som et familiemedlem havde været fadder for. Søsteren var selv indskrevet i Jomfruklosteret, men døde, mens hun ventede på en plads. I 1730 overlod Karen Brahe sin bolig i Jomfruklosteret, det såkaldte Patronessens Kammer, til frøken Anne Brahe Rosenkrantz. Hendes fader var en af Karen Brahes fætre, der fik seksten børn og var på fal-

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and this sister was named after the grand-cousin’s mother. This all sounds extraordinarily complicated, but is entirely characteristic of the wide obligations to relatives in those days, and also to godchildren. The sister was herself enrolled at Jomfruklosteret, but died while waiting for a place. In 1730 Karen Brahe handed over her apartment at Jomfruklosteret, the so-called Patroness’s Room, to

Priorindens spisestue efter restaureringen (rum 110). I en vinduesniche er der på et tidspunkt udhugget til skabe med hylder og låger i den 1,2 m dybe sydmur. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. The prioress’ dining room after the restoration (room 110). At some time, cabinets were hewn in the 1.2 m deep walls of the window recess. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

littens rand, og senere fik både en af frøkenens søstre og hendes faster, Karen Brahes kusine, plads i Jomfruklosteret. Frøken Rosenkrantz må have fået dispensation fra det ene år, for hun var pensionær i ti år. Da Susanne Parsberg blev priorinde i 1740, rykkede frøken Rosenkrantz ind i hendes plads og fik hendes værelse, da hun flyttede ned i priorindelejligheden. En af frøken Rosenkrantz’ søstre blev i 1760 den første priorinde på Støvringgaard Adelige Jomfrukloster. Hun havde som ung boet i København hos baronesse Christine Fuiren, der stiftede dette kloster samtidig med Det Harboeske Enkefruekloster. Hun opholdt sig vistnok hos en søster i Odense fra baronessens død i 1735 til 1751, hvor den første priorinde for Støvringgaard døde.11 Endnu en søster var indskrevet i Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster, men blev gift, og da hun blev enke, kom hun i Enkefrueklosteret. En ældre enkefrue boede her som pensionær, da der blev holdt folketælling i 1769. Hun og hendes afdøde mand var indbyrdes nært beslægtede, og de havde haft ikke mindre end fire fælles tanter i Jomfruklosteret, der dog alle var døde flere år forinden. I 1840 boede her en “kostgængerinde”, som der står i folketællingen. Hun var 16 år og niece til en frøken. Hendes fader havde været guvernør på De vestindiske Øer og var død seks år tidligere fra syv børn. Hvor længe hun boede i Jomfruklosteret vides ikke, hun var borte ved den næste folketælling fem år senere.

Klosterets tjenestefolk Husførelsen på Jomfruklosteret var indrettet som på et pensionat, hvor alt blev gjort af husets folk. Hvordan husholdningen i øvrigt skulle organiseres, berørtes ikke i fundatsen, for det forventedes priorinden at have forstand på. Desuden var der ansat personlig opvartning til frøkenerne. I 1700-tallet kaldtes de frøkenpiger, i 1800-tallet kammerpiger eller kammerjomfruer, til forskel fra stuepigerne og de piger, der gjorde rent og hjalp til i køkkenet.

Miss Anne Brahe Rosenkrantz. Her father was one of Karen Brahe’s cousins who had 16 children and was on the brink of bankruptcy; later it was somehow managed to secure places at Jomfruklosteret for both one of the lady’s sisters and her aunt, Karen Brahe’s cousin. Miss Rosenkrantz must have been granted dispensation from the condition of one year, as she was a boarder for ten years. When Susanne Parsberg became Prioress in 1740, Miss Rosenkrantz was promoted to her place and received her room when she moved down to the Prioress’s apartment. In 1760, one of Miss Rosenkrantz’s sisters became the first Prioress at Støvringgaard Secular Convent for Noblewomen. As a young woman she had lived in Copenhagen with Baroness Christine Fuiren, who founded this convent at the same time as the Harboeske Enkefruekloster Widows’ Convent. She probably stayed with a sister in Odense from the time of the baroness’s death in 1735 until 1751 when the first Prioress of Støvringgaard died.11 Another sister was enrolled at Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen, but married and entered the Widows’ Convent when her husband died. An elderly widow was living here as a boarder at the time of the census in 1769. She and her deceased husband were closely related to each other and had no fewer than four common aunts at Jomfruklosteret, though these had all died several years before. In 1840 a “boardress”, as it says in the census records, was living here. She was 16 years old and the niece of one of the ladies. Her father had been a governor in the Danish West Indies and had died six years previously, leaving seven children. How long she lived at Jomfruklosteret is unknown, but she was gone at the next census five years later.

Servants at Jomfruklosteret Jomfruklosteret was organised like a boarding house, where all work was performed by the staff. Other aspects of the housekeeping were not mentioned in the trust deed, as it was assumed that the Prioress

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Prototyper på klosterjomfruer Susanne Parsberg, der var klosterjomfru 1717 til 1740 og derefter priorinde til sin død 1758, var prototypen på de ubemidlede adelige, som Karen Brahe havde tænkt på, da hun stiftede klosteret. Parsberg-familien, med seks levende af ti børn, heraf fem døtre, var fuldstændig forarmet, da faderen døde i 1710, og enken måtte overlade gården, Brandholm ved Vejle, til en kreditor i 1717. En af Susanne Parsbergs søstre døde i 1738, mens hun ventede på en plads i Jomfruklosteret. I 1747 levede de tre øvrige søstre, hvoraf den ene var lam, i yderste fattigdom i Vejle. De havde tilsammen kun en lille rente fra den solgte gård, et beløb, der var mindre end en klosterjomfrus årpenge. Den ene af dem kom ind i Jomfruklosteret på en patronplads i 1760 og døde her som 82-årig i 1785, men de to andre hutlede sig igennem, til de døde i en høj alder. At Parsberg-pigerne havde behov for hjælp allerede i 1710’erne var evident, og Susanne boede muligvis allerede på Bispegaarden i Anne Brahes tid, eftersom hendes mormoder var kusine til Anne og Karen Brahes moder, Susanne Gøye. Der står intet om slægtskab i fundatsen, men så længe Braherne var Jomfruklosterets patroner, kom endog meget fjerne led af Gøye-familien ind på patronpladser. Det samme gjaldt flere familier af Rosenkrantz-slægten, hvoraf det gik nogle ilde under tidens forandrede forhold.

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Alkove, 213b, i rum 213. Overvæggen er dekoreret med et flammet mønster, der stammer fra tekstiler, det såkaldte Bargello eller point d’Hongrie. Det blev populært i renæssancen, og i barokken brugtes det ofte som møbel- og vægbetræk. 2007. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Prototype conventuals Susanne Parsberg, who was a conventual from 1717 to 1740 and then Prioress until her death in 1758, was the prototype of the noblewoman without means whom Karen Brahe had in mind when founding the Convent. The Parsberg family, with six surviving children out of ten, five of whom were daughters, was completely impoverished when the father died in 1710, and his widow had to make over the manor, Brandholm near Vejle, to a creditor in 1717. One of Susanne Parsberg’s sisters died in 1738 while waiting for a place at Jomfruklosteret. In 1747 the three other sisters, one of whom was paralysed, were living in the utmost poverty in Vejle. Together, they only had a small income from the sale of the manor, a sum which was less than a conventual’s annual allowance. One of them entered Jomfruklosteret in a patronal place in 1760, and died there at the age of 82 in 1785, while the other two struggled on until their deaths at a high age. That the Parsberg girls needed help was evident even in the 1710’s, and Susanne possibly already lived at the Bishop’s Palace in Anne Brahe’s time, as her grandmother was a cousin of Anne and Karen Brahe’s mother, Susanne Gøye. There was nothing about family relations in the trust deed, but as long as the Brahes were Patrons of Jomfruklosteret, even rather distant members of the Gøye family were admitted to the patronal places. The same applied to several families related to the Rosenkrantz’s, some of whom fell on hard times as a result of the age’s changing circumstances.

The alcove, 213b, in room 213. The upper part of the wall is decorated with a wavy pattern originating from textiles, the so-called Bargello or point d’Hongrie. It was popular during the Renaissance, and in the Baroque period it was often used as upholstery for furniture and walls. 2007. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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Alkove, 207 a, bygget ind i rum 207 og lukket af med en firfløjet foldedør. Til venstre er et meget senere køkkenelement under nedtagning i forbindelse med restaureringen. Foto: Lundqvist Tegnestue. The alcove, 207 a, built into the room 207 and closed off with a four-leaved folding door. To the left is a much later kitchen unit being taken down in connection with the restoration. Photo: Lundqvist Architects.

Alle priorinder havde deres egen kammerjomfru, som de selv lønnede, men som fik kosten af Jomfruklosteret. Hun boede ikke blandt de øvrige kammerjomfruer, men inde i priorindens lejlighed. Priorinderne tog hierarkiet nøje, hvilket fremgår af folketællingerne, som de udfyldte fra 1769. Her stod deres personlige kammerjomfru og senere klosterets husjomfru eller oldfrue altid øverst blandt tjenestefolkene og dernæst fulgte frøkenernes kammerjomfruer, en for hver to frøkener. Kammerjomfruer lyder som en luksus på et kloster for ubemidlede, men for kvinder af stand var moden sådan, at det ikke kunne lade sig gøre selv at klæde sig på eller sætte håret, og det gjaldt – bortset fra en kort periode i empiren – frem til omkring Første Verdenskrig. Kammerjomfruen ordnede desuden gangklæderne, vaskede personligt linned og kniplinger og holdt boligens finere indbo. Rengøring og storvask derimod var under hendes værdighed. Desuden gik en dame ingen steder uden ledsagelse. Kammerjomfruen gik med, men var der flere tjenestefolk, fulgte en pige damen ud og hentede hende igen, efter mørkets frembrud med en lygte – hun kunne godt gå alene. Nogle kammerjomfruer fik efterhånden en ny rolle, for frøkenerne kunne måske ikke klare sig selv, når de blev gamle. Flere af Jomfruklosterets beboere

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would know about this. Personal servants for the ladies were also engaged. These were called lady’s maids, in contrast to the parlourmaids and the maids who did the cleaning and helped in the kitchen. All Prioresses had their own lady’s maid, whom they paid out of their own salary but who received her food from Jomfruklosteret. These girls did not live with the other lady’s maids, but in the Prioress’s apartment. The Prioresses were keen on hierarchy, as can be seen from the census forms they filled out from 1769. In these, their own personal lady’s maid, and later the Convent’s housekeeper, always stood at the head of the list of servants, followed by the personal maids for the ladies, one for every two ladies. Lady’s maids sound like a luxury at a convent for persons without means, but, for women of station, fashion dictated that they could not dress themselves or set their own hair, and this remained the case – apart from a short period during the Empire period – right up to World War I. The lady’s maid would also see to clothing, wash personal linen and lace and maintain the finer possessions in the home. Cleaning and general laundry were below her dignity, however. Nor would a lady go anywhere unaccompanied. The lady’s maid would accompany her, but if there were other servants available, a maid would follow her on her way out and bring her home again, taking a small lamp after dark – there was no rule against her walking alone. As time went by, the lady’s maids took on a new role, as the ladies might not be able to manage on their own as they grew old. Several of Jomfruklosteret’s residents lived into their eighties. They would need help with personal hygiene, eating and moving about the house, so over the years the rooms would become a nursing home, just as happened in other homes of the period. Naturally, the ladies could not reserve a daughter for personal help as most parents did then,

blev op i 80’erne. De skulle have hjælp til personlig hygiejne, spisning og til at færdes i huset, og værelserne blev således med årene et plejehjem, ligesom andre hjem i datiden. Frøkenerne kunne af gode grunde ikke reservere en datter til personlig hjælp, som de fleste forældre dengang gjorde, og efter deres lebenslauf at dømme var flere tværtimod flyttet ind på Jomfruklosteret efter at have haft den rolle, til de selv blev gamle. Frøkenerne måtte desuden gerne holde deres egne piger, men skulle betale klosteret for kosten. Karen

and, to judge from their personal histories, many of the residents moved into Jomfruklosteret after having had that role until they became old themselves. It was permitted for the ladies to keep their own maids, but they had to pay the Convent for their food. Karen Brahe knew that obligations might arise towards a maid who had been employed for many years or to an elderly maid whom the family could no longer provide for. In the 18th century and the early 19th century, several maids were also employed to see to the common areas,

Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster set fra åen, et meget yndet motiv i 1800-tallet. Jomfruklosteret var dengang hvidkalket. Farvelagt litografi, 1860’erne. Odense Bys Museer. The Secular Convent for Noblewomen viewed from the stream, a very popular motif in the 1800’s. The Secular Convent was white-washed. Coloured lithograph, 1860’s. City of Odense Museums.

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Den høje klostermur med port og dør eksisterede frem til 1970, hvor Albanigade blev udvidet. Det var anden gang, der blev taget en bid af Jomfruklosterets grund mod vest. Første gang var 1858, hvor Albanibroen og gaden blev anlagt, og denne mur blev opført. Indtil da havde der kun været et stræde ned til åen, og Jomfruklosterets vestskel lå omtrent midt i kørebanen her. Odense Bys Museer. The high convent wall with gate and door existed right up to 1970, when Albanigade was extended. This was the second time a bite was taken from the western side of the Jomfruklosteret site. The first occasion was in 1858, when the Albani Bridge and Albanigade were created and this wall was erected. Until then there had only been a lane down to the river, and the Jomfruklosteret western boundary was approximately in the middle of the street. City of Odense Museums.

Brahe vidste, at man kunne være forpligtet over for en pige, som man havde haft i mange år eller en gammel pige, som ens familie ikke længere kunne forsørge. I 1700-tallet og først i 1800-tallet var der desuden ansat flere tjenestepiger til at ordne fællesområderne, sørge for lys og lamper og servere. Efter tidens skik tog den yngste i hierarkiet sig af de ting, som kammerjomfruerne ikke var ansat til: De bar natpotter ned til latrinen bag østlængen, bar varmt vand op og snavset vand ned, lagde i kakkelovnene og fjernede asken. I køkkenet var der en kokkepige og en bryggerspige. Til storvask brugtes vaskekoner, som ikke boede på klosteret, men blev hyret til vaskedagene af oldfruen eller husjomfruen. Af mandligt personale var der en kusk, som kørte med arbejdsvogn efter varer, og i en periode har Jomfruklosteret også haft vogn til frøkenerne. Kusken boede i staldbygningen. Desuden var der en gårdskarl til alt forefaldende, herunder havearbejde. Indtil Jomfruklosteret 1869-1871 af økonomiske årsager måtte sælge huse og jord fra, var haven en del større end i dag mod både nord og vest. Fra 1850’erne var der ikke længere råd til en gårdskarl, og der blev indgået kontrakt med en gartner, som foruden havearbejde, snerydning og flagning også sørgede for at fordele høsten fra havens frugttræer og buske.

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to attend to candles and lamps and to serve food. Under the custom of the time, the youngest in the hierarchy would take charge of the things the lady’s maids were not employed for: They would take the chamber pots to the privy behind the east wing, carry hot water up and dirty water down, put wood in the stoves and remove the ashes. In the kitchen there was a kitchen maid and a scullery maid. Washerwomen would take care of the general laundry; they did not live at the Convent but were hired by the housekeeper for washing days. The male staff consisted of a coachman who drove the cart for provisions, while for a period Jomfruklosteret also had a carriage for the ladies. The coachman lived in the stable building. There was also a yardman for general work, including gardening. Until Jomfruklosteret had to sell off buildings and land for financial reasons in 1869-1871, the garden had stretched much further than today both towards the north and the west. From the 1850’s there was no longer the money for a yardman, and a contract was made with a gardener, who, apart from gardening, snow clearance and raising the flag, would also distribute the harvest from the garden’s fruit trees and bushes. All the permanent servants lived at Jomfruklosteret. It is not known where the kitchen was situated and where

Alle de faste tjenestefolk boede på Jomfruklosteret. Man ved ikke, hvor køkkenet lå, og hvor tjenestefolkene sov, før den nuværende bindingsværksbygning blev opført omkring 1749. Måske i en separat, gammel bygning, der lå på grundens vestlige del, bag rækken af små huse ud til Bispegaardsstræde. Denne bygning blev i 1747 erstattet af en ny 15 fags staldog bryggersbygning. Tjenestefolkene kan dog også have boet inde i huset. I 17-1800-tallet sov de lavere placerede tjenestefolk mange sammen og på de underligste steder, selv på kongelige slotte: I aflukker på loftet, i skabe med hylder, under trapper, på pjalter og gamle sække i et hjørne af køkkenet. Det hører en senere tid til med en seng bag en tynd bræddevæg og efterhånden et rigtigt værelse til kvindeligt tyende. Tjenestefolkene fik naturligvis kosten på klosteret, og Karen Brahe understregede også her, at de skulle spise ved ét bord. Hun tog ikke hensyn til tjenestefolkenes indbyrdes hierarki, for det har sikkert ikke passet kammerjomfruerne at sidde sammen med bryggerspigen og gårdskarlen. Derimod levede denne jævne, landlige form op til hendes påbud om, at tjenestefolkene skulle leve skikkeligt, bære tarvelige, dvs. enkle klæder og være flittige og lydige. Var de ikke det, kunne patronen idømme dem bøder. Ingen af tjenestefolkene måtte forlade klosterets grund uden tilladelse af priorinden og jomfruerne. De skulle være tilbage, før porten blev lukket, og de måtte under ingen omstændigheder blive ude om natten.

the servants slept, as the present half-timbered building was erected around 1749. Perhaps it was in a separate old building in the western part of the plot, behind the terrace of small houses facing Bispegaardsstræde. In 1747, this building was replaced by a new 15-bay stable and brewhouse building. However, the servants may also have lived in the house. In the 16th and 17th centuries, lower ranked servants would often sleep together in large numbers, and in the strangest locations, even in royal palaces: in attic cubicles, in cupboards with shelves, under stairs, on piles of rags and old sacks in a corner of the kitchen. It would take until later times to receive a bed behind a scanty partition, and even later, a proper room for the female servants. Naturally, the servants received their food at the Convent, and here too, Karen Brahe emphasised that they should eat at one table. She took no notice of the servants’ internal hierarchies, as it would certainly not have suited a lady’s maid to sit with the scullery maid and the yardman. On the other hand, this simple, country style matched her injunctions that servants should live worthily, wear humble, i.e. plain clothing and be diligent and obedient. Otherwise they might be fined by the Patron. None of the servants might leave the Convent grounds without permission from the Prioress and the ladies. They had to be back before the gate was closed and under no circumstances stay out at night.

Restrictions and punishments Begrænsninger og straffe Man skulle tro, at Karen Brahe selv og senere priorinderne kun ville ansætte ordentlige mennesker. Ikke desto mindre indeholdt fundatsen drakoniske straffe: Hvis nogen blev taget i løsagtighed, vankede der for mændene et år på Bremerholm, Flådens værft – det værste af alle steder, hvor mænd i jernlænker sled som heste og døde som fluer. Løsagtige kvindelige tjenestefolk ville komme et år i Spindehuset, som var et tugthus. Men den straf kunne man også få for at bande ad

It might be thought that Karen Brahe herself, and later the Prioresses, would only employ trustworthy people. Even so, the trust deed contained draconian punishments. If anyone was caught in loose behaviour, the men could get a year at Bremerholm, the Navy yard – the worst of all places, where men in shackles worked like horses and died like flies. Loose-living female servants would spend a year at Spindehuset, a house of correction. Committal there could also result from swearing at one’s parents or disobedience, and might

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Det Ă¸stlige trapperum, 215. Alle flader er marmorerede og ĂĽdrede i forskellige tidsperioder. Til venstre for hjĂ¸rneskabet et kig ind i rum 214. 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. The east staircase, 215. All surfaces have been marbled and grained at different periods of time. A glance into room 214 left of the corner cabinet. 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

be for life, so the people at Jomfruklosteret were getting off lightly. As far as is known, it was never necessary to use these sanctions at Jomfruklosteret. The ladies too were subject to a number of restrictions. First of all, they were not allowed to leave the Convent without the Prioress’s permission. This had been a core demand at Maribo Secular Convent for Noblewomen, and would remain so in all the later secular convents. It was on this point that daily life most resembled a Catholic nunnery. The residents were shut in, concealed behind walls and locked gates. But the rules must have been administered less strictly than the trust deed demanded, as it seems very unrealistic that the Prioress should be troubled for the sake of a brief social call or a trip to the dressmaker. Shopping has always been a pleasure and the ladies would apparently visit the shops in Odense. In one of the few preserved letters to Karen Brahe, a 31-year old lady promised not to buy on credit again. This was in itself forbidden in the trust deed, but the next line appears to contradict this, as it states that everything the ladies bought during the year must be paid for by the year end. The ladies had to be back before the gate was closed, which was 9 p.m. in summer and 4 p.m. in winter. The latter time seems particularly disheartening, as 4 p.m. was the time when winter’s social life began, with athomes in the houses of the nobility and upper middle classes and dinner parties, theatrical performances and concerts. Karen Brahe never mentions her thoughts behind this restriction, as she cannot have intended living in her secular convent to be a punishment... and it was presumably never enforced. Family and friends were to apply to the Patron himself for permission to have the lady stay with them, and she was not allowed to be away longer than agreed unless the Patron had been asked for an extension. “If, contrary to expectations, any lady should be discovered in an unworthy and scandalous way of life” – this might be drunkenness, gambling, indebtedness and bad company – she would have to leave the Convent immediately. If she was “wanton”, i.e. loose-

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I Karen Brahes Bibliotek ligger en bog med salmer til fire uger og denne lille bog, der indeholder “Morgenbøn som daglig bruges udi Klosteret”, andre bønner og åndelige sange. Karen Brahes Bibliotek. Foto: Karsten Damstedt.

Karen Brahe’s library contains a book with hymns for four weeks and this small book, containing “morning prayers as daily used at the Convent”, other prayers and spiritual songs. Karen Brahe’s Library. Photo: Karsten Damstedt.

sine forældre eller være ulydig og det endda på livstid, så folkene på Jomfruklosteret ville slippe billigt. Så vidt vides blev det aldrig nødvendigt at tage disse midler i brug på Jomfruklosteret. Også frøkenerne var underlagt en række restriktioner. Først og fremmest måtte de ikke forlade klosteret uden priorindens tilladelse. Det havde været et kernepunkt i Maribo Adelige Jomfrukloster og blev det også i alle de senere jomfruklostre, og det var dér, at dagliglivet mindede mest om et katolsk kloster: Beboerne var lukket inde, skjult bag mure og aflåsede porte. Men reglerne må have været håndhævet mindre strengt end fundatsen forlangte, for det virker helt ure-

living or even immoral, all her means inside or outside the Convent would be forfeit. Whatever was meant by that, whether possessions or cash, Frederik IV found it too harsh, and modified the clause when confirming the trust deed in 1717, such that the wicked lady would only lose half of the means which she owned outside the Convent.

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Prayer twice daily It would have been unrealistic to make demands on the sincerity of the ladies’ faith, but they had to manifest it outwardly. They and their lady’s maids were not to

alistisk, at priorinden skulle ulejliges for en visit eller et besøg hos dameskrædderinden. Indkøb har til alle tider været en fornøjelse, og frøkenerne gik tilsyneladende rundt og handlede i Odense. I et af de få bevarede breve til Karen Brahe lovede en 31-årig jomfru, at hun ikke igen ville tage på kredit. Det var ganske vist forbudt i fundatsen, men i næste linje står lidt selvmodsigende, at ved årsskiftet skulle alt, hvad jomfruerne havde købt i årets løb, være betalt. Frøkenerne skulle være tilbage, når porten blev lukket, om sommeren kl. 21, om vinteren kl. 16. Navnlig det sidste lyder trist, for det var efter dét klokkeslæt, at vinterens selskabelighed begyndte, med modtagelsesdage hos adel og højere borgerskab og med middagsselskaber, teaterforestillinger og koncerter. Hvad Karen Brahes dybere mening med denne restriktion var, nævner hun ikke, for hun har vel ikke opfattet det som en straf at bo i hendes jomfrukloster… Den blev næppe heller håndhævet. Familie og venner skulle anmode selveste patronen om at lade en frøken rejse på besøg hos dem, og hun måtte ikke blive væk længere end aftalt, ellers skulle patronen søges om forlængelse af opholdet. “Hvis nogen jomfru i klosteret befindes, imod forhåbning, udi et uskikkeligt og forargeligt levnet” – det kunne betyde druk, hasard, gældsstiftelse og dårligt selskab – skulle hun straks forlade klosteret. Var hun “løsagtig”, dvs. letfærdig eller ligefrem usædelig, skulle desuden alle hendes midler i og uden for klosteret tilfalde det. Hvad der end mentes med dét, løsøre eller rede penge, fandt Frederik IV det nu alligevel for hårdt og modificerede det, inden han konfirmerede fundatsen i 1717, således at den slemme frøken kun kunne miste halvdelen af de midler, som hun ejede uden for klosteret.

miss any sermon unless they were ill. St. Knud’s was their parish church, and here Jomfruklosteret rented in 1727 a gallery and a closed pew, as the ladies and their servants did not sit together. The ladies also had to hold morning and evening prayers together every day – the only common activity apart from the day’s two meals. How these prayer times were organised was apparently down to the Prioress. The trust deed gives no guidelines for format and content, and neither hymn singing, Bible readings or special books are mentioned. The whole household had to be present, so the ten or so servants would have to interrupt their work at 8.30 in the winter and 8.00 in the summer, when they would already long have been at work. Evening prayers took place at 4 p.m. in winter and 5 p.m. in summer, when the servants’ work would not yet be done. The prayers should be held “in the place in the Convent which shall be ordained thereto”. In other words, in 1716 Karen Brahe had not yet decided where this should be. In an inventory of 1738, the largest rooms in the house are called “the big room”, “the blue room” and “the prayer room”. These designations are not used consistently, as in later inventories “the big room” can mean both the large hall to the west, which became the library, and the transversal hall more or less in the middle of the house, room 104. An anteroom outside the prayer room is mentioned, but what was meant by ante-room is hard to tell. Maybe it was one of the two stairwells, most probably the left-hand one. In 1793, a room is called “the prayer chamber”, which sounds like a smaller room. As in all other places, in private homes, secular convents and almshouses, joint prayer began to disappear at the start of the 19th century.

Bøn to gange dagligt

A fitting funeral

Det ville være urealistisk at stille krav til inderligheden i frøkenernes tro, men udadtil skulle de manifestere den. De og deres kammerpiger måtte ikke forsømme

Karen Brahe had also thought about the conventuals’ funerals. If the lady was over 18 years old, the Convent would pay for the funeral. Who was to pay if the person

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nogen prædiken, med mindre de var syge. St. Knuds var deres sognekirke, og her lejede Jomfruklosteret i 1727 et pulpitur og en lukket stol, idet frøkenerne og pigerne ikke sad sammen. Desuden skulle frøkenerne hver dag holde morgen- og aftenbøn sammen – den eneste fælles aktivitet ud over dagens to måltider. Hvordan denne bønnestund forløb var åbenbart op til priorinden. Fundatsen har ingen retningslinjer for form og indhold, hverken salmesang, oplæsning af Bibelen eller særlige skrifter nævnes. Hele husholdet skulle være til stede, så den halve snes tjenestefolk måtte afbryde deres arbejde kl. 8.30 om vinteren og kl. 8 om sommeren, hvor de allerede havde været i gang længe. Aftenbønnen fandt sted kl. 16 om vinteren og kl. 17 om sommeren, hvor de ikke var færdige endnu. Bønnen skulle holdes “på det sted i klosteret, som dertil ordineret bliver”. Karen Brahe havde altså i 1716 endnu ikke besluttet, hvor det skulle foregå. I et inventarium 1738 benævnes husets største rum som “Den store Stue”, “Den blå Stue” og “Bedestuen”. Benævnelserne er ikke brugt konsekvent, for i senere inventarier kan “Den store Stue” betegne både den store sal i vest, der blev bibliotek, og den gennemgående sal omtrent midt i huset. Der nævnes en forstue foran bedestuen, men hvad man regnede for en forstue er ikke til at sige. Måske var det et af de to trapperum, mest sandsynligt det vestre. I 1793 kaldes et rum “Bedekammeret”, hvilket lyder som et mindre rum. Som alle andre steder, i private hjem, klostre og stiftelser, gled den fælles bøn ud i begyndelsen af 1800tallet.

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was between 14 and 18 is not mentioned, but luckily this was never the case. Nothing is said about where or how the ladies are to be buried. Generally the landed estates would have one or more churches attached to them, inside which the owners had had their burial place for centuries, either under the floor, marked with large monumental plaques, or in side chapels. Towards the end of the 17th century, a funeral ceremony and tomb could not be lavish enough, and the final generation of the rich nobility provided themselves with monuments with swelling marble curves, huge sarcophagi and gilded gratings – such as the tomb of Karen Brahe’s uncle, Marcus Gøye, whose widow had one of the most magnificent monuments in the country erected at Herlufsholm Church. The ancestors of the Convent’s ladies, including the unmarried daughters, had thus been laid to rest in a manner befitting their station; but now many families of the old landed nobility had lost their churches together with their estates, and only a few of the ladies at Jomfruklosteret were buried in a family grave. The others could look forward to being interred in St. Knud’s Churchyard like ordinary people, a thought which would doubtless have been another nail in their coffin at a time when funerals, more than any other event in life, signalled a person’s station. The ladies’ salvation was to be Beate Margrethe Bielke, widow of Anders Bille of Løgismose. She wished to give them a fitting burial, and in 1732 donated to Jomfruklosteret the Bille family’s brick-built burial chamber at Haarby Church, which belonged to her estate.

Ejeren af Haarby Kirke skænkede Jomfruklosteret en gravhvælving, og næsten alle frøkener blev nedsat her fra 1758 til 1788, hvor der ikke var plads til flere kister. Kistepladerne af bly og blik findes stadig i kirken, de fleste i så dårlig forfatning, at de er næsten ulæselige. 2013. Fotos: Rasmus Agertoft.

Standsmæssig begravelse Karen Brahe havde også tænkt på klosterjomfruernes begravelse. Var afdøde over atten år, betalte klosteret begravelsen. Hvem der betalte, hvis afdøde var mellem fjorten og atten år, nævnes ikke, men det blev heldigvis ikke aktuelt. Der står intet om, hvor og hvordan frøkenerne skulle begraves. Til godserne hørte som oftest en eller flere kirker, hvor ejerne gennem århundreder havde deres gravsteder inde i kirken, enten under gulvet, markeret med store gravplader eller epitafier, eller i kapeller. I slutningen af 1600-tallet kunne begravelsesceremoni og gravsted ikke blive overdådige nok, og den sidste generation af rig adel fik gravmæler med svulmende marmor, store sarkofager og gitre med forgyldninger – som f.eks. Karen Brahes morbroder, Marcus Gøye, hvis enke lod opføre et af landets prægtigste gravmæler i Herlufsholm Kirke. Frøkenernes forfædre, også de ugifte døtre, var således stedt standsmæssigt til hvile, men nu havde mange familier af den gamle jordadel mistet deres kirker sammen med godset, og kun nogle få af frøkenerne i Jomfruklosteret blev nedsat i et familiegravsted. De øvrige kunne se frem til at blive jordet på St. Knuds Kirkegård ligesom jævne folk, og den tanke har uden tvivl været en pind til deres ligkiste i en tid, hvor begravelser mere end nogen anden livsbegivenhed signalerede ens stand. Frøkenernes redning blev Beate Margrethe Bielke, enke efter Anders Bille til Løgismose. Hun ønskede at give dem en standsmæssig begravelse, og i 1732 skænkede hun Jomfruklosteret slægten Billes murede familiegravsted i Haarby Kirke, som hørte under hendes gods.

The tomb was used for the first time in 1758 when Prioress Parsberg died. Over the next 30 years, St. Knud’s church register records 14 times, almost as a fixed expression, that on such and such a date, “the Honourable Miss XX’s body at Jomfruklosteret was carried off at eight o’clock in the morning for interment in their burial plot in the country.” And in the Haarby church register on the same day: “Graveside ceremony for the Honourable Miss XX” and the lady’s age. The whole ceremony was in accordance with the ancient noble fashion of bringing the coffin to the estate church. Almost 30 years later, Prioress Parsberg’s sister was the second-last person to be entombed at Haarby. But after a burial in 1788 there was no more room, and the burial chamber was bricked up. In 1856, the crypt and coffins were found during a restoration of the church. In 1943 the ladies’ coffins were buried in the churchyard and marked with a common gravestone. The coffin plates in lead and silver with their long and movingly devote texts, now hardly readable, are kept in Haarby Church.12 Burial inside churches was forbidden in 1805, and from 1811 the ladies who died at the Convent were buried at the Assistens Cemetery like all other Odense citizens. Some of the ladies did not die at Jomfruklosteret, either because they were away at the time of death or because they lived elsewhere, as mentioned before, generally with family or friends. Some families had perhaps completely forgotten that the lady was a conventual – in one case it was four years before a brother informed the Patron about her death.

The owner of Haarby Church donated a burial vault to the Secular Convent for Noblewomen, and almost all the ladies were buried here from 1758 to 1788, when there was no room for more coffins. The lead and tin coffin plates are still in the church. Most of them are in such poor condition, that they are almost unreadable. 2013. Photos: Rasmus Agertoft.

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Gravstedet blev brugt første gang i 1758, da priorinde Parsberg døde. De næste 30 år stod der fjorten gange som en nærmest fast vending i St. Knuds kirkebog, at den og den dato “blev velbårne frøken X.X.s lig på Jomfruklosteret bortført om morgenen klokken 8te til at indsættes udi deres begravelse på landet” – og i Haarbys kirkebog ud for samme dag: “Kast[et] jord paa velbåren Frøken X.X” samt hendes alder. To frøkener blev ført direkte til Haarby. Det var som på Jørgen Brahes tid, hvor adelen lod kisterne føre lange veje fra dødsstedet til St. Knuds, som kunne rumme de mange begravelsesgæster, og derefter tilbage til den kirke, hvor kisten skulle nedsættes. Næsten 30 år senere var priorinde Parsbergs søster den næstsidste, der blev gravsat i Haarby. Da frøken Schleppegrell var sat ind i 1788, kunne der ikke være flere kister, og gravkrypten under koret blev tilmuret. I 1856 blev krypten og kisterne genfundet under en restaurering af kirken, og i 1943 blev kisterne genbegravet på kirkegården. I dag findes kun kistepladerne som minde om frøkenernes fornemme hvilested.12 Det blev forbudt at begrave inde i kirkerne i 1805, og fra 1811 blev de frøkener, som døde på klosteret, begravede på Assistens Kirkegård som alle andre Odense-borgere. Adskillige af frøkenerne døde ikke på Jomfruklosteret, enten fordi de var bortrejste, da døden indtraf, eller fordi de som nævnt boede andre steder, som regel hos familie og venner. Nogle familier havde måske helt glemt, at frøkenen var klosterjomfru – i et tilfælde varede det fire år, før en broder sendte patronen besked om dødsfaldet.

Frøkenerne i 1700-tallet Fundatsen havde retningslinjer for frøkenernes påklædning, selvom Karen Brahe ikke forlangte ensartede dragter eller – som senere på Vallø Frøkenkloster – en ordensdragt ved særlige lejligheder. Men de måtte “ingen overdådighed bruge i klædedragt med guld og sølv,

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The ladies in the 18th century The trust deed had guidelines for the ladies’ clothing, though Karen Brahe did not demand uniforms or – as later at Vallø Royal Convent – a habit for special occasions. But they were not permitted “any luxury in raiment with gold and silver or costly edging; when they are in the Convent, their best clothing shall be black silk”. Karen Brahe wanted to prevent the ladies from competing to be the best dressed on festive occasions within the Convent walls, but like several of her rules, this one is unclear: does it mean that it is permitted to wear coloured clothing for family events and the like outside the Convent? The provision was in any case a drastic one, as in the 18th century, black was solely used for mourning and only for a limited period. Only in the mid-19th century did black and other dark colours become fashionable for older women, not just widows, but spinsters as well. There was no prohibition on colours for daily wear.

Marriage The ladies could freely choose to leave Jomfruklosteret, but it apparently never occurred to Karen Brahe that anyone would want to do so, as no guidelines for withdrawal are given. However, there is a description of how marriages should be handled. A lady was permitted to get engaged, but not secretly, as otherwise she would lose all that she brought with her into the Convent. Like several other provisions in Karen Brahe’s trust deed, this one is rather unclear; does it refer to what the lady owned when she was promoted to conventual or what she owned when she became secretly engaged? Even the ladies without means in the patronal places could inherit, be it little or much, while they were at Jomfruklosteret. The suitor must be “a person of her station” and openly ask her parents for her hand. If she had no parents or family or friends, she should first ask the advice of God, and then the Patron or Patroness. With regard to station, the ladies became less noble, if

I Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster fandtes en stor samling portrætter, som nu befinder sig i Roskilde Kloster. Størstedelen af dem viser Brahe-familien og indgiftede slægter, og således var flere af de portrætterede også slægtninge til de første frøkener i Jomfruklosteret. Men der er ikke et eneste billede af en frøken. En af dem, Hylleborg Arenfeldt, har imidlertid efterladt eller foræret klosteret portrætter af to af sine fire søstre, som hun sikkert har lignet. Pigerne er malet i 1690’erne, og den ene er kun 8 år, står der på maleriet. Deres fader var Jørgen Arenfeldt til Rugaard, kendt for sine hårde hekseprocesser og for at have ruineret familien, der omfattede tolv børn. Karen Brahe indsatte Hylleborg Arenfeldt i en af de tre patronpladser i 1717, da hun var 27 år. To søstre kom i Roskilde Kloster. En fjerde søster blev gift med en Pentz til Meilgaard. To døtre af hans første ægteskab kom i Jomfruklosteret, den ene indsat af Karen Brahe ligeledes i 1717. Selv døde Pentz forarmet i en lejevåning i Sæby i 1729, og hans enke kom i Det Harboeske Enkefruekloster. Den femte søster blev gift von Dewitz og dermed svigerinde til en rig generalinde, som skænkede Jomfruklosteret en stor pengegave og oprettede en plads til en grandniece. Frøken Arenfeldt og den ene af frøkenerne Pentz døde i 1758, hvor Jomfruklosteret ser ud til at have været ramt af en epidemi. Foruden de to frøkener døde nemlig også priorinden og endnu en frøken, en kammerpige, tjeneren og kusken mellem februar og november 1758. Roskilde Kloster. Foto: Karsten Damstedt.

Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen contained a large collection of portraits, which are now at Roskilde Kloster. Most of them show the Brahe family and intermarried relatives, and thus several of the subjects were also relatives of the first ladies at Jomfruklosteret. But there is not a single portrait of an actual lady. One of the ladies, however, Hylleborg Arenfeldt, left or gave to the Convent portraits of two of her four sisters, and she would probably have resembled them. The girls were painted in the 1690’s, and one is only eight years old, as is stated on the painting. Their father was Jørgen Arenfeldt of Rugaard, known for his harsh witch trials and for ruining the family, which counted 12 children. Karen Brahe installed Hylleborg Arenfeldt in one of the three patronal places in 1717, when she was 27 years old. Two sisters went to Roskilde Kloster. A fourth sister was married to a Pentz of Meilgaard. Two daughters of his first marriage entered Jomfruklosteret, one of them installed by Karen Brahe, again in 1717. Pentz himself died in poverty in a rented flat in Sæby in 1729, and his widow entered the Harboeske Enkefruekloster Widows Convent. The fourth sister married a von Dewitz, and thus became sisterin-law to a rich general’s wife who gave Jomfruklosteret a large gift of money and established a place for a grandniece. Miss Arenfeldt and one of the Misses Pentz died in 1758, when Jomfruklosteret seems to have been struck by an epidemic. Apart from the two ladies, the Prioress and one other lady died, and also a lady’s maid, the waiter and the coachman, all between February and November 1758. Roskilde Kloster. Photo: Karsten Damstedt.

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Salen, rum 104, i Jomfruklosterets tid det fornemste fællesrum. 1901. Foto: Andrea Gomard (1860-1944), Odense. Det Kgl. Bibliotek. The Hall, room 104, the most elegant common room in the Secular Convent for Noblewomen. 1901. Photo: Andrea Gomard (1860-1944), Odense. The Royal Library.

eller kostbare bræmmer; når de er i klosteret, skal deres bedste klæder være sort silketøj”. Karen Brahe har villet undgå, at frøkenerne konkurrerede om at være den bedst klædte ved festlige lejligheder inden for klosterets mure, men som flere af hendes regler er den uklar: Betød det, at de måtte bære broget festtøj ved familiebegivenheder og andet uden for klosteret? Bestemmelsen var i øvrigt dramatisk, for sort blev i 1700-tallet udelukkende brugt ved sorg og kun i et begrænset tidsrum. Først midt i 1800-tallet kom sort og andre mørke farver på mode for ældre kvinder, ikke kun enker, men også ugifte. Til daglig var der ikke forbud mod farver.

Giftermål Det stod frøkenerne frit for at fraflytte Jomfruklosteret, men det faldt øjensynligt ikke Karen Brahe ind, at nogen skulle ønske det, eftersom der ikke er angivet retningslinjer for udtrædelse. Derimod er det beskrevet, hvordan der skulle forholdes ved giftermål. En jomfru måtte gerne forlove sig, men ikke hemmeligt, for så ville hun miste alt, hvad hun havde med ind i klosteret. Denne bestemmelse er som flere andre i Karen Brahes fundats temmelig uklar, for mentes der dét, som jomfruen ejede, når hun blev oprykket til klosterjomfru, eller det hun ejede, når hun indgik en hemmelig forlovelse? Selv de ubemidlede i patronpladserne kunne jo arve, lidt eller meget, mens de boede i Jomfruklosteret. Frieren skulle være “en person af hendes stand” og åbent anmode om hendes hånd hos forældrene. Havde hun ingen forældre og heller ikke slægtninge eller venner, skulle hun rådføre sig først med Gud og dernæst med patronen eller patronessen. Hvad stand angår, blev frøkenerne om man så må sige mindre adelige i løbet af 1800-tallet, idet manges mødre var borgerlige, men med et par undtagelser giftede frøkenerne sig tilbage i faderens adelige miljø.

one can put it like that, during the course of the 19th century, as many had non-noble mothers; but with few exceptions the ladies married back into their fathers’ noble environment. Of the 85 ladies who received a place as conventuals, 18 married, some at a mature age, but it is not known whether any of the other ladies had one or more suitors who simply were not accepted by the parents or the Patron. As mentioned before, being promoted to conventual did not necessarily mean moving into Jomfruklosteret. A number of the ladies only had their place for a few years before marrying, and most remained with their families until their wedding day. This particularly applied to those installed in Places IV, VII and VIII, which were the domain of two branches of the Scheel family.

Rococo wedding In 1744, one of the ladies was married at Jomfruklosteret, apparently the only time this ever happened. From the end of the 17th century, marrying in church was seen by the nobility as vulgar, and they were therefore able to obtain royal consent for a wedding in the hall at home. As the nobility were exempted from banns in church, the wedding was wholly private. In this case, the bride was the 22-year old Geromine Henriette de Lamare (or le Maire), daughter of a colonel who, according to a document and a letter in the library, knew both Anne Brahe and Karen Brahe. Miss Geromine and her sister became orphans, and in 1737 received 3000 rixdollars each from their grandmother’s sister, Margrete von Levetzau. She was the widow of general von Dewitz, related by marriage to four ladies of the Convent, two Arenfeldts and two Pentz’s. The widow was very wealthy, and as she had lost her own children, she made large donations to various

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Susanne Brahe, Jomfruklosterets patronesse fra 1736, blev i 1737 gift med godsejer Frederik Hein til Stensgaard ved Faaborg. Han købte i 1745 den store gård nord for Jomfruklosteret, som fyldte hele hjørnet og gik langt ned ad Adelgade. Gården havde tilhørt Rosenvinge-familien, som fik en stor grund i Bispegaards-karreen, da Frederik II fraflyttede den. Susanne Brahe og Hein boede dels der, dels på Østrupgaard, og Susanne Brahe benyttede også gården som enke fra 1751 til sin død i 1760. I sit testamente bestemte hun, at gården skulle følge Jomfruklosterets patroner, og den kaldtes derefter Patrongaarden. Hendes broder, patronen Preben Brahe, benyttede gården, mens hans efterfølger, patronessen Caroline Agnese Raben, gift Bille (fra 1788 Bille-Brahe) derimod boede i Vindegade med sin familie, når de ikke var på Egeskov. Siden var Patrongaardens hovedbygning altid udlejet til en eller to familier af Odenses højere embedsstand. Odense Bys Museer.

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In 1737, Susanne Brahe, Patroness of Jomfruklosteret from 1736, married landowner Frederik Hein of Stensgaard near Faaborg. In 1745 he bought the large house north of Jomfruklosteret, which filled the whole corner and stretched a good distance down Adelgade. The house had belonged to the Rosenvinge family, who received a large plot in the Bishop’s Palace street block when Frederik II moved away. Susanne Brahe and Hein lived both here and at Østrupgaard, and Susanne Brahe also used the house from the time she became a widow in 1751 until her death in 1760. In her will she determined that the house should follow the Patrons of Jomfruklosteret, and it was thereafter called Patrongaarden. Her brother, the Patron Preben Brahe, used the house, while his successor, Patroness Caroline Agnese Raben, who married into the Bille family (from 1788 Bille-Brahe), lived in Vindegade Street with her family when they were not at Egeskov Castle. Since then the main building at Patrongaarden was always rented out to one or two families from among Odense’s higher functionaries. City of Odense Museums.

Af de 85 frøkener, der fik plads som klosterjomfruer, blev 18 gift, enkelte i moden alder, men det vides ikke, om nogle af de øvrige frøkener havde en eller flere friere, som blot ikke blev accepteret af forældrene eller af patronen. At rykke op som klosterjomfru betød som nævnt ikke nødvendigvis, at man flyttede ind på Jomfruklosteret. En del af frøkenerne havde kun pladsen ganske få år, før de blev gift, og de fleste blev boende hos deres familie indtil bryllupsdagen. Det gjaldt navnlig dem, der blev indsat i Plads IV, VII og VIII, som to grene af Scheel-slægten rådede over.

Rokokobryllup I 1744 stod en frøkens bryllup på selve Jomfruklosteret, hvilket formentlig er den eneste gang, det er sket. Fra slutningen af 1600-tallet anså adelen det for vulgært at blive gift i kirken og kunne derfor få kongelig tilladelse til at blive viet hjemme “på salen” eller “i stuen”, som det hed. Da adelen var fritaget for lysning i kirken, blev brylluppet en helt privat begivenhed. Bruden var den 22-årige frøken Geromine Henriette de Lamare (le Maire), datter af en oberst, der ifølge et skrift og et brev i biblioteket kendte både Anne Brahe og Karen Brahe. Frøken Geromine og hendes søster blev forældreløse, og i 1737 fik de 3.000 rdl hver af deres mormoders søster, Margrete von Levetzau. Hun var enke efter en general, der var besvogret med fire klosterjomfruer, to Arenfeldter og to Pentzer. Generalinden var meget velhavende, og da hun havde mistet sine børn, skænkede hun store gaver til forskellige institutioner i Odense, blandt andet 3.000 rdl til Jomfruklosteret. Det oplyses ikke, om det var til oprettelse af en plads, men Jomfruklosteret har måske oprettet en, som patronerne selv kunne råde over på samme måde som over patronpladserne. Frøken Geromine var svagelig og fik derfor yderligere 5.000 rdl af generalinden, og i 1744, da hun var 22 år, blev der købt en plads til hende i Jomfruklosteret. Frøkenen flyttede ind i maj, men hendes frøkenstand blev kort: En person af hendes stand, som fundatsen

I 1869 blev Patrongaarden solgt til Odenses katolske menighed, der indrettede den store baroksal med høje vinduer ud mod Torvet til kapel. Siden 1908 har St. Albani Kirke, præstegård og sognekontor ligget på grunden. Odense Bys Museer. In 1869, Patrongaarden was sold to the Catholic congregation in Odense, who converted the large baroque hall with high windows facing the Square into a chapel. Since 1908, St. Albani Church, presbytery and parish office has lain on the site. City of Odense Museums.

institutions in Odense, including 3000 rixdollars to Jomfruklosteret. It is not stated whether this was for the establishment of a place, but Jomfruklosteret may have established one for the use of the Patrons in the same way as the patronal places. Miss Geromine was of delicate health, and for this reason received a further 5000 rixdollars from the general’s wife, and in 1744, when she was 22, a place was purchased for her at Jomfruklosteret. Geromine moved in in May, but her time as a convent lady was a short one. A man of her station, as the trust deed demanded, Major Heidenreich Cramohn, proposed to her, and they were married in December of the same year. No other resident of the Convent was there for such a short period. The Major was a good friend of the poet Ambrosius Stub, who threw off a fine little rococo fragment, a

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Allerede ved en kort undersøgelse i 1977 var der afdækket et stykke af vægbemalingen i rum 105. Ved restaureringen blev væggen vasket ned som klargøring til efterbehandling, og motivet kom til syne på stort set hele væggen. Det blev derfor besluttet at afdække og konservere den malede dekoration, som skal forestille tapet. Her er konservatorholdet fra Nationalmuseet i gang med det minutiøse arbejde. 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

forlangte, major Jørgen Heidenreich Cramohn friede, og i december samme år blev de gift. Ingen anden har været så kort tid i klosteret. Majoren var gode venner med digteren Ambrosius Stub, der er mester for et fint lille glimt af rokoko, en couplet “Til Major Cramohn, just som han kiørte forbi et vist lystigt Selskab med sin Brud, Frøken L’Amare, fra Closteret i Odense”: Ved vinen den klare Her skænkes i nu Den lille la Mare bør kommes i hu; Du, Closterets Due, Fløy parret herfra; Af Frøken bliv Frue, Af Frue Mama! Den svagelige frøken blev snart mor, og to år senere boede parret i Assens med en lille dreng på et år. De oplyste til de såkaldte Stiftsrelationer, en undersøgelse af adelen i hele Danmark-Norge, at de begge var af gammel adelig familie på fædrene og mødrene side. Den gamle generalinde Dewitz døde kort efter, at hun havde købt pladsen i Jomfruklosteret, og først to år senere blev den besat for anden gang, sådan som hendes arvinger havde ret til. Den nye frøken var Marie Hedvig Pentz, som man ikke ved andet om, end at hun blev priorinde 33 år senere. Derefter hjemfaldt generalindens indskud og besættelsesret ifølge bestemmelserne til klosteret, men pladsen blev nedlagt. Tiderne var igen skiftet. Der var ikke længere så stærkt brug for Jomfruklosteret, og der var i forvejen tomme pladser.

couplet “To Major Cramohn, as he rode by a certain merry company with his bride Miss L’amare, from the Convent in Odense”: Ved vinen den klare Her skænkes i nu Den lille la Mare bør kommes i hu; Du, Closterets Due, Fløy parret herfra; Af Frøken bliv Frue, Af Frue Mama! With wine so clear we fill our glass – spare a thought for little la Mare; you, convent dove, flew off with your mate; from Miss, become Madame, from Madame, Mama! The weakly young lady did soon become a mother – two years later the couple were living in Assens with a little boy of one year. They informed the so-called Stiftsrelationer, a survey of the nobility of Denmark and Norway, that they were both of old noble families on both sides. The widow died shortly after buying the place for her grandniece at Jomfruklosteret, and it was two years before it was occupied for the second time, according to her heirs’ entitlement. The new lady was Marie Hedvig Pentz, of whom nothing more is known than that she became Prioress 33 years later. After this, the widow’s deposit and right of installation reverted to the Convent, in accordance with the regulations, but the place was abolished. Times had changed yet again, and there was no longer such a pressing need for Jomfruklosteret, which already had spare places.

Ideal og virkelighed Ét var Karen Brahes smukke tanke bag stiftelsen af Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster til otte ubemidlede jomfruer, noget andet var virkeligheden. Der blev ikke oprettet otte pladser i Karen Brahes levetid, og der boede kun tre, måske fire jomfruer på

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Ideal and reality One thing was Karen Brahe’s noble intentions in founding the Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen for the use of eight unmarried ladies without means, but the reality was another.

A section of the wall painting in room 105 was exposed already during a brief investigation in 1977. During the restoration, the wall was washed down as preparation for finishing, and the motif emerged on virtually the entire wall. It was therefore decided to expose and preserve the painted decoration, which was to look like wallpaper. Here the restoration team from the National Museum is in the middle of the thorough work. 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Prospect af Odense, tagen fra den sönder Side, Anno 1756. Af Johann Jacob Bruun. Jomfruklosteret er blandt de kun ni navngivne bygninger på prospektet. Det Kgl. Bibliotek.

Painting of Odense, seen from the south, Anno 1756. By Johann Jacob Bruun. The Secular Convent for Noblewomen is one of the only nine named buildings in the painting. Royal Library.

klosteret. Når tallet er usikkert, er det fordi den ene frøkens indflytningsår ikke kendes. I det hele taget er oplysningerne om Jomfruklosteret sparsomme i Karen Brahes tid, og de begynder først at flyde lidt rigeligere med de første, bevarede, men enkle regnskabsbøger fra 1738. Her nævnes flere navne, men kun tilfældigt i forbindelse med noget aktuelt som for eksempel en reparation i eller uden for værelset, og det er endda noget usikkert, for der boede flere med samme efternavn på klosteret, samtidig eller lidt forskudt. Kun ved en minutiøs kortlægning af hver enkelt frøkens årstal og familieforhold kan man få en nogenlunde pålidelig liste over beboerne. Underligt nok viste det sig, at der ikke var den store interesse for Karen Brahes adelige projekt, måske fordi oprettelse af en plads kostede en stor sum. Hun åbnede ganske vist muligheden for at stille garanti, men pengene var immervæk bundet, og dertil kom, at pladsens ejer yderligere skulle betale indskrivningspenge. Det var ikke, fordi Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster var i konkurrence med og måske mindre attraktivt end andre klostre, for de næste blev først stiftet midt i 1730’erne.

The eight places were not established in Karen Brahe’s lifetime, and only three, or maybe four ladies lived at the Convent. If the number is uncertain, it is because the year in which one of the ladies moved in is not known. Generally speaking, information about Jomfruklosteret is scanty in Karen Brahe’s time, and only starts to become slightly more abundant with the first preserved simple account books from 1738. Here several names are mentioned, but only by chance in connection with some matter of business, for example a repair in or outside a room, and even here the information could be uncertain, as several people with the same surname lived at the Convent, either at the same time or within a short interval. Only by minutely following each lady’s date of entry and family situation is it possible to arrive at a more or less reliable list of residents. Strangely enough, there proved to be little interest for Karen Brahe’s aristocratic project, perhaps because establishing a place cost so much. The deeds offered the possibility of merely providing a guarantee, but the money was still tied up, and on top of this the owner

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Frøkener, der boede på Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster, inklusive priorinden

Ladies who lived at Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen, including the Prioress

1746 1758 1761 1769 1787 1801 1834 1840 1845 1850 1855 1860 1870 1880 1890 1901

8 11* 8 6 5 4 4 7 7 5 4 4 6 4 3 3

1906 1911 1916 1921 1926 1930 1935 1940 1945 1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1972

3 4 4 3 ** 3 3 2 3 1*** 1*** 2 1**** 1 1 1

8 11* 8 6 5 4 4 7 7 5 4 4 6 4 3 3

1906 1911 1916 1921 1926 1930 1935 1940 1945 1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1972

3 4 4 3 ** 3 3 2 3 1*** 1*** 2 1**** 1 1 1

Optalt før marts 1758. Efter fire dødsfald og en indflytning var der ved årets udgang ni personer ** En logerende (lærerinde) boede på førstesalen 1921-1973 *** Kun en frøken, ingen priorinde **** Kun priorinden. Det sidste år inden nedlæggelsen boede her desuden en slægtning af hende, ligesom den ovennævnte logerende på førstesalen også havde en slægtning boende

Count prior to March 1758. After four deaths and one occupation of a place, there were nine persons at the end of the year. ** A schoolmistress lived as a lodger on the first floor 1921-1973 *** Only a lady, no Prioress **** Only the Prioress. The final year before closure, one of the old lady’s relatives lived with her. The above-mentioned lodger on the first floor also had a relative to stay.

Der blev heller ikke indskrevet ret mange frøkener på ventelisten. Der kan være huller i materialet, men indtil 1742 var det kun fem, hvoraf to søstre kom ind, en i 1740 og en i 1758, ni år efter den første søsters død. I resten af 1740’erne blev indskrevet i alt fjorten frøkener, to eller tre søstre ad gangen, hvoraf seks kom ind. De øvrige blev gift, døde eller opgav pladsen. Alt i alt blev der fra 1717 til 1903 indskrevet 64 eller 65 frøkener, og sytten af dem nåede at få plads.13 Allerede fra 1758 stod pladser ubenyttede i årevis, hvilket må være en konsekvens af, at hver frøkens indskrivningspenge skulle forrentes til en sum svarende til

of the place also had to pay the enrolment fee. It was not as if Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen was in competition with and maybe less attractive than other secular convents, because the next ones were not founded until the 1730’s. Nor were many young ladies entered on the waiting list. The documentation may have gaps, but until 1742 there were only five on the waiting list, of whom two sisters came in, one in 1740 and one in 1758, nine years after the first sister’s death. During the rest of the 1740’s, a total of 14 ladies were enrolled, two or three sisters at a time, of whom six came in. The

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others married, died or surrendered their places. All in all, from 1717 to 1903, 64 or 65 ladies were enrolled, and of these, 17 managed to receive a place.13 As early as 1758, places were left empty for years at a time, which must be due to insisting that each lady’s enrolment fee increase in value to the cost of a place before she could be promoted to conventual. It was not necessary to save up for the patronal places, but strangely enough, even these were unoccupied for long periods. From 1772, one patronal place was unoccupied for 11 years – or 17 years, as one person’s promotion year is unknown. Subsequently this place was regularly occupied for around 100 years, but in 1874 completely fell out of use. It had thus been empty for 100 years when Jomfruklosteret closed down. Another patronal place was empty from 1816 to 1856, after which one lady had it for 35 years and the next lady for 65 years until the Convent closed down. It gives pause for thought that the Patrons were unable to find subjects who needed a home and life suited to their station. The need for support and provision was not just a passing phenomenon to which Karen Brahe had spontaneously reacted. In the first decades of the 18th century, the problem grew even greater than when she founded the secular convent. The needs are clearly apparent in the so-called Stiftsrelationer, which in 1746-1747 surveyed all the nobility of Denmark and Norway.14 These contain the most heart-rending stories, related by the local authorities or the noble persons themselves about members of the old families, successors of previous kings’ favourites, officers’ widows and retired officers – bachelors and widowers, young women and aged spinsters. They lived with relatives, in rooms in the homes of strangers or in small rented cottages in the country. Some lived on a diminutive royal pension granted for a long-dead father’s services at war, some on a small legacy, some on trifling sums from relatives, while others were practically destitute. But they all had their pride: they were of noble birth. Many emphasised that they were of the “old nobility”, and if they did not

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prisen for en plads, før hun kunne oprykkes til klosterjomfru. Der skulle imidlertid ikke spares op til patronpladserne, men også disse pladser var mærkeligt nok ubesatte i lange perioder. Fra 1772 var en patronplads ubesat i elleve år – eller sytten år, den enes oprykningsår kendes ikke. Derefter var denne plads flittigt besat i omkring hundrede år, men gik i 1874 helt ud af brug. Den havde således været tom i hundrede år, da Jomfruklosteret blev nedlagt. En anden patronplads var ubesat fra 1816 til 1856, hvorefter en frøken havde den i 35 år og den næste frøken i 65 år, indtil klosteret blev nedlagt. Det er tankevækkende, at patronerne ikke kunne finde nogen, som trængte til en standsmæssig bolig og levevis. Behovet for støtte og forsørgelse var nemlig ikke et forbigående fænomen, som Karen Brahe havde reageret spontant på. Det voksede sig i de første årtier af 1700-tallet endnu større, end da hun stiftede klosteret. Behovet aflæses tydeligt i de såkaldte Stiftsrelationer, som i 1746-1747 opgjorde alle af adel i DanmarkNorge.14 Her findes de mest hjerteskærende historier, fortalt af den stedlige myndighed eller adelspersonerne selv: Om medlemmer af de gamle familier, efterkommere efter tidligere kongers yndlinge, officersenker og afdankede officerer – ugifte og enkemænd, unge kvinder og ældgamle pebermøer. De boede hos slægtninge, på værelser i fremmedes hjem eller i små lejehuse på landet. Nogle levede af en diminutiv kongelig pension, givet for en længst afdød faders fortjenester i krig, nogle af et lille legat, nogle af lidt penge fra slægtninge, mens andre var nærmest subsistensløse. Men de havde alle deres stolthed: De var af adel. Mange understregede “af gammel adel”, og havde de ikke selv adelspatenterne, kunne de på stående fod gøre rede for flere slægtled på begge sider eller fortælle om deres egne eller deres forfædres tjeneste for de danske konger. Rundt om i landet levede fædre, mødre og søskende til frøkener i Jomfruklosteret på den måde. Og det var måske humlen: At de, der havde størst behov, ikke var i stand til at

Detaljer fra østfløjen, der er opført ca. 1749 i bindingsværk med murede tavl. Under restaureringen kom den røde farve frem under mange lag hvid kalk. 2013 Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. Details from the east wing, which was built around 1749 using a timber frame construction with masonry panels. The red colour under many layers of white limestone emerged during the restoration. 2013 Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

have the patents of nobility themselves, they could recite their ancestry for several generations back on both sides, or relate their own or their forefathers’ services for the Danish kings. Round about the country, fathers, mothers and siblings of ladies at Jomfruklosteret were in this situation. And this was perhaps the heart of the problem: the people who had the greatest need were unable to enrol all their daughters, or maybe even one daughter, and even less able to establish places. As mentioned, in the mid-18th century there were at one time 11 places, because, according to the trust deed, as many could be established as there was money for, but as not all the places – not even the patronal places – were occupied at any one time, the house never became crowded. Some of the places were subsequently abolished. Place X was used for 30 years, until the lady became Prioress, after which it was

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Pladser og værelser

Places and rooms

At blive klosterjomfru var ikke ensbetydende med, at man flyttede ind på Jomfruklosteret. Fra slutningen af 1700-tallet valgte flere og flere at bo andre steder og blot modtage årpengene som hæving. De gik glip af værdien af logi, kost, varme og lys. Til gengæld sparede klosteret disse udgifter, for værelserne blev ikke givet til andre: Til en plads hørte et værelse, og frøkenen kunne jo ombestemme sig og flytte ind. Det gjorde nogle frøkener, der havde boet hos forældre eller søskende, som nu var døde. Der hørte dog ikke ét bestemt værelse, senere en toværelses lejlighed, til den enkelte plads. Den kabale ville ikke kunne gå op. En plads var imaginær og bestod i retten til Jomfruklosterets ydelser, mens den konkrete bolig var det eller de rum, der var ledige, når frøkenen blev oprykket. Desuden hændte det, at en frøken fik lov at flytte til andre værelser, som hun syntes bedre om. Man kan derfor ikke umiddelbart forbinde alle værelser gennem de godt 250 år med et navn. Det ville ellers have været interessant og øget forståelsen for de forandringer, der gennem tiden er sket i de forskellige rums dekoration og udstyr.

Becoming a conventual was not the same as moving into Jomfruklosteret. From the end of the 18th century, more and more chose to live elsewhere, and merely to accept the allowance as an annuity. They would lose the value of the accommodation, food, heating and lighting. On the other hand, the Convent would save these expenses, as the rooms were not given to others: each place had a room attached to it, and the lady might of course change her mind and move in. This was done by some ladies, who had lived with parents or brothers and sisters who were now dead. However, the individual places were not assigned to a particular room or, later, a particular two-room apartment. That would have been impossible to arrange. A place was an imaginary concept and consisted of the right to the Jomfruklosteret’s services, while the actual apartment was the room or rooms which were available when the lady was promoted. It also sometimes happened that a lady was allowed to move to other rooms which she liked better. It is thus impossible to connect all rooms with a definite name during the more than 250 years of Jomfruklosteret’s existence. This would otherwise have been of great interest and increased our understanding of the changes which occurred over the years to the different rooms’ decoration and woodwork.

indskrive alle døtre eller bare én og endnu mindre til at oprette pladser. Midt i 1700-tallet var der som nævnt en overgang elleve pladser, for ifølge fundatsen kunne der oprettes lige så mange, som der var penge til, men da ikke alle pladser – heller ikke patronpladserne – var besat på én gang, var der ikke på noget tidspunkt trængsel i huset. Nogle af pladserne blev nedlagt igen: Plads X blev benyttet i 30 år, indtil frøkenen blev priorinde, hvorefter den blev nedlagt, og Plads XI fungerede kun nogle få år, til den først indsatte døde.

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abolished, and Place XI only functioned for a few years until the first conventual died. Although information about some of the first ladies’ year of occupation is lacking, their names and year of death are known, and thus a complete list of everyone who was promoted to conventual and those who lived at Jomfruklosteret can be compiled. From 1746, the list can be reconstructed in its entirety from Jomfruklosteret’s own books, topographical descriptions, directories and censuses. The first census took place in 1769. Subsequently a generation would

Fra loftsrummet. Her opbevares nu nedtagne genstande fra restaureringen, herunder væglærreder i specialbyggede, tempererede kasser. 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. From the attic. This is where items taken down during the restoration are stored, including wall canvasses in custom built, temperature-controlled boxes. 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Rum 217 i vestgavlen før restaureringen. Det sidste lag tapet var meget simpelt, men har været helt dækket af malerier og stik. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

Room 217 in the west gable end before the restoration. The last layer of wallpaper was very simple, but has been completely covered by paintings and engravings. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

Skønt oplysningerne om nogle af de første frøkeners indflytningsår mangler, kendes deres navne og dødsår, og således kan der opstilles en komplet liste over alle, der blev oprykket til klosterjomfruer og de af dem, der boede i Jomfruklosteret. Fra 1746 kan listen fuldstændig rekonstrueres ud fra Jomfruklosterets egne bøger, topografiske beskrivelser, vejvisere og folketællinger. Den første folketælling fandt sted i 1769. Derefter var der en generation mellem de tre næste, men trods disse huller hænger oplysningerne sammen, fordi nogle frøkener boede på klosteret i flere årtier. Når alt er stykket sammen, viser det sig, at kun nogle få af de i alt 85 frøkener, der blev oprykket til klosterjomfruer, i virkeligheden har haft deres hjem på Jomfruklosteret, og at tallet begyndte at falde allerede sidst i 1700-tallet. De øvrige boede andre steder og modtog blot årpengene som hæving. Man kan ikke lægge de nedenstående

pass between the next three, but despite these gaps, the information is satisfactory because some ladies lived at the Convent for decades. With all the records pieced together, it can be seen that only a few of the total of 85 ladies who were promoted to conventuals actually had their home at Jomfruklosteret, and the number began to fall as early as the late 18th century. The others lived elsewhere and received their allowance as an annuity. The following figures cannot be added together, as some ladies lived in the Convent for up to 60 years, and in that time experienced others moving in, living in the house for some years and then leaving or dying.

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The ladies’ rooms The many rooms on the first floor were not always there, but when the owners of the Bishop’s Palace began

Den modsatte ende af rum 217, med bræddevæggen fra første del af 1700-tallet. Brystpanelerne med enkle fyldinger blev opsat lidt senere for at isolere og pynte. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

The opposite end of room 217, with the partition wall from the first part of the 18th century. The dados with simple panels were set up a little later to insulate and adorn. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

tal sammen, for nogle frøkener boede i klosteret helt op til 60 år, og oplevede i den tid, at andre flyttede ind, levede i huset nogle år og derefter gik bort.

to divide up the two original large rooms is hard to tell. Before the two existing so-called Italian staircases were inserted, access to the first floor must at some period have been via an external staircase tower in the centre of the facade, entering the transversal room, 104, approximately at the centre of the house. There is no way of telling whether it was Karen Brahe or her successor as Patroness, Susanne Brahe, who had the present rooms constructed. From the viewpoint of previous generations, and bearing in mind how the house was used, the Bishop’s Palace was an excellent building with many attractive large rooms, and this is probably how Karen Brahe saw it. In her time there was room on the ground floor for the three, maybe four conventuals, especially if the two later stairwells are included in the floor area. According to the trust deed, the ladies should only have one room,

Frøkenernes værelser De mange værelser på førstesalen har ikke altid været der, men hvornår Bispegaardens ejere begyndte at opdele de to oprindelige store rum, er svært at konstatere. Før de to nuværende, såkaldt italienske trapper blev indsat, skal adgangen til overetagen i en periode have været et udvendigt trappetårn midt på facaden, med indgang i det gennemgående rum, 104, omtrent midt i huset. Det er heller ikke til at sige, om det var Karen Brahe eller hendes efterfølger som patronesse, Susanne Brahe, der lod de nuværende værelser indrette. Set

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med de foregående generationers øjne og ud fra den måde, hvorpå boligen blev brugt, var Bispegaarden et godt hus med mange dejlige, store rum, og sådan har Karen Brahe nok også betragtet den. I hendes tid var der plads nok i stueetagen til de tre, måske fire klosterjomfruer, især hvis de to senere trapperum regnes med. Ifølge fundatsen skulle jomfruerne kun have ét kammer, og det er endda uklart, om de fik et hver eller skulle dele et. Det sidste var almindeligt, og selv på Københavns Slot sov hofjomfruerne sammen to og to. Klosteret sørgede for “seng og hvad andre møbler, der behøves i deres kammer for dem og deres piger”. Der

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and it is even unclear whether they each received a room or had to share one. The latter possibility was a common one, and even at Copenhagen Castle, the ladies-in-waiting shared double rooms. The secular convent would provide a “bed and whatever other furniture is necessary in their chamber for them and their maids”. There was one maid for every two ladies, so this may indicate that they shared a room and that the maid slept with them. But – quite apart from style and fashion – lifestyles and thus house layouts changed at the start of the 18th century. The use of rooms became differentiated, so

Rum 217 efter restaureringen. Dørens fine motiv står nu afdækket, og på bræddevæggen ses bemalingens mange detaljer – i felterne er små landskaber i grisailleteknik. 2013. Foto: Roberto Fortuna. Modsatte side: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. Room 217 after the restoration. The lovely motif of the door is now exposed, and the many details of the painting on the partition wall are visible - there are small landscapes in the panels with the grisaille technique. 2013. Photo: Roberto Fortuna. Opposite page: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

var én pige til to jomfruer, så det kunne tyde på, at de delte et kammer, og at kammerpigen sov inde hos dem. Men livsformen og dermed boligindretningen – helt bortset fra stil og mode – ændrede sig i begyndelsen af 1700-tallet. Brugen af rummene blev differentieret, så man ikke længere sov og spiste i samme rum, og man ønskede ikke længere at opholde sig sammen med andre i alle vågne timer. Boligen blev derfor ændret, så den enkelte kunne trække sig tilbage. Der skulle være længere mellem herskab og tjenestefolk, og i mange huse blev der indlagt korridorer og geheimetrapper, så al trafik ikke skulle gå gennem alle rum. På Jomfruklosteret egnede de store rum i stueetagen sig ikke til den nye livsform, men der var til gengæld hele overetagen at gøre godt med. I syv af de femten rum på førstesalen har konservatorerne fundet rester af den samme bandebemaling af væggene, hvilket tyder på, at de er indrettet på én gang, men denne vægdekoration var længe populær og er vanskelig at datere præcist. Restaureringsarkitekterne har derfor brugt trapperne som udgangspunkt for dateringen af førstesalens indretning, idet de store trapper først da blev nødvendige: Ud fra forskellige stiltræk er de indsat i 1720’erne. Dele af indretningen er dog nogle årtier yngre, og det kan være Susanne Brahe, der har stået for en

people no longer slept and ate in the same room and it was no longer felt desirable to spend all waking hours in the company of others. The house was therefore altered so that each person had a place in which to withdraw. There was now a greater distance between masters and servants, and in many houses corridors and backstairs were created so that traffic no longer passed through all the rooms. At Jomfruklosteret, the large rooms on the ground floor no longer suited the new way of life, but, on the other hand, the whole first floor could be taken into use. In seven of the 15 rooms on the first floor, the conservators have found remains of the same striped painting of the walls, indicating that they were constructed at the same time. But this wall decoration was long popular, so it is hard to date it precisely. The conservation architects have therefore used the staircases for dating the creation of the first floor rooms, as it was only at this point that the large staircases became necessary. On the basis of various stylistic details, they are estimated as being from the 1720’s. However, parts of the house layout are a few decades later, and it may have been Susanne Brahe who was responsible for a refurbishment. She was unmarried at the time of Karen Brahe’s death, but was married the following year to Frederik Jensen Hein of Stensgaard near Faaborg. They lived both at

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istandsættelse. Hun var ugift ved Karen Brahes død, men blev året efter gift med Frederik Jensen Hein til Stensgaard ved Faaborg. De boede dels på Østrupgaard, som hun havde arvet efter Karen Brahe, dels i hans gård i Odense, som lå nord for Jomfruklosteret. Efter at være blevet enke i 1751 tog hun fat på at modernisere det næsten middelalderlige Stensgaard og give opholdsrummene rokokopræg med blandt andet flere vinduer og stuklofter. Hun kan ligeledes – før eller efter – have syntes, at Jomfruklosteret trængte til en modernisering. Huset var vedligeholdt, fremgår det af regnskaberne, men dekorationen stammede fra begyndelsen af 1720’erne, og i nogle rum måske endda fra Jørgen Brahes og Preben Brahes tid. Desuden flyttede fem nye frøkener ind mellem 1740 og 1758, mens to af de allerførste frøkener stadig levede, så der var brug for at indrette flere rum. Der har været rumsteret helt umådeligt på førstesalen gennem et par århundreder. Der er opbygget og flyttet skillevægge, opsat bryst- og lysningspaneler for komfortens skyld og indbygget alkover og skabe. Da den fælles husholdning blev ophævet i 1898, blev der indrettet køkkener med støbejernskomfurer, og køkkenerne er senere lavet lidt om. Hvad dekorationerne angår, er der ingen ende på, hvor mange gange de enkelte rum er sat i stand – enten fordi de trængte til det, eller fordi frøkenerne trængte til det. Efter den første, ensartede dekoration er ikke to rum længere ens. Rummene har det mest forskelligartede udstyr, og flere af dem har været meget festlige med store mønstre og kraftige farver, ofte i sammensætninger, man nok ikke ville vælge i dag. Der er i og for sig ikke noget specielt ved Odense Adelige Jomfruklosters interiører, for hvert lag repræsenterer det, der var mode på det pågældende tidspunkt, og som man kunne se i alle andre hjem hos adelen og det højere borgerskab. Det unikke er, at alle lagene stadig findes, så man kan oprulle flere hundrede års historie og – selvom der ikke kan sættes navne på alle rum i alle perioder – få et indblik i frøkenernes måde at indrette sig på.

Østrupgaard, which she had inherited from Karen Brahe, and in his house in Odense, which lay to the north of Jomfruklosteret. After becoming a widow in 1751, she started to modernise the almost medieval Steensgaard, and to give the reception rooms a rococo feel with more windows and plaster ceilings. She may similarly – at an earlier or later date – have felt that Jomfruklosteret needed modernisation. The house had been maintained, as can be seen from the accounts, but the decoration was from the beginning of the 1720’s, and, in some rooms, maybe even from Jørgen Brahe’s or Preben Brahe’s time. Not only this but five new ladies moved in between 1740 and 1758 while two of the very first ladies were still alive, so it was necessary to create further rooms. There were tremendous transformations on the first floor for a couple of centuries. Partition walls have been created and moved, dadoes and side casings have been installed as an amenity, and alcoves and cupboards have been inserted. When the common housekeeping was abandoned in 1898, kitchens with cast iron stoves were installed, and the kitchens were later altered slightly. With regard to decoration, there is no end to the number of times the rooms have been refurbished – either because they needed it or because the ladies needed it. Subsequent to the first, uniform decoration, no two rooms were ever the same again. The rooms were refurbished in widely differing ways, and some of them were very debonair, with bold patterns and strong colours, often in combinations one would not choose today. In themselves, there is nothing unusual about the interiors at Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen, as each layer represents what was in fashion at the time, and what could be seen in all other homes of the nobility and upper middle classes. The unique thing about them is that all the layers are still there, making it possible to roll back several hundred years of history and – even though it is impossible to put names to all the rooms at all periods – to gain an impression of the ladies’ way of ordering their lives.

Detalje af ovn i rum 204. Husets ovne er sat i stand og suppleret med historiske ovne af forskellige typer fra 1790’erne til midten af 1850’erne, så de svarer til den periode, som er valgt for det pågældende rum. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. Detail of the stove in room 204. The wood burning stoves in the building have been restored and supplemented with historic stoves of various types from the 1790’s to the mid-1850’s, corresponding the period selected for that particular room. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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Arkaderummet Hvem der har boet i det såkaldte Arkaderum, 206, indtil slutningen af 1780’erne vides ikke, men rummets udseende er ændret fuldstændig flere gange – ingen af de øvrige rum på førstesalen har haft så forskelligt udtryk i løbet af få årtier. I 1785 blev den 38-årige frøken Johanne de Leth fra Sanderumgaard klosterjomfru. Hun kom fra en familie med fjorten søskende, og af de otte døtre var en død og tre for længst gift. Hendes fader var død et par år før, og hun boede nu på gården sammen med moderen og to ugifte søstre i 30’erne. Det var ikke nutidens Sanderumgaard, hvis hovedbygning er fra 1870’erne. Johan von Bülow, der købte gården efter moderens død i 1792, beskrev i sin dagbog det beskedne og meget forfaldne hus i ét stokværk, med små blyruder, der var sat fast og tætnet med gær og papir, og døre så lave, at man måtte bukke sig for at passere. Heller ikke haven havde nogen lighed med den nuværende, den var et morads. Først da hjemmet blev opløst, indtog frøken de Leth sit værelse på Jomfruklosteret. Om hun flyttede ind i den festlige arkadedekoration og det røde brystpanel, ved man ikke, ej heller om det er hende, der har malet de små vignetter på panelet. Måske

fik hun lavet om allerede ved indflytningen. Konservatorerne anslår, at de bemalede trævægge blev dækket af lærred med papirtapet mellem 1780 og 1800, så det kan være frøken de Leth, der lod rummet udstyre – måske trængte hun efter 45 år på den forfaldne Sanderumgaard til at se på noget frisk og moderne. Johanne de Leth boede her, indtil hun i 1808 blev priorinde og flyttede ned i stueetagen. Hun døde som 77-årig i 1825 og blev begravet i St. Knuds Kirke. I kirkebogen står, at der blev ringet – det blev der ellers ikke for hverken priorinder eller frøkener, sikkert på grund af udgiften til klokkeren. Den ene af frøken de Leths ugifte søstre kom ind på Vemmetofte Adelige Jomfrukloster, men boede alligevel en periode hos en søster og svoger i Kerteminde. På Vemmetofte blev hun priorinde og var det til sin død, 97 år gammel. Trods den beskedne økonomi fik de mange børn fra Sanderumgaard en fortrinlig ballast, og det gik dem alle godt. Det var et stort ansvar at være priorinde, størst på Vemmetofte, der havde jordegods og var langt mere kompliceret at administrere end Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster, men de to søstre var gjort af solidt og holdbart stof.

Arkaderummet illustrerer kompleksiteten i valget af hvilket af de mange lag, der skal stå fremme efter istandsættelsen. Det blev besluttet at vise laget oven på den oprindelige bandemaling og forneden det tredie lag, det røde illuderede panel, mens perioden med lærreder vises omkring loftstrappen. Resten af lærrederne med papirtapet og adskillige senere lag maling er konserverede og opbevares nu i magasin på Jomfruklosterets loft. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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The Arcade Room Who lived in the so-called Arcade Room, 206, is not known before the end of the 1780’s, but the room’s appearance has changed completely several times – none of the other rooms on the first floor have had such different styles within the course of a few decades. In 1785, the 38-year old Johanne de Leth of Sanderumgaard Manor became a conventual. She came from a family of 14 siblings, and of the eight daughters, one was dead and three had long been married. Her father had died a few years before, and she now lived at the manor together with her mother and two unmarried sisters in their thirties. This was not the present Sanderumgaard, whose main building dates from the 1870’s. Johan von Bülow, who bought the manor after the mother’s death in 1792, described it in his diary as a modest and very dilapidated house in one storey, with small leaded panes joined and sealed with yeast and paper, and doors so low that you had to bend to pass through them. The garden was also completely unlike the present one, and was just a bog. Only when her home had been broken up did Miss de Leth take up her room at Jomfruklosteret. Whether she moved in with the brightly painted arcaded decorations and red dado is unknown, as is whether it was her who painted the small vignettes on the dado. Maybe she had already had the room

redecorated before moving in. The conservators estimate that the painted wooden walls were lined with canvas and wallpaper between 1780 and 1800, so it may have been Miss de Leth who had the room decorated – perhaps after 45 years at the dilapidated Sanderumgaard she needed to see something fresh and modern. Johanne de Leth lived here until 1808 when she became Prioress and moved down to the ground floor. She died at the age of 77 in 1825 and was buried in St. Knud’s Church. The church register states that the bells were rung – this was not otherwise done for Prioresses or ladies, no doubt because of the bell-ringer’s fee. One of Miss de Leth’s unmarried sisters entered Vemmetofte Secular Convent for Noblewomen, but, even so, lived for a while with a sister and brotherin-law in Kerteminde. At Vemmetofte she became Prioress and remained so until her death at the age of 97. Despite their modest finances, the many children from Sanderumgaard Manor received a solid upbringing and all of them did well. It was a big responsibility being Prioress, and even more so at Vemmetofte, which had landed estates and was far more complicated to administer than Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen, but the two sisters were made of solid and durable stuff.

The wall canvases with wallpaper and several later coats of paint were conserved during the restoration of the Arcade Room and are now stored in the attic of Secular Convent for Noblewomen. The free-hand painted arcades and pillars are left with tied sheaves and a trompe l’œil sky behind them. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

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I østgavlen Christiane Sophie Magdalene Mund flyttede ind i dette værelse, 208, som 34-årig, “efter at hun i 20 samfulde år havde været en værdig og elskværdig tantes alderdoms trøst og støtte kom hun i Odense Adelige Frøken Closter Ao 1771”, fortæller en lang indskrift på hendes gravplade i Søndersø Kirke. Det passer med konservatorernes datering af en nyindretning af rummet: Loftet blev pudset, der blev opsat bryst- og lysningspaneler med fyldinger, alt blev gråmalet, og der blev sat lærredsbetræk på overvæggene. Desuden blev der isat en ny dør til et rum ved trappen og skåret en tapetdør til et tilstødende rum. Det skete formentlig, efter at hendes nabo, frøken von Schleppegrell, var flyttet hen i vestgavlen.

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Frøken Mund skrev et langt testamente, dateret Jomfruklosteret august 1785, fordi “jeg ved min tiltagende alder dagligen nærmer mig min fraskillelse” – hun mente fra jordelivet, skønt hun kun var 48 år. Frøkenen takkede sin svigerinde “for den kærlighed og godhed hun stedse har båret for mig.” Efter at gæld, regninger, begravelse og en lille rente til frøken Munds broder i Norge var betalt, skulle alt tilfalde en ung kvinde, der boede i svigerindens hus. Det var frøken Wibike Charlotte Trolle, der var klosterjomfru – i hvert fald på papiret – fra 1788, til hun blev gift i 1790. Og frøken Mund levede mod sin egen forventning endnu fjorten år, til 1799.

Rum 208 før og efter restaureringen. Det senere så beskedne rum var dekoreret med et mønster i stor skala, før der blev sat lærred op i 1770’erne. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

At the east gable end Christiane Sophie Magdalene Mund moved into this room, 208, at the age of 34, and “having for a full 20 years been the consolation and support of a worthy and lovable aunt in her old age, she moved to Odense Secular Convent for Unmarried Noblewomen in the year of our Lord 1771”, as a long inscription on her coffin plate states in Søndersø Church. This matches the conservators’ dating of the refurbishment of the room: the ceiling was replastered, moulded dadoes and side casings were set up, the whole was painted in grey, and canvas lining was attached to the upper walls. A new door to a room by the staircase was also inserted, and a jib door into an adjacent room. This was presumably done after her neighbour, Miss von Schleppegrell, moved over to the west end.

Miss Mund wrote a long will, dated at Jomfruklosteret in August 1785, because “I with my increasing age am daily approaching the time of my departure” – she meant from this life, even though she was only 48 years old. The lady thanked her sister-in-law “for the loving kindness she has always shown me”. After paying for debts, bills, the funeral and a small pension to Miss Mund’s brother in Norway, everything was to go to a young woman who lived in the sister-in-law’s house. This was Miss Wibike Charlotte Trolle, who was a conventual – on paper at least – from 1788 until she married in 1790. And, contrary to her own expectation, Miss Mund lived another 14 years, until 1799.

Room 208 before and after the restoration. The later modest room was decorated with a pattern to a large scale before canvas was put up in the 1770’s. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

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Rum 202 før og efter restaurering. Det blev indrettet som køkken i 1898, da frøkenerne fik hver deres husholdning, med indbyggede skabe bag en ny skillevæg. Det lillebitte støbejernskomfur er nu istandsat, så det virker, og poleret med ovnsværte og Brasso, mens køkkenbordet med vask ved vinduet er fjernet. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

Room 202 before and after the restoration. It was fit out as a kitchen in 1898, when the common household was abandoned, with built-in closets behind a new partition wall. The tiny cast iron cooking range has now been restored to work and polished with stove polish and Brasso, while the kitchen table with sink by the window has been removed. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

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Rum 213 er et af de få, hvor et par af beboerne kendes, og den sidste af dem havde soveværelse her. Rummet stod formentlig

tomt fra 1891 til klosteret lukkede og var i meget dårlig forfatning. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

Frøkenerne i 1800-tallet

The ladies in the 19th century

Der kunne være mange grunde til, at flere og flere frøkener fra begyndelsen af 1800-tallet ikke flyttede ind på Jomfruklosteret, når de blev oprykket til klosterjomfruer. De unge boede naturligvis hos forældrene, men det gjorde de ældre også og tog sig af gamle forældre. De hjalp gifte søstre og syge familiemedlemmer eller førte hus for ugifte brødre – de sagde jatak, når deres tur kom, men blev hvor de var og hævede blot årpengene. Andre flyttede ind, når de blev ældre og forpligtelserne over for familien var afviklede. De få frøkener, der boede i Jomfruklosteret i dets sidste hundrede år, flyttede først ind i moden alder, længe efter oprykningen. Indtil da boede de hos forældrene – da det dengang lå i luften, at en af døtrene uanset egne ønsker skulle afstå fra at gifte sig for at tage sig af dem på deres gamle dage. En af patronpladserne stod tom fra

There might be many reasons why, from the beginning of the 19th century, more and more ladies failed to move into Jomfruklosteret when they were promoted to conventual. The young people would naturally live with their parents, but the older ones did so too, caring for their parents in their old age. They helped married sisters and sick family members or kept house for unmarried brothers – they accepted promotion when their turn came, but stayed where they were and merely drew on the allowance. Others moved into the Convent when they too grew old and their duties towards their family were over. The few ladies who lived at Jomfruklosteret in its final 100 years moved in at a mature age, long after their promotion. Until that time they lived with their parents – it was an unwritten rule at the time that one of the daughters, regardless of her own wishes, would refrain

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Room 213 is one of the few, where a couple of the residents are known, and the last of them had her bedroom here. The room

was probably empty from 1891 until the Convent was closed and in very poor condition. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

1816 til 1856, hvor en 44-årig frøken blev oprykket til den. Hun og en ugift søster boede imidlertid i Odense sammen med deres forældre, og der forblev hun. Efter deres død boede hun alene omkring fjorten år, før hun flyttede ind på Jomfruklosteret. Frøken von Fønss’ liv var bundet endnu længere: Hun blev klosterjomfru som 40-årig i 1879, men blev hos forældrene i Grenå, hvor hun i folketællingen 1880 kaldes “husjomfru hos forældrene”. Efter faderens død boede hun sammen med en ugift søster hos moderen. Først i 1918 flyttede hun ind på klosteret og døde der tre år senere, 82 år gammel. I enkelte tilfælde ældedes en ugift søskendeflok sammen på den fædrene gård og deltog alle i egnens liv. De stod faddere til børn af godsets embedsmænd og større bønder, lod godsets kirker reparere og udsmykke, ligesom de udøvede den traditionelle velgørenhed. Selvom de ugifte søstre i flokken rykkede op

from marrying in order to look after them in their old age. One of the patronal places remained empty from 1816 to 1856, when a 44 year old lady was promoted to it. However, she and an unmarried sister were living in Odense with their parents at the time, and that is where she stayed. After the parents’ death she lived alone for 14 years before moving into Jomfruklosteret. Miss von Fønss’s life was tied up for even longer: she became a conventual at the age of 40 in 1879, but stayed with her parents in Grenå, where the census of 1880 describes her as a “housekeeper for the parents”. After her father’s death she and an unmarried sister lived with the mother. Only in 1918 did she move into the Convent, and died there three years later at the age of 82. In some cases, an unmarried brood of brothers and sisters would all live together on their family manor and participate in local life. They would act as godparents to the children of the estate officials and

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The ceiling beam along the outer wall in room 213 was wallpapered. The conservators stripped it carefully and recreated the original decoration, which was painted in freehand. Photo: Roberto Fortuna. Opposite page: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Loftbjælken langs ydervæggen i rum 213 var overtapetseret. Konservatorerne afdækkede den forsigtigt og genskabte den oprindelige dekoration, der var malet på frihånd. Foto: Roberto Fortuna. Modsatte side: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

som klosterjomfruer, på Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster eller et andet kloster, blev de i deres miljø. Dertil kom, at patronerne og de andre indehavere af pladser oftere og oftere indsatte frøkener, som de på forhånd vidste aldrig ville bosætte sig på Jomfruklosteret. De var måske allerede forlovede, som man dengang var i mange år, mens det store udstyr til et nyt hjem blev færdigt – eller de var i en alder, hvor ægteskab stadig var en mulighed og trivedes i deres miljø og dets sociale liv. Nogle havde måske ikke lyst til at bo i Odense eller i det gamle hus. Og mange yngre kan være veget tilbage for tanken om at bo sammen med en lille flok midaldrende og meget gamle damer og spise sammen med dem to gange om dagen. Alt i alt var der ikke mange liebhavere til en bolig på Jomfruklosteret, men kun ganske få sagde nejtak til hævingen, når de blev oprykkede. Når patronerne eller pladsernes indehavere indsatte en ung, måske endda velhavende frøken, var det jo netop også for at få hævingen og ikke boligen. Denne trafik var til fordel for klosteret, hvis økonomi det meste af dets levetid var

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the more important farmers, have the estate churches repaired and ornamented, and practise the traditional forms of charity. Even though the unmarried sisters might be promoted to conventuals at Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen or elsewhere, they would remain in their environment. Another aspect is that the Patrons and other owners of places would more and more frequently install ladies whom they knew in advance would never take up residence at Jomfruklosteret. They were perhaps already engaged, a state which could last for many years in those days while making the elaborate preparations for a new home – or they were of an age where marriage was still a possibility and were happy in their environment and social life. Perhaps some had no desire to live in Odense or in the old house. And many younger girls may have recoiled at the idea of living with a small group of middle-aged or very old ladies, and eating with them twice a day. Generally speaking, there were few takers for an apartment at Jomfruklosteret, but hardly any refused the annuity when they were promoted. When the Patrons or the owners of the places installed a young, perhaps even wealthy, lady, it was for the sake of the annuity and not the apartment. These transactions were to the benefit of the Convent, which had rickety finances for most of its existence. True, the allowance had to be paid, but the finances would have been even poorer if all the conventuals had lived at the house, and required food, lighting, heating, laundry and lady’s maids. But the fact that the Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen had developed into what was suspiciously like a charity fund would have surprised Karen Brahe greatly. Her primary aim had been to put a roof over the heads of unmarried ladies who had nowhere else to go.

Shadowy figures Though it might be thought that there would be written sources for the life histories of the ladies before and after their entry to the Convent as we move through

dårlig. Årpengene skulle ganske vist udredes, men økonomien ville have været endnu ringere, hvis alle klosterjomfruer havde boet i huset og skulle have kost, lys, varme, vask og kammerjomfruer. Men det, at Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster havde udviklet sig til noget, der betænkeligt lignede en pengestiftelse, ville have undret Karen Brahe såre, hendes øjemed var jo primært at skaffe tag over hovedet til jomfruer, der ikke havde andre steder at være.

Skyggetanter Selvom man skulle tro, at der ville være kilder til frøkenernes livsløb før og efter deres indtrædelse i klosteret, når vi kommer op i 1800-tallet, har meget få af dem efterladt spor. De har ikke selv efterladt sig erindringer.

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the 19th century, very few of them have left any trace. None of them left memoirs. They would undoubtedly have written letters – this was the golden age of letterwriting – but if these letters still exist, they have not found their way to the archives. Nor were any portraits of them made, and though they would probably have had personal photographs taken for their visiting cards, as everyone else did, even people on a low income, these now lurk in dusty albums at the back of the shelf or in junkrooms, generally without a name attached. The ladies rarely figure in the many genealogical lists which the recent boom in interest for family history has thrown up. This is not because they had no descendants; other unmarried women are present in the family lists. It is extremely uncommon for the ladies to be mentioned in the memoirs, diaries and letters of relatives

Jomfruklosteret set fra Blegepladsen, engen på den modsatte side af Odense Å. Akvarel af O.J. Rawert 1819. Det Kgl. Bibliotek. Secular Convent for Noblewomen viewed from Blegepladsen, the meadow on the opposite side of Odense stream. Watercolour by O.J. Rawert 1819. The Royal Library.

“Den 6. januar 1816 holdt Fyns guvernør, Hs. Højhed Prins Kristian [VIII], og hans gemalinde, Prinsesse Karoline Amalie, deres indtog i Odense. Den lille Prins Frederik [VII] fulgte med parret. Det blev en mærkedag i stiftshovedstadens historie, thi når man senere så tilbage på den, erkendte man, at Prins Kristian ved guvernementets overtagelse havde indviet en ny æra i dens historie. (…) Mens den store parade fandt sted hos guvernøren, holdt prinsessen modtagelse i sit audiensgemak, hvor damer af det fynske aristokrati og andre kvindelige notabiliteter fremstillede sig for hende. Først modtog hun som deputation fra Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster priorinden, der var ledsaget af de to ældste klosterfrøkener. Hds. Højhed erkyndigede sig om klosterets forhold og ytrede, at hendes fader, hertugen, hyppig havde omtalt det store bibliothek, Karen Brahes Bibliothek, som klostret var i besiddelse af. ’Iøvrigt,’ bemærkede hun smilende, ’giver jeg mig ikke af med bibliografiske studier.’ De tre klosterdamer var betagne af prinsessens skønhed og ynde, og den sidstnævnte egen-

De skrev uden tvivl breve – det var brevskrivningens guldalder – men hvis de stadig findes, har de ikke fundet vej til arkiverne. Der blev heller ikke udført portrætter af dem, og selvom de sikkert fik taget visitkortfotografier som alle andre, også folk med små indtægter, sidder de i dag i støvede albums bagest i reoler og på pulterkamre, som regel uden navn på. Frøkenerne er sjældent med i de mange genealogiske oversigter, som de senere års store interesse for slægtsforskning har frembragt. Det er ikke fordi de ikke fik efterkommere, for der optræder andre ugifte i familierne. Det er yderst sjældent, at frøkenerne nævnes i slægtninges og familievenners erindringer, dagbøger og breve, skønt de efter tidens skik må være indbudt til alle livets begivenheder ligesom deres forældre, søskende og deres børn. Deres nærmeste slægtninge

skab anerkendte alle de damer, der modtoges i audiens af hende.” “Den 28. Juni 1816 var en festdag for Odense: det var nemlig Prinsesse Karoline Amalies fødselsdag, og hun fyldte på denne det tyvende år. (…) Kl. 2 var der militærparade på Torvet. (…) Vinduerne i alle torvets bygninger og i det adelige jomfrukloster var besat af damer i lyse eller hvide dragter. Disses konversation, der hyppig afbrødes af latter, som ledsagedes af skælmske blik, drejede sig væsenlig om militæret. Borgervæbningen og dragonerne havde en fornemmelse heraf, og de anstrengte sig derfor af al kraft for at gøre et rigtig mandigt indtryk på det smukke køn, hvis beundring de forfængeligt eftertragtede.” Brudstykker af en novelle, Slottet i Odense, fra 1910. Forfatteren har fået rigtigt fat i priorindens og klosterfrøkenernes høje placering i rangen, til gengæld er hans forestilling om Jomfruklosteret som “et rosenflor af unge piger” helt ved siden af! Thorsøe, Alex.: Slottet i Odense. Under Prins Kristian som Fyens Gouvernør. Historisk Novelle. Kbh. 1910.

and family friends, even though, after the custom of the time, they must have been invited to the events of life, in common with their parents, brothers and sisters and nephews and nieces. Their closest relatives did not live far off, as three of the four Prioresses from 1786 to 1856 were from Funen, and two of them had previously been conventuals for a score of years, and the last for ten or so years – and generally speaking there was a predominance of ladies from Funen manors. But the ladies lived in the shadows and were “dead to the world”, almost like the Catholic nuns. This applies both to those who chose to live at Jomfruklosteret and those who made ends meet by drawing the allowance, either while staying with their family or alone with a maidservant, as occurred in several cases, also in the other convents.

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“On 6 January 1816, the Governor of Funen His Highness Prince Kristian [later Christian VIII], and his consort, Princess Karoline Amalie, made their entrance into Odense, with little Prince Frederik [later Frederik VII] accompanying them. This was a red-letter day in the history of the diocesan capital, as in retrospect it could be seen that Prince Kristian had in assuming the governorship inaugurated a new era in its history. (…) While the grand parade was under way for the Governor, the Princess received guests in her audience chamber, at which ladies of the Funen aristocracy and other female notabilities paid their respects. First she received a deputation from the Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen consisting of the Prioress and the two senior conventuals. Her Highness inquired as to the affairs of the Convent and observed that her father the Duke had frequently mentioned the large library, Karen Brahe’s library, which the Convent had in its possession. ‘But for all that,’ she remarked with a smile, ‘I do not occupy myself with bibliographical studies.’ The three convent ladies were entranced with the Princess’s beauty and grace, and the latter

var ikke langt borte, tre af fire priorinder fra 1786 til 1856 var fynboer, to af dem havde forinden været klosterfrøkener i en snes år og den tredie i en halv snes år – og generelt var der overvægt af frøkener fra de fynske gårde. Men frøkenerne var skyggetanter og som “døde for verden” næsten ligesom de katolske nonner. Det gælder både dem, der valgte at bo i Jomfruklosteret og dem, der blot hævede årpengene og brugte dem til at leve for, hos familien eller alene med en tjenestepige, som der er flere ekempler på, også fra de øvrige klostre. Trods et stort detektivarbejde er det kun lykkedes at finde frøkenernes stamdata: Fødsels- og dødsår, forældre og søskende. Ved hjælp af fædrenes karriere, antallet af sønner og døtre og deres giftermål, familiens bopæl i København, i en købstad eller på en herregård,

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quality was acknowledged by all the ladies who were received in audience by her.” “June 28 1816 was a day of celebration for Odense: it was Princess Karoline Amalie’s birthday, on which she reached the age of twenty years. (…) At two o’clock there was a military parade on the Square. (…) The windows of all the buildings on the Square and in the Secular Convent for Noblewomen were occupied by ladies in lightcoloured or white costumes. Their conversation, often interrupted by laughter and accompanied by coquettish glances, centred largely on the military. The civic guards and dragoons seemed to perceive this, and consequently exerted themselves with all their might to make a truly manly impression on the fair sex, whose admiration they fondly sought.” Extracts from a short story, The Castle of Odense, of 1910. The author has rightly gauged the high ranking of the Prioress and conventuals, but his idea of Jomfruklosteret as the home of “young girls in flower” is pure fantasy! Thorsøe, Alex.: The Castle of Odense. Under Prince Kristian as Governor of Funen. Historical Short Story. Copenhagen 1910.

Despite a great deal of detective work, it has only been possible to find the barest outlines of their lives: their year of birth and death, their parents and their brothers and sisters. By looking at the father’s career, the number of sons and daughters and their marriages, the family’s home in Copenhagen, in a market town or a manor house, whether the old people in the family lived in it and when the parents died, it is possible to create a kind of silhouette of the ladies. But this says nothing of their daily life at Jomfruklosteret, how they spent their time, who they associated with in Odense and elsewhere, or what they looked like and what they were like. For instance, we know nothing of their financial situation, which otherwise might explain why some of the rooms at Jomfruklosteret were better kept than others or provided with particularly expensive wall

om familiens gamle boede hos dem, og hvornår forældrene døde, kan der tegnes en slags silhouet af frøkenerne. Men det fortæller ikke, hvordan deres dagligliv var i Jomfruklosteret, hvad de fik tiden til at gå med, hvem der var deres omgangskreds i Odense og andre steder, og hvordan de selv så ud og var. Vi kender for eksempel ikke deres formueomstændigheder, som ellers kunne forklare, hvorfor nogle af rummene i Jomfruklosteret var mere velholdte end andre eller udstyrede med særlig dyre tapeter. Nogle har måske fået dem som gaver af familien, andre har haft formue eller har pludselig arvet – for som nævnt var alle lige, når indskrivningspengene var betalt, og Jomfruklosteret blandede sig ikke i frøkenernes privatøkonomi. Vi må lade os nøje med det lidt, vi kan gætte ud fra sporene i frøkenernes rum, og et par glimt af dem fra den litterære verden.

coverings. Some might have received them as gifts from the family, others may have had their own fortune or suddenly come into an inheritance – for, as previously mentioned, all were equal once the enrolment money was paid, and Jomfruklosteret did not pry into the ladies’ private finances. We have to be content with the little we can guess from the evidence in the ladies’ rooms and a few glimpses from the world of literature.

Lionised at Jomfruklosteret The writer Hans Christian Andersen apparently visited Jomfruklosteret often when he was in Odense in the mid-1830’s. His visits were possibly to the Prioress, Louise Catharine Sophie Heide, who grew up at Lavindsgaard Manor near Rønninge and was in her

Akvarel på silkepapir af Jomfruklosteret 1868-69. Ukendt oprindelse. Odense Stadsarkiv. Watercolour on silk paper of the Secular Convent for Noblewomen 1868-69. Unknown origin. Odense City Archives.

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Jomfruklosteret set fra øen i Odense Å 1866. Taget på staldog bryggersbygningen ses til højre for de tre søjlepopler, og til venstre for dem skimtes gavlen af et af de små huse ned mod åen langs Albanigade. Damerne nød deres eftermiddagsthe på bådebroen. Odense Bys Museer.

Jomfruklosteret seen from the island in Odense River in 1866. The roof of the western stable and brewhouse building is seen to the right of the fastigiate poplars, and to their left the gable of one of the small houses in Albanigade, can be glimpsed. The ladies enjoyed their afternoon tea at the platform at the river bank. City of Odense Museums.

Feteret i Jomfruklosteret

early forties. But there was obviously also interaction with the other ladies, and the writer acquired a strong admirer in one of the ladies, Christine Charlotte Louise von Schleppegrell, called Louise. She was born in 1774, entered the Convent at the age of 25 and died there 50 years later. In June 1835, Andersen wrote to a female friend: “An old Miss Schleppegrell at the Convent, probably around 60 years old, makes much of me, she is almost infatuated! Today I am invited to her at the Convent. See, I can still attract the old people! They look at the solid foundation, whereas young people! Oh to be very beautiful or very rich! Heavens preserve us!” In June 1836, Andersen wrote to a friend: “Last night I was with the Prioress at the Secular Convent, a very cultured lady. Miss Schleppegrell, who, as you know, showed me last year what she had never

H.C. Andersen kom tilsyneladende jævnligt på Jomfruklosteret, når han var i Odense i midten af 1830’erne. Besøgene gjaldt muligvis priorinden, Louise Catharine Sophie Heide, opvokset på Lavindsgaard ved Rønninge og nu først i fyrrerne. Men der var åbenbart også fælles samvær med de øvrige frøkener, for digteren fik en stor beundrerinde i en af frøkenerne, Christine Charlotte Louise von Schleppegrell, kaldet Louise. Hun var født 1774, kom i klosteret som 25-årig og døde der 50 år senere. I juni 1835 skrev han til en veninde: “En gammel klosterfrøken Schleppegrell, vist henved 60, sværmer for mig, hun er næsten forliebt! I dag er jeg inviteret til hende i klosteret. Se, de gamle, kan jeg nok få! de se på det solide, men de unge! Ak, var man dog meget smuk, eller meget rig! O Gud bevares!”

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H.C. Andersens erindring om Jomfruklosteret, med muren, den vestvendte del af haven og en gavl på staldog bryggersbygningen ud mod gaden – tegningen er lavet efter hukommelsen, for han har fået vendt dens gavl forkert. Desuden har Andersen bemærket indefra, at vinduerne i Biblioteket var blændede bag ved bogskabene, men har senere ikke helt kunnet huske, hvordan det så ud udefra og derfor ikke trukket blyantsstregerne op med pen. Odense Bys Museer. The writer Hans Christian Andersen’s memory of Jomfruklosteret, with the wall, the western-facing part of the garden and a gable of the stable and brewhouse building facing the street – the drawing is done from memory, as he has the gable at the wrong end. Also, Andersen had noticed inside that the windows in the Library were blocked off behind the bookcases, but later he could not quite remember how they looked from the outside, and has therefore not inked in his pencil strokes. City of Odense Museums.

I juni 1836 skrev Andersen til en ven: “I aftes var jeg hos priorinden i frøken klostret, en meget dannet dame. Frøken Schleppegrell, der, som De ved, viste mig i fjor, hvad hun endnu aldrig havde vist noget mandfolk, var klædt i blåt, den farve, som hun gav mig en sløjfe af i fjor da jeg rejste. Hun havde vist ventet at se sløjfen thi hun talte om ’den skønne riddertid, da ridderen sank for damens fod, sprang ned til løver’ og andet sludder. Hun er gal! Pastor Bentzien hørte det og morede sig kosteligt, vi grinede ordentligt bag de tætte hække. Der var ellers stort dameselskab, alle sad de ved åen, pludseligt sprang tre gode karle ud i vandet og svømmede forbi, så flygtede hele klostrets besætning. ’Det ser ud som tritoner!’ sagde frøken Schleppegrell.” Det, frøkenen viste digteren, var sit soveværelse. Desværre kan vi ikke få det samme at se som H.C. Andersen, vi ved ikke, hvor hun boede. Frøkenens passion varede ved. Et par år senere opholdt H.C. Andersen sig på Lykkesholm og skrev til en ven: “I Odense var jeg for et par dage siden, jeg boede hos Hancks; du kender vist af min beskrivelse en klosterfrøken, Schleppegrell, hun som gav mig, for et par år siden, en blå sløjfe, hun sagde til jomfru Hanck: “Gud, hvor De er lykkelig! De har ham”. Jomfru Hanck

previously shown any man, was dressed in blue, the colour of the bow she gave me last year when I went away. She had no doubt expected to see the bow because she spoke of ‘the wonderful age of chivalry when the knight knelt at his lady’s feet, jumped down on lions’ and such like balderdash. She is crazy! Pastor Bentzien overheard this and was much amused, and we laughed heartily behind the thick hedges. There was otherwise a large number of ladies present, all sitting down by the river, when suddenly three strapping fellows dived into the water and swam by, causing the whole convent contingent to take flight. ‘They look like tritons!’ said Miss Schleppegrell.” What the lady showed the writer was her bedroom. Regrettably, we have not the advantages of Hans Christian Andersen, as we do not know which room she lived in. The lady’s passion did not wane. A few years later, Hans Christian Andersen was staying at Lykkesholm Manor, and wrote to a friend: “I was in Odense a few days ago and stayed at the Hancks; you are probably aware from my description of a conventual, Miss Schleppegrell, who gave me a blue bow a few years ago, and she said to Miss Hanck: “Heavens, how fortunate you are! You have him.” Miss Hanck replied: “Yes, but

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svarede: “Ja, men han er næsten ude hele dagen!!” – “De har ham dog om natten!” sagde nonnen. Var det ikke naivt?” I 1839 skrev han til sin litterære veninde, jomfru Henriette Hanck om en udgivelse og bad hende fortælle frøken von Schleppegrell “at mit nye eventyr Rosen-Alfen bestemt er et eventyr hun vil synes om, skønt jeg forud hører at hun siger ’Uh, det er skrækkeligt!’”15 Det er selvfølgelig letkøbt at gøre sig lystig over en gammel pebermø, men det var en type i klostrene: Romantisk, sværmerisk, eksalteret og med lidt klassisk dannelse. Det kunne løbe helt af med dem, de levede med i andres liv og ville så gerne det hele, at ingenting blev til noget – man holdt af dem, men hverken nogen mand eller deres egen familie kunne holde dem ud ret længe ad gangen.

he’s out nearly all day!!” – “But you have him at night!” the nun said. A naive remark, don’t you think?” In 1839, he wrote to his literary friend Miss Henriette Hanck about a book he was publishing, and asked her to tell Miss von Schleppegrell “that my new story The Rose Elf is definitely one she will enjoy, even though I can already hear her saying ‘Oh, but it’s frightful!’”.15 Naturally old spinsters are an easy target, but the convents did have a special type who were romantic, over-imaginative, overwrought and with a smattering of a classical education. They could get completely carried away, lived their lives through other people and wanted so much of everything that they never achieved anything – they were well-loved but neither a husband nor their own family could bear them for too long at a time.

Frøkenen i østgavlen

The lady of the east gable

De to rum i Jomfruklosterets østgavl har været konstant beboede, og her er flere lag maling og tapet end i noget andet rum. I begyndelsen af 1830’erne boede der kun to-tre frøkener i klosteret, så hver kunne få to rum, en lille lejlighed. Wilhelmine Charlotte Bielefeldt blev klosterjomfru 41 år gammel i 1832, men

The two rooms at the eastern gable end of Jomfruklosteret have been continuously occupied, and here there are more layers of paintwork and wallpaper than in any other room. At the start of the 1830’s, only two or three ladies lived at the Convent, so each could have two rooms, forming a small apartment. Wilhelmine

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I rum 208 står en del af skorstenen til gavlkaminen i øst. Ved restaureringen er der efterladt et kig til den oprindelige bræddevæg med en meget flot søjledekoration. Tapetdøren blev lavet i 1770’erne, da frøkenen i naboværelset, flyttede hen i vestgavlen og hendes værelse, rum 209, blev lagt til 208. Foto: Roberto Fortuna. Modsatte side: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. Part of the chimney for the gable end fireplace in the east in room 208. After the restoration there is a glimpse of the original partition wall with an impressive pillar decoration. The jib door was constructed in the 1770’s, when the lady in the next room moved to the western gable and her room, 209, was added to 208. Photo: Roberto Fortuna. Opposite page: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Rum 209, hvor en tidligere skabelonmaling er genskabt. Til højre ses tapetdøren ind til rum 208. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

flyttede ikke ind med det samme, for hun er ikke med i folketællingen 1834, der også oplyste fraværende. Hun boede i lejligheden til 1873. Frøken Bielefeldt var født i Norge, hvor faderen var oberst. Ved arv fra to af faderens slægtninge og moderens forældre fik familien i løbet af et par år en vældig formue og kappedes nu med den legendarisk rige Bernt Anker i overdådig selskabelighed og materielle goder, blandt andet havde de en kok, “der vidste at forskaffe artiskokker, ananas og mere sådant, der næppe tilforn var frembåret paa norske taffeler.” Der var to sønner og to døtre; den ene søn var “moderens afgud”,

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Charlotte Bielefeldt became a conventual at the age of 41 in 1832, but did not move in at once, as she is not included in the census of 1834, which also noted persons who were absent. She lived in the apartment until 1873. Miss Bielefeldt was born in Norway, where her father was a colonel. By inheritance from two of the father’s relatives and the mother’s parents, the family accumulated a large fortune within a couple of years, and now competed with the legendarily wealthy Bernt Anker in sumptuous sociability and material possessions. Among other things, they had a cook

Room 209, where a previous stencil painting has been re-created. To the right, the jib door to room 208 is seen. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

fortæller en norsk litterrær dame i sine erindringer,16 de andre børn brød hun sig kun lidet om, og hun behandlede døtrene med kulde; den yngste var livlig og tækkelig, den ældste “var halt og så ilde ud” – det var Wilhelmine Charlotte. Forældrene blev, usædvanligt for tiden, skilt, og Wilhelmine Charlotte kom i et pigeinstitut, mens søsteren blev gift. Faderen kom tilbage til København og blev vicekommandant kort før det engelske bombardement og Flådens ran i 1807. Han fik sammen med kommandanten skylden for begivenhederne og blev dømt fra liv, ære og gods. Selvom han blev benådet, var alt

“who was able to procure artichokes, pineapples and the like, such as had scarcely ever graced a Norwegian banqueting table before”. There were two sons and two daughters; one son was the “mother’s idol”, a Norwegian literary lady recounts in her memoirs,16 while the other children were little loved, and she treated the daughters coldly; the younger was lively and winsome, while the elder was “lame and ill-favoured” – this was Wilhelmine Charlotte. Unusually for the time, the parents were divorced and Wilhelmine Charlotte entered an institution for girls, while her sister married. The father returned to

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tabt. At faderens synder ikke nedarvedes på frøkenen ses af, at hun 1843-44 var indbudt til kronprins Frederik (VII) og kronprinsessens hof på Odense Slot – men det var alle frøkenerne måske, og hendes invitationer er blot de eneste bevarede. Frøken Bielefeldt boede antagelig hos faderen og søsteren, indtil hun fik plads i Jomfruklosteret, hvor vides ikke. I hendes sidste år på Jomfruklosteret boede søsteren, nu enke efter en major, i Paaskestræde sammen med en efterhånden midaldrende, ugift datter, og levede af en pension efter majoren. Frøkenen vidste nok, hvordan en standsmæssig bolig så ud: På familiens gård i Oslo var salenes vægge betrukket med silke. Gården blev siden solgt til fattighus, og fattigkonerne rev silketøjet af og lavede det til huer, fortæller den norske dame. Men frøken Bielefeldt har ikke haft de store midler, i hendes tid var lejligheden i østgavlen yderst beskeden, med beige tapet og lysegråt træværk – det er værelsets senere beboere, der står for de fjorten lag tapet, som konservatorerne har fundet.

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Copenhagen and became Vice Commandant shortly before the English bombardment and the plunder of the Fleet in 1807. Together with the Commandant he received the blame for the events and was sentenced to deprivation of life, honour and possessions. Even though he was later pardoned, all he owned was lost. That the father’s sins were not held against the daughter can be seen by the fact that in 1843-44 she was invited to the court of Crown Prince Frederik (later Frederik VII) and his wife at Odense Castle – but perhaps all the Convent residents were invited and her invitation is the only one preserved. Miss Bielefeldt apparently lived with her father and sister until she received a place at Jomfruklosteret, though where this might have been is unknown. In her last years at Jomfruklosteret, her sister, now a major’s widow, lived in Paaskestræde together with what was now a middle-aged unmarried daughter, supporting herself on the major’s pension. This conventual presumably knew what a home befitting one’s station looked like: at the family’s house

Rum 209. Under restaureringen blev samtlige vinduer sat grundigt i stand, og imens blev åbningerne dækket med en plade. Kakkelovnen i den marmorerede niche havde rør til gavlkaminens skorsten; den fungerer ikke længere, hvorfor der ikke er sat nogen ovn op her. Foto: Roberto Fortuna. Modsatte side nederst: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Room 209. During the restoration, all windows were thoroughly reconditioned, the openings beings covered for the duration. The stove in the marbled niche had pipes to the chimney of the gable end fireplace; it no longer works, which is why no stove was put up here after the restoration. Photo: Roberto Fortuna. Bottom: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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Indersiden af døren ind til rum 206, Arkaderummet. Konservatorerne har afdækket en bemaling, der tilsyneladende stammer fra en anden periode end bræddevæggenes dekoration. 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. The inside of the door to room 206, the Arcade Room. The conservators have uncovered a paintwork, which appears to come from a different time period than the decoration on the partition wall. 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Af uægte fødsel Sophie Laura Løvensøn flyttede ind i Arkaderummet, 206, i 1854. Hun var den eneste klosterjomfru af uægte fødsel – og af kongeligt blod, skønt efterhånden temmelig fortyndet. Hun nedstammede fra Ulrik Frederik Gyldenløve, Frederik IIIs søn, og Sophie Urne, som man nok husker fra J.P. Jacobsens Marie Grubbe; deres sønner og alle efterkommere gik i udenlandsk tjeneste. Frøkenens fader, kammerherre, greve af DanneskioldLøvendal, fik fire børn med forskellige mødre. Frøkenens moder var ukendt, hun lå på Fødselsstiftelsen som N.N. Faderen giftede sig aldrig af den besynderlige årsag, at det var bedre at “lade navnet uddø” end at give det videre til børn, som måtte kæmpe med fattigdom og modgang, idet familiens formue var konfiskeret under Den franske Revolution. Han legitimerede dog børnene og fik kongelig resolution på navnet Løvensøn og “adelige rettigheder”, således at han blandt andet kunne indskrive døtrene i et adeligt jomfrukloster. Da frøken Løvensøn som 49-årig kom til Odense, havde hun en årrække været lærerinde i en privat døtreskole i Nakskov. Her boede hun hos sin halvsøster, der var gift med en præst, senere biskop over Lolland-Falsters Stift, som også havde to af sine slægtninge i huset. I Jomfruklosteret fik frøken Løvensøn til overflod to rum. Arkaderummet var dagligstue, det næste værelse mod øst var soveværelse. Det var lidt besværligt, for der var ikke dør imellem rummene, så man skulle hen over det store trapperum, til gengæld var der ovn i begge rum. Frøken Løvensøn døde i 1875.

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I frøken Løvensøns soveværelse var der på et tidspunkt opbygget et rum med en firfløjet foldedør. Den kunne ligne en alkove til tjenestefolk, som dengang ofte fandtes på slotte og herregårde – her til kammerpigen. Men under restaureringen blev det opdaget, at alkoven engang mellem 1825 og 1835 er tapetseret overalt med kostbart fransk tapet, så måske var det frøkenens diminutive sovekammer. At one point, Miss Løvensøn’s bedroom contained within it a room with a four-leaved folding door. This might look like an alcove for servants, such as were often found in castles and country houses – in this case for the lady’s maid. But during the restoration it was found that, sometime between 1825 and 1835, the alcove was papered all over with a costly French wallpaper, so maybe it was the lady’s diminutive bedchamber.

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in Oslo, the walls in the reception rooms were lined with silk. The house was later sold off as a poorhouse, and the female paupers tore the silk off the walls and made it into caps, the Norwegian lady states. But Miss Bielefeldt did not have extensive means, and in her time the apartment at the east end was extremely modest, with beige wallpaper and light-grey woodwork – it was the room’s later inhabitants who were responsible for the 14 layers of wallpaper which the conservators have charted.

Of illegitimate birth Sophie Laura Løvensøn moved into the Arcade Room, 206, in 1854. She was the only conventual of illegitimate birth – and of royal blood, though fairly diluted by this time. She was a descendant of Ulrik Frederik Gyldenløve, Frederik III’s son, and Sophie Urne, as is related in J.P. Jacobsen’s novel Marie Grubbe; their sons and all subsequent descendants went into foreign service. The lady’s father, Royal Chamberlain and Count of Danneskiold-Løvendal, had four children with different mothers. The identity of the lady’s mother was unknown, as she gave birth anonymously at the Copenhagen Fødselsstiftelsen Maternity Hospital. The father never married, with the odd justification that it was better to “let the name die out” than to pass it on to children who might struggle with poverty and adversity, as the family’s fortune had been confiscated under the French Revolution. However, he had the children legitimated and obtained a royal resolution for the name Løvensøn and “noble privileges”, so that he was able to enrol his daughters in a secular convent for noblewomen. When Miss Løvensøn came to Odense at the age of 49, she had for a number of years been a teacher in a private girls’ school in Nakskov. Here she lived with her half-sister, who was married to a priest, later Bishop of the Diocese of Lolland-Falster, who also had two of his relatives staying in the house. At Jomfruklosteret Miss Løvensøn had two whole rooms at her disposal. The Arcade Room was her

Alkoven i rum 207 var tapetseret bĂĽde ind- og udvendigt med et af de fineste tapeter, der er fundet i Jomfruklosteret, med et iridiserende skĂŚr. 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. The alcove in 207 was wallpapered both inside and outside with one of the finest wallpapers found in Secular Convent for Noblewomen with an iridescent glimmer. 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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Den østligste ende af priorindelejligheden, ud mod Paaskestræde. Den smukke laverede pennetegning er fra maleren Wilhelm Bendz’ skitsebog fra 1820’erne og mærket “Stue i Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster”. Bendz var født 1804 i Odense, hvor hans fader blev borgmester, så han kom ofte på besøg, efter at han som 16-årig blev optaget på Kunstakademiet. Proportionerne passer ikke, der kan ikke være en seng på den væg, med mindre det er en af de udtrækssenge, der var populære i empiren. Der er heller ingen skorsten her – skillevæggen er af brædder – men det var ikke ualmindeligt at trække skorstensrør tværs gennem tilstødende rum.

The eastern end of the Prioress’s apartment, facing Paaskestræde. This lovely pen and wash drawing is taken from painter Wilhelm Bendz’s sketch book in the 1820’s and is marked “Room at Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen”. Bendz was born in 1804 in Odense, where his father became mayor, so he visited the town often after entering the Academy of Arts in Copenhagen at the age of 16. The proportions are not correct, as there is no room for a bed on that wall, unless it is one of the pull-out beds popular during the Empire period. Nor was there a chimney here – the partition wall is made of boards – but it was not uncommon to lead chimney flues across adjacent rooms.

Tegningen er i det hele taget mystisk: På knagen hænger noget tøj og en hovedbeklædning, der ligner en moderne murers arbejdstøj, og der står en spyttebakke, som ikke rimer med jomfrukloster. Derimod kan værelserne udmærket have haft denne på én gang robuste og spartanske stemning, før stormønstrede tapeter og tæpper, overpolstring, tunge gardiner og portierer holdt deres indtog i boligindretningen. Statens Museum for Kunst.

The drawing is rather puzzling in many ways: on the coat pegs there hang clothing and a headdress which resemble those of a modern plasterer, and a spittoon is shown, though this seems unlikely for a secular convent. On the other hand, the rooms may well have had this simultaneously robust and spartan atmosphere, before large-patterned wallpapers and carpets, overstuffed furniture and heavy window and door curtains made their appearance in home furnishing. National Gallery of Denmark.

Priorindens lejlighed

drawing room, while the next room to the east was her bedroom. This was rather inconvenient, as there was no door between the rooms, so it was necessary to walk across the large landing, but on the other hand, both rooms had a stove. Miss Løvensøn died in 1875.

Priorindelejligheden lå i stueetagens østlige ende og skulle ifølge fundatsen bestå af et kammer og et kabinet, dvs. en dagligstue. Det lyder ikke af meget, men rummene var store, de blev først delt op senere. Priorinden møblerede selv lejligheden, men møblerne tilfaldt klosteret ved hendes død – det skulle man have in mente, når man udvalgte de stykker, der skulle med ind i Jomfruklosteret, for der kunne jo være familieklenodier, som man gerne ville give i arv. Allerede mens Anne Brahe levede, havde Karen Brahe uden tvivl haft et rum på Bispegaarden, som hun kunne bruge, når hun var i Odense, og i Jomfruklosterets tid var der et “Patronessens Kammer”. Som tidligere nævnt boede her en pensionær i ti år. Da Susanne Brahe var død i 1760, og patronen fik hendes gård bag Jomfruklosteret til rådighed, blev Patronessens Kammer lagt til priorindelejligheden. Priorinderne skulle selv vedligeholde lejligheden, og det kan forklare, at den ifølge konservatorene har været meget beskedent udstyret. I 1868 gav Justitsministeriet, der var tilsynsførende med Jomfruklosteret,

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The Prioress’s apartment The Prioress’s apartment lay at the eastern end of the ground floor, and according to the trust deeds was to consist of a chamber and a cabinet, i.e. a drawing room. This does not sound so impressive, but the rooms were large and were only subdivided later on. The Prioress furnished the apartment herself, but the furniture would become the property of Jomfruklosteret at her death – something to bear in mind when selecting the pieces to take into Jomfruklosteret, because they might include family heirlooms which the person would like to bequeath to another. Even during Anne Brahe’s lifetime, Karen Brahe almost certainly had a room at the Bishop’s Palace which she could use while in Odense, and in the time

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Plan for ombygning af priorindelejligheden 1869. Alt, hvad der skulle laves, er markeret med rødt. Hvis Bendz’ tegning er korrekt i store træk, blev den nord-sydgående skillevæg flyttet hen midt i et vindue. Der var overalt kun tale om opsætning af bræddevægge, som delte den oprindelige østsal i en labyrint af små rum. Der blev også foretaget et par større indgreb i østenden, idet der blev hugget en hel meter af den 1,75 m tykke nordmur i 105, og i 106 blev der udhugget et nyt vindue. Den underlige form på muren og forskellen i murtykkelser i tegningens “Spisekammer” viser, hvor hovedbygningen blev forlænget i anden halvdel af 1500-tallet. Rum 108a, det rum som Bendz tegnede, var skilt af fra rum 108 og 108c med en væg af genbrugsbrædder – vandrette på den ene side og lodrette på den anden. De brædder, der vender ind mod rum 108, er brugt flere gange: de er fyldt med med gamle sø og har spor efter marmorering og illuderede paneler, et eksempel på en sparsommelighed, der præger klosteret overalt. Odense Bys Museer.

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Plan for rebuilding of Prioress’s apartment in 1869. The work to be done is marked in red. If Bendz’s drawing is largely correct, the north-south partition wall was moved to the centre of a window. The work only involved the erection of wooden partition walls, which divided the original eastern hall into a labyrinth of small rooms. A couple of more major alterations were made at the east end, as a whole metre of the 1.75 m thick northern wall was hacked out in 105, and in 106 a new window was hacked out. The strange shape of the wall and the difference in wall thicknesses in the drawing’s “Spisekammer” (larder) shows where the main building was extended in the second half of the 16th century. Room 108a, the room on Bendz’ drawing, was separated from rooms 108 and 108c with a wall of reused boards – horizontal on the one side and vertical on the other. The vertical boards, facing room 108, have traces of marbling and trompe l’oeil panels and are filled with old nails, an example of the thrifty recycling of materials seen throughout the Convent. City of Odense Museums.

Modsatte side: Jomfru Bredsted var født i Odense 1840 og blev ansat som kammerjomfru af priorinden i 1860’erne. I 1869 fik hun sit eget pæne værelse med blomstret tapet i østgavlen. Hun blev efterhånden husjomfru og oldfrue boede på klosteret hele sit arbejdsliv. Hun lod sig først pensionere i 1913, da priorindens datter, der efterfulgte sin mor som priorinde, gik bort. Foto: Lundqvist Tegnestue.

tilladelse til at bruge af en såkaldt reservefond til ombygning og istandsættelse af lejligheden, der formentlig var helt utidssvarende. Til priorindernes hushold hørte hendes personlige kammerjomfru, der fungerede som husholderske, og en tjenestepige. Med ombygningen fik de nu deres egne rum ved opdeling af salen i østgavlen, så der blev et værelse til jomfruen, og desuden ved en skillevæg i køkkenet, hvor tjenestepigen kunne havde det lidt for sig selv. Priorindens datter var nu nær de 30 år, men det ser ikke ud til, at hun havde sit eget rum, med mindre hun fik soveværelse i et af de nye små rum, uden at det er angivet på tegningen. Men hun kan sagtens have sovet inde hos moderen, det var ikke ualmindeligt i datiden. Justitsministeriet gav tilladelse til istandsættelse igen i 1898 – da havde datteren, som nu var priorinde, boet i lejligheden i 42 år, og det var en snes år siden der var gjort noget sidst. I 1914, hvor en ny priorinde tiltrådte, blev der igen sat i stand. Samtidig blev der givet tilladelse til at indlægge vand og afløb i klosterets bygninger, og der blev opsat toilet i priorindelejligheden.

of Jomfruklosteret, there was a “Patroness’s Room”. As previously mentioned, this was inhabited by a boarder for ten years. When Susanne Brahe died in 1760 and the Patron acquired the use of her house behind Jomfruklosteret, the Patroness’s Room was added to the Prioress’s apartment. The Prioress was responsible for maintenance of the apartment, and this may be the reason why, according to the conservators, it was always modestly refurbished. In 1868, the Ministry of Justice, which supervised Jomfruklosteret, gave permission for the use of a so-called reserve fund for altering and refurbishing the apartment, which presumably was badly out of date. The prioress’s household included her personal lady’s maid, who acted as housekeeper, and a maidservant. After the rebuilding work they now both received their own room, by the sub-division of the hall at the east end to make a room for the lady’s maid, and by a partition in the kitchen, to allow the maidservant a little privacy. The Prioress’s daughter was now almost 30 years old, but it does not seem that she had her own room, unless she received a bedroom in one of the new small rooms without this being stated on the drawing. But

Miss Bredsted was born in Odense in 1840 and employed as lady’s maid by the Prioress in the 1860’s. In 1869 she was given her own nice bedroom with floral wallpaper at the eastern gable end. She lived at the Convent for the whole of her working life, eventually becoming housekeeper, and only retired in 1913, when the Prioress’s daughter, herself appointed Prioress, passed away. Photo: Lundqvist Architects.

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Rum 108 var en del af den store sal, der opstod i østgavlen ved forlængelsen af bygningen i 1500-tallet. Som det eneste sted i klosteret er der her fjernet skillerum, så salen til dels er genskabt. Den hvide væg på det nederste billede er en rest af den senere opdeling, hvorfor den rød-grønne bandemaling er afbrudt her – men den fortsætter på den anden side af skillevæggen. Døren på endevæggen er også en senere tilføjelse og derfor blændet. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

Room 108 was part of the original great hall to the east, enlarged by the 16th century extension of the building. This is the only place in the Convent where partitions have been removed during the restoration, thus partly re-creating the hall. The white wall in the picture below is a remainder of this partition; the red-green striped decor is discontinued here to proceed on the other side of the wall. The door on the end wall is a later addition as well and therefore shut permanently. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

she may well have slept with her mother, as this was not uncommon at the time. The Ministry of Justice gave further permission for refurbishment in 1898 – by this time the daughter, now the Prioress, had lived in the apartment for 42 years, and it was 20 years or so since the last time anything had been done. In 1914, when a new Prioress took up the post, it was renovated again. Permission was also given to lay on water and drainage in the Convent, and a toilet was installed in the Prioress’s apartment.

Priorindens køkken

The Prioress’s kitchen

I 16-1700-tallet var det almindeligt at lave småretter og varme drikke i kaminen, som det ses på mange malerier og stik, eller på en lille ildbænk. Det har Bispegaardens beboere også gjort, typisk i de rum, hvor husets kvinder og de små børn med deres ammer og barnepiger opholdt sig. Disse faciliteter fandtes i et af priorindens rum, 107, hvor der under restaureringen er fundet en lys gul kalk, den gængse farve i køkkener og omkring ildbænken i 1700-tallet. Når priorinden havde gæster, kunne hendes kammerjomfru lave vafler, krumkager og æbleskiver og de nye drikke kaffe, the og chokolade – så skulle det store køkken ikke sættes i sving, når ilden var dækket og kokkepigen gået til ro. Den daglige madlavning til frøkenerne og tjenestefolkene foregik ikke i priorindens køkken før muligvis sidst i 1800-tallet, da der kun var tre frøkener, men i et stort køkken i østfløjen. Bortset fra brandfaren lavede man ikke større mængder mad, der skulle steges og brases, inde i selve huset på grund af lugt, støj og griseri – råvarene var dengang virkelig rå. Det er heller ikke sandsynligt, at man har slæbt dyrekroppe og jordfyldte grøntsager ind i priorindens lejlighed og lavet to forskellige slags mad, til frøkenerne og til tjenestefolkene, i alt omkring tyve personer, derinde. Desuden var der ikke murede bageovne inde i hovedbygningen. Rummet med ildbænken havde oprindeligt ikke dagslys eller kun et meget lille vindue, så i forbindelse med ombygningen i 1869 blev der hugget ud til et

In the 17th and 18th century it had been usual to cook small dishes and make hot drinks over the fire, as can be seen from many paintings and prints, or on a small raised hearth. The residents of the Bishop’s Palace would also have done so, typically in the rooms which the house’s women and the babies with their nurses and nannies occupied. These facilities existed in one of the Prioress’s rooms, 107, in which restoration has revealed a light yellow limewash, the usual colour for kitchens and around raised hearths in the 18th century. When the Prioress had guests, her lady’s maid could make waffles, wafers and fritters and the new drinks of coffee, tea and chocolate – without having to activate the main kitchen once the fire had been damped down and the kitchenmaid had retired for the night. Daily food preparation for the ladies and servants did not take place in the Prioress’s kitchen, at least, not until late in the 19th century, when there were only three ladies, but in a large kitchen in the east wing. Quite apart from the risk of fire, large amounts of food requiring roasting and frying would not have been prepared in the house itself, due to the smell, noise and mess – in those days raw ingredients really were raw. Nor is it likely that animal carcases and muddy vegetables were dragged into the Prioress’s apartment so that two different kinds of food, one for the ladies and one for the servants, a total of 20 persons, could be prepared in her kitchen. There were also no brick ovens in the main building.

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vindue som de øvrige i nordfacaden – muren er her 1,75 m. Der blev også installeret et af de dengang helt moderne støbejernskomfurer foran skorstenen, hvor ildbænken havde været. Senere er der opsat et mere moderne køkken.

Dameværelser og pulterrum Tidligere havde priorinden og frøkenerne spist sammen i stueetagen, formentlig i det rum, der efter ombygningen i 1869 blev priorindens spisestue, i dag 110. Kort efter skete der en større ændring i husets indre organisation, sandsynligvis for at spare på opvarmningen af de store, højloftede rum i stueetagen, men måske også fordi de aldrende frøkener kunne blive ude af stand til at forcere trapperne. Endelig ønskede priorinden og hendes voksne datter måske lidt privatliv og ville spise for sig selv. Den kollektive samværsform, som Karen Brahe havde haft med fra sin barndom midt i 1600-tallet, var for længst ude af brug i de højere samfundslag og kunne fraviges.

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The room with the raised hearth originally had no daylight or only a very small window, so at the time of the building work of 1869, an opening for a window similar to the others was hacked into the north facade – the wall here is 1.75 m thick. One of the then latest innovations, a cast-iron solid fuel stove, was installed in front of the chimney where the raised hearth had been. Later, a more modern kitchen was fitted.

Ladies’ rooms and lumber rooms Formerly, the Prioress and ladies had eaten together on the ground floor, presumably in the room which after the modernisation of 1869 became the Prioress’s dining room, today 110. Shortly afterwards, there was a major change in the internal organisation of the house, probably to save the cost of heating the large, high-ceilinged rooms on the ground floor, but it may also have been that the ageing ladies were no longer able to manage the stairs. And after all, the Prioress and her adult daughter perhaps wanted a little more

Udenfor på hver side af hovedtrappen sad et gammeldags ringeapparat med snoretræk til en klokke i hver ende af huset. Flere steder i trapperummene og i korridorer var der knager til gæsters overtøj, hatte og paraplyer. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. Korridoren, rum 217a, med udsigt til rum 217 med en statelig cylinderovn med krone. 2013. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

On each side of the main entrance was a ringer with pull cord for a bell inside in each end of the building. In the entrance hall and the corridors upstairs were several hooks for guests’ coats, hats, and umbrellas. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. The corridor, room 217a, with a view to room 217 and a stately cylinder-shaped stove with a crown. 2013. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

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“Hun er vel også snart i de år, hvor unge piger bliver gamle jomfruer”. Herman Bang: Ludvigsbakke. 1896. Maleri af John Singer Sargent: Mosquito Nets. 1908. Detroit Institute of Arts. “She is probably approaching the age when young girls become old maids”. Herman Bang: Ludvigsbakke. 1896. Painting by John Singer Sargent: Mosquito Nets. 1908. Detroit Institute of Arts.

Ændringen skete lige efter, at en 87-årig frøken var død efter 59 år i to nordvendte rum. Der var nu fire frøkener tilbage, som hver havde to værelser, og i lyset af økonomien valgte patronen og priorinden at lade den gamle frøkens rum stå tomme. Pladsen derimod blev de næste 19 år besat med frøkener, der blot fik årpengene, indtil de blev gift. Derefter var den et par gange besat med frøkener, som formentlig boede på Jomfruklosteret en kort tid, men ikke nødvendigvis i disse rum – pladser og værelser fulgtes som nævnt ikke ad. Frøkenens to rum samt to tilstødende blev indrettet som fællesrum: “Damernes spisestue”, “Damernes dagligstue” og to “Dameværelser”, de sidste tre med ovne. De har uden tvivl været hyggeligere end den store, gennemgående sal nedenunder, 104, som hidtil havde været opholdsrum. Den fælles spisning var således ophævet, men ikke den fælles husholdning, og damerne fik nu maden bragt op i den lille spisestue, der efter tidens skik ikke var opvarmet. Ordet “dameværelse” leder tanken hen på en restaurant, hvor damer kunne trække sig tilbage til et diskret rum. Det er let at se de ældre frøkener sidde der efter middagen – der blev serveret midt på dagen – med en kop kaffe og et håndarbejde, en ny bog, Berlingske Tidende eller Revue de deux mondes, et af de kulturtidsskrifter, hvor “man” blev orienteret og holdt sit franske flydende. Hvor meget rummene blev brugt til de forskellige formål er ikke til at sige – de kaldes samtidig pulterrum! Tidligere arvede Jomfruklosteret priorindernes møbler, og der er nok møbleret med dem her, måske sammen med frøkenernes overskydende bohave.

privacy and to eat by themselves. The collective community life which Karen Brahe had experienced from her childhood in the mid-17th century had long fallen out of favour among the higher classes and could be dispensed with. This change occurred directly after an 87 year old lady died after 59 years in two north-facing rooms. There were now four ladies left, each of whom had two rooms, and for the sake of the finances, the Patron and Prioress agreed to let the old lady’s room stand empty. The Place itself, however, was occupied for the next 19 years, with ladies who merely collected the allowance until they married. Subsequently it was filled a couple of times with ladies who presumably lived at Jomfruklosteret for a short while, but not necessarily in these rooms – as mentioned before, places and rooms did not follow each other. The lady’s two rooms and two adjacent ones were fitted out as rooms for common use: the “Ladies’ dining room”, the “Ladies’ sitting room” and two “Ladies’ rooms”, the last three with stoves. These were doubtless more comfortable that the large transversal hall below, 104, which had been the living room before. Communal eating was thus abandoned, but not the common housekeeping, and the ladies now had their food brought up to the small dining room, which by the custom of the time was unheated. The word “Ladies’ room” is reminiscent of a restaurant in which ladies can withdraw to a more private room. It is easy to imagine the elderly ladies sitting there after their dinner – the main meal was taken at midday – with a cup of coffee and some needlework, a new book, a newspaper or Revue de deux mondes, one of the cultured journals which enabled persons of a certain class to keep up to date and practise their French. How much the rooms were used for the different purposes is difficult to say – they are also called lumber rooms! In earlier days, Jomfruklosteret inherited the Prioress’s furniture, and they were perhaps furnished from this source, maybe with some of the ladies’ surplus possessions.

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Østfløjen

The east wing

I Jomfruklosterets tid lå køkkenet i østfløjen, opført 1749. Det var almindeligt at opføre eller benytte en bindingsværksbygning til formålet, ikke mindst på grund af brandfaren. Af samme grund lagde man helst bygningen på grundens østlige del for dog at gøre noget til, at den overvejende vestlige vind ikke førte flammer ind på hovedbygningen ved en ildebrand. Her var ildbænk og postejovn, og i et rum var der strygestue med ovn til boltene i strygejernene. Desuden var her en lille stald til én ko, en portgennemgang fra Paaskestræde og rum til tjenestefolkene. For at stuepigerne ikke skulle ud i gården og helt hen til hovedtrappen med maden, blev der hugget en dør i nordfløjens kraftige murværk, så man kunne gå fra køkkenet direkte ind i det østre trapperum. Bageovn og bryggekedel lå i en selvstændig bygning mod Bispegaardsstræde, senere Albanigade. I 1747 blev en gammel staldbygning nedrevet. Dens nordlige ende må have rørt fundamenterne til den gamle bispegårds vestfløj, men den kendte ingen længere noget til. I stedet blev opført en 15 fags bygning i egebindingsværk, med bageovn og bryggers, der i

In the time of Jomfruklosteret, the kitchen lay in the east wing, erected in 1749. It was normal to erect or use a half-timbered building for this purpose, not least because of the fire risk. For the same reason, such a building was preferably constructed on the eastern part of a site to help prevent the prevailing westerly wind from spreading flames to the main building in the case of a fire. The building would contain a cooking hearth and a small oven, and one room was an ironing room with an oven for the flat iron inserts. There was also a small stall for a single cow, a gate and throughpassage from Paaskestræde and rooms for servants. To avoid the maids having to go into the yard and all the way over to the main stairs with food, a door was inserted in the thick brickwork of the north wing to give access from the kitchen directly into the eastern stairwell. A baking oven and brewing copper were accommodated in a separate building over by Bispegaardsstræde, later Albanigade. In 1747, an old stable building was pulled down. Its northern end must have been in contact with the foundations of the old bishop’s palace west wing, but no-one knew about

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Østfløjen havde oprindeligt flere rum og et loft, men ved restaureringen blev den indrettet som ét rum og åbnet til kip. Det store, lyse rum har alle faciliteter til foredrag og konferencer, og Jomfruklosterets kommende lejere har kaldt den Karen Brahe Salen. Udefra er det ikke til at gætte, hvad det skæve og uregelmæssige hus indeholder. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

The east wing originally had more rooms and an attic, but during the restoration it was tranformed into one room, open to the collar beams. The large, brightly lit room has all facilities for lectures and conferences, and the future tenants of the Secular Convent for Noblewomen have named it the Karen Brahe Hall. From the outside one would not guess what the crooked and irregular building houses. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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Indskrevne døtre som statussymbol

Priorinden og frøkenerne i Roskilde Adelige Jomfrukloster havde i 1705 fået tildelt plads i den daværende Forordning om Rangen. I forbindelse med en ny forordning 1746 fik også priorinden og frøkenerne i Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster placering – så var alt på sin rette plads ved offentlige begivenheder, bordsætning og andre lejligheder, hvor der kunne blive stridigheder om placeringen. Frøkenerne på Vallø havde allerede fra stiftelsen et ordenstegn til brug ved såkaldt solenne lejligheder, med bryststjerne og båret ligesom Dannebrog- og Elefantordenen, blot med et rødt bånd. Andre klostre fulgte efter med forskellige tegn. I 1856, i 150-året for Karen Brahes fundats, fik Jomfruklosteret et ordenstegn, båret i damesløjfe. På ordenstegnets revers står 1856 og Preben Bille-Brahe, Jomfruklosterets patron og initiativtager til tegnet. I midten ses hans slægtsvåben på blå grund. Ordensbåndet har Bille-Brahernes heraldiske farver. Klosterfrøkener havde fra sidst i 1700-tallet en form for stillingsbetegnelse: Konventualinde, af conventus, middelalderlatin for en religiøs forsamling eller gruppe, efterfulgt af klosterets navn. Roskilde Kloster. Foto: Karsten Damstedt. The Prioress and ladies of Roskilde Secular Convent for Noblewomen had in 1705 been assigned a place in the current Rank Ordinance. In connection with a new Ordinance of 1746, the Prioress and ladies of Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen also received a place – so the proprieties of rank and occasion could be maintained at public events, table placings and other occasions where questions of precedence could cause problems.

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I løbet af 1800-tallet blev indskrivning i et kloster et statussymbol, både for familien og for frøkenen selv: Det viste, at man var adelig eller i rangen og havde ret til det, men også at man havde råd – og jo flere døtre, jo bedre råd. Var frøkenen indskrevet flere steder, nævntes de alle, med Vallø som det fornemste og med den største signalværdi, idet indskrivningen dér var meget dyr. Oplysningerne optrådte på linie med sønners embedstitler. Konventualinde blev brugt, når frøkenen var rykket op til en plads som klosterfrøken, også selvom hun ikke boede på det pågældende kloster.

The ladies at Vallø had had an order since from the foundation, for use on so-called solemn occasions. The badge was worn in the same way as the Danish Orders of Dannebrog and the Elephant, but with a red ribbon. Other convents followed suit, with insignia of various types. In 1856, on the 150th anniversary of Karen Brahe’s trust deed, an order badge was created for the Odense Convent, worn on a lady’s sash. On the reverse of the badge are the date 1856 and the name Preben Bille-Brahe, Patron of the Convent and promoter of the badge. In the centre sits his coat of arms on a blue background, and the Order ribbon has the Bille-Brahe heraldic colours. From the late 18th century the residents of the secular convents had a kind of occupational title: They were called conventuals – in the feminine – from conventus, Medieval Latin for a religious assembly or group, followed by the actual convent’s name. Roskilde Secular Convent for Noblewomen. Photo: Karsten Damstedt.

1860’erne fik en indmuret brændevinskedel af kobber til storvask. Efter den tid stod de koner, der vaskede for Jomfruklosteret, ikke nede i åen som H.C. Andersens moder, men inden døre.

Forandringer Op gennem de første årtier af 1800-tallet var Jomfruklosterets økonomi blevet stadig dårligere, og der måtte gradvist skæres ned på antallet af tjenestefolk. Først forsvandt kusken, derefter flere piger og til sidst, sidst i 1850’erne, gårdskarlen. I 1856 blev en 42-årig enkebaronesse hentet udefra til posten som priorinde. Hun var den første, der opfyldte Karen Brahes ønske om “en skikkelig adelig enkefrue”. Den nye priorinde bar det fantastiske navn Elisa Ernestine Ermerine Charlotte Sibille Lucie Schaffalitzky de Muckadell, født dal Borgo di Primo. Det sidste led var en del af identiteten – da det i slutningen af 1700-tallet blev skik, at kvinder fik mandens efternavn, begyndte de at anføre, hvad de var født for at signalere deres egen herkomst. Hendes afdøde mand havde været officer i Fyenske Dragon Regiment, og de boede i Overgade, så hun har kendt klosteret og måske en eller flere af frøkenerne gennem tiden. I Jomfruklosterets fundats stod der ikke noget om priorindens alder, eller om hun, hvis hun var enke, måtte have børn med, men det var af gode grunde aldrig kommet på tale, da alle tidligere priorinder var valgt blandt frøkenerne. Priorinden havde en 16-årig datter med, der ganske beskedent hed Wilhelmine Charlotte Henriette Louise. Hun blev aldrig gift, men tilhørte også som voksen moderens hushold og boede i priorindelejligheden. Den første halve snes år efter priorindens tiltrædelse var der ellers værelser nok på førstesalen, idet her kun boede tre frøkener. De frøkener, som patroner og andre havde indsat i pladserne, boede ikke på klosteret i denne periode, og åbenbart var ingen af de indskrevne på ventelisten endnu nået op på det stipulerede beløb og kunne derfor ikke oprykkes som klosterjomfruer.

that any more. Instead a 15-bay building in oak halftimbering was constructed, with a baking oven and brewhouse, which in the 1860’s was given a built-in brandy distillery copper for general laundry use. After that time the women who washed for Jomfruklosteret no longer had to go down to the river, like Hans Christian Andersen’s mother, but could stay indoors.

Changes Throughout the first decades of the 19th century, Jomfruklosteret’s finances became poorer and poorer, and the number of serving staff had to be gradually cut. First the coachman disappeared, then several maids, and finally, in the 1850’s, the yardman. In 1856, a 42-year old dowager baroness was appointed from outside to fill the post of Prioress. She was the first to fulfil Karen Brahe’s wish of “a worthy noble widow”. The new Prioress had the fabulous name of Elisa Ernestine Ermerine Charlotte Sibille Lucie Schaffalitzky de Muckadell, née dal Borgo di Primo. The last element was a part of her identity – when, at the end of the 18th century it became the custom for women to take their husband’s surname, they began to include their maiden name to signal their own origins. Her late husband had been an officer in the Fyenske Dragoon Regiment, and they lived in Overgade, so she had known the Convent and maybe one or more of the ladies over the years. The Jomfruklosteret trust deeds mention nothing of the Prioress’s age or whether, if she was a widow, she was allowed to have her children with her, but in the nature of things this question had never arisen, as all the previous Prioresses had been selected from the ladies. The Prioress took with her a 16-year old daughter, who, modestly enough, was called Wilhelmine Charlotte Henriette Louise. She never married, but remained part of the mother’s household even as an adult, and lived in the Prioress’s apartment. For the first ten years or so of the Prioress’s appointment, there were rooms enough on the first floor, as only three ladies lived there. The ladies whom

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Moder og datter, enkebaronesse og baronesse Schaffalitzky de Muckadell, var priorinder for Jomfruklosteret i sammenlagt mere end et halvt århundrede, fra 1856 til 1913. Da enkebaronessen døde i 1891, blev datteren konstitueret – virkelig priorinde kunne hun ikke blive, da hun hverken var enke eller havde været klosterjomfru. Det Kongelige Bibliotek.

Mother and daughter, Dowager Baroness and Baroness Schaffalitzky de Muckadell, were Prioresses at Jomfruklosteret for a total of more than a half century, from 1856 to 1913. When the Dowager Baroness died in 1891, her daughter became Acting Prioress – she could not be a real Prioress, as she was neither a widow nor had been a conventual. The Royal Danish Library.

Men der blev heller ikke indskrevet nye frøkener – fra 1836 til 1903 blev der indskrevet siger og skriver to, så fremtiden så sort ud. Jomfruklosterets eneste indtægter var lejen fra karreens småhuse og engen med blegdammen, mens der stadig var stort set de samme udgifter. Der var årpenge, også til de fraværende. Der var priorindens dobbelte årpenge, mens løn til hendes kammerjomfru var for hendes egen regning. Der var frøkenernes kammerjomfru – en var sparet væk, før havde der været to til tre frøkener – løn til en husholderske, en kokkepige, to stuepiger og en gårdskarl samt kost, lys og varme til alle undtagen priorindens datter. Man sparede som nævnt en del ved, at så få jomfruer skulle have kost, men folkeholdet var det samme, som hvis der havde været fuldt hus, på nær to kammerjomfruer. Egentlig burde Jomfruklosteret have penge nok, for det havde modtaget enkelte store pengegaver i de første årtier, og adskillige indskrivningsbeløb var

the Patrons or others had installed in the places did not live at the Convent in that period, and apparently none of the enrollees on the waiting list had yet achieved the stipulated amount to be promoted to conventual. But not many new ladies were being enrolled either – from 1836 to 1903, there were enrolled all of two persons, so the future looked bleak. Jomfruklosteret’s only revenues were the rental from the small houses in the street block and the meadow with the bleaching ground, while expenses remained at generally the same level. These consisted of the allowance, also paid to nonresidents. There was the Prioress’s double allowance, while her own lady’s maid’s wages came out of her own pocket. There were the conventuals’ lady’s maids – one position was done away with, as previously there had been two for three ladies – wages for a housekeeper, a kitchenmaid, two parlourmaids and a yardman, together with food, lighting and heating for all except

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Rum 205 med tapetdøre ind til en alkove. Rummet er tapetseret med samme moirétapet som priorindens soveværelse, senere spisestue, i rum 111. Foto: Roberto Fortuna 2013. Room 205 with jib door into an alcove. The room has been wallpapered with same moiré wallpaper as the Prioress’ bedroom, later dining room, in room 111. Photo: Roberto Fortuna 2013.

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Enrolled daughters as a status symbol During the 19th century, enrolment in a secular convent became a status symbol, both for the family and for the lady herself. It showed that a person was noble or of rank and was entitled to enrolment, but also a person who could afford enrolment – and the greater the number of daughters enrolled, the higher the sums involved. If the lady was enrolled at several places, they were all mentioned, with Vallø as the most distinguished and with the highest prestige, as enrolment there was very expensive. The enrolment details were treated on a par with the sons’ titles of office. The term Conventual was used when the lady had been promoted to a place at the convent, even if she did not actually live there.

faldet i dets pengekasse ved giftermål og dødsfald. Klosteret havde arvet en tiendedel af priorinders og klosterfrøkeners formuer, selvom det nok ikke var de store summer. Men der var ikke sparet på noget til en standsmæssig tilværelse sidst i 1700-tallet og de første år af 1800-tallet, og statsbankerotten i 1813 og den følgende krise havde ramt klosterets pengesager lige så vel som de fleste andres. Patronerne, Bille-Braherne, manglede dog ikke noget, og de hjalp Jomfruklosteret med pæne summer af egen lomme ved flere lejligheder, men det var uholdbart i længden. Forskellen mellem indtægter og udgifter voksede stadig, og i 1867 stillede priorinden patronen det drastiske forslag, at Jomfruklosteret skulle nedlægges og formuen anbringes i et fideikommis, som kunne udbetale hævinger. Det ønskede patronen ikke, og de iværksatte i stedet et redningsprogram, for faktisk havde Jomfruklosteret jo nogle værdier: Husene i karreen og den store grund. Odense var netop under hastig udvikling, byen havde fået Danmarks første offentlige vandværk i 1853 og samme år det første gasværk, Albanibryggeriet var grundlagt 1859, alle sammen store arbejdspladser, ligesom havnen og mange andre industrier og fabrikker. Arbejderne strømmede til byen og skulle have boliger, så handel og håndværk trivedes. Jord, og især centralt, var eftertragtet – patronen og priorinden besluttede at sælge fra. Det første, der blev sat til salg, var Patrongaarden, som lå på en stor grund, engang Rosenvingernes ejendom. Gårdens tilhørsforhold var uklare, for Susanne Brahe havde stillet den til rådighed for de til enhver tid siddende patroner eller patronesser, men hverken de

the Prioress’s daughter. As mentioned before, a good deal was saved with so few ladies requiring food, but the staff were the same as if there had been a full house, apart from two lady’s maids. Actually, Jomfruklosteret ought to have had money enough, as it had received large money gifts in the first decades, and various enrolment fees had been added to its funds through marriages and deaths. The convent had inherited a tenth of the Prioresses’ and conventuals’ fortunes, even though these were probably not large sums. But nothing was spared on providing a life befitting the residents’ station at the end of the 18th century and the first years of the 19th century, and the State Bankruptcy of 1813 and the subsequent crisis hit Jomfruklosteret’s finances just as hard as they did most others. The Patrons, the Bille-Brahes, were never short of money, and they helped Jomfruklosteret with handsome sums from their own pockets on several occasions, but the situation was untenable in the long term. The gap between revenue and expenditure grew ever greater, and in 1867 the Prioress made the drastic suggestion to the Patron that Jomfruklosteret should be closed down and the money invested in a trust which could pay the annuities. The Patron could not agree to this, and instead they embarked on a rescue programme, as Jomfruklosteret did in fact have some assets: the houses in the street block and the large grounds. Odense was in a state of rapid development at the time and the city had acquired Denmark’s first public waterworks in 1853, and in the same year the first gasworks. The Albani Brewery was founded in 1859, and all of these were large workplaces, as were the harbour and many

Detalje af renoveret kakkelovn fra tiden omkring 1900, hvor man ikke kunne få pynt nok. 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. Detail of the renovated stove from the period around 1900, when one could not have too many ornaments. 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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Jomfruklosterets Patrongaard o. 1900. Den bestod af flere bygninger og strakte sig fra klosteret til hjørnet og langt ned ad Adelgade. Odenses katolske menighed købte den og opførte i 1870 den lille entrébygning med korset mellem to af gårdens bygninger. En del af gården midt i Adelgade blev nedrevet i 1878 for at give plads til den katolske St. Albani Skole, som ligger der endnu.

kapel bolig for præsterne – en af dem står foran huset – og nogle lærere på St. Albani Skole i Adelgade. I sidefløjen var der en lille pigeskole, og her boede fire nonner, uddannede som lærerinder eller sygeplejersker.

Patrongaardens sidefløj, der ikke var synlig fra Albani Torv, lå meget tæt på Jomfruklosterets vestgavl, og de to haver og gårdsrum var fælles. Efter salget af Patrongaarden blev de delt med et lavt plankeværk. Billedet er omtrent samtidigt med Folketællingen 1901: I forhuset til højre var der foruden katolsk

For at skaffe penge solgte Jomfruklosteret den del af grunden ned mod åen, hvor bryggersbygningen og de tre små lejehuse lå. Industri- og Haandværkerforeningen i Odense opførte i 1871 denne massive bygning med restaurant, festsal og hotelværelser. Den kastede en stor mørk slagskygge på Jomfruklosteret, indtil den blev nedrevet omkring 1967 som forberedelse til Albanigades udvidelse. Derefter var der nogle år tankstation og parkeringsplads foran Jomfruklosteret. Odense Bys Museer.

eller Jomfruklosteret ejede den. Men nu så patronen generøst bort fra et eventuelt krav, og gården blev solgt til Odenses katolske menighed i 1869. Der er en morsom passus i udbudsdokumentet: Jomfruklosteret forbeholdt sig ret til at opføre en bygning “på haven”, dvs. i haven nord for hovedbygningen, så tæt på Patrongaarden, at den ville støde umiddelbart op til sydgavlen. Hvad bygningen skulle bruges til, fremgår ikke. Enten havde patronen og priorinden svært ved at opgive det århundredlange fællesskab mellem de to ejendomme, eller også havde de tanker om at ekspandere sig ud af krisen. Året efter blev en grund udstykket af den store have syd for hovedbygningen. Den blev købt af Industri- og Haandværkerforeningen i Odense, som nedrev bryggersbygningen og de tre små lejehuse og opførte en meget høj og massiv bygning med restaurant, festsal

other industries and factories. Workers streamed to the city and needed homes, so commerce and the building industry were thriving. Land, especially in the city centre, was highly valued – so the Patron and Prioress decided to sell some of theirs. The first parcel put on sale was Patrongaarden, which lay on a large plot of ground, formerly the property of the Rosenvinges. The rights to the house were unclear, as Susanne Brahe had put it at the disposal of whoever was the Patron or Patroness, but neither they nor Jomfruklosteret owned it. But the Patron generously disclaimed any right to it and the house was sold to Odense’s Catholic congregation in 1869. One passage in the sales particulars is rather amusing: Jomfruklosteret reserved the right to erect a building “in the garden”, i.e. north of the main building, so close to Patrongaarden

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Patrongaarden, meant as city residence for the Convent’s Patron, around 1900. It consisted of a number of buildings and extended from the Convent to the corner of Adelgade and a good way down it. The Catholic Congregation of Odense bought it in 1870 and added the small entrance building with the cross between two of the buildings. Part of the townhouse down Adelgade was demolished in 1878 to make way for the Catholic St. Albani School, which still exists.

Catholic chapel a presbytery for the priests – one of them is standing in front of the building – and lodgings for some of the teachers at the school in Adelgade. In the side wing there was a small girl’s school, and here four nuns lived, all qualified as teachers or nurses.

The side wing of Patrongaarden, not visible from the square, Albani Torv, lay very close to the western gable of the Convent and the two gardens and courtyards were shared. After the sale of Patrongaarden, they were divided by a fence. The photograph was taken at approximately the time of the Census of 1901. In the main wing to the right there was in addition to a

To raise money, the Convent sold a part of the site towards the river, that was occupied by the brewhouse building and the three small houses. In 1871, the Industrial and Trade Guild in Odense built this massive building with restaurant, assembly room and hotel rooms. It threw a large dark shadow over the Convent until its demolition around 1967, in preparation for the widening of Albanigade. For some years, there was a petrol station and carpark in front of the Convent. City of Odense Museums.

og hotelværelser. Foreningen blev knapt 20 år senere sammensluttet med en anden forening til Industriforeningen, der kort efter opførte det overdådige Industripalæ på Albani Torv 3, nedrevet i 1981. Bygningen ved Jomfruklosteret blev solgt til Selskabet De danske Forsvarsbrødre for Odense og Omegn, som udlejede den til blandt andet en afholdsloge og et auktionshus. Den blev nedrevet omkring 1967, og Jomfruklosteret fik den smukke udsigt til åen tilbage. Desuden blev engen solgt fra Jomfruklosteret, og patronen solgte de øvrige ejendomme i karreen, der havde tilhørt Karen Brahe og dernæst hendes arvinger, Stamhuset Hvedholm og siden Grevskabet Brahesminde: Hjørnet af Adelgade og Paaskestræde og husrækken i Paaskestræde. Tilbage blev kun Jomfruklosteret og dets have, som vi kender det i dag.

that it would immediately adjoin the south gable. What the building was to be used for is not stated. Either the Patron and the Prioress found it hard to relinquish the centuries-old connection between the two properties or they had ideas of expanding their way out of the crisis. The following year a parcel of land in the large garden south of the main building was put up for sale. This was bought by the Odense Industrial and Trade Guild, who pulled down the brewhouse building and the three small rented houses and constructed a very high and massive building with restaurant, assembly room and hotel rooms. Barely 20 years later, the Guild amalgamated with another association to form the Industrial Association, which shortly afterwards erected the sumptuous Palace of Industry at 3 Albani Torv, demolished in 1981. The building next to Jomfruklosteret was sold to the Danish

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De praktiske marmoreringer i kakkelovnskrogene, der beskyttede tapet og bemaling mod sodpartikler er forskellige i alle rummene og harmonerede ikke altid lige så godt med det øvrige interiør som her i rum 204 – marmoreringen blev ikke nødvendigvis ændret, når rummet blev sat i stand, da det krævede at kakkelovnen blev flyttet. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. The practical marbling in the stove nook, which protected the wallpaper and paint against soot are different in all of the rooms and did not always harmonise as well with the other interiors as here in room 204 - the marbling was not necessarily changed, when the room was refurbished, as it required that the stove be moved. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Tjenestepigernes sukke I Vestergade boede midt 1800-tallet barbermester Johan Frederich Prange og hans kone Caroline. De fik syv børn, og selvom de sad pænt i det, kom pigerne ud at tjene i en ung alder. Fra 1862 til 1874 var tre af dem på Jomfruklosteret; de havde fået en net opdragelse og var kammerjomfruer – og de kunne skrive, både poetisk og sørgeligt. Søstrene havde den særprægede vane at kravle ind i skabet under lofttrappen med en blyant og nedfælde deres sørgemodige tanker på trævæggene. De var kun et par hundrede meter hjemmefra, men beskrev deres hjem og barndom som et tabt paradis. Sophie på 20 år: Den 1. november 1862 forlod jeg mit Barndomshjem og traadte ind i det store triste Kloster. Og en søndag morgen i maj 1864: Bag Klostrets Mure / jeg kukkelurer. Man gætter på, at priorinden har sagt nej til en lille udflugt… Hendes lillesøster Wilhelmine Eleonora var også inde i skabet en sommermorgen: Bag Klosterets gjemme / jeg havde hjemme / i Aaret 1862 Onsdag Morgen den 23. Juli Den yngste søster havde en åre eller læste tidens poesi, som 18-årig i 1870 skrev hun: Gjemt bag Klostrets trange mure Hjertet længselsfuldt dog banker alt som Fuglen i snævre Bure til Liv og Frihed staar mine Tanker Hun tjente i næsten syv år og må have været lettet, da hun kravlede derind for sidste gang og skrev: Elise Caroline Prange gik ind i / Klosteret den 1. November 1867 / 15 Aar / Og forlod det den 1. Maj 1874 / Farvel Levvel Priorinden og frøkenerne var i denne periode mellem 40 og 85 år. Pigerne kunne ikke se omverdenen på grund af muren, og de kunne heller ikke høre den: Bag Klostrets Døre / jeg kan ej høre / at Vognene paa Gaden køre Så var der anderledes festligt hjemme i Vestergade – deres fader barbermesteren havde grundlagt Hornets Sønner i 1852, en livskraftig sangforening, der stadig lever i Odense.

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Kig fra rum 214 til det vestre trapperum, 215, og døren til loftstrappen. 2013. Foto: Roberto Fortuna. View from room 214 to the west staircase, 215, and the door to the attic stairway. 2013. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

Maidservants’ sighs In the mid-19th century Master Barber Johan Frederich Prange lived in Vestergade with his wife Caroline. They had seven children, and although they were well enough off, their daughters were sent into service at a young age. From 1862 to 1874, three of them were at Jomfruklosteret; they were well-bred and were lady’s maids – and they could write, with poetical pathos. The sisters had the curious habit of retreating to the cupboard under the attic stairs with a pencil and committing their melancholy thoughts to the wooden panels. They were only a few hundred metres from home, but described their home and childhood like a lost paradise. Sophie at 20 years: On 1 November 1862 I left my childhood home and entered the vast and dreary convent. And one Sunday morning in May 1864: Behind the Convent walls / I sit and mope. One can only guess that the Prioress had refused her a little trip out... Her younger sister Wilhelmine Eleonora was also in the cupboard one summer’s morning: Hidden away in the Convent / I had my home/ in the year 1862, Wednesday morning the 23rd of July The youngest sister had a poetic streak or read the poetry of the time, and at the age of 18 in 1870 she wrote: Hidden behind the Convent’s oppressive walls My heart still beats with longing Like a bird in its narrow cage My thoughts go to life and freedom. She served for the next seven years, and must have breathed a sigh of relief when she crawled into the cupboard for the last time and wrote: Elise Caroline Prange entered / the Convent on 1st November 1867 / 15 years old / And left it on 1st May 1874 / Goodbye Farewell During this period the Prioress and ladies were between 40 and 85 years old. The girls could not see the outside world because of the wall, and could not hear it either: Behind convent doors / I cannot hear / the wagons driving on the street Life was much more convivial at home in Vestergade – in 1852 their father the master barber had founded the Sons of the Horn, a vigorous choral society which still exists today.

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Den katolske menighed holdt gudstjenester i Patrongaarden til 1906, hvorefter hele området blev ryddet, og den nuværende St. Albani Kirke og en butiks- og beboelsesejendom blev opført. Begge bygninger lukkede helt af for lys og luft til Jomfruklosterets nordside, og det var formentlig på det tidspunkt, at havedøren i nordmuren igen blev tilmuret. Indtil den store bygning syd for hovedbygningen blev nedrevet omkring 1967, lå Jomfruklosteret klemt helt inde mellem høj, bymæssig bebyggelse, og det yndige, næsten landlige præg, der havde været over området, forsvandt. Kun inde bag muren var der stadig idyllisk, med rosen- og staudebede og store træer, og fra havens stier kunne frøkenerne og deres gæster nyde den maleriske å. Frasalgene og forandringerne i dagligdagen gav lidt luft i økonomien, men der skulle stadig passes på, og fremtidsudsigterne var ikke gode, for der havde

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Ex-Servicemen’s League for Odense and District, who rented it out as a temperance lodge and as an auction house. It was pulled down about 1967 and Jomfruklosteret regained its fine view over the river. The meadow was also sold off, and the Patron sold the other properties in the street block which had belonged to Karen Brahe and then her heirs, the Entailed Estate of Hvedholm, and later Brahesminde Countship. These consisted of the corner of Adelgade and Paaskestræde and the row of houses in Paaskestræde. All that remained was Jomfruklosteret and its garden as we know them today. The Catholic congregation held its services at Patrongaarden until 1906 when the whole area was cleared and the present St. Albani Church and a property with shops and flats were constructed. Both buildings blocked off all light and air to the north side

Det vue, der mødte de fem frøkener, som boede på Jomfruklosteret i 1870’erne, og deres piger, når de trådte ud af klosterporten på markedsdage. Pietro Krohn: Marked på Albani Torv i Odense. 1870. The sight which would have met the five ladies who lived at the Convent in the 1870’s and their maids, when they stepped out of the gate on market days. Pietro Krohn: Market on Albani Torv in Odense. 1870.

kun været én indskrivning mellem 1836 og 1852, og der kom kun én mere, indtil Jomfruklosteret blev nedlagt, i 1903. Det var ikke så mærkeligt, for Jomfruklosteret havde ikke hæving til de indskrevne frøkener, de såkaldte ekspektantinder,17 som ventede på en plads, og i nogle klostre måtte man ikke modtage hævinger eller støtte fra andre institutioner; stillet over for dét valg var Odense Adelige Jomfruklosters beskedne beløb ikke attraktivt. Der kom med andre ord ikke flere penge i kassen, som enten kunne trække renter eller tilfalde klosteret i tilfælde af død eller giftermål. I 1898 nedlagdes den fælles husholdning for at spare lønningerne til kokkepigen og de to piger, der havde med madlavning og servering at gøre. I stedet blev der indrettet køkkener på førstesalen. Hver frøken havde nu sit eget hushold, og frøkenerne var ikke længere fælles om kammerpigerne, men havde hver deres pige, som tog sig af alt, også madlavning, som i alle andre små hjem. Da den konstituerede priorinde døde i 1913, forsvandt den personlige kammerjomfru. Dernæst ophørte husjomfruen. De frøkener, som i begyndelsen af 1900-tallet havde boet på Jomfruklosteret i mange år, blev meget gamle; de døde i 1910’erne, den sidste i 1921, og dermed var de personlige tjenestepigers tid forbi. I det sidste halve århundrede af Jomfruklosterets levetid var dagliglivet som i enhver anden ejendom med lejligheder, hvor hver passer sit.

of Jomfruklosteret and it is presumably at this time that the garden door in the north wall was bricked up. Until the large building south of the main building was demolished about 1967, Jomfruklosteret lay hemmed in by high urban buildings, and the lovely, almost rural feeling to the area vanished. Only behind the wall was the idyll preserved, with rosebeds and shrubberies and large trees, and the ladies and their guests could still enjoy the picturesque river from the paths in the garden. The sale of land and changes in daily routines eased the pressure on the finances, but care was still necessary, and the future prospects were not good, as there had been only one enrolment between 1836 and 1852, and there would be only one more, in 1903, before Jomfruklosteret closed. There was no mystery about this, as Jomfruklosteret could not provide an annuity to the enrolled ladies,17 who were waiting for a place, and in some convents, it was not allowed to receive annuities or support from other institutions; faced with that choice, the modest sum offered by Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen was not very attractive. In other words, there would be no more money coming in which could either earn interest or fall to the Convent in the case of death or marriage. In 1898, common housekeeping was abolished in order to save the wages of the kitchen maid and the two maids who took care of cooking and serving. Instead, kitchens were installed on the first floor. Each lady now had her own household, and no longer shared lady’s maids. Instead each had her own maid who did all the work, including cooking, as was the case in ordinary homes. When the acting Prioress died in 1913, the personal lady’s maid vanished from the scene. The next to go was the housekeeper. The ladies who at the start of the 20th century had already been living at Jomfruklosteret for many years lived to be very old; they died in the 1910’s and the last one in 1921, and with them the time of the personal maidservant came to an end. In the final half-century of Jomfruklosteret’s existence, daily life was the same as in any other property with flats, where each person looks after their own.

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Albani Torv 1924. Jomfruklosteret, der i århundreder havde ligget i næsten landlig idyl, var nu klemt fuldstændig inde. Mod syd fyldte en massiv bygning, opført 1871 på en grund solgt fra klosteret, næsten hele området ned til åen. Mod nord var en stor etageejendom og St. Albani Kirke, præstegård og skole opført i 1906-1908. Odense Bys Museer.

Udvikling og afvikling Decline and fall Af / by Barbara Zalewski

Udvikling og afvikling

Decline and fall

Der var ikke gået mange årtier efter stiftelsen, før Karen Brahes institution ikke længere var næsten livsnødvendig i nogle familier, og presset på klosteret aftog. Det var ligesom ved oprettelsen et samspil af mange omstændigheder. For det første blev der oprettet andre klostre en generation efter Karen Brahe. Sammenlagt havde de ganske vist kun lidt over hundrede boliger, men flere af dem blev hurtigt udvidede til også at være pengestiftelser, og Gisselfeld var det udelukkende. Flere steder fik ekspektantinderne nu hæving, mens de stod på ventelisten til en klosterplads og dernæst til en plads med bolig. Det var en slags vartpenge, og mange fik dem hele livet uden nogensinde at rykke op som klosterjomfru. Beløbene varierede både mellem klostrene og i det enkelte kloster, fordi frøkenerne var opdelt i forskellige klasser, men beløbene var næsten alle steder højere end Jomfruklosterets årpenge. Alt i alt nød mere end 500 ugifte og enker således hævinger i en eller anden form og kunne dermed have deres egen bolig, som de fleste ønskede, når de fik muligheden. De levede beskedent, men standsmæssigt og havde altid en tjenestepige, og mange havde en slægtning, gerne yngre, boende hos sig. For det andet havde den nye adel hurtigt fundet sig til rette. I løbet af 1700-tallet var mange driftige købmænd og dristige militære blevet adlede og jordejere – i dén eller omvendt rækkefølge. De blev ikke grever

Not many decades from its foundation Karen Brahe’s institution was no longer a necessity of life for certain families, and the demand for the Convent began to fall away. Just as at the time of establishment, this was due to the interplay of many circumstances. In the first place, other convents were established a generation after Karen Brahe. All told, they only provided just over 100 apartments, but many of them quickly expanded into charity funds, and at Gisselfeld this was the sole function. At several of the convents, the ladies received an annuity while they were on the waiting list for a place, and, later on, for an apartment. This was a kind of compensation payment, and many of them received it for their whole life without ever being promoted to conventual. The sums varied both between the convents and within the individual convent, as the ladies were divided into various classes, but the sums were nearly always higher than Jomfruklosteret’s allowance. In total, more than 500 unmarried or widowed noblewomen received annuities in one form or another and could thus enjoy their own home, which was what most of them wanted when given the opportunity. They lived modestly but according to their station, and always had a maidservant. Many had a relative, usually younger, staying with them. On the other hand, the new nobility had soon found its feet. During the 18th century, many

Albani Torv 1924. The Secular Convent for Noblewomen, which for centuries had been in an almost rural idyll, was now completely squeezed in. Almost the entire area facing south down to the stream has been filled by a massive building built in 1871 on a plot sold off by the Convent. Facing north was a big block of flats and St. Albani Church, vicarage and school built in 1906-1908. City of Odense Museums.

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og baroner, men sad på gode, solide herregårde, der kunne underholde både familien og enlige familiemedlemmer. De optog som før nævnt den gamle adels traditioner, giftede sig ind i de samme familier generation efter generation og indskrev deres døtre i jomfruklostre. På Jomfruklosteret var der hele klaner, som Rosenørn, de Lasson og Wormskiold i Jylland, indgiftet med Lütthicau, og de fynske Leth og BrockenhuusLøwenhielm; der var to generationer af slægterne Cederfeld de Simonsen og Treschow og, lidt fjernere indbyrdes beslægtede, var to Vind, en Mund og en Trolle. Hvad embedsmænd og militærpersoner angår, blev de i løbet af 1800-tallet bedre lønnede, så de ikke længere behøvede at forblive ugifte, tværtimod havde de efterhånden opnået en status, så de kunne indgå gode ægteskaber, og flere giftede sig nu ind i det velhavende borgerskab. Deres døtre ville ikke komme til at lide nød, men det var nu engang tradition at indskrive dem, og ligesom børnechecken i dag var hævingerne rare penge uanset ens økonomiske forhold – indtil pigen blev gift eller resten af hendes liv, hvis hun ikke blev det. Der var uden tvivl også prohibitive forhold på Jomfruklosteret, en gammel bygning, kold og lidt skummel med de tykke mure og små vinduer. Den dårlige økonomi gjorde, at alt var forsømt og gammeldags. Og trods de mange rum var der faktisk dårlig plads. Hele stueetagen var optaget af Biblioteket, de fælles rum og priorindens lejlighed, og alle frøkenværelser lå i den lavloftede overetage. Skulle alle de frøkener, der rykkede op som klosterjomfruer, have bolig, kunne der kun blive ét værelse til hver. De fleste var bedre vant, for frøkenerne kom ikke længere fra forarmede, faldefærdige herregårde, lejehuse på landet eller små lejligheder i købstæderne. I det hele taget var boligkomforten hastigt på vej opad fra midten af 1800-tallet. I århundredets sidste del boede mange af frøkenerne med deres familier i herskabslejligheder i nye, historicistiske etageejendomme, både i København og provinsbyerne. Der var højt til loftet og store vinduer, og selvom vandklosetter endnu var sjældne, var

enterprising merchants and intrepid military men had been ennobled and become landowners – or the other way about. In the latter case they did not become counts and barons, but occupied excellent estates and houses with stable revenues which could support both their own family and single family members. As mentioned before, they assumed the traditions of the old nobility, intermarried with the same families for generation after generation and enrolled their daughters in the secular convents. At Jomfruklosteret whole clans were represented, such as Rosenørn, de Lasson and Wormskiold from Jutland, intermarried with Lütthicau, or Leth and Brockenhuus-Løwenhielm from Funen; there were two generations from the families of Cederfeld de Simonsen and Treschow and, slightly more distantly related, two Vinds, a Mund and a Trolle. With regard to civil servants and military persons, during the 19th century, these became better paid, so they no longer needed to remain unmarried. On the contrary, they had gradually obtained a status which enabled them to make good marriages, and more of them now married into the wealthy middle classes. Their daughters would never suffer want, but it was still the tradition to enrol them, and just as with child allowances today, the annuities were useful money whatever one’s financial situation – until the time the girl married, or for the rest of her life if she did not. The conditions at Jomfruklosteret were definitely forbidding, with such an old building, cold and slightly sinister with its thick walls and small windows. The poor state of finances meant that everything was neglected and old-fashioned. And despite the many rooms, space was actually in short supply. The whole ground floor was occupied by the Library, the rooms for common use and the Prioress’s apartment, and all the ladies’ rooms were on the low-ceilinged upper floor. If all the ladies who had been promoted to conventual were to have an apartment, there would only be one room for each. Most of the ladies were used to something better, as they no longer came from impoverished, dilapidated

Rum 214 med kig til rum 213. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe, 2013.

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Room 214 with view of room 213. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe, 2013.

Haven i 1920 og 1948, en landlig idyl midt i byen. Den blev passet af et gartnerfirma, der også kom på flagdage. Historiens Hus.

The garden in 1920 and 1948, a rural idyll in the midst of the city. It was looked after by a gardening company, who also raised the flag on flag days. The House of History.

der toiletrum, badeværelse med kar, gasbelysning, snart elektricitet og efterhånden centralvarme. Skønt Odense var den første by i Danmark, der fik gas, offentligt vandværk og elektricitet, stod tiden stille på Jomfruklosteret. Her var stadig dasser bag Østfløjen, der blev først indlagt rindende vand i 1914 og elektricitet endnu senere, og der skulle fyres i gamle jernovne. Endnu senere kom der er et toilet i priorindens lejlighed og et ovenpå, i et rum, der var skilt fra Arkaderummet med en bræddevæg. Der var ikke et eneste badeværelse i hele huset. Det betød ikke, at frøkenerne var uplejede, man havde haft andre måder at holde sig ren og lækker på, med eau de cologne, rensecremer, fine linnedklude og intensiv hårbørstning – men fra omkring 1900 blev vand det eneste saliggørende.

manors, rented cottages in the country or small flats in the market towns. Generally speaking, the standard of home comfort rose rapidly from the middle of the 19th century. In the latter years of that century, many of the ladies lived with their families in mansion flats in the new historicist residential blocks in Copenhagen and provincial cities. These had high ceilings and large windows, and even though water closets were still a rarity, there were dressing rooms, bathrooms with bathtub, gas lighting, and soon electricity and even central heating. Odense may have been the first city in Denmark to have gas, a public waterworks and electricity, but at Jomfruklosteret, time stood still. There were still privies behind the East Wing, running water was not installed until 1914, and electricity even later, while heating was provided by the old cast-iron stoves. Even later,

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I 1900-tallet var adelens unge ugifte kvinder enten en del af tidens jeunesse doré eller fik en uddannelse og nogle en karriere. Klosterlivet lå dem fjernt, uanset hvilket kloster det drejede sig om. Deres forældre indskrev dem stadig på Vallø og Vemmetofte, og de fik hævinger som lommepenge, indtil også disse klostre lukkede for indskrivningen i 1970’erne.18 Det, at færre og færre havde lyst til at bo på Jomfruklosteret, og at den ene lejlighed efter den anden

toilets appeared in the Prioress’s apartment and on the first floor, the latter divided from the Arcade Room by a wooden partition wall. There was not a single bathroom in the whole house. This did not mean that the ladies were slovenly, but there were other means of keeping clean and fresh, such as eau de cologne, cleansing creams, fine linen cloths and intensive hair brushing – but from around 1900, water came to be seen as the only path to salvation.

Det vestre trapperum, 112, med kig til Salen, rum 104. Hoveddøren ligger bag trappen. Begge trapperum blev dekorerede med marmorerede kvadre i 1700-tallet, mens selve trapperne blev ådrede i sidste del af 1800-tallet. 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe, 2013. The west staircase, 112, with view of the Hall, room 104. The main door is behind the stairs. Both staircases were decorated with marbled, faux ashlar in 18th century, while the actual stairs were grained in the last part of the 1800’s. 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe, 2013.

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Jomfruklosterets næstsidste priorinde, enkebaronesse Anna Sophia Frederikke Augusta Vibeke Rosenkrantz, født Juel, til afskedsfesten for landsarkivar G.L. Wad på Grand Hotel i Odense i 1924. Priorinden sidder ved siden af festens genstand som nummer fem fra højre. På brystet bærer hun Odense Adelige Jomfruklosters ordenstegn. Priorinden, der var født i 1863 og i lige linie efterkommer af den lærde Holger Rosenkrantz, var en habil malerinde, især af interiører, og hendes værker sælges stadig pænt på internationale auktioner. Det skulle være mærkeligt, om hun ikke havde malt interiører fra Jomfruklosteret, men i så fald findes de i private samlinger. Fotograf H. Lønborg. Odense Bys Museer.

The Convent’s second-last Prioress, Dowager Baroness Anna Sophia Frederikke Augusta Vibeke Rosenkrantz, née Juel, at a farewell party for Keeper of the Regional Archives G.L. Wad at the Grand Hotel in Odense in 1924. The Prioress is sitting next to Mr Wad, number five from the right. On her chest she wears the Order Badge of Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen. The Prioress, who was born in 1863 as a direct descendant of the learned Holger Rosenkrantz, was a talented painter, especially of interiors, and her works still sell well at international auctions. It would be remarkable if she had not painted interiors of the Convent, but if so, they are in private collections. Photo H. Lønborg. City of Odense Museums.

blev forladt, og det ene rum efter det andet ikke længere havde nogen funktion, forklarer, hvordan tiden har kunnet stå så stille. Da klosteret blev nedlagt, havde nogle rum ikke været beboede i flere årtier – en enkelt lejlighed havde stået tom i et helt århundrede. For os er det en gave, for det har efterladt spor i interiørerne, som et tidevand, der trækker sig tilbage og efterlader spændende og hemmelige ting på bredden.

During the 20th century, the young unmarried women of the nobility were either part of the period’s jeunesse dorée, or went in for an education and, for some of them, a career. Convent life was far from their thoughts, whatever kind of convent it was. Their parents still enrolled them for Vallø and Vemmetofte, and they received the annuities as pocket money, until these convents too closed for enrolments in the 1970’s.18

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Rum 214 med etageovn, der som type er ældre end cylinderovnene i nogle af de andre rum. 2013. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

Room 214 with multi-level wood burning stove of the type that is older than the cylinder-shaped stoves in some of the other rooms. 2013. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

Den sidste beboer

The fact that fewer and fewer wanted to live at Jomfruklosteret, and that one apartment after another was given up and one room after another no longer had a function, explains how time could have stood still. When the Convent closed down, some rooms had not been inhabited for decades – one apartment had been empty for a whole century. For us this is a gift, because traces have survived in the interior like a receding tide, revealing interesting and secret objects on the shores.

De tre frøkener, som var flyttet ind på Jomfruklosteret i anden halvdel af 1800-tallet og den meget gamle frøken Fønss, der flyttede ind i 1918, døde som nævnt mellem 1917 og 1921. Derefter boede her to frøkener en kort årrække i henholdsvis 1920’erne og 1930’erne. Fra 1941 til 1957 boede her kun priorinden, enkebaronesse Erkel Aase Knuth, og en enkelt frøken, baronesse Hedevig Bille-Brahe. Det var hende, der som nævnt var blevet klosterjomfru som 6-årig og flyttede ind som 22-årig. Hun flyttede ud i 1957, men beholdt pladsen og hævingen, og derefter var kun priorinden tilbage som den sidste levende forbindelse til Karen Brahes filantropiske initiativ. Hun var ikke helt alene i huset, en lærerinde var logerende fra 1921, til Jomfruklosteret blev nedlagt.

The last resident The three ladies who moved into Jomfruklosteret in the second half of the 19th century and the very old Miss Fønss, who moved in in 1918, died between 1917 and

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Fra 1944 til 1957 var der kun to beboere på klosterets førstesal, en frøken og en logerende, og derefter kun den logerende indtil 1974. Herefter brugte Odense Bys Museer nogle af rummene til magasinering af museumsgenstande. 2007. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. From 1944 to 1957 there were only two residents on first floor of the Convent, a middleaged lady and a lodger, and then only the lodger until 1974. Then Odense City Museums used some of the rooms for storing museum pieces. 2007. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Priorinderne havde lejlighed i den østlige ende af stueetagen, lige til Jomfruklosteret lukkede i 1974. Den sidste priorinde var enkebaronesse Erkel Aase Knuth, hvis navneskilt stadig sidder på døren – A. står for det andet fornavn, som var hendes kaldenavn. Foto: Roberto Fortuna. The Prioresses had a flat at the eastern end of the ground floor right until the Convent closed in 1974. The last prioress was Dowager Baroness Erkel Aase Knuth, whose nameplate is still attached to the door – she was known as Aase, hence the initial A. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

Priorinden lagde beslag på det meste af underetagen, idet ingen andre jo brugte Salen, og flyttede på et tidspunkt sit soveværelse til det nordvendte rum bag vesttrappen og stengangen. Det sidste år inden nedlæggelsen havde såvel priorinden som lærerinden en slægtning boende – priorinden var nu 84 år, og den logerende må også have passeret støvets år, så de har haft brug for hjælp til at flytte. Det må have være meget mærkeligt for de to aldrende damer at bo i det kæmpestore hus, overgroet med vildvin og skjult bag klostermuren. Der havde før boet enlige damer på Jomfruklosteret, Anne Gøye, Anne Gyldenstjerne som enke og Anne Brahe, men de var omgivet af et stort folkehold, slægtninge og venner og fru Anne af sine børn og børnebørn, på besøg og på længere ophold. Husets topografi egnede sig til en bestemt livsform, det skulle beboes af mange mennesker oppe og nede, ude og inde, der skulle være buldrende kaminer og gloende ovne, ellers var det blot en kold, mørk stenmasse. Det kunne ikke lade sig gøre omkring 1970, huset og institutionen jomfrukloster var blevet fuldstændig utidssvarende, de hørte ikke hjemme i det moderne liv. Det var på tide at lukke døren til Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster.

Odense Kommune Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster blev sammenlagt med Roskilde Adelige Jomfrukloster i 1974, under navnet Den Skeel-Iuel-Brahe’ske Stiftelse, Roskilde Kloster – det sidste led er også klosterets navn i daglig tale. Det var et naturligt valg, fordi de to klostre var næsten

1921, as mentioned above. Subsequently, two ladies lived here for a short period in the 1920’s and 1930’s. From 1941 to 1957, only the Prioress lived here, Dowager Baroness Erkel Aase Knuth, and a single lady, Baroness Hedevig Bille-Brahe. She was the one who became a conventual at the age of 6 and moved in at the age of 22. She moved out in 1957, but retained the place and the annuity, and after that there was only the Prioress left, as the last connection with Karen Brahe’s philanthropic initiative. She was not entirely alone in the house, as a schoolmistress lodged here from 1921 until Jomfruklosteret closed down. The Prioress commandeered most of the ground floor, as no others were using the Hall, and at one point moved her bedroom to the north-facing room behind the west stairs and the stone corridor. In the final year before closure, both the Prioress and the teacher had a relative living with them – the Prioress was now 84 years old and the lodger must also have been well up in years, so they would have needed help in moving house. It must have been a strange life for the two elderly ladies in the enormous house, overgrown with creepers and hidden behind the Convent walls. Single ladies had lived at Jomfruklosteret before, Anne Gøye, Anne Gyldenstjerne as a widow and Anne Brahe, but they were surrounded by a large staff of servants, by relatives and friends, and Lady Anne by her children and grandchildren, both on visits and for longer stays. The topography of the house fitted it for a particular way of life; it needed to be inhabited by large numbers of people, upstairs and downstairs, inside and outside, and there should be roaring fires

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Stolen, der skal have tilhørt Karen Brahe, er betrukket med gobelin, og der ligger en tyk pude i den, hvis betræk ifølge tekstilforskere er meget interessant. Begge dele er mønstrede og farvestrålende, som man elskede det i barokken. Sådanne møbler og de dekorerede vægge, med mange farver og mønstre, har gjort Jomfruklosterets fællesrum festlige også til hverdag. Foto: Karsten Damstedt. The chair supposed to have belonged to Karen Brahe is upholstered in gobelin tapestry, and contains a thick cushion, the cover of which is of great interest to textile researchers. Both are patterned and highly coloured, as was the preference of the Baroque age. Such furniture and the decorated walls with the many colours and patterns would have made the Convent’s communal rooms festive, even on ordinary days. Photo: Karsten Damstedt.

samtidige, mens de følgende klostre var en generation yngre og havde et andet præg, og fordi stifterinderne havde kendt hinanden og havde rod i samme miljø. Alt løsøre fra Jomfruklosteret blev overført til Roskilde. Der var kun bevaret ganske lidt bohave, selvom elleve priorinder teoretisk skulle have efterladt deres ting, men en barok øreklapstol skal ifølge traditionen have været Karen Brahes og har stået i Biblioteket, viser de ældste fotografier. De viser også, at

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Konservatorerne har renset døren mellem rum 102 og trapperum 112 for mange lag maling, som man kan se på farvetrappen, så den nu står som oprindeligt, med en let fremhævning af de dekorative detaljer. 2013. Foto: Roberto Fortuna. The conservators have stripped the door between room 102 and staircase 112 of many layers of paint, so now it is as it was originally, with a slight highlighting of the decorative details. 2013. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

and glowing stoves, otherwise it was just a cold, dark, pile of bricks. There was no way to recreate this around 1970, when the house and the secular convent institution were completely outdated and no longer had a place in modern life. It was time to close the door on Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen.

Municipality of Odense Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen was amalgamated with Roskilde Secular Convent for Noblewomen in 1974 under the name Den Skeel-Iuel-Brahe’ske Stiftelse, Roskilde Kloster – the last element is also the convent’s usual name. This was a natural choice, both because the two convents were almost contemporane-

den del af Jomfruklosterets billedsamling, der havde religiøse motiver, var ophængt derinde. Resten af de ca. fyrre portrætter hang ude på stengangen ved trappen, i Salen, 104 og i Patronessens Kammer. I dag hænger Karen Brahe og hendes nærmeste slægtninge i en stue ved siden af Roskilde Klosters såkaldte riddersal, mens de øvrige portrætter er fordelt på to lange gange. En helt unik genstand er det såkaldte Nakkebølle-tæppe fra 1589, et silkebroderi med Friis, Brockenhuus og Bille-våbnerne, slyngede bånd og blomster. Det var ved arv vandret gennem slægterne til Karen Brahes familie. Karen Brahes Bibliotek på over 3.400 bind og ca. 1.150 håndskrifter havde siden 1907 stået på Landsarkivet i Odense af sikkerhedsgrunde. I 2010 blev det overført til Roskilde og er nu i Stiftsbiblioteket for Sjællands varetægt. Odense Kommune overtog Jomfruklosteret og har brugt bygningerne til flere formål. Odense Bys Museer har haft kontorer, lager og magasiner, blandt andet lå legemsstore figurer fra en altertavle helt surrealistisk på gulvene i nogle af frøkenernes værelser. I fem år fra 2001 havde sekretariatet for H.C. Andersen 2005 Fonden til huse her, hvor digteren flere gange havde været på besøg. “Væggene lidt skæve står. Hvidkalkede og rustikke. Et gennemrenoveret kloster midt i H.C. Andersens fødeby med højt til loftet og brede gulvplanker. Alt ned til mindste detalje er gennemtænkt. Tjekket og strømlinet. Store lyse rum, stempelkande og håndlavet chokolade med H.C. Andersenportræt i skåle. Et stuemøblement i italiensk design, et B&O-anlæg, der falder diskret ind, og et kolossalt unikum af en syret millenniumdesign-lysekrone, der indiskret bryder stilen stilfuldt. Velkomstlokalet i HCA 2005-sekretariatet i Odense, er lavet til at få gæsterne til at falde på halen.” Sådan beskrev Information i 2005 oplevelsen, når man trådte ind i Biblioteket,20 og alle artikler om sekretariatets domicil omtaler Jomfruklosteret som et eventyrligt sted – det havde været lukket om sig selv så længe, at ingen anede, hvad der gemte bag de tykke mure.

ous, while the following convents came a generation later and had a different character, and because the foundresses had known each other and came from the same background. All items at Jomfruklosteret were transferred to Roskilde. Only a very few effects had been preserved, even though in theory the 11 Prioresses should have left their possessions to the Convent, but according to tradition a baroque wing chair had belonged to Karen Brahe, and stood in the Library, as shown on the oldest photographs. These also show that the part of Jomfruklosteret’s collection of paintings with a religious theme had hung there. The rest of the 40 or so portraits hung in the stone corridor by the stairs, in the Hall, 104 and in the Patroness’s Room. Today, Karen Brahe and her closest family hang in a room next to Roskilde Kloster’s so-called Great Hall, while the other portraits are displayed on two long corridors. One unique item is the so-called Nakkebølle tapestry from 1589, a silk embroidery with the arms of the Friis, Brockenhuus and Bille families, intertwined ribbons and flowers. By inheritance, this had changed owners until it reached the family of Karen Brahe. Karen Brahe’s library of over 3400 volumes and approx. 1150 manuscripts had since 1907 been housed at the Records Office in Odense, for safety reasons. In 2010 it was transferred to Roskilde and is now in the keeping of the Zealand Diocesan Library. Odense Municipality took over Jomfruklosteret and used the buildings for various purposes. The City of Odense Museums have had offices, storerooms and storage space here, and, weirdly enough, at one point the floors in some of the ladies’ rooms were occupied by life-size figures from an altarpiece. For five years from 2001, the secretariat for the Hans Christian Andersen 2005 Fund was housed in the building, which the writer had visited several times. “The walls here are a little crooked. Limewashed and rustic. A thoroughly renovated convent in the middle of Hans Christian Andersen’s birth city, with high ceilings and wide planked floors. All carefully planned to the

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Tv.: Karen Brahe fejrede sin 350 års fødselsdag med en reception i det smukke biblioteksrum. Munter ved de lydhøre gæster kommenterede hun livligt fortiden og nutiden, forfaldet, udviklingen, bygningen og fremtiden. Skuespiller: Agnete Bjørn fortolker.

Left, Karen Brahe celebrated her 350 year birthday with a reception in the beautiful library room. Cheerful with the responsive guests, she commented lively on the past and the present, the disrepair, the development, the building and the future. Actress: Agnete Bjørn interpreted.

Th.: Selskabet har flere gange deltaget med arrangementer under Bygningskulturens dag og Forskningens døgn. Typisk kombineres oplæg med performance, som her under fejringen af Middelalderåret, hvor bygningens ældste historie også blev fortolket gennem folkekulturens skjaldetradition. Musiker: Tore Plougheld.

Right, The company has been involved several times with events during Building Culture Day and The Festival of Research. Presentations are typically combined with a performance like here during the celebration of the Middle Ages, where the building’s oldest history was also interpreted through the skald tradition of the folk culture. Musician: Tore Plougheld.

Karen Brahe Selskabet

smallest detail. Stylish and streamlined. Large, bright rooms, a cafetière and hand-made chocolate with Hans Christian Andersen’s portrait in bowls. Furnishings in Italian design, a Bang & Olufsen sound unit discreetly blending into the background, while a colossal unique millennium-designed candelabra indiscreetly but elegantly disrupts the whole. The welcome area at the HCA 2005 Secretariat in Odense has been designed to surprise and overwhelm its guests.” This was how the newspaper Information described its impression of the Library in 2005,20 and all articles about the Secretariat’s home describe Jomfruklosteret as a fairy-tale place – it

Et enkelt år, under Odenses 1000-års jubilæum i 1988, havde Jomfruklosteret dog været tilgængeligt, idet Karen Brahe Selskabet havde lånt det af Odense Kommune for at afholde en række aktiviteter under overskriften Kvinder i 1000 år. Der var skiftende udstillinger, kunst, teater, musik og café og med et besøgstal på 26.000 i de seks måneder, det varede. Selskabet mener selv, at tilstrømningen delvist skyldtes den enestående mulighed for at se ind bag murene. Karen Brahe Selskabet var stiftet 1. december året før med tre formål: At virke for aktiviteter, der knytter

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“Det er svært at forklare hvordan, men det er en bygning, der tager imod dig allerede ved døren. Du bliver hurtigt velkendt med lugte og lyde og deres forskellighed fra kælder til loft. Her er godt at være. På en gang hjemligt og udfordrende – der er altid en detalje, du ikke har bemærket, en tanke du ikke har tænkt. De uforstyrrede spor af levet liv, middelalderkælderen, biblioteket – og ovenpå, de flossede tapeter, løbesoden, de tynde bræddevægge med synlige dekorationsspor af genbrug. Alt fortæller historier.” Jane Jakobsen, cand.mag. et art., formand for Karen Brahe Selskabet, 2012

sig til Karen Brahe og Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster, at støtte, fremme og oplyse om kvindekultur og kvindekulturelle miljøer og at virke for, at Jomfruklosteret også i fremtiden skulle danne ramme om kvindekulturelle aktiviteter. Hvad det sidste punkt angår, var tanken oprindeligt at motivere Odense Kommune til at stille hele Jomfruklosteret til rådighed for et kvindekulturcenter. Aktiviteterne i 1988 skulle vise, at det havde sin berettigelse, og året efter udgav Selskabet en rapport, Fra Frøkenkloster til Kulturcenter, med planer for et sådant center. Udviklingen gik en anden vej, men Selskabet fik dog et kontor og et mødelokale på loftet af Jomfruklosterets østfløj i 1997. Bestyrelsesmedlemmer mindes, at det uisolerede rum gav en oplevelse af at være i autentiske omgivelser. Det var dog ikke sådan, som Karen Brahe og frøkenerne havde boet, men sådan som tjenestefolkene gjorde. Samme år, i 1997, skabte Selskabet i samarbejde med teaterprojektet Rampelyset en poetisk forestilling, De drømmende jomfruer, opbygget af brudstykker af litteratur, filosofi og folkeeventyr. Forestillingen blev spillet på gårdspladsen i skæret af levende fakler på Odenses Kulturnat og trak mange tilskuere. Året efter afholdt Selskabet en udstilling med titlen Heltinders pryd. Temaet var Karen Brahe, hendes

had been closed in on itself so long that no-one could guess what was hidden behind its thick walls.

The Karen Brahe Society However, there was a single year when Jomfruklosteret had been open to the public, during Odense’s 1000 year anniversary in 1988, when the Karen Brahe Society borrowed it from Odense Municipality to hold a series of activities under the heading Women over 1000 years. There were various exhibitions, art, theatre, music and a café, and 26,000 people visited the house during the six months it was open. The Society itself thinks that the high visitor numbers were partly due to this unique opportunity to take a look behind the walls. The Karen Brahe Society had been formed on 1 December of the previous year, with three objectives: to work for activities linked to Karen Brahe and Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen, to support, promote and inform about women’s culture and women’s cultural environments, and to work to ensure that Jomfruklosteret should continue to provide a setting for women’s cultural activities. With regard to the final point, the original idea had been to motivate Odense Municipality to make the whole site available for a women’s cultural centre. The activities of 1988 were to demonstrate the justification for this, and the following year the Society published a report From Secular Convent to Cultural Centre, with plans for such a centre. Developments took another path, but the Society was given an office and a meeting room in the attic of Jomfruklosteret’s east wing in 1997. Board members recall that this uninsulated room gave an impression of being in authentic surroundings. However, this was not how people such as Karen Brahe and the ladies had lived, but how the servants lived. In the same year, 1997, the Society, in collaboration with the theatre project Rampelyset created a poetic performance, The dreaming maidens, built up from

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“It is hard to explain why, but this is a building which welcomes you right at the door. You quickly become familiar with its smells and sounds and the way these vary from cellar to attic. It’s a good place to be. Both homelike and challenging at the same time – there is always a detail you have never noticed, a thought you have never thought. The undisturbed traces of lives lived, the medieval kitchen, the library – and upstairs, the frayed wallpaper, the soot marks, the thin wooden partition walls with visible decorations from former uses. Everything has a history to tell.” Jane Jakobsen, cand.mag. et art., President of the Karen Brahe Society, 2012

Karen Brahes Bibliotek, der stod i bygningen i næsten 200 år, er det bedst bevarede private adelsbibliotek herhjemme. Selskabet har enkelte gange fået tilladelse af ejerne til at fremvise bøger, bl.a. i forbindelse med en større udstilling i Jomfruklostret. Også oplæg om bøgerne er eftertragtede og kan fylde salen. At Karen Brahe har læst bøgerne illustreres her ved Lars Bisgaard, under et oplæg for selskabet: Bogen har titlen: Besser Kein Christ, als Ein Pietist. Den er trykt i 1699, og på indersiden står med KBs hånd ”See N 32 Pietisternis første Anfang og deris forsuar N 77”. (KBs arkivsystem). Foto: Ole Østerby. Karen Brahe’s Library, which was kept in the building for almost 200 years, is the best preserved private 16th-18th centuries library in Denmark. The Society has a few times been permissioned by the owners of the Library to display books, for instance in connection with a major exhibition in the Convent. Also, presentations about the books are sought after and fill the hall. That Karen Brahe actually read the books is illustrated here by Lars Bisgaard during a lecture for the Society: The title of the book: Besser Kein Christ, als Ein Pietist. It was printed in 1699, and on the inside is written in hand by KB: “See N 32 Pietisternis første Anfang og deris forsuar N 77” (See N 32 the first beginning of the Evangelical movement and its defence N 77). (KBs archive system). Photo: Ole Østerby.

fragments of literature, philosophy and folk-tales. The performance was given on the courtyard in the light of flaming torches on Odense Culture Night and drew many spectators. The following year, the Society mounted an exhibition with the title Pride of Heroines. The theme was Karen Brahe, her library, and life in the Convent in the 18th century, in dialogue with a future on the internet and in cyberspace. As a rather advanced feature for the time, there was an internet café where the public could make searches in subject files. The exhibition was ambitious in scope, with original effects and a number of selected books from Karen Brahe’s Library, then stored at the Odense Regional Archives. The rare books were insured to the hilt and exhibited in bullet-proof cases in darkened rooms. The Society allied itself with a corps of volunteers who acted as museum attendants for the two months the exhibition lasted. In the Medieval Year in 1999, the Society put on a multi-media show The Soul of the Cellar under the vaults. This consisted of lighting effects accompanied by sound recordings of three generations of women’s voices, mixed with sounds from Odense River. Outside, Jomfruklosteret’s walls were spotlit and there were dark figures – monks! – among the trees in the

Klosteret 2007. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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The convent 2007. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

bibliotek og livet i klosteret i 1700-tallet, i dialog med fremtiden på internettet og i cyberspace. Som noget temmelig avanceret på det tidspunkt var der en internetcafé, hvor publikum kunne søge i temafiler. Udstillingen var stort anlagt med oprindeligt bohave og en række udvalgte bøger fra Karen Brahes Bibliotek, der dengang blev opbevaret på Landsarkivet i Odense. De sjældne bøger, der var højt forsikrede, blev udstillet i skudsikre montrer i mørklagte rum. Selskabet havde allieret sig med et korps af frivillige, der var museumsvagter i de to måneder, udstillingen varede. I Middelalderåret 1999 iværksatte Selskabet et multimedieshow, Sjælen i kælderen, under hvælvingerne. Det bestod af lyseffekter, akkompagneret af lydoptagelser af tre generationer kvindestemmer, blandet med lyde fra Odense Å. Udenfor var der spots på Jomfruklosterets mure og mørke skikkelser – munke! – mellem havens træer. Der var åbent tre aftener og igen stor interesse. Til de udadvendte aktiviteter hører også bogen Fra Bispegård til Jomfrukloster, som Karen Brahe Selskabet udgav i 2004, 500-året for påbegyndelsen af Bispegaards-byggeriet under biskop Jens Andersen Beldenak. Bogen er en antologi med bidrag af akademikere af forskellige fag, der beskriver bygningen, Jomfruklosteret og Karen Brahes Bibliotek. Karen Brahes medlemsaktiviteter består i foredrag om en lang række emner som Karen Brahes liv, hendes tid og dens åndsliv, hendes bibliotek og datidens litteratur samt Odenses og Fyns historie og andre jomfruklostre. Siden Realdania Byg begyndte på restaureringen, har interessen samlet sig om selve Jomfruklosterets bygning med flere arrangementer med blandt andre arkitekt MAA Søren Lundqvist og konservator Line Bregnhøi. Selskabet har også haft ekskursioner, blandt andet til Karen Brahes gods Østrupgaard på Sydfyn og til Roskilde Kloster.21 Nogle år efter, at Karen Brahe Selskabet var flyttet ind på Jomfruklosteret, fik sekretariatet for H.C. Andersen 2005 Fonden som nævnt domicil i bygningen. Herefter rykkede Selskabet ind i de små

garden. The place was open for three nights and again attracted wide interest. Among the outward-directed activities was also the book From Bishop’s Palace to Secular Convent, published by the Karen Brahe Society in 2004, the 500th anniversary of the start of building work at the Bishop’s Palace under Bishop Jens Andersen Beldenak. The book is an anthology of articles by academics in various disciplines, describing the building, Jomfruklosteret and Karen Brahe’s Library. The Society’s membership activities include talks on many subjects such as Karen Brahe’s life, the times and intellectual currents of the day, her library and the literature of the day together with the history of Odense and Funen and that of other secular convents. Since Realdania Byg started its restoration, interest has focused on the actual Jomfruklosteret building, with several events being held with architect Søren Lundqvist MAA and conservator Line Bregnhøi. The Society has also made excursions, for instance to Karen Brahe’s estate of Østrupgård in South Funen and to Roskilde Kloster.21 A few years after the Karen Brahe Society had moved into Jomfruklosteret, the secretariat for the Hans Christian Andersen 2005 Foundation was housed in the building, as mentioned above. Following this

Stensætningen ned mod åen og klosterets gårdrum genetableres efter flere års arbejder på klosteret. 2013. Foto: Roberto Fortuna. The retaining wall facing Odense River and the courtyard of the Convent are re-established after several years with large scale work around the Convent. 2013. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

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the Society moved into the small rooms at the eastern end of the ground floor, which now, after restoration, have been recreated as the original large room. Here the Society has again been given house-room, this time with the Hans Christian Andersen Centre at the University of South Denmark as its landlord.

rum i stueetagens østgavl, som nu, efter restaureringen, er genskabt som det oprindelige, store rum. Her har Selskabet igen fået lokaler, nu med H.C. Andersen Centret under Syddansk Universitet som husvært.

Undersøgelser af Jomfruklosteret Et så enestående hus som Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster har naturligvis vakt nysgerrighed, især da den almene historiske interesse voksede i løbet af 1800tallet. Siden da er der ikke skrevet noget i medierne om Jomfruklosteret, uden at bygningens fortid som bispegård er nævnt, og dens tykke mure og hvælvede kældre omtales med ærefrygt. Jomfruklosteret blev da også fredet mindre end fire måneder efter, at den første bygningsfredningslov blev vedtaget i 1918. Men så vidt vides var der ikke foretaget egentlige undersøgelser af hverken eksteriør eller interiør, før Odense Kommune erhvervede bygningen i 1972. Derefter har der været flere arkæologiske og bygningsarkæologiske undersøgelser, som har givet væsentlige oplysninger om hele anlægget, om detaljer i bygningens udvikling og om førstesalens interiører. Kommunen overlod bygningen til Odense Bys Museer, der ville bruge den til udstilling af den forhistoriske samling, og skønt der dengang ikke fandtes samme beskyttelse i lovgivningen som i dag, skulle det undersøges, hvad den rummede af bevaringsværdi. Det blev til en summarisk bygningsarkæologisk undersøgelse af restaureringsarkitekt og bygningshistoriker Hans Henrik Engqvist.22 I 1977 undersøgte Nationalmuseet interiørerne. Det var en ganske kortvarig undersøgelse, kun et par

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Investigations at Jomfruklosteret Such an outstanding house as Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen has naturally been the subject of curiosity, especially since a general interest for history developed during the 19th century. Since then nothing is ever mentioned in the media about Jomfruklosteret without the building’s past as a bishop’s palace being mentioned, while its thick walls and vaulted cellar are described with awe. Jomfruklosteret was scheduled as a protected building less than four months after the first Building Preservation Act was enacted in 1918. But as far as is known, no actual investigations of either exterior or interior were made before Odense Municipality acquired the building in 1972. Since then there have been several archaeological and constructional surveys which have provided significant information about the building as a whole, about details of the building’s development and about the interiors on the first floor. The Municipality transferred the building to the City of Odense Museums, who wanted to use it for displaying its prehistoric collections, and although the law did not give the same protection as today, it was necessary to examine what elements were worthy of preservation. This resulted in a brief archaeological investigation of the building by conservation architect and building historian Hans Henrik Engqvist.22 In 1977, the National Museum investigated the interiors. This was a very short investigation, just a couple of days, and only of the first floor, resulting in a simple confirmation that the walls and timbers were worthy of preservation and should be investigated

Overalt i klosteret kan man også fremover se mange af de afdækninger, som konservatorerne har lavet for at få viden om og registrere husets mange historiske lag. Enkelte lag kan tidsbestemmes meget præcist, mens andre må inddeles i perioder. 2013. Foto: Roberto Fortuna. The conservators have stripped layer upon layer of wallpaper and paint throughout the Convent to gain knowledge of the building’s many historical layers and register them. Some layers can be dated very precisely, while others must be grouped in periods. This meticulous proces is left visible for the future. 2013. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

Hovedtrappen. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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The main stairs. Secular Convent for Noblewomen 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

dage og kun af førstesalen, og i undersøgelsen konstateredes det blot, at vægge og træværk var bevaringsværdige og skulle undersøges nærmere ved lagvis afdækning. Denne omfattende undersøgelse er først udført i forbindelse med Realdania Bygs restaurering, hvor den var en forudsætning for hele arbejdet med interiørerne. Der var desuden planer om at indrette kælderen til restaurant for museumsudstillingen, hvorfor bygningens kældergulve samme år blev undersøgt. Ebbe Hædersdal, der senere skrev doktorafhandling i bygningsarkæologiens og restaureringens filosofi, fandt ved den lejlighed en række vigtige oplysninger om hovedbygningen og tidligere aktiviteter på stedet.23 Planerne om udstilling og restaurant blev imidlertid skrinlagt, og de næste godt 20 år rummede Jomfruklosteret ekstra kontorer og magasiner for museet. Arkitekt MAA Kjeld Borch Vesth har foretaget en meget grundig bygningsarkæologisk undersøgelse, nærmest sten for sten, suppleret med arkivalske undersøgelser af såvel Bispegaarden som adelsgården, Brahernes gård og Jomfruklosteret.24 Odense Bys Museer udførte 1975-1977 en større udgravning ud for Jomfruklosterets sydfacade, idet bygningsarkæologerne formodede, at der havde været en vestfløj. Den blev fundet i form af fundamenter og spor efter en kælder med hvælvinger, og hele udgravningen gav interessant viden om det oprindelige bispegårdsanlæg. Herefter formodede man, at der havde været en tilsvarende østfløj, der blot var skjult under bindingsværksbygningen fra 1749, og den er faktisk fundet ved de arkæologiske udgravninger i forbindelse med restaureringen 2009-2013. Da Odense Kommune i 2004 tog kontakt til Realdania Byg om køb af Jomfruklosteret, var det således klart, at bygningen og dens umiddelbare omgivelser rummede mange udfordringer, men også ny viden og store oplevelser, både for dem, der har medvirket ved restaureringen, for dem, der i fremtiden skal bruge Jomfruklosteret til daglig, og for publikum, som løbende vil få lejlighed til at se indenfor.

further by systematic removal of layers. This comprehensive investigation was only carried out in connection with Realdania Byg’s restoration, in which it was a precondition for the whole work on the interiors. There were also plans to fit out the cellar as a restaurant for the museum exhibition, and for this reason the cellar floors in the building were investigated in the same year. During the investigation, Ebbe Hædersdal, who later wrote a Ph.D. thesis on the philosophy of building archaeology and restoration, discovered a number of important facts about the main building and previous activities on the site.23 The plans for an exhibition site and restaurant were later dropped, so for more than 20 years, Jomfruklosteret housed extra offices and storage space for the museum. Architect Kjeld Borch Vesth MAA has undertaken a very thorough archaeological investigation of the building, almost stone by stone, supplemented by archival studies of the Bishop’s Palace as a nobleman’s home, as the Brahes’ house and as Jomfruklosteret.24 In 1975-1977, the City of Odense Museums carried out a major excavation by the south facade of Jomfruklosteret, as the building archaeologists had surmised the existence of a west wing. This was discovered in the form of foundations and traces of a vaulted cellar, and the whole excavation provided interesting knowledge of the original bishop’s palace site. It was now surmised that there was a corresponding east wing, concealed under the half-timbered building of 1749, and such a wing was discovered in the archaeological excavations in connection with the restoration of 2009-2013. When Odense Municipality contacted Realdania Byg in 2004 about the purchase of Jomfruklosteret, it was thus clear that the building and its immediate surroundings held many challenges, but also new knowledge and exciting discoveries, not only for those taking part in the restoration but also for those who would use Jomfruklosteret on a daily basis and the general public who would have regular opportunities to look inside.

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Restaureringen af Jomfruklosteret Restoration of Jomfruklosteret Af / by Frants Frandsen, Realdania Byg

Odense Adelige Jomfruklosters store bygning har ligget gemt og næsten glemt i dybet af sin have i mange årtier; de fleste husker kun, at de har set den ud ad øjenkrogen i farten op eller ned ad den stejle Albanigade. Enkelte har været der til et arrangement og glemmer den ikke igen. Jomfruklosteret er et ældgammelt hus med stor værdighed, som man nærmer sig med respekt og høflighed. Det lader sig ikke opfatte på én gang og som kun en materiel størrelse. Som det står nu, er det en funktion af tid og rum, af mange fortællinger, der fletter sig ind i hinanden. En sådan bygnings udseende og tilstand har en immateriel klangbund, en atmosfære, som en restaurering må være lydhør overfor. Man kan sige, at en bygning, hvad enten den er ny eller gammel, nærmest har en personlighed. Man fornemmer den, men er også nødt til at stille spørgsmål til den på baggrund af konkret viden om alder, stil, anvendelse og hvad de mennesker, der har brugt den under vejs, ville med den. Svarene afføder flere spørgsmål, og især i et hus med Jomfruklosterets høje alder og mange funktioner gennem tiden er de nærmest uendelige. I Jomfruklosteret er der indtil sidste øjeblik i den årelange restaureringsproces dukket nye, uforudsigelige ting op, ikke kun problemer, men også spændende og væsentlige træk, arkitektur- og kulturhistorisk. Derfor har hvert eneste svar ført til en ny analyse med nye spørgsmål og nye valg.

The bulky mass of the Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen, or Jomfruklosteret, has for decades lain hidden away in its grounds, and almost been forgotten; for most people it is something seen out of the corner of their eye as they drive up and down the steep Odense street known as Albanigade. But some have visited it as part of a cultural event, and these people never forget it. Jomfruklosteret is an age-old house of tremendous dignity, which can only be approached with respect and courtesy. It takes time to appreciate the spirit of the building, which is more than just a material object. As it stands now, it is a function of time and space and of many interwoven stories. The appearance and condition of such a building has an intangible resonance or atmosphere, to which a restoration project must pay attention. Any building, old or new, has what is almost its own personality. But while this personality can be perceived, it is still necessary to interrogate the building for specific knowledge about age, style, purpose and the intentions of the people who used it during the years. The answers to these questions generate questions in turn, and especially in a house with the age and many functions that Jomfruklosteret has had over the years, these can turn out to be almost infinite. At Jomfruklosteret, new and unpredictable finds have emerged right up to the last moment of the years-long restoration process, not just in the form of

Det vestre trapperum, 215, før restaureringen. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. The west staircase, 215, before the restoration. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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Rum 205, med kig til rum 204, fĂ¸r restaureringen. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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Room 205 with view of room 204, before the restoration. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

problems, but also as exciting and significant aspects of archaeology and cultural history. Hence, each and every answer has led to a new analysis, with new questions and new choices. Some new choices were obvious. Objectively there are items which have to be respected in a protected building, and then there are environmental and sustainability considerations, internal traffic and facilities which must be present if the house is to be used for practical purposes in the future – the elements which go to make up the living cultural heritage which Realdania Byg seeks to promote. Other choices are made on the basis of subjective criteria. These include the knowledge and the stories embedded in the layer which after analysis it is decided to cover over or display. There is also an aesthetic aspect – a cheap kitchen wallpaper from the 1960’s may be historically relevant to the continuous narrative of the house, but will hardly be a joy to the office worker who has to look at it every day. Every single choice is at the same time a rejection of another choice regarding a different layer, which could be just as relevant, and it requires both a professional vision and a certain humility to say farewell to these layers or in some cases to cover all previous layers. The overall vision sometimes makes these rejected options more painful for the architect than those which are unavoidable from objective, measurable criteria. It has been a recurring feature of the restoration that a holistic approach has been chosen, with both tangible and intangible aspects playing their part. The historical material has been decoded, recorded, refurbished and put back in place in order to maintain the historical hierarchy through an intact and continuous narrative of the changing periods and uses of the house. The basic principle of restoration has been to conform to the way the spaces have come into being, so that the new layers from today appear as a continuous consequence and expansion of the spaces’ historical development.

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Rum 212 med kig gennem 213 og 214 mod trapperum 215 fĂ¸r restaureringen. Foto: Roberto Fortuna. Room 212 with view through 213 and 214 facing the staircase 215 before the restoration. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

Tapetdøre til alkoven i rum 205 før restaureringen. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. The jib door to the alcove in room 205 before the restoration. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Nogle valg har givet sig selv. Objektivt er der ting, som må respekteres i en fredet bygning, og så er der miljø- og bæredygtighedshensyn, indre færdsel og faciliteter, som skal være der, når huset i fremtiden skal anvendes til nye praktiske formål – de elementer, der tilsammen er med til at skabe den levende kulturarv, der er Realdania Bygs opgave. Andre valg træffes ud fra subjektive kriterier. Der er viden og fortællinger i de lag, som man efter analysen vælger at dække eller lade stå fremme. Der er også et æstetisk aspekt – et billigt køkkentapet fra 1960’erne er måske nok historisk relevant i husets forløbende fortælling, men næppe behageligt at se på for den, som skal sidde i det kontor hver dag. Hvert eneste valg er samtidig et fravalg af de øvrige lag, der kan være lige så udsagnskraftige, og det kræver både en faglig optik og en vis ydmyghed at tage afsked med disse lag eller i enkelte tilfælde at dække alle tidligere lag. Helhedssynspunktet gør sommetider disse fravalg smerteligere for arkitekten end de fravalg, som er uundgåelige på grund af de objektive, målelige kriterier. Det har været et gennemgående træk i restaureringen, at tilgangen har været holistisk med inddragelse af både materielle og immaterielle aspekter. Det historiske materiale er afkodet, registreret, istandsat og efterfølgende genplaceret på sin plads, så det historiske hierarki holdes i hævd i en intakt og fortløbende fortælling om husets skiftende stilperioder og anvendelse. Det har været restaureringens grundholdning at fortsætte denne udvikling i rummenes stedse tildannelse, således at nye lag af i dag indgår som en kontinuerlig konsekvens og forlængelse af rummenes historiske udvikling.

Et langt forløb Realdania Byg er et helejet datterselskab af Realdania og har som formål at istandsætte og revitalisere ejendomme. Selskabet ser naturligvis på mange steder i hele landet, men en række betingelser skal alle være opfyldt, før en ejendom købes. Den skal uanset alder have væsentlige arkitektoniske eller kulturhistoriske

A long process Realdania Byg is a wholly-owned subsidiary of Realdania with the purpose of refurbishing and revitalising built properties. The company naturally considers many sites throughout Denmark, but a number of conditions must all be satisfied before purchasing a property. Regardless of age, the property must have significant architectural or cultural and historical qualities or both, it must be threatened by alteration or decay, and finally no other parties must be willing or able to take on the task of bringing it to life again. It must be possible to restore the building in a sustainable way and having regard to conservation values and any scheduled protection, but it must equally be possible to prepare the building for a future with present-day uses under normal market conditions. A sustainable restoration includes observing financial, social and environmental limits and taking account of functional, ethical and aesthetic aspects in the overall plan of action. The Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen was owned by the Municipality of Odense from 1972, following the closure of the Convent. It was then used by City of Odense Museums for purposes such as storage, workshops and offices. From 1997 the Karen Brahe Society had a couple of rooms in the main

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Rum 213 med kig mod trapperum 215 under restaureringen. Foto: Roberto Fortuna. Room 213 with view to the staircase 215 during the restoration. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

kvaliteter eller begge dele, den skal være truet af forandring eller forfald, og endeligt skal ingen andre kunne eller ville påtage sig at bringe den til live igen. Bygningen skal kunne restaureres bæredygtigt og under hensyn til bevaringsværdier og en eventuel fredning, og den skal samtidigt kunne bringes ind i fremtiden gennem nutidige anvendelsesformål på almindelige markedsvilkår. En bæredygtig restaurering omfatter iagttagelse af økonomiske, sociale og miljømæssige hensyn såvel som hensyntagen til funktionelle, etiske og æstetiske aspekter i helhedsgrebet. Odense Kommune ejede Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster fra 1972, efter nedlæggelsen af klosteret. Det har været anvendt af Odense Bys Museer som blandt andet magasin, værksteder og kontorer. Fra 1997 har Karen Brahe Selskabet haft et par lokaler i hovedbygningen, og fra 2001 husede Jomfruklosteret det sekretariat, som forberedte fejringen af H.C. Andersens 200 år i 2005.

building, and from 2001 Jomfruklosteret housed the secretariat preparing the celebration of Hans Christian Andersen’s 200th anniversary in 2005. In 2004, the Municipality approached the newlyfounded Realdania Byg1 regarding sale of the property, and the company carried out a preliminary study to assess whether the building could be adapted for a new future. Jomfruklosteret had for many years been partly unused; electricity and heating had been cut off in large parts of the house and the building was marked by general disrepair from cellar to roof. But, on the other hand, the house had unsurpassed tangible and intangible qualities, an excellent site and, not least, a committed future user, the University of Southern Denmark. It was therefore decided to collaborate with architect Steffen M. Søndergaard MAA on developing a priced restoration plan, which a coming owner would be obliged to implement. It soon became clear that conservation work would be the cornerstone of the total refurbishment: exposure and consolidation of the building’s many layers of decoration was to be carried out, and recommendations made for preserving significant parts of them, with a careful refurbishment of the rest. It was a long process, and only in 2008 did Realdania Byg purchase Jomfruklosteret. Realisation of the comprehensive plan took place in close cooperation with the Danish Agency for Culture2 and with a transNordic team of conservators, with participation from the National Museum of Denmark, NIKU (Norwegian Institute for Cultural Heritage Research) and conservator Bent Jacobsen, Korinth (Denmark); meanwhile, the University of Southern Denmark, Jomfruklosteret’s future tenant, was involved in the refurbishment process. Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen has been one of the largest and most complicated and complex restoration projects ever undertaken by Realdania Byg. Much that was unforeseen emerged during the restoration process, but this is only to be expected in a building of Jomfruklosteret’s age, especially when

Det østre trapperum, 210, før restaureringen. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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The east staircase, 210, before the restoration. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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I 2004 henvendte Odense Kommune sig til det næsten nystiftede Realdania Byg A/S1 om et salg, og selskabet foretog en forundersøgelse for at vurdere, om bygningsværket kunne bringes ind i en ny fremtid. Jomfruklosteret har stået delvist ubrugt længe; strøm og varme var proppet af i store dele af huset, og det var fra kælder til tag præget af generelt forfald. Men huset havde uovertrufne materielle og immaterielle kvaliteter, en fin beliggenhed og ikke mindst en interesseret kommende bruger, Syddansk Universitet. Det blev derfor besluttet at samarbejde med arkitekt M.A.A. Steffen M. Søndergaard om at udarbejde en prissat genopretningsplan, som en kommende ejer var forpligtet til at gennemføre. Her viste det sig snart, at konservatorarbejdet blev en hjørnesten i den samlede istandsættelse: der skulle ske en afdækning og konsolidering af bygningens mange dekorative lag og gives anbefalinger til konservering af væsentlige dele og en skånsom istandsættelse af resten. Det blev et meget langt forløb, og først i 2008 købte Realdania Byg Jomfruklosteret. Realiseringen af den omfattende plan er sket i tæt samarbejde med Kulturstyrelsen2 og et tværnordisk konservatorhold med deltagelse af Nationalmuseet, NIKU Norsk Institutt For Kulturminneforskning og konservator Bent Jacobsen, Korinth, ligesom Syddansk Universitet, Jomfruklosterets fremtidige lejer, har været inddraget i processen om nyindretning. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster er en af de største og mest komplicerede og komplekse restaureringsopgaver, Realdania Byg har udført. Der er dukket meget uforudset op i restaureringsforløbet, men det var forventeligt i en bygning af Jomfruklosterets alder, især fordi man af hensyn til frednings- og bevaringsværdierne ikke kunne lave såkaldt destruktive indgreb under forundersøgelsen. Flere steder stod det dog langt værre til end ventet. Der er ikke kun ekstra arbejder forbundet med at forny og udbedre uforudsete ting, det udfordrer også det omhyggeligt planlagte forløb med mange forskellige aktører fra alle håndværksfag, ligesom arkitekten udfordres på etiske og æstetiske valg og fravalg.

because of its protected status and conservation values no destructive interventions could be made during the preliminary study. However, in many places, conditions were worse than feared. There was not just the additional work and expense of renewing and repairing unforeseen items, but also the challenge to the carefully planned work of many different players from all the craft trades, and the burden on the architect of choosing between the many ethical and aesthetic options. The statutory archaeological investigation of the building for ensuring that invisible building parts are unaffected by new floors and installations may also reveal matters which delay the work and in the worst case may lead to changes to plans and adjustments to the financial commitment and priorities. An ongoing restoration is thus subject to a series of reprioritisations, covering financial, functional and aesthetic considerations and a choice between the resulting options.

The East Wing The half-timbered building to the east, erected by the Convent in the mid-18th century, proved to be one of the chief technical challenges. It could be seen with the naked eye that the building was very crooked and that the foundation sloped steeply down to the river, and hence that the whole building had to be stabilised. The whole convent is a protected building, but this also includes any prehistoric monuments in the ground below it and in its immediate environs. The City of Odense Museums therefore had to be engaged to conduct a preliminary investigation. Here the presumption that the building lay on top of an original, later demolished, east wing rapidly proved correct. However, the half-timbered building was not erected directly on the late-medieval foundation, but the latter was covered with 30 cm of soil, on top of which the new foundation was laid – with no connection at all with the old. It was therefore impossible to drive piles, as had been planned, without damaging the hitherto unknown foundation. The solution was to brick up the gap between the two foundations at

Konservatorerne har undersøgt malingslagene på alle træflader i rum 103. 2010. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. The conservators have examined the types of paint on all woodwork surfaces in room 103. 2010. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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De to såkaldt italienske trapper er formentlig indsat i 1720’erne og stod umalede en årrække. Det skyldes ikke nødvendigvis pengemangel eller sparsommelighed. En norsk forsker påpeger, at det kunne være et bevidst, æstetisk valg – i Frankrig blev umalede paneler på den tid kaldt “à la capuchin”, “som en tiggermunks celle”.3 Trapperne fremstår i dag med en egetræsådring fra midten af 1800-tallet.

The two so-called Italian staircases were probably inserted in the 1720’s, and remained unpainted for some years. This was not necessarily due to lack of money or strict economy. A Norwegian researcher points out that it could be a conscious, aesthetic choice – in France, unpainted panels at that time were called “à la capuchin”, “like a mendicant friar’s cell”.3 The stairs have since mid-19th century been painted in oak graining technique.

Da trapperne blev malede grå, blev trapperummene dekorerede med marmorerede kvadre. De samme farver går igen i de to rum, men vendt om. Dekorationen er af høj kvalitet og muligvis udført af Rasmus Wulff, en af Odenses kendte malermestre og oldermand, som blandt andet har dekoreret i Graabrødre Kirke. Der er bevaret en regning fra ham på arbejde i Bedestuen, og hans værksted har sikkert også udført andet arbejde i Jomfruklosteret.

At the time the stairs were painted grey, the stairwells were decorated with painted marbled squares. The same colours are repeated in the two rooms, but in reverse sequence. The decoration is of high quality and possibly carried out by Rasmus Wulff, one of the best-known housepainters in Odense, and master of the guild. He also decorated Greyfriars Church. An invoice has been preserved from him for work in the Prayer Room, and his workshop probably also carried out other work for Jomfruklosteret.

Den lovpligtige bygningsarkæologiske undersøgelse, der sikrer, at usynlige bygningsdele ikke bliver berørt af for eksempel nye gulve og installationer, kan desuden afdække forhold, som forsinker arbejdet og i værste fald må føre til ændring af planer og justering af økonomisk indsats og placering. Den fortløbende restaurering er således genstand for en lang række prioriteringer, som omfatter både økonomiske, funktionelle og æstetiske overvejelser om valg og fravalg.

some points and to underpin it at other points on an intermediate layer of gravel. The traces of the old east wing would thus still be intact and untouched. The side building now accommodates a large, brightly-lit room with exposed rafters, the Karen Brahe Auditorium, as the University of Southern Denmark has chosen to call it. Here too there is a cloakroom and toilets with disabled access, so the building can be opened to the public for talks and conferences, and

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Under væglærrederne blev der fundet spåntapeter fra 1700-tallet. De isolerede, beskyttede de bemalede lærreder mod fugt især på ydervæggene og gav lidt bund, så de stramt udspændte lærreder ikke så nemt fik flænger.

Under the canvases, 18th century wallcoverings made from very thin plaited wooden strips were discovered. They insulated, protected the painted canvas against humidity on the outer walls and provided a base for the tightly stretched material.

Østfløjen

easy access has been created by reopening a brickedup passage to a newly installed service kitchen in the cellar of the main building.

Bindingsværksbygningen i øst, opført af Jomfruklosteret midt i 1700-tallet, viste sig at være en af de store tekniske udfordringer. Man kunne se med det blotte øje, at den var meget skæv, og at fundamentet hældede stærkt ned mod åen, så hele bygningen skulle stabiliseres. Klosteret er som helhed bygningsfredet, men rummer derudover en fredning, som omfatter fortidsminder i jorden inden for klosterets bebyggelse og i dets umiddelbare, bygningsnære omgivelser. Odense Bys Museer skulle derfor foretage en forudgående undersøgelse. Her viste formodningen om, at bygningen lå oven på en oprindelig, senere nedrevet østfløj sig

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Surprises Before restoration of Jomfruklosteret began, information from previous investigations and measurements was collated, but a complete knowledge of important stages in the development of the buildings was still lacking, for example, when the main building was extended and the first floor added, or when the side wings and the renaissance staircase tower were demolished. It might

Under lærrederne sad spåntapeter, der var flosset i kanterne; de er repareret af Nationalmuseets Bevaringsafdeling og genopsat under de restaurerede væglærreder.

Beneath the canvas was wallcoverings of wooden strips, frayed at the edges; they were repaired by the National Museum Conservation Department and rehung under the restored wall canvas.

hurtigt at være korrekt. Bindingsværksbygningen var imidlertid ikke opført direkte oven på det senmiddelalderlige ruinfundament; det var dækket af 30 cm jord, hvorpå et nyt fundament var lagt – helt uden forbindelse med det gamle. Der kunne derfor ikke som planlagt piloteres uden at skade dette hidtil ukendte fundament. Løsningen blev at udmure slippet mellem de to fundamenter nogle steder og understøbe det andre steder på et mellemlag af grus. Sporene af den gamle østfløj er således stadig intakte og uberørte. Sidebygningen rummer nu et stort, lyst lokale med loft til kip, Karen Brahe Auditoriet, som Syddansk Universitet har valgt at kalde det. Her findes desuden

be expected that the answers would emerge from the new detailed investigations and measurements from cellar to attic, but Jomfruklosteret has not disclosed clear answers to them all, and still guards unresolved secrets. On the other hand, the building has been happy enough to allow conservators and conservation architects to expose the many unknown layers which time has deposited on ceilings, walls and floors. The investigations have provided new knowledge about the original room division of the renaissance house – they were large, continuous rooms with decorated walls, ceilings and flagged floors in a true orgy of colours. The changing requirements of daily

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lærrederne med papirtapet og adskillige senere lag maling er konserverede og opbevares nu i magasin på Jomfruklosterets loft. På skorstenen ses både kvadring og marmorering, opmalet mange gange, så linjerne med tiden blev lidt forskudte. Foto: Lundqvist Tegnestue.

garderobe og toiletter med handicapadgang, så bygningen kan anvendes med offentlig adgang til foredrag og konferencer, og der er skabt nem adgang med genåbning af en tilmuret passage til et nyindrettet anretterkøkken i hovedbygningens kælder.

life down the centuries are revealed as changed room divisions, insertions of windows and door openings, or bricking up of the same. The investigations have peeled back the layers to the first coat of plaster, the first paint on the walls and beamed ceilings on the ground floor and of the interiors which surrounded the first ladies who took up occupation on the upper floor. There have been innumerable surprises as the layers beneath the uniform paintwork of recent years were stripped away on the ground floor: painted plasterwork, strapwork patterns on the ceiling beams, flock wallpapers, wall canvases, paper wallpapers in varying styles and qualities, and many plain coats of paint came to light.

Overraskelser Inden restaureringen af Jomfruklosteret begyndte, blev der indsamlet materialer fra tidligere undersøgelser og opmålinger, men der manglede stadig fuldstændig viden om væsentlige bygningsmæssige udviklingstræk, for eksempel hvornår hovedbygningen blev forlænget

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The Arcade Room illustrates the complexity of choosing which of the many layers is to be displayed after restoration. It was decided to show the layer above the original striped painting and, lower down, the third layer, the red trompe l’oeil dado, while the period with canvas is shown round the attic stairs. The rest of the

canvases with wallpaper and several later coats of paint have been conserved and are now appropriately stored in the Jomfruklosteret attic. The chimney shows both imitated stonework and marbling, retouched many times so that the lines have fallen slightly out of alignment over time. Photo: Lundqvist Architects.

og førstesalen påbygget, eller hvornår sidefløjene og renæssancens trappetårn blev nedrevet. Man kunne vente, at svarene ville komme under de nye minutiøse undersøgelser med opmålinger og registreringer fra kælder til kvist, men Jomfruklosteret har ikke givet dem alle utvetydigt fra sig, det rummer stadig uforløste hemmeligheder. Derimod har det beredvilligt ladet konservatorer og restaureringsarkitekter afdække de mange ukendte lag, som tiden har afsat på lofter, vægge og gulve. Undersøgelserne har tilvejebragt ny viden om renæssancehusets oprindelige ruminddeling – store, gennemgående rum med dekorerede vægge, lofter og

In some of the rooms, painted motifs were found on doors, dadoes and window openings, and marbling was found in niches for closed stoves and in stairwells. Plain painted surfaces cut away to reveal long colour sequences show how the rooms have changed their appearance, either in shades of the same colour or with wide jumps from one colour to another, according to the taste of the times or of the occupant. Some of these sequences will remain after restoration as visible peepholes into the past and as living testimonies to the multifarious life and activities in the house over more than 500 years. The finances of Jomfruklosteret and of the individual inhabitants can also be read off from the

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stengulve i et sandt farveorgie. Århundredernes skiftende krav til dagliglivet afslører sig som skiftende ruminddelinger, udhugning eller tilmuring af vinduer og døråbninger. Undersøgelserne er lagvist ført til det første lag puds, de første farver på stueetagens vægge og bjælkelofter og til de interiører, som omgav de første frøkener, der beboede overetagen. Der har været utallige overraskelser, efterhånden som lagene under de seneste årtiers ensartede overmaling i stueetagen er blevet afdækkede: bemalinger på pudsen, beslagværksmønstre på loftsbjælkerne, spåntapeter, væglærreder, papirtapeter i skiftende stilarter og kvaliteter og mange ensfarvede malingslag tonede frem. I en del af rummene er der fundet malede motiver på døre, brystpaneler og vindueslysninger og marmoreringer i kakkelovnsnicher og trapperum. Ensfarvede flader med alenlange farvetrapper fortæller, hvordan rummene har skiftet udtryk, med nuancer af de samme farver eller spring mellem vidt forskellige farver, alt efter tidens smag eller beboerens. En del af disse afdækninger vil stå som synlige kighuller efter restaureringen som levende vidnesbyrd om husets righoldige liv og virke gennem mere end 500 år. Jomfruklosterets og de enkelte frøkeners økonomi i forskellige perioder kan også aflæses af lagene. Arkitekterne MAA Ruth og Søren Lundqvist har gennemgået huset helt ned i de mindste detaljer. Hvert søm, hvert dørgreb, hver liste, karm, bræt og gulvplanke fortæller, hvordan materialer er brugt og genbrugt, nogle endda flere gange, og hvordan for eksempel dørblade er flyttet til andre rum. Datering og tolkning er i sådanne tilfælde selvsagt yderst kompliceret. Der er en tidsmæssig utakt i mange af rummene, sådan at for

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layers. Architects Ruth and Søren Lundqvist MAA have examined the house down to the smallest details. Every nail, every door handle, every piece of beading, framing, matchboard and floorboard tells how the materials have been used and reused, in some cases several times, and how, for example, door leaves have been moved to other rooms. Naturally, dating and interpretation in such cases are extremely complicated. There are temporal discontinuities in many of the rooms, for example where the woodwork has retained its previous colour, but new wallpaper has been put up. And no answer will ever be forthcoming as to whether the many layers, even in the ladies’ rooms, are an expression of thriftiness – because it is cheaper to add a new layer than to scrape off the previous layer – or reflect a conscious choice. Building components and decorations in the common parts point to strict economy, but here and there some elements witness a temporary surplus. The stairs, which in Søren Lundqvist’s estimation can be dated to the 1720’s, were unpainted for many years and became grimy with time. Only in the 1750’s was there money to paint them grey, and around the same time, wall canvases were set up in the Hall, at least one of them being painted with scenery.

New layers The task of exposing and stabilising the decoration and other elements in the Jomfruklosteret interior became almost a museum task, but was also of practical value and fully necessary for restoration and revitalisation. It is imperative to know what lies below before making the changes necessary for creating a modern workplace, as has been done here. Today, a new layer of modern technology has been added – cable lines, radiators, underfloor heating, toilet facilities. All this has been done with consideration for the old house, and so, where it was a natural part of the refurbishment, a 250 year old floor board has been lifted to install a bundle of cables, or pipes have been hidden behind

Formentlig i Jørgen Brahes tid, første halvdel af 1600-tallet, har dette rum fået malede loftsbjælker med beslagværksornamentik på siderne og en indviklet bort på undersiden, alt med raffinerede skyggevirkninger. Dekorationen viste sig at fortsætte under et senere nedhængt loft i et tilstødende rum og viser, at et stort gennemgående rum senere blev delt op.

Presumably in Jørgen Brahe’s time, the first half of the 17th century, this room has been given painted ceiling beams with strapwork ornamentation on the sides and a complicated border on the lower surface, all with refined shadow effects. The decoration was found to continue under a later suspended ceiling in an adjacent room, showing that a large continuous room was later sub-divided.

eksempel træværket bibeholdt sin hidtidige farve, når der blev sat nye tapeter op. Og der vil aldrig kunne gives svar på, om de mange lag, også i frøkenernes værelser, er et udtryk for sparsommelighed – fordi det var billigere at lægge et nyt lag på end at rense det tidligere lag af – eller er udtryk for et bevidst valg. Bygningsdele og dekorationer i fællesrummene tyder på stor sparsommelighed, men her og der vidner

panelling, cavities have been exploited, and the location of lighting fittings carefully considered. It has not been possible to completely hide the fact that something happened in the years 2008-2013 – but it has been done in a way which is not foreign to Jomfruklosteret, and in reality is just following a centuries-old tradition of adding a new layer which reflects the needs of the age.

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De malede bander, lodrette bånd af to vekslende farver, er efterligninger af opspændte tekstiler, som oftest af uld. De kom på mode midt i 1600-tallet som afløsere for de draperede vægtæpper, der havde været brugt siden middelalderen. Kombinationen rød-grøn er den mest almindelige, men på Jomfruklosterets førstesal, hvor otte rum er bandemalede, er der flere andre farvekombinationer. Banderne gik af mode i første halvdel af 1700-tallet og afløstes af malede lærreder, opspændt med profilerede lister. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

The painted stripes, vertical strips in two alternating colours, are imitations of mounted textile panels, mainly in wool. These became fashionable in the mid-17th century as replacements for the draped wall hangings which had been used since the Middle Ages. The red-green combination is the most usual, but on the first floor of Jomfruklosteret, where eight rooms have striped painting, there are several other colour combinations. The stripes went out of fashion in the first half of the 18th century, to be succeeded by painted canvases stretched on moulded battens. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

et element om et midlertidigt overskud. Trapperne, der efter Søren Lundqvists vurdering er indsat i 1720’erne, har stået umalede i længere tid og nåede at blive nussede. Først i 1750’erne blev der råd til at male dem grå, og omtrent på samme tid blev der opsat væglærreder i Salen, mindst et af dem malet med et prospekt.

Selection of options

Nye lag Opgaven med at afdække og sikre dekorationerne og andre elementer i Jomfruklosterets interiør har nærmet sig en museal opgave, men den har også været praktisk og helt nødvendig for restaureringen og revitaliseringen. Man er nødt til at vide, hvad der ligger

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The conservators’ investigation covered 25 selected rooms, the ones which immediately appeared the most necessary and interesting for understanding the internal layout of the house and its development over time. The result was 700 pages of reports, which explained and described the time periods and styles of the many historic layers and made recommendations for the refurbishment and future appearance of each room. From this point on, the restoration could begin, with decisions and ongoing adjustments being made room by room with regard to refurbishment and fitting out. It was not just the many discoveries which dictated a conservation approach, as it was not

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I korridoren mod østgavlen ligger landets måske ældste bevarede egetræsgulv, lagt da trægulve af komforthensyn afløste Bispegaardens flisegulve. Disse gulve er sjældne, da egetræ ganske vist tåler slid, men let sprækker, og snart gik man over til næsten udelukkende at lave gulve af fyrretræ. Den tværgående gulvplanke markerer forlængelsen af hovedbygningen i anden halvdel af 1500-årene. Under restaureringen blev gulvet taget op og repareret, hvorefter de enkelte gulvplanker blev lagt tilbage på deres oprindelige plads. Foto tv.: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. th. Lundqvist Tegnestue.

In the corridor towards the east gable end is what is perhaps the oldest preserved oak floor in Denmark, laid down at a time when, for reasons of comfort, wooden floors replaced the former flagstone floors in the Bishop’s Palace. These floors are rare, as although oak is hard-wearing, it splits easily, and very soon, floors began to be made solely from pine. The transverse floorboards mark the extension of the main building in the second half of the 16th century. During restoration, the floor was taken up and repaired, after which the individual boards were relaid in their original position. Photo left: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. right: Lundqvist Architects.

under, før man foretager de indgreb, der er nødvendige for at skabe moderne arbejdspladser som i dette tilfælde. I dag er der tilføjet et nyt lag af moderne teknik – kabelføring, radiatorer, gulvvarme, toiletfaciliteter. Det er gjort skånsomt mod det gamle hus ved i de tilfælde, hvor det var et naturligt led i istandsættelsen, at løfte et 250 år gammelt gulvbræt og lægge et bundt kabler ned, gemme rør bag paneler, udnytte hulrum, nøje overveje anbringelse af belysning. Helt kan det ikke skjules, at der er sket noget i årene 20082013 – men det er sket på en måde, som ikke er fremmed for Jomfruklosteret, i virkeligheden følges blot en århundredlang tradition, når et nyt lag lægges på, der afspejler denne tidsalder.

the intention to make Jomfruklosteret into a modern office building while erasing or not respecting its long cultural history. The principle chosen was never to go against the building, its layout or the individual rooms, large or small, but rather to preserve the integrity of the building and rooms and their mutual diversity which are an important part of the atmosphere and overall impression of the house, and derive from the changes which have occurred in it. In each room, therefore, the refurbishment followed decisions generated by the special features of a given time period. The choice was between preserving everything present, preserving certain elements and refurbishing the rest with the appropriate craftsmanship

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Tilvalg og fravalg Konservatorundersøgelsen omfattede 25 udvalgte rum, som umiddelbart var de mest nødvendige og interessante rum i forståelsen af husets rumlige indretning og udvikling over tid. Den mundede ud i 700 sider afrapportering med afdækning og beskrivelser af tidsperioder og stilarter i de mange historiske lag samt forslag til istandsættelse og fremtidig eksponering af hvert enkelt rum. Herefter kunne restaureringen tage sin begyndelse med beslutninger og løbende justeringer om istandsættelse og nyindretning rum for rum. Det er ikke kun de mange fund, der har begrundet en bevarende tilgang, det har aldrig været tanken at fore Jomfruklosteret med et moderne kontormiljø, der udslettede eller ikke respekterede dets lange kulturhistoriske fortid. Hovedgrebet har været aldrig at gå imod bygningen, dens planløsning og de enkelte rum, store eller små, men snarere at bevare bygningens og rummenes integritet og indbyrdes diversitet som en vigtig del af stedets atmosfære og helhedsforståelse som funktion af forandring. Istandsættelsen hviler derfor i hvert enkelt rum på beslutninger med udgangspunkt i dets særlige træk i en given tid. Valget har stået mellem at bevare alt, som det forefandtes, at bevare nogle elementer og istandsætte det øvrige håndværksmæssigt og æstetisk forsvarligt eller, hvor det har været funktionelt og antikvarisk nødvendigt, at dække hele rummet med et nutidigt lag. Det sidste ses eksempelvis mest udtalt i østfløjens istandsættelse, hvor bygningens hovedkonstruktioner med ydervægge, vinduer og tagkonstruktion er oprindelige – eller så oprindelige som de kan være, når en stor del af tømmeret og udmuringen af nødvendige stabiliseringsårsager har måttet suppleres eller udskiftes. Men princippet om bevaring af mest muligt historisk materiale kan følges overalt i klosterets restaurering. Mens østfløjens restaurering krævede forholdsvis store indgreb for at sikre konstruktionerne og deres stabilitet, har det været muligt at lade hovedbygningen gennemgå en mere nuanceret udvælgelse i restaureringstiltagene.

and aesthetics, or, where necessary for functional and antiquarian reasons, to cover the whole room with a modern layer. The last option can be most clearly seen in the refurbishment of the east wing, where the main construction of outer walls, windows and roof is original – or as original as possible, when large parts of the timber and masonry had to be added to or replaced for the necessary stabilisation. But the principle of preserving the maximum possible historic material is visible throughout the restoration of the Convent. While restoration of the east wing required relatively large interventions in order to make the construction safe and stable, in the main building it was possible to apply a more varied selection of restoration approaches. These choices were made on the basis of cultural history and a specific knowledge of stylistic periods and the general historic development of dwellings, but the internal layout and hierarchy within Jomfruklosteret also played a part. It is not unimportant what status a particular room had in different periods, and how it was used. These questions were considered in every one of Jomfruklosteret’s 50 rooms. A good example is the hall to the east, which was extended after the building was lengthened in the second half of the 16th century. This large room had a fireplace against the gable end and the same red paintwork and white upper walls as the hall to the west, now the Library. Over time it has changed in appearance and function. While the Brahe family were using the house as its Odense base, it was decorated with painted mock dado panels with shadow-effect mouldings, with red and green stripes on the wall above and green line ornamentation on the beams. It was a ceremonious and dignified room, which after the foundation of Jomfruklosteret was called the Patroness’s Room. When the east wing was erected in 1749, the window to the south was bricked up and a large closet built into the niche. The hall was divided by a partition wall to the north and a limewashed boarded ceiling was set up under the beams. The rest

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På skillevæggen nord for Salens kakkelovn ses den oprindelige bemaling, som den antagelig har været i hele rummet: gul, dodenkop, sort – formentlig en midlertidig sørgebemaling – dernæst kvadring med en lidt ubehjælpsom marmorering og endelig hvidtekalk som sidste lag før spåntapet og lærreder. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

On the partition wall north of the stove in the Hall the original paintwork appeared. It presumably covered the whole room: Yellow, caput mortuum, black – supposedly a temporary mourning paint scheme – then imitation stonework with a rather clumsy marbling effect, and finally limewash as the final layer before the wooden wallcovering and the canvas. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Valgene er sket med afsæt i kulturhistorien og konkret viden om stilperioder og den generelle historiske udvikling i boliger, men Jomfruklosterets indre opbygning og hierarki spiller også en rolle. Det betyder noget, hvilken status det enkelte rum har haft til forskellige tider, og hvordan det er blevet brugt. I hvert eneste af Jomfruklosterets 50 rum er disse spørgsmål blevet overvejet. Et godt eksempel er salen i øst, der blev udvidet efter forlængelsen af bygningen i anden halvdel af 1500-tallet. Det store rum havde gavlkamin og samme røde bemaling og hvide overvægge som salen mod vest, nu Biblioteket. Gennem tiden har det forandret udseende og funktion. Mens Brahe-familien brugte huset som Odense-domicil, fik det malede, faux brystpaneler

of the hall was later subdivided several times, and in the early 1800’s this was done with partitions made of recycled boards. The end-wall fireplace was now at the end of a corridor and was blocked off. From 1869 and for a further half-century, the Prioresses’ lady’s maid and Jomfruklosteret’s housekeeper used one of the subdivided rooms, in which seven layers of wallpaper have been preserved, and the last Prioresses’ maidservants also lived here. During the ownership by Odense Municipality, the rooms were used for special and general storage, and when the building was taken over by Realdania Byg they were painted throughout with ordinary acrylic paint. So how does the value analysis for a room like this come out? Which layer is most important? Which of

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the different historic phases is the room to reflect in the future? As the only location in the main building to suffer this, historic layers have been removed from the east gable end, with the dismantling of over 200 years’ worth of partition walls. Like everything else moved from its original position, they have been secured and stored in the large attic. Once again, it is possible to perceive the oldest layout of the house, one which was typical for aristocratic building in the renaissance period: a central section containing the main entrance, and a large hall at either end of the house.4 The corresponding hall at the west gable end, which has been the Library since the 1730’s, illustrates another important choice. Here too, the house was lengthened at the end of the 16th century, making the hall bigger. Later on, though, a room was separated from it by a half-timbered wall, perhaps when the left-hand staircase was installed in the 1720’s. Sufficient elements have been found to enable the hall to be wholly restored to its renaissance decoration. This is the only place in the house where it would be possible and the result would be impressive. Even

Oprindeligt var der fliser i hele underetagen, af natursten eller tegl, glaserede i strålende farver. Ved udgravningen af vestfløjen i 1970’erne blev der fundet fragmenter af kakler med grøn glasur. Sådanne fliser og kakler blev anvendt i nogle hundrede år og er fundet mange steder i landet – alene kakkelovn og gulv gjorde et rum festligt. Foto: Lundqvist Tegnestue. Originally the whole of the lower storey was paved, either with stone or with bright-coloured glazed tiles. During the excavation of the west wing in the 1970’s, fragments of a green-glazed stove tile were found. Such tiles were used for hundreds of years and have been found in many locations throughout Denmark – just the tiled stove and the floor would have made the room a sight to behold. Photo: Lundqvist Architects.

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med skyggeprofilering og derover røde og grønne bander samt grøn stregstaffering langs bjælkerne. Det var et festligt og fornemt rum, som efter Jomfruklosterets stiftelse blev benævnt Patronessens Kammer. Da østfløjen opførtes i 1749, blev vinduet mod syd tilmuret og et stort skab indbygget i nichen, salen blev delt med en skillevæg mod nord, og der blev opsat et hvidkalket bræddeloft under bjælkerne. Resten af salen blev senere delt i flere omgange, i begyndelsen af 1800-årene med skillevægge af pudsede genbrugsbrædder. Gavlkaminen lå nu for enden af en korridor og blev lukket. Fra 1869 og et halvt århundrede frem havde priorindernes kammerjomfru og Jomfruklosterets husjomfru værelse i et af de afdelte rum, hvor der er bevaret syv lag tapeter, og de sidste priorinders enepiger boede her. I Odense Kommunes ejertid var rummene lager og pulterkammer for Odense Bys Museer, og ved Realdania Bygs overtagelse var alt malet over med almindelig hvid plastikmaling. Hvordan ser værdianalysen ud for et rum som dette? Hvilket lag er det vigtigste? Hvilken af sine forskellige historier skal rummet fremover fortælle? Som det eneste sted i hovedbygningen er der her i østgavlen fjernet historiske lag, idet de sidste godt 200

so, the room stands today as it was for most of the time that it was Karen Brahe’s Library, in recognition of Jomfruklosteret’s position in Denmark’s cultural heritage. A source from 1758 relates that the books had all been packed away while the library room was repaired. To judge from the design of the bookcases and the lowered plank ceiling with moulded cornice and empty plafond edged with wooden beading, the room has not been altered since, apart from a verdigris wall colouring in the later decades. Whether the renaissance fireplace was painted white at that time, as seen on 19th century images, is something which has not been investigated; all that is known is that it was redecorated prior to 1901 in a style and technique which would not have been used under today’s restoration philosophy. Today, this redecoration is unchanged, reflecting its part in the house’s historical development and as an example of a refurbishment influenced by a past age’s approach to restoration. The hall, 104, almost at the centre of the house, is today the only continuous room with window openings in both the north and south walls. Here the canvases mounted on the walls have been painted several times.

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Der er ikke fjernet noget under restaureringen af klosteret, der lægges i stedet nye lag på alle de foregående, så alt er bevaret indenunder. Når konservatorerne har sikret de oprindelige lag på væggene, opsættes der grundpapir uden lim og derefter lærred på en træramme. Lærredet tapetseres med avispapir, idet det kan glattes fuldstændigt – og det skal være med tryk. Herefter tapetseres med endnu et lag grundpapir, og herefter er væggen parat til bemaling med limfarve eller opsætning af det endelige tapet. Foto: Roberto Fortuna.

års mange skillevægge er nedtaget. De er, ligesom alt hvad der er flyttet fra sin oprindelige plads, sikret og anbragt på Jomfruklosterets store loft. Nu fornemmer man igen husets ældste planløsning, der var typisk for herskabeligt byggeri i renæssancen: et midterparti med hovedindgang og en stor sal i hver ende af huset.4 Den tilsvarende sal i vestgavlen, siden 1730’erne Biblioteket, illustrerer et andet vigtigt valg. Huset blev også her forlænget i slutningen af 1500-tallet, så salen blev større. Til gengæld er der senere skilt et rum fra med en bindingsværksvæg, måske i forbindelse med indsætningen af den vestre trappe i 1720’erne. Der er fundet elementer nok til at føre salen konsekvent tilbage til renæssancedekorationen, som det eneste sted i huset, og det ville have været ganske flot. Ikke desto mindre står rummet i dag, som det så ud i det meste af den tid, Karen Brahes Bibliotek stod her, en mindelse om Jomfruklosteret som hjemsted for en del af dansk kulturarv. I 1758, fortæller en kilde, var bøgerne nedpakkede, mens bibliotekssalen blev repareret. At dømme efter bogskabenes udformning og det nedsænkede bræddeloft, med profileret gesims og en tom plafond, dannet af en træliste, er rummet ikke forandret siden, bortset fra en verdigris vægmaling fra de seneste årtier. Om renæssancekaminen da blev malet hvid, som det ses på billeder fra 1800-tallet, er ikke undersøgt, det vides kun, at den blev redekoreret før 1901 i en fremtoning og teknik, som man med vore dages restaureringsforståelse ikke ville have brugt. I dag står redekorationen uændret som en del af husets historiske udvikling og som eksempel på istandsættelse præget af datidens restaureringsholdning. Salen, 104, der ligger næsten midt i huset, er i dag det eneste gennemgående rum med vinduesåbninger i både nord- og sydvæggene. Her er de opspændte væglærreder bemalede flere gange. Det første lag er et barokt motiv, grisaille i gråblå farver, det næste et monokromt, gult lag oliemaling med en 20 cm høj hvid empirebort lige under gesimsen. Det er senere overmalet hele fem gange. Da en lille del af barokmotivet

The first layer is a baroque motif, a grisaille in greyblue colours, the next a monochrome yellow coat of oil paint with a 20 cm high white empire border just below the cornice. This was later overpainted no less than five times. When a small part of the baroque motif was exposed, revealing two figures and a rocaille, it was tempting to have the whole motif laid bare. But when the canvases were X-rayed at the National Museum Conservation Department, there was insufficient evidence for verifying the extent and quality of the motif in the individual wall sections; not only this, but the baroque layer had been almost completely scraped off to allow the next coat of paint to adhere, and for this reason, conservation came to concentrate on layer two, the yellow paint with border. On the first floor, nearly every room presented individual restoration problems. On the one hand, the rooms had been redecorated far more frequently than those on the ground floor, and on the other, some had been redecorated many times, others only rarely. To select a single period for all was thus impossible. As mentioned before, redecoration was often carried out in different stages, with the ceiling, woodwork and walls being painted and papered at different times. In this case, a separate assessment has been made in each room. Based on one or more of the room’s decoration elements, colours, materials, painting techniques and in some cases newly-manufactured historical wallpapers have been chosen which match the originals as closely as possible. By thus adding yet another layer, the expression of the room at a particular period has been preserved without removing any of the underlying historical material. Visitors to the house can follow the interpretation made of the room all the way back by comparing it with the colour sequences and other windows into past decorations which have been provided in all rooms. Finally, in some cases the past has been shown in the form of pure interpretations. For example, very few stoves have been preserved in the house, and there were in any case very few stoves compared to the number of

Nothing has been removed from the Convent during the restoration. Instead, new layers have been added on all of the previous ones so that everything has been preserved underneath. When the conservators have ensured the original layers on the walls, new lining paper is put up without glue and then canvas on a wooden frame. The canvas is put up with newspaper, since it can be smoothed out completely - and it must be printed on. After this, yet another layer of lining paper is put up and then the wall is ready to be painted with distemper or the final wallpaper is hung. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

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blev blottet, og man kunne se to figurer og en rocaille, var det fristende at få hele motivet frilagt. Men da lærrederne blev røntgenfotograferet på Nationalmuseets Bevaringsafdeling, viste det sig, at der ikke var grundlag nok til at verificere motivets udstrækning og kvalitet på de enkelte vægfelter; desuden var baroklaget slebet næsten bort for at få det næste lag maling til at hænge ved, og derfor kom konserveringen til at koncentrere sig om lag to, det gule med borten. På førstesalen har omtrent hvert eneste rum frembudt sin egen restaureringsproblematik. Dels er rummene istandsat langt oftere end stueetagens, nogle er istandsat mange gange, andre kun sjældent. At vælge én gennemgående periode var således umuligt. Dels skete istandsættelserne som nævnt ofte i utakt, så et rums loft, træværk og vægge blev malet og tapetseret på forskellige tidspunkter. Her er der foretaget en fortolkning i hvert enkelt rum. Ud fra et eller flere af rummets dekorationselementer er valgt farver, materialer, malingsteknikker og eventuelt nyproducerede historiske tapeter, der ligger så tæt på et af de oprindelige som muligt. Ved således at lægge endnu et lag på er rummets stemning på et givet tidspunkt fastholdt, uden at noget af det historiske materiale bagved er fjernet. Besøgende i huset kan rulle fortolkningen tilbage til udgangspunktet ved sammenligning med de farvetrapper og andre vinduer til fortidens dekorationer, som findes i alle rum. Endelig kan Jomfruklosterets fortid også vises i form af rene fortolkninger. Der er for eksempel bevaret meget få ovne i huset, og der har heller ikke oprindeligt været ret mange i forhold til antallet af rum – det har været iskoldt bag de kraftige mure, som knapt når at blive varme gennem en sommer. De eksisterende ovne og komfurer er adskilt, restaureret og genopsat. De er suppleret med indkøb af historiske ovne fra samlingerne på Sønderskov Slot og Favrholm Gods, så der nu er opstillet i alt tolv ovne og to komfurer, forskellige typer fra 1790’erne til midten af 1850’erne, svarende til den periode, der er valgt for det pågældende rum, således at helhedsindtrykket er tidssvarende.

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rooms – it would have been icy cold behind the thick walls, which would scarcely have heated up over the summer. The existing stoves and cooking ranges have been dismantled, restored and reassembled. They have then been supplemented by the purchase of historic stoves from the collections at Sønderskov Castle and Favrholm Manor, so there are now a total of 12 stoves and two ranges, of dates ranging from the 1790’s to the 1850’s, depending on the period selected for the room in question in order to maintain the appropriate overall impression.

Windows into Jomfruklosteret’s soul The analysis of Jomfruklosteret as a whole and of its individual parts is also a matter of building archaeology, and just as archaeologists cover up an excavation so posterity can discover more and different aspects, perhaps with better equipment and greater knowledge, so it seemed sensible to close the book on most of the house’s many layers. In future times, others will revisit the site with different approaches and knowledge. Besides all the prior layers, they will also find the layer added in 2008-2013 and include it in their interpretation as part of the house’s historic development. The whole complicated constructional and cultural history of Jomfruklosteret and its intangible values still remain after restoration is finished, but though the whole of it is there, not all of it can be made visible for users or visitors. It is not possible to have all the layers visible at the same time, and to expose the whole for a combined time period would be both ethically and aesthetically wrong, and incompatible with the rooms’ future use as workplaces. Nevertheless, the transition from a renaissance house to the baroque style after the foundation of Jomfruklosteret runs like a thread through the restoration, regardless of the fact that later ages have contributed numerous spatial additions and decorations, according to the taste of their times. Realdania Byg has chosen to allow a number of windows into Jomfruklosteret’s long past and its

Ved et tilfælde fandt man under restaureringen en original marmorering på bagsiden af en bræddevæg mellem det vestre trapperum, 215, og rum 214, og derefter blev den også fundet ved den anden trappe. Marmoreringen er nu genskabt i de to trapperum, 109+211 og 112+215. I rum 215 er der lavet en låge, så man kan se det oprindelige forlæg. Foto: øverst: Lundqvist Tegnestue. Øvrige: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

Vinduer til Jomfruklosterets sjæl Analysen af Jomfruklosteret, som helhed og i dets enkelte dele, er også bygningsarkæologi, og ligesom arkæologer lukker en udgravning, så eftertiden kan finde ud af andet og mere, måske med bedre udstyr og større viden, har det givet mening at lukke bogen med beretningen om de fleste af bygningens mange lag til igen. I fremtiden kommer der andre med en anden tilgang og viden. De vil foruden alle de foregående lag også finde det lag, som er blevet tilføjet 2008-2013 og indfortolke det som en del af husets historiske udvikling. Hele Jomfruklosterets komplicerede bygnings- og kulturhistorie og dens immaterielle værdier er stadig til stede efter restaureringen, men skønt alt fortsat eksisterer, kan ikke alt være synligt for brugeren og den besøgende. Det er ikke muligt at lade alle lag stå fremme samtidigt, og at afdække det hele ud fra en samlet tidsperiode ville være både etisk og æstetisk uforsvarligt og uforeneligt med rummenes fremtidige brug som arbejdspladser. Alligevel går ombrydningen af renæssancehuset til barok efter oprettelsen af Jomfruklosteret naturligt igennem restaureringen som en rød tråd, uagtet at senere tider har bidraget med stedse nye rumlige tilføjelser og dekorationer efter tidens smag. Realdania Byg har valgt at lade en række vinduer stå åbne til Jomfruklosterets lange fortid og mange funktioner. De har forskellige former, som en farvetrappe på noget af træværket, farveholdningen i et helt rum, oprindelige eller tidstypiske tapeter, synlige bidder af malede dekorationer. Gulve, lofter, bryst- og lysningspaneler, de gamle vinduer med originale anverfere og nogle steder skodder og ikke mindst de vidt forskellige døre med greb og låse er ikke eksempler, vinduer til fortiden. De står derimod som nagelfaste vidnesbyrd om et robust og værdigt hus, helt sig selv og ved sig selv, uanset hvor mange lag de forskellige tidsaldre har lagt på dets tålmodige interiør.

many functions to remain open. These windows take various forms, such as colour sequences on some of the woodwork, the colour scheme of a whole room, original or contemporary wallpapers, and visible fragments of painted decorations. Floors, ceilings, dadoes and window casings, the old windows with the original catches and, in some places, shutters, and, not least, the diversity of doors with their handles and locks are not examples of or windows onto the past. Instead they provide a permanent witness to a robust and dignified house, which is itself and rests in itself, however many layers the different ages have added to its patient interiors.

During the restoration, original marbling was found by chance on the back side of a board wall between the west staircase, 215, and room 214, and then it was also found near the other staircase. The marbling has now been restored in the two staircases, 109+211 and 112+215. A door has been made in room 215 so that the original pattern can be seen. Photo: top: Lundqvist Architects. Others: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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Tidernes skiftende interiørmode The changing trends in interior design Af / by Line Bregnhøi, Konservator / Conservator. Nationalmuseet, Bevaringsafdelingen / Denmark’s National Museum, Conservation Department

I Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster har Nationalmuseet før den seneste restaurering medvirket til farvearkæologiske undersøgelser af samtlige husets rum. Vi har fundet rumindretninger, farvevalg og malede dekorationer, der fortæller interiørhistorie fra 1500-tallet og til ind i 1900-årene. Det er meget sjældent at finde så lang en fortælling i en og samme bygning. Huset har derfor lært os nyt om udviklingen i interiørdesign gennem tiden, blandt andet fordi vi her har haft det for øje i en ubrudt række. Interiørerne i Jomfruklosteret sættes her i sammenhæng med interiørdesign fra middelalder til 1900-tallet generelt i Danmark, hovedsagelig inden for de højere samfundslag. Det er historien om tidernes skiftende valg af farver og måden, man brugte dem på, pigmenter, bindemidler og maleteknikker. Og historien om, hvordan et konstant krav om øget komfort har været med til at opbygge og ombygge de interiører, vi dagligt omgiver os med. Interiørmode handler om de til enhver tid tilgængelige materialer, og historien viser, at havde man ikke de materialer, man ønskede, imiterede man bare i stedet for. Den ægte vare har i de fleste historiske perioder ikke været altafgørende. Mere har intentionen med et

Prior to the latest restoration of the Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen, Denmark’s National Museum assisted in archaeological studies concerning colour in every room of the building. We have found room layouts, colour schemes and painted decorations that tell the story of interior design from the 1500’s up until the 1900’s. It is very rare to find such a long story in the very same building. Thus, the building has provided us with new information about the development of interior design throughout the ages, among other things, because as we have had the opportunity to view an uninterrupted series of changes. The interiors of the Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen are here put into the context of interior design from the Middle Ages up to the 1900’s in Denmark in general mainly within the higher strata of society. It is the story of the shifting preferences of the time with regards to colours and the ways of using them, pigments, binding agents and painting techniques. And it is the story of how a constant demand for increased comfort has contributed to building and converting the interiors that we surround ourselves with every day.

Konservatorholdet i arbejde foråret 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. The restoration team at work in spring 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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interiør været at få det til at tage sig ud og være en dekorativ ramme om det liv, der udfoldede sig i rummene.

Middelalder: Bispegård I middelalderen var det senere adelige jomfrukloster som bekendt bispegård. I middelalderen indrettede den velhavende klasse sig med repræsentative, højloftede sale og en stor kamin til opvarmning. I bygningens tidlige periode, middelalderens sidste århundrede, var hver ende i huset indrettet som en sal med kamin i forbindelse med en skorsten i gavlen. Det handlede om at skabe et repræsentativt rum med varme. Loftet var et bjælkeloft med brædder, hertil pudsede vægge, blyindfattede vinduesruder og formodentlig tavlegulv i sten. Mindre fine rum havde trægulve, lagt i mønster eller som planker. Man brugte endnu ikke indfatninger omkring døre og vinduer eller fodpaneler. Middelalderens foretrukne træsort, til eksempelvis vinduesrammer og døre, var egetræ, og det maledes ikke, egetræet i sig selv var fint. Loftsbjælker kunne have fint udskårne dekorationer, hvis de var af eg, eller lofterne kunne males med eller uden dekorationer. De pudsede vægge kalkedes eller limfarvedes. Rummenes malede udseende afhang af, hvilke slags malinger der var til rådighed, tilgængelige pigmenter og tidens komfort. I denne periode brugte man som bindemiddel til maling kalk eller lim, og farvepaletten var ikke omfattende, da man til bygningsmaling oftest ikke kunne tillade sig at anvende dyre pigmenter. Man ville gerne udsmykke, og det blev i mange tilfælde i form af limfarvede lofter og vægge. Limfarve er meget holdbar, hvor der ikke er mekanisk slid eller vand, så på lofter, der ikke slides eller vaskes, kunne man male kulører. Derfor blev lofter malet i for eksempel rød, som man kan se det både på Bispegaarden og for eksempel Nyborg Slot. Vægge hvidkalkedes eller dekoreredes. På Nyborg Slot fik væggene en slags ternet udsmykning i gråtoner, og i Bispegaardens sale en

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Interior fashion deals with the materials available at the time and history shows that when the desired materials were not available, they were simply imitated instead. Having the real thing has not been of vital importance in most historical periods. More importantly, the intention of interior design has been to serve as a decorative frame around the lives that thrived in the rooms.

Middle Ages: A bishop’s palace In the Middle Ages, the building that would later become the Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen was a bishop’s palace. In the Middle Ages, the affluent class had distinguished rooms with high ceilings and a large fireplace for heating. In the early periods of building, the last century of the Middle Ages, each end of the building had a hall with a fireplace connected to a chimney in the gable. The aim was to create a distinguished room with heating. The halls had a beamed ceiling with boards, plastered walls, stained glass windows and probably a parquet stone floor. The less distinguished rooms had wooden floors laid in patterns or as planks. The construction techniques of that time did not yet include the use of skirting or framing around doors and windows. The preferred type of wood for window frames and doors in the Middle Ages was oak, which was left unpainted, since the oak itself was so nice. Ceiling beams could have finely carved decorations if they were made of oak, or the ceilings could be painted with or without decorations. The plastered walls were whitewashed or distempered. The painted appearance of the rooms depended on what kind of paints and pigments were available, as well as the comfort standards of the time. During this period, lime or glue was used as a binding agent and the colour palette was not extensive, since one could not afford to use expensive pigments for painting buildings. People wanted to decorate, and it was often done by distempering ceilings and walls. Distemper is very durable when not exposed to abrasion or water, so

Arkæologiske farvestudier

Archaeological colour studies

Som en del af grundlaget for restaureringen er der udført farvearkæologiske undersøgelser. De er udført for Realdania Byg A/S i et samarbejde mellem NIKU (Norsk Institut for Kulturminneforskning), Bent Jacobsen Konservering, Faaborg samt Nationalmuseet, Bevaringsafdelingen. I årene 20092012 medvirkede ti konservatorer til undersøgelsen. De har undersøgt mere end 30 rum og arbejdet næsten 40 uger i alt. Der er foretaget lagvise afdækninger af malingslag, såkaldte farvetrapper. Dvs. at man skræller et malelag af ad gangen for at se det underliggende lag. Herved får man visualiseret den enkelte bygningsdels bemalingshistorie. Når man har undersøgt alle dele i et rum, kan man danne et billede af dets bemalingshistorie. Endvidere er der suppleret med mikroskopering af små farveprøver samt kemiske analyser af udvalgte pigmenter og bindemidler.

As part of the foundation of the restoration, archaeological studies concerning colour have been conducted. The studies were carried out for Realdania Byg A/S in a collaboration between NIKU (The Norwegian Institute for Cultural Heritage Research), Bent Jacobsen Conservation – Faaborg and the Conservation Department of Denmark’s National Museum. From 2009-2012, ten conservators were involved in the study, which examined more than 30 rooms and required nearly 40 weeks of work in total. The study included layer by layer removal of paint, meaning that layers of paint were stripped away one at a time in order to see the layer underneath. In doing so it was possible to see the paint history of the individual building part. After examining all of the parts of a room, one can form a complete picture of its painting history. This process was supplemented with microscopic examinations of small colour samples and chemical analyses of selected pigments and binding agents.

Kilder Brænne, Jon m.fl. Danmark, Odense. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Delrapport 1. Farge- og bygningsarkeologiske undersøkelser af rummene 104, 108d, 208, 214 og 217. NIKU. Oppdragsrapport nr. 111/2009 Brænne, Jon m.fl.: Danmark, Odense. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Delrapport 2. Farge- og bygningsarkeologiske undersøkelser av 21 rom. Del 1, 1. etasje, rum: 101, 102, 103, 108a, 108b, 108c, 109, 111 og 112. Del 2, 2. etasje, rom: 201, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 209, 211, 213, 215 og 216. NIKU. Oppdragsrapport nr. 214/2010 Under udarbejdelse: Mogensen, J.B.: Rapport over farvearkæologiske undersøgelser i rum 105, 106, 107, 110, 202, 208, 210, 212. Nationalmuseet, Bevaringsafdelingen 2013.

Sources Brænne, Jon, etc. Danmark, Odense. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Delrapport 1. Farge- og bygningsarkeologiske undersøkelser af rummene 104, 108d, 208, 214 og 217. NIKU. Mission report no. 111/2009 Brænne, Jon, etc..: Danmark, Odense. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Delrapport 2. Farge- og bygningsarkeologiske undersøkelser av 21 rom. Del 1, 1. etasje, rum: 101, 102, 103, 108a, 108b, 108c, 109, 111 og 112. Del 2, 2. etasje, rom: 201, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 209, 211, 213, 215 og 216. NIKU. Mission report nr. 214/2010 In draft: Mogensen, J.B.: Rapport over farvearkæologiske undersøgelser i rum 105, 106, 107, 110, 202, 208, 210, 212. Denmark’s National Museum, The Conservation Department 2013.

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Nyborg Slot. Sal med kalkmalet vægdekoration i geometrisk mønster i sort, hvid og grå. Pigmentet er sandsynligvis kønrøg. Udført i 1520’erne. Foto: Roberto Fortuna 1990’erne. Nyborg Castle. Hall with lime-painted geometric wall decoration in black, white and grey. The pigment was likely carbon black. Painted in the 1520’s. Photo: Roberto Fortuna, 1990’s.

malet imitation af et tekstil ophængt på væggen, malet med limfarve i mønjerødt pigment. Ønsket om afskærmning mod træk og kulde var med til at udforme rummene. Derfor placerede man salen, hvor der var mulighed for en kamin, og man havde, alt efter stand og økonomi, gobeliner eller andre vævede tæpper til at hænge på væggene for at isolere mod kulde og selvfølgelig pynte og fremvise velstand. Disse tæpper ophængtes ved festlige anledninger eller bragtes med rundt, hvis man havde flere residenser at besøge. Således har Odense-bispen Jens Andersen sandsynligvis haft kostbare vægtæpper med rundt til sine mange besiddelser. Men væggene i Jomfruklosteret, som vi antager må stamme fra husets tid som bispegård, har endvidere været bemalet med en tekstilimitation, så rummet har været repræsentativt også uden de ophængte tæpper.

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ceilings that were not worn or washed could be painted in colours. This is why ceilings were painted red for example, as can be seen in both the bishop’s palace and Nyborg Castle. Walls were whitewashed or decorated. At Nyborg Castle, the walls were given a chequered pattern in shades of grey, and the halls of the bishop’s palace were painted to imitate a textile hung on the wall using distemper with a red lead pigment. The desire for protection from draughts and cold contributed to the design of the rooms. Therefore, the hall was located where it was possible to have a fireplace, and depending on circumstances and personal wealth, tapestries and other woven rugs were hung on walls to insulate against the cold and of course to decorate and show one’s prosperity. These rugs were hung on festive occasions or taken along when visiting a number of residences. For example, Jens Andersen, the bishop of Odense, probably took precious tapestries with him when visiting his many properties. But the walls in the Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen, which we must assume date back to the building’s time as a bishop’s palace, were also painted with a textile imitation, so the room was representative even without the hanging rugs. Painted imitation textiles are also seen at other manors, such as Gl. Estrup in Djursland. The imitation here was more realistic, since the rug was painted with folds in the fabric, as opposed to the one from the bishop’s palace, which was only painted as a flat surface. However, the pigment used in the hall of the bishop’s palace was red lead, an exclusive pigment at the time. The ceilings in the halls of the bishop’s palace were also painted with red lead and also decorated with painted imitations of decorative carvings along the beams, painted in shades of grey to give the appearance of light and shadows. In the same way, whitewashed beams with green-painted ornaments from the Middle Ages were found in other rooms, and walls in less important rooms were lime-washed in white, ochre, caput mortuum (violet) and grey. Cheap earth pigments were used here, which shows that the rooms had a lower status than the fine red lead-painted halls.

Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. I husets oprindelige middelalderlige sal blev der o. 1508 malet et rødt, knap 1,5 m højt bånd på væggene hele rummet rundt, sandsynligvis udført i limfarve. Denne imitation af ophængte tæpper viste husets velstand ved anvendelse af det dyre, mønjerøde pigment. Fotomanipuleret rekonstruktion. Foto: Roberto Fortuna 2011.

The Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen. In the building’s original medieval hall around the year 1508, a nearly 1.5 metre high red stripe was painted around the entire room, probably in distemper. This imitation of hanging carpets showed the building’s wealth by using the expensive red led pigment. Digitally reconstructed photo. Photo: Roberto Fortuna, 2011.

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Fra andre herregårde kendes også malede imitationer af ophængte tæpper, eksempelvis Gl. Estrup på Djursland. Her var imitationen mere naturtro, idet tæppet var malet med folder i tekstilet, i modsætning til Bispegaardens, der kun var malet som en flade. Dog var pigmentet i salen på Bispegaarden mønje, et eksklusivt pigment på den tid. Loftet i Bispegaardens sale var ligeledes malet i mønje, og desuden udsmykket med malede imitationer af dekorative udskæringer på langs af bjælkerne, malet i gråtoner som effekt af lys og skygge. I andre af rummene er ligeledes fra middelalderen fundet hvidkalkede bjælker med grønmalede stafferinger, ligesom vægge i mere sekundære rum har været kalkede hvide, okker, dodenkop (violet) og grå. Der har været anvendt billige jordpigmenter, hvilket viser, at rummene havde en ringere status end de fint mønjemalede sale.

Renæssance: Kongsgård og købmandsgård Efter Reformationen i 1536 kom bispegodset i statsligt eje, således også Bispegaarden i Odense. Kongen ejede og brugte gården til 1579, hvor han solgte den videre til byens storkøbmand, Oluf Bager. Fra Reformationen og videre gennem første halvdel af 1600-tallet er den periode, vi kalder renæssancen. Man brugte stadig at ophænge vægtæpper på de pudsede vægge, men kunne nu også indrette et enkelt rum med udskårne træpaneler. Et sådant helt paneleret rum har været vældig godt isoleret mod kulde, og man kunne opnå god opvarmning samtidig med, at man kunne fremvise velstand i form af alt det snedkerbehandlede træ. Eller man kunne indrette et rum med paneler på undervæggene og gyldenlæder på overvæggene. Gyldenlæder var huder skåret i firkantede felter, der var præget med et mønster, som blev malet med kulører og forgyldte ornamenter. De var vel en form for tekstilimitation og vældig gode som isolering. Men ligesom i middelalderen bestod mange rum stadig oftest af trælofter med bjælker og brædder, pudsede vægge og sparsomt med øvrigt træværk.

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Renaissance: King’s manor and merchant’s manor After the Reformation in 1536, the property of bishops became property of the state, as was the case with the bishop’s palace in Odense. The king owned and used the manor until 1579, when he sold it to the city’s wealthy merchant, Oluf Bager. The period from the Reformation through the first half of the 1600’s is known as the Renaissance. Tapestries were still hung on the plastered walls, but a single room could now also be decorated with carved wood panelling. Such a completely panelled room provided excellent insulation against the cold, and one could achieve heat while also displaying prosperity in the fine wood craftsmanship. Other rooms were decorated with panels on the lower sections of walls and golden leather on the upper sections. Golden leather was made from hides cut into squares and arranged in a pattern that was painted with colours and gilded ornaments. It likely served as a form of textile imitation and provided good insulation. But as in the Middle Ages, many rooms still had wood ceilings with beams and boards, plastered walls and only sparse additional woodwork. Door frames and skirting were still not used, but painted decorations were very popular during this period. Acanthus twines, biblical motifs and other painted decorations were now found on ceilings and walls, in distemper or lime. For example, a lime frieze from the mid-1500’s is found in the hall at Hesselagergård on Funen. This frieze portrays deer in a landscape; their antlers were not painted, but rather consisted of real antlers hung on the wall. The Næsbyholm manor on Zealand is known for its painted board ceiling, where the motifs portray the four seasons. The range of motifs was diverse, although biblical motifs were probably most common, even outside of the churches. The former bishop’s palace was now decorated in the Renaissance style. One floor was added and so a staircase was built to the upper floor. During the Renaissance, staircases were built as spiral staircases in stone in exterior stair towers, or one could have an

Dørindfatninger og fodpaneler brugtes stadig ikke. Her stortrivedes til gengæld malede dekorationer. Akantus slyngværk, bibelske motiver og andre malede dekorationer kunne nu udsmykke både lofter og vægge, i limfarve eller kalk. Fra midten af 1500-årene kendes således en kalkmalet frise i salen på Hesselagergård på Fyn. Her blev malet en frise med hjorte i et tilhørende landskab, og deres gevirer var ikke malet, men bestod af ægte, opsatte hjortegevir. Fra gården Næsbyholm på Sjælland kendes et dekorationsmalet bræddeloft, hvor motiverne er de fire årstider. Motivkredsen var således mangfoldig, selvom bibelske motiver nok har været det mest anvendte også uden for kirkerne. Den tidligere bispegård indrettes nu i renæssancestil. En etage bygges på, og der tilføjes derfor en trappe til overetagen. Trapper i renæssancen var opført som spindeltrapper i sten i udvendige trappetårne, eller man kunne have en udvendig ligeløbende trappe forbundet med en svalegang på første sal. Overetagen på Bispegaarden indrettedes med to store rum i hver deres halvdel af husets længde. Det ene indrettedes til lager og blev bare hvidkalket, mens det andet indrettedes til sal. Man videreførte brugen af pigmenter og bindemidler som i middelalderen. Dog har vi på Bispegaarden observeret, at man i denne tid ikke mere brugte mønje, men den billigere og lidt mørkere jernoxidrøde. Hos overklassen begyndte stuk nu at blive et materiale, der brugtes i interiører, især på lofter. På Frederiksborg Slot har vi således fra perioden fundet bjælkelofter, betrukket med ornamenteret stuk på både bjælker og loftsflader. På Bispegaarden blev trælofterne rødmalede, salsvægge maledes igen med tekstilimitationer, men nu suppleret med malede imitationer af stukkanter hele vejen foroven langs med tekstilbanerne, som om de var ophængt under en gesims. Disse tekstiler var som nævnt jernoxidrøde og stukimitationen udført i gråtoner med pigmentet kønrøg, der skulle illudere lys og skygge, alt sammen udført i limfarve. Forneden på væggene maledes sorte eller grå sokler à la fodpanel. Dette blev sikkert gjort af praktiske grunde ved gulvvask. Hvis soklen blev slidt, kunne man hurtigt male den op igen og be-

Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Omkring år 1600 blev overetagens sal indrettet med en malet tekstilimitation og efterligning af trukne stukprofiler, malet i limfarve med de billige pigmenter jernoxidrød og kønrøg. Foto: Roberto Fortuna 2011. The Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen. Around the year 1600, the top floor’s hall was decorated with a painted imitation textile and imitations of coated stucco profiles, painted in distemper with the less expensive pigments iron oxide red and carbon black. Photo: Roberto Fortuna, 2011.

outside straight staircase connected to an outside gallery on the first floor. The upper floor at the bishop’s palace consisted of two large rooms, each of which comprised one-half of the building’s length. The one room was used for storage and was simply whitewashed, while the other was used as a hall. The use of pigments and binding agents from the Middle Ages was carried on. However, at the bishop’s palace we have discovered that during this time they no longer used red lead, but rather

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Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Renæssancedør med intarsia, dvs. indlagte træsorter. Sådanne dekorationer var moderne, før man begyndte at male træværk. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. The Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen. Renaissance door with intarsia, meaning inlaid types of wood. These decorations were modern before the trend of painting woodwork. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

høvede således ikke at hvidte hele væggen – det kan vi se er sket mange gange. Døre i renæssancen kunne, ligesom de panelerede rum, være udført i fint snedkerarbejde med træskårne dekorationer eller med indlagt træ i mønstre, det man kalder intarsia. Sådanne døre er fundet på Bispegaarden, ligesom vi også har fundet gråmalede døre i huset fra den periode. Det har været forholdsvis nyt for perioden med sådant indvendigt, oliemalet træværk.

Barok: Adelsbolig Efter købmand Oluf Bagers død overtog forskellige fynske adelsfamilier Bispegaarden, og i 1630 blev den købt af Brahe-familien. Stilen var nu barokken, hvor boligindretningen for alvor blev præget af ønsket om komfort. Man brugte stadig bræddelofter med malede udsmykninger, men stuklofter blev nu også indført. Fra et bræddeloft kunne det let drysse, og for at undgå det, begyndte man at sømme brædder på loftet under bjælkerne. Hermed fik man tillige et glat loft, der kunne illudere et glat, pudset loft. Endvidere kunne man pudse på disse brædder og få tidens eftertragtede stukloft. Man opsatte oftere og oftere lukkede jernovne til afløsning af tidligere tiders åbne kaminer og fik dermed en bedre opvarmning af rummene. Der kom endvidere træværk ind i flere rum, dørindfatninger, fodpaneler og ind i 1700-årene tillige indvendige trapper. Det var dels for at forskønne og gøre overgange mellem bygningsdele mere jævne og glatte, dels af praktiske grunde, for at isolere og skærme mod træk og kulde. I barokken afløstes tidligere tiders ophængning af vævede tæpper på de pudsede vægge af tekstiler i uld og silke. De var permanent opsat på væggen, udspændt på en ramme. Eller man opsatte væglærreder, som blev oliemalet, ensfarvet eller prydet med kunstmalede motiver. Bag disse tekstiler opsatte man først på pudsvæggen flettede spåntapeter som isolering. Både tekstiler og malede lærreder opsattes oftest på hele overvæggen. Sædvanligvis over træpaneler, der var opsat til brystningshøjde, dvs. godt en meter over gulv.

the cheaper and slightly darker iron oxide red. The upper class began using stucco in interiors, especially on ceilings. For example, at Frederiksborg Castle we found beamed ceilings from this period covered with ornamental stucco on both the beams and the ceiling surfaces. At the bishop’s palace, the wood ceilings were once again painted red with textile imitations, but now supplemented with painted imitations of stucco edges all the way from the top down to the length of the textiles, as if they were hung under a cornice. As mentioned, these textiles were iron oxide red and the stucco imitation was done in shades of grey with the pigment carbon black, creating the illusion of shadows and light; all done with distemper. The bottom of the walls were painted with black or grey sockets, much like skirting. This was probably done for practical reasons to ease the washing of floors. If the socket became worn, it could easily be painted again without having to whitewash the entire wall – we can see that these sockets were painted many times. During the Renaissance and just like the panelled rooms, doors could be made from finely carved wooded decorations or inlaid wood in patterns known as intarsia. Such doors have been found at the bishop’s palace, just like we have also found grey painted doors in the house from that period. It was relatively new during that period to have oil painted woodwork indoors.

Baroque: Noble residence After the merchant Oluf Bager’s death, a number of noble families from Funen took over the bishop’s palace, and in 1630 it was purchased by the Brahe family. The style was now Baroque and interior design was strongly influenced by the desire for comfort. Board ceilings with painted decorations were still common, but the use of stucco ceilings was now also introduced. Dust and debris could easily sprinkle from board ceilings and to avoid this, craftsmen began nailing boards into the ceiling under the beams. This also provided a smooth ceiling that could create the illusion of a smooth

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Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Sort og grå marmorering på hvid bund, inddelt i kvadre, der skal illudere marmorblokke. Udsmykningen har fyldt væggene i salen i midten af huset og er udført i 1600-tallets sidste del. Formodentlig limfarve og kønrøg pigment. Foto: Roberto Fortuna 2011. The Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen. Black and grey marbling on a white base, divided into ashlars that were designed to resemble marble blocks. The decoration filled the walls of the hall in the middle of the building and was done in the late 1600’s, presumably using distemper and carbon black pigment. Photo: Roberto Fortuna, 2011.

Malede interiører kom nu virkelig i brug, linoliemaling blev udbredt, i hvert fald i de højere samfundslag. Der kunne dog også stadig dekoreres på de pudsede vægge, enten med limfarve eller kalk. På Bispegaarden rykkede husets fine rum, salen, ind i midten af huset, idet der blev muret flere skorstene. Her blev indrettet en sal med jernovn i midten af huset, hvilket har givet et lunt rum at opholde sig i. Vinduerne kunne endvidere dækkes med skodder, og rummet fik da også på et tidspunkt betegnelsen Vinterstuen. Pudsvæggene fik

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plastered ceiling. These boards could also be plastered to attain a stucco ceiling, which was in high demand during this period. Closed iron ovens increasingly replaced the open fireplaces of the past, providing better heating of the rooms. As the years passed, woodwork became increasingly common, as did door and window frames; indoor staircases also became common in the 1700’s. These innovations were both decorative and practical, smoothing out the transitions between rooms, while also insulating and protecting from draughts and cold. During the Baroque period, the former practice of hanging woven rugs on the plastered walls was replaced by hanging wool and silk textiles. These textiles were framed and permanently attached to the walls. Another possibility during this period was to hang wall canvases painted in a single colour or with artistic motifs. Woven rugs were placed between the plastered walls and these textiles to provide insulation. Both textiles and painted canvases were frequently hung on the entire upper part of the wall, usually over wood panels that rose up to chest height, meaning about one metre from the floor. Painted interiors became very common and linseed oil paint was widely used by the higher strata of society. However, plastered walls were still sometimes decorated with distemper or lime. At the bishop’s palace, the building’s finest room, the hall, was moved to the middle of the building and several brick chimneys were erected. A hall with an iron stove was established in the middle of the building, providing a warm room for use. The windows could also be covered with shutters; the hall became known as the Winter Room during this period. The plastered walls were decorated in black and white marbling with distemper and divided into imitated ashlar, as if it were marble. A similar example of painted ashlar is found at the Clausholm Manor in Djursland, where in the 1690’s a long hall was divided into ashlar and marbled in red and black shades. This style is also known to exist at other manors, so it appears to have been a common form of interior decoration.

Selsø, Hornsherred. Riddersalen indrettedes ved husets opførelse i 1730’erne med marmoreret træværk og figurbilleder malet på udspændte lærreder i loft og på vægge, udført af Hendrik Krock. Omkring loftsmaleriet ses barokkens yndede stukornamenter. Foto: Roberto Fortuna 1990’erne. Selsø, Hornsherred. At the time of the building’s construction in the 1730’s, the great hall was decorated with marbled woodwork and figurative paintings by Hendrik Krock on stretched canvases, hung on the ceiling and walls. The popular stucco ornaments of the Baroque period can be seen around the ceiling painting. Photo: Roberto Fortuna, 1990’s.

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Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Karen Brahes Bibliotek blev placeret i en af de middelalderlige sale. Rummet er farvemæssigt enkelt indrettet, her har bogryggene skullet udgøre dekorationen. Efter istandsættelse 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

The Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen. Karen Brahe’s library was located in one of the medieval halls. The room’s colour scheme is very simple; the books’ spines were considered the room’s decoration. After restoration, 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

en limfarvemalet dekoration i sort og hvid marmorering, inddelt i imiterede kvadre, som om det var marmorsten. Et tilsvarende eksempel på sådanne malede kvadre findes på herregården Clausholm på Djursland. Her blev en lang gang i 1690erne inddelt i kvadre og marmoreret i røde og sorte nuancer. Vi kender det også fra andre herregårde, så det har tilsyneladende været en udbredt måde at dekorere på.

Baroque: Secular Convent for Noblewomen

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In the 1700’s, interiors were painted and decorated to a high degree, using pure and strong colours such as red, blue, yellow and green. This was partly due to the preference for pure colours, and partly because pigments at that time were not as pure as those we know today. Thus, they could not be mixed together, as this would give a muddy result. Pigments were used individually, but could

Barok: Adeligt jomfrukloster Ind i 1700-tallet males og dekoreres interiører i stort omfang, og man bruger rene og kraftige kulører som rød, blå, gul og grøn. Det var begrundet i glæden ved klare farver, men også i det faktum, at pigmenter dengang ikke var så rene, som vi kender det i dag. Derfor kunne de ikke blandes indbyrdes, for så ville resultatet blive grumset. Man brugte altså pigmentet rent, men kunne gøre det lysere eller mørkere ved at blande hvidt eller sort i det. Sammen med de klare farver brugte man også forgyldninger i ægte guld som dekorative elementer. Rum kunne stadig indrettes enkelt, alt efter rang og stand eller rummets rangordning i huset. Træ- eller stuklofter hvidtedes, ligesom pudsvægge hvidtedes eller maledes ensfarvet i limfarve. Rummets øvrige træværk kunne stå umalet som i tidligere tider eller maledes nu i linoliemaling. Husets indvendige trapper kom til i 1720’erne og stod således umalede i en periode, før de maledes grå. Den gennemgående træværksfarve i barokken var nemlig grå. Perlegrå blev den kaldt gennem 17og 1800-tallet og var i denne første periode ret mørk, en farve, der skulle illudere sten. Hvor egetræ i renæssancen havde været det fine og ædle, blev sten i barokken et ideal. Gerne i form af marmor, men kunne man ikke skaffe den ægte vare, efterlignede man den i maling eller stuk. Enten i form af ensfarvet grå i mere inferiøre rum, eller som eksempelvis malet marmorering i de repræsentative rum, i kraftige kulører og ofte mere dekorativ end egentlig efterlignende en rigtig sten. Tiden brugte figurale, kunstmalede motiver på væggene eller dekoration med ranker og ornamenter. Et eksempel på en sådan dekoreret sal findes på godset Selsø i Hornsherred. Rummenes træværk fik dekorative marmoreringer, mens salens vægge fik malede væglærreder udført af kunstneren Hendrik Krock. Endnu et træk i tiden var malerier placeret i den centrale del af stukloftet, et plafondmaleri, som det også ses på Selsø. I Jomfruklosteret har vi dog ikke fundet sådanne pragt-

be made lighter or darker by combining them with white or black. Along with the clear colours, gilded objects in genuine gold were also used as decorative elements. Rooms could still be decorated in a simple manner, depending on rank and position, or the room’s importance in the building. Wood or stucco ceilings were whitewashed, and plastered walls were whitewashed or painted in a single colour with distemper. The rest of the woodwork in the room could remain unpainted, as in earlier times, or now be painted with linseed oil paint. The building’s interior stairs were built in the 1720’s and remained unpainted for a period of time before they were painted grey. Grey was the common colour of woodwork during the Baroque period. It was called pearl grey throughout the 1700’s and 1800’s, and during this time was a rather dark colour used to simulate stone. Whereas oak had been fashionable and noble during the Renaissance, stone was the ideal during the Baroque period – preferably in the form of marble, but if the real thing was unavailable, it was imitated with paint or stucco. Plain grey was used for the less important rooms, while painted marbling was seen in the representative rooms, in striking colours and often more decorative than an accurate imitation of real stone. During this period, figural painted motifs or decorations with garlands and ornaments were used on the walls. One example of such a hall is found at the Selsø manor in Hornsherred. The woodwork in the rooms was painted with decorative marbling, while painted wall canvasses by the artist Hendrik Krock were hung on the hall. Yet another feature of this period were paintings in the middle part of stucco ceiling, known as ceiling paintings, as seen at Selsø. Such decorated ceilings were not found at the Secular Convent for Noblewomen, but rather more simple rooms with white-painted wooden ceilings and red line decoration, white- and grey-painted plastered walls, and unpainted or grey-painted woodwork. Karen Brahe’s library was arranged in the hall in the west end of the building and here the walls and ceilings

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Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Beboelsesrum til de adelige jomfruer udsmykkedes med bandedekorationer, dvs. malede imitationer af tekstilbaner ophængt på væggene over et illusionistisk malet brystpanel. Formodentlig malet i limfarve i 1700-tallet første halvdel. Foto: Roberto Fortuna 2011. The Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen. Living quarters for the “noble virgins” (unmarried ladies of rank) were decorated with stripe decorations, meaning painted imitations of textile stripes hung on the walls above an illusionary painted dado. Likely painted in distemper during the first half of the 1700’s. Photo: Roberto Fortuna, 2011.

lofter, men derimod mere enkle rum med hvidmalede trælofter og rød stregdekoration, hvid- og gråmalede pudsvægge, umalet eller gråmalet træværk. Karen Brahes bibliotek blev indrettet i salen i husets vestgavl, og her var loft og vægge hvide, mens bogskabene var malet grå i linoliemaling. Vi har endvidere fundet dekorativt malede vægge med for eksempel rankedekorationer i hvidt på grå bund og imiterede søjler malet på en rød bund. Som nævnt brugte man også udspændte lærreder på overvægge, uldne tekstiler eller silketapeter. Disse vægsilker kunne bestå af to forskelligt farvede baner, der var opsat skiftevis, så eksempelvis en blå og en hvid silke

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were white, while the book cabinets were painted with grey linseed oil paint. We also discovered decoratively painted walls with vine decorations in white on a grey background and imitation columns painted on a red background. As mentioned above, stretched canvases, woollen textiles and silk rugs were also used on the upper sections of walls. These wall silks could consist of two differently coloured alternating stripes, so for example a blue and a white silk stripe alternated and gave the room a striped effect. Silks such as these are found at Bregentved manor on Zealand. On a smaller scale, these silks were sometimes imitated by painting them on the walls. Painted stripes such as these are found in a number of rooms at the Secular Convent for Noblewomen. The plaster and wooden walls are painted with an imitation of a dado, above which stripes are painted in alternating colours. It is called stripe decoration. We have found it in these colours: red and green; red and white; red, green and blue-green; yellow and red lead with white acanthus twines; and ochre and blue. We also found a room with red and green stripes, followed by a stripe with a zig-zag pattern that imitates weaving or embroidery, known as Bargello or point d’Hongrie. All decorations seem to be in in distemper. We have never before found such extensive use of stripe decoration in Denmark. It appears that this was a quick and inexpensive way to decorate a room and make it look proper. We have yet to find such decoration in the Danish manors. The increasing application of paint on all surfaces was a part of the desire for comfort. A painted surface is typically smoother and easier to clean than an unpainted plaster or wooden surface, while the painted decorations also graced the interiors.

Late Baroque and Rococo In the 1703-1740’s, the strong and pure Baroque colours were replaced by a slightly lighter colour trend that emerged by mixing white into the pure colours. The

Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Rokokodekoration malet på væglærrederne i salen, med personer og ornamenteringer. Udført i gråtoner med oliemaling. Foto: Roberto Fortuna 2013.

The Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen. Rococo decoration painted on the wall canvases in the hall, portraying people and ornamentation. Done in shades of grey with oil paint. Photo: Roberto Fortuna, 2013.

afløste hinanden og gav en stribeeffekt i rummet. Sådanne silker er fundet på Bregentved gods på Sjælland. I mindre målestok kunne man også imitere disse silker ved at male dem på væggen. Sådanne malede baner er fundet i adskillige rum på Jomfruklosteret. På puds- og trævægge er malet imitation af brystpanel, hvorover er malet baner i skiftende kulører. Man kalder det bandedekor, og vi har fundet dem i farverne rød og grøn, rød og hvid, rød, grøn og blågrøn, gul og mønjerød med

ideal became lighter and airier interiors with greater comfort. People wanted smooth, easier to clean surfaces that provided the interiors with a lighter look than raw wood and plastered walls. Wooden ceilings were covered with boards and smooth plaster; finer rooms were also decorated with stucco ornaments. These were typically whitewashed, but sometimes also featured gilded and painted decorative elements. One of the more spectacular examples of a decorated ceiling is the ceiling in the hall

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Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Dør med fuglemotiv på berlinerblå bundfarve fra midten af 1700-tallet. Berlinerblå kom i handelen fra 1720’erne og blev sin tids mest anvendte pigment, blandt andet fordi tiden stræbte efter det kinesiske blå og hvide porcelæn. Foto: Roberto Fortuna. The Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen. Door with bird motif on Prussian blue base from the mid-1700’s. Prussian blue was introduced in the 1720’s and became the most popular pigment of its time, in part because this period prized Chinese blue and white porcelain. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

hvidt akantusslyng samt okker og blå. Endvidere er fundet et rum med røde og grønne bander afløst af en bane med et zig-zag-mønster, som imiterer vævning eller broderi, det såkaldte Bargello eller point d’Hongrie, på dansk flammet. Alle dekorationer er tilsyneladende udført i limfarve. En så massiv anvendelse af bandedekor har vi ikke fundet i Danmark før. Det kunne se ud, som om det har været en hurtig og billig måde at dekorere et rum på og få det til at se anstændigt ud. Vi har endnu tilbage at finde dem rundt omkring på de danske herregårde. Den tiltagende påføring af maling på alle overflader var en del af ønsket om komfort. En malet overflade er sædvanligvis glattere og lettere at rengøre end en umalet puds- eller træoverflade, samtidig med, at de malede dekorationer forskønnede interiørerne.

Senbarok og rokoko I 1730-1740’erne afløses de kraftige og rene barokfarver af et lidt lysere farveudtryk, der fremkom ved at blande hvidt i de rene kulører. Idealet bliver lettere og luftigere interiører og større behagelighed. Nu vil man have glatte overflader, der er mere rengøringsvenlige og forlener interiørerne med et lettere udtryk end råt træ og pudsvægge gjorde det. Trælofter bliver bræddebeslåede og glatpudsede, i fine rum tilføjet stukornamenter. Disse hvidtes oftest, men kan også have forgyldte og malede dekorative elementer. Jernovne anvendes overalt, og væggen bag dem, ovnpladsen, marmoreres gerne i limfarve. Dels som dekoration og dels af helt praktiske hensyn, på en marmoreret flade ses sod fra ovnen ikke så tydeligt. Limfarven kan tåle varmen, hvad oliemaling ikke kan, og

at Eremitage Castle in Jægersborg Deer Park. In the 1730’s, King Christian VI commissioned a magnificent ceiling with stucco, mirrors and glazes painted on gold and silver. Such elements were used on a smaller scale at the manors and homes of more affluent townsmen. A feature taken from Eremitage Castle is the use of glazes, that is to say translucent colours. At the castle, the Danish National Museum found the glaze paints used on gold and silver and we have found it in a more bourgeois version at the home of a grocer in Copenhagen. His best room featured a stucco decorated ceiling, while the woodwork in the room was painted in blue glaze on a grey surface, apparently to create the illusion of silver. Iron ovens were used everywhere and the wall behind them was often marbled in distemper – partly as decoration and partly for practical reasons, since soot from the oven is not as visible on a marbled surface. Unlike oil paint, distemper can withstand heat and when it becomes too dirty, it can be washed down and marbled again. The walls are decorated with canvases on the upper sections of walls and wood panelling on the lower sections. Wall silks are used like oil-painted canvases, with painted artistic motifs or with rocaille. On the middle floor of the Secular Convent for Noblewomen, we have found wall canvases with figural motifs framed in rocaille-painted frames. And at the Eremitage Castle, the painted wall canvases were decorated with hunting scenes. Woodwork is still painted with oil paint in grey coal colours or marbled. The grey tones became lighter during this period and the marbling was less intense in colour and painted more true to life. The most popular colours of this period were blue and light

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Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. I slutningen af 1700-tallet begynder tapet for alvor at vinde indpas i interiører. Der var i begyndelsen ofte tale om trykte efterligninger af de vægsilker, som man tidligere havde brugt, derfor er trykket udført som bølgende tekstil. Foto: Roberto Fortuna 2011. The Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen. In the late 1700’s, wallpaper became very popular in interior design. In the beginning, wallpaper typically featured printed imitations of the wall silks of earlier times, so the print is designed to resemble a wavy textile. Photo: Roberto Fortuna, 2011.

grey, corresponding to the strong interest in Chinese porcelain. It was also during this period that the synthetic pigment Prussian blue was invented. It was also inexpensive. This enabled the use of the blue and white colours for decorative purposes. At the Secular Convent for Noblewomen, we found a door decorated with a bird motif in precisely this very blue and light grey. Another room had blue decorative elements in freehand with columns and arches painted as arcades with a view to blue skies. Prussian blue is the main colour in this room. Walls are painted very simply with a single colour in light grey or other light distemper. At the end of the period, leading up to the 17701780’s, the use of fine wallpaper emerged. Wall silks and decorative painted wall canvases were no longer the height of fashion; instead, wallpaper was mounted on the canvases of the upper wall sections.

Neoclassicism From the 1770-1780’s, fashion shifted from the intricate Rococo decorations to more classically-inspired decor. As in the Renaissance, inspiration came from Greek and Roman ancient times and a more aesthetic, natureoriented attitude to life. In interiors, all ceilings were to be smooth, possibly with a single stucco profile. Comfort requirements and fashion both dictated smooth surfaces. This era also saw the emergence of a desire for greater hygiene, meaning surfaces that were easier to clean than the rougher surfaces of earlier times. If the ceilings were not plastered, they were

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Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Beboelsesrummene var udsmykkede i mere eller mindre grad. I et af rummene udfĂ¸rtes omkring midten af 1700-tallet fint malede dekorationer som illusion af marmorsĂ¸jler og arkadebuer med udkig til himlen. Alt er sandsynligvis malet i limfarve. Foto: Roberto Fortuna 2011.

The Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen. The living quarters were decorated to varying degrees. In the mid-1700â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s, one of the rooms was painted to create an illusion of marble columns and arcade arches, with a view to the sky. All of this was likely painted in distemper. Photo: Roberto Fortuna, 2011.

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Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Salen i husets midte fik i rokokoen udspændte væglærreder med malede, figurale motiver (se side 317). I klassicismen, da det blev umoderne, maledes motiverne over med en gul vægfarve med hvid loftsfrise, udført med skabelon. Malet i linoliemaling i patentgul og hvid. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

når det bliver for beskidt, vaskes limfarven ned, og der marmoreres igen. Væggene beklædes med lærreder på overvægge og træpaneler på undervægge. Vægsilker anvendes ligesom oliemalede lærreder med kunstmalede motiver eller med rocailledekoration. På Jomfruklosteret har vi i husets midterste sal fundet væglærreder med netop sådanne figurale motiver, indsat i en rocaillemalet ramme. Træværk males fortsat i oliemaling i grå stenkulør eller marmoreres. Den grå bliver lysere i denne periode, og marmoreringer bliver mindre kraftige i kuløren og males mere mod det naturtro. Denne periodes store farver er blå og lys grå. Det hænger sammen med tidens alt

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covered with boards and in this way smooth; a number of boarded ceilings were construed at Secular Convent for Noblewomen. The small-paned windows that currently adorn the building replaced older windows that were probably stained glass; the larger windows allowed more light into the rooms. Walls were still covered with canvas above dados, reusing the canvases of the Baroque and Rococo periods. Thus, around the year 1800, the hall’s rococo decorations were painted in accordance with the new, Neoclassical fashion. The walls were painted yellow with a stenciled border under the ceiling with white ornaments that may have been an attempt to imitate

The Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen. During the Rococo period, the hall in the middle of the building was decorated with stretched wall canvases featuring figurative motifs (see page 317). During the Neoclassical period, when it became outdated, the motifs were painted with yellow wall paint and a white ceiling frieze painted with a template. Painted in linseed oil paint in patent yellow and white. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

overskyggende interesse for det kinesiske porcelæn. Og netop i perioden opfindes det syntetiske pigment Berlinerblå, der ovenikøbet er billigt. Således kunne man nu anvende de blå og hvide farver i dekorationssammenhænge. På Jomfruklosteret har vi således fundet en dør, dekoreret med fuglemotiv, netop i blå og lys grå. Et andet rum med blåt dekorationselement er dekoreret i frihånd med søjler og buer, malet som arkader med udsigt til den blå himmel. Den berlinerblå er netop hovedfarven i dette rum. Vægge males dog også helt enkelt, ensfarvede i limfarve i lysegrå eller andre lyse kulører. I slutningen af perioden, op mod 1770-1780’erne, kom der også enkelte meget fine papirtapeter til.

stucco. The yellow pigment is called patent yellow and was rarely used in Denmark. Perhaps it was used to show the hall’s status as a particularly fine room? During this period, people began removing the wall canvases and plastering the upper sections of the walls smooth. This was done, because wallpaper was now modern and putting it up on a solid plaster surface was easier than on a stretched canvas. The bright colour palette of the Rococo period remained in fashion. During the preceding Rococo period, everything was painted with linseed oil paint, while the trend during the Neoclassical period was to use distemper on ceilings and walls. This represented a transition from glossy to

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Vægsilker og dekorativt malede væglærreder var nu ikke længere højeste mode, derimod blev papirtapeter opsat på overvægslærrederne.

Klassicisme Fra 1770-1780’erne skiftede tidens mode fra de snørklede rokokodekorationer til mere klassisk inspirerede dekorationsudtryk. Det var, ligesom i renæssancen, inspiration fra den græske og romerske oldtid samt en mere asketisk, mere naturorienteret livsholdning, der gjorde sig gældende. I interiører skulle alle lofter nu være glatte, eventuelt med en enkelt udformet stukprofilering. Både komfortkrav og mode dikterede glatte flader. Endvidere kom i denne tid også ønsket om større hygiejne, dvs. overflader, der var lettere at rengøre end tidligere tiders mere ru overflader. Hvis lofter ikke blev pudset, blev de bræddebeklædte og dermed glatte; i Jomfruklosteret blev således opsat flere bræddelofter. De nuværende småsprossede vinduer erstattede ældre vinduer, der sandsynligvis havde været blyindfattede, og med de større vinduesglas kom der mere lys ind i rummene. Vægge var stadig lærredsbetrukne over brystningspaneler, idet man sagtens kunne genbruge barokkens og rokokoens lærreder. Således blev salens rokokodekorationer i Odense omkring 1800 overmalet efter den nye, klassicistiske mode. Væggene blev gule med en skabelonmalet bort under loftet med hvide ornamenter, måske illuderende stuk. Det gule pigment hedder patentgult og var sjældent brugt i Danmark. Måske er det netop brugt her for at vise salens status som et særligt fint rum? I perioden begyndte man også at fjerne væglærrederne og pudse overvæggene glatte. Det gjorde man, fordi papirtapet nu blev moderne, og det var lettere at opsætte papir på den faste pudsoverflade end på et udspændt lærred. Rokokoens lyse farvepalet fortsattes. I den tidligere periode, rokokoen, maledes alt med linoliemaling, mens det igennem klassicismen blev moderne med limfarve på lofter og vægge. Dvs. at man

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matt surfaces, which helps to give interiors a lighter look. Gilded objects were no longer as commonly used for decoration. Everything glossy had gone out of fashion. The palette of colours became more varied than before, but one colour was still not mixed with another colour. The pigments used for interiors remained at the inexpensive end and consisted of white lead and chalk (white), ochre (yellow), iron oxide red (red), umber (brown), chrome green (Green), Prussian blue (blue), caput mortuum (violet) and a number of black pigments such as carbon black. At the Secular Convent for Noblewomen, we found walls with wallpaper that was printed in sheets. The endless paper roll had not yet been invented, so the individual paper sheets were printed with a wallpaper pattern, whereupon the sheets were glued together into strips. We have found remnants of striped and floral wallpaper, as well as wallpaper with silk imitations. The wall silks of earlier times were outdated; however, imitating them with printed wallpaper was at the height of fashion. These wallpapers were printed in distemper, as this was the most suitable paint for printing. In a simpler and less expensive version, the wall could be painted in a light-coloured distemper, in a single colour such as light ochre, white, rose and light green, and then a wallpaper printed frieze could be hung just below the ceiling. Such friezes often had the character of imitated garlands or textile borders. Wallpaper could also be imitated by decorating the wall with template decorations. And finally, we also found wall decorations painted by hand, including landscape motifs. In earlier times, canvases had covered the entire upper section of the wall in one piece. If new canvases were hung during the Neoclassical period, the walls were typically divided into framed sections; this created an area above the doors that could be decorated with painted motifs. For example, at the Secular Convent for Noblewomen we found such door decorations in the room that was decorated with painted arcade arches during the Baroque period and a view to the blue sky. Johanne de Leth lived here from the year 1785, and

gik fra blanke til matte overflader, hvilket hjælper med til at give interiørerne et lettere udtryk. Forgyldninger brugte man nu ikke så meget mere. Alt det blanke var gået af mode. Paletten af kulører blev mere varieret end tidligere, men kulørerne blandedes stadig ikke indbyrdes. De pigmenter, som man anvendte til interiørbrug, var stadig i den billige ende og bestod af blyhvidt og kridt (hvid), okker (gul), jernoxidrød (rød), umbra (brun), chromgrøn (grøn), berlinerblå (blå), caput mortuum (violet) samt flere sorte pigmenter som eksempelvis kønrøg. På Jomfruklosteret har vi fundet vægge med opsat tapet, trykt i ark. Man havde endnu ikke opfundet den uendelige papirbane, så de enkelte papirark blev trykt med et tapetmønster, hvorefter arkene blev limet sammen til baner. Vi har fundet rester af stribet og blomstret tapet samt tapeter med silkeimitationer. Tidligere tiders vægsilker var umoderne, men sjovt nok var det højeste mode at efterligne dem i de trykte papirtapeter. Sådanne tapeter var trykt i limfarve, fordi det var den bedst anvendelige maling til tryk. I en enklere og billigere udgave kunne man male væggen i en lys limfarve, ensfarvet i for eksempel lys okker, hvid, rosa og lys grøn, og så eventuelt opsætte en tapettrykt frise under loftet. Sådanne friser havde ofte karakter af imiterede guirlander eller tekstilborter. Man kunne også udføre en tapetimitation ved at dekorere væggen med skabelondekorationer. Og endelig har vi også fundet vægdekorationer malet i fri hånd, med blandt andet landskabsmotiver. Tidligere tiders lærreder havde dækket hele overvæggen i ét stykke. Hvis man opsatte nye lærreder i klassicismen, blev væggene oftest inddelt i felter med en indramning omkring, og herved opstod der et felt over dørene, et dørstykke, der kunne udstyres med malede motiver. På Jomfruklosteret har vi for eksempel fundet dørstykker i det rum, der i barokken var blevet udsmykket med malede arkadebuer og kig til den blå himmel. Her boede fra 1785 Johanne de Leth, og netop i denne periode fik rummet nye udsmykninger, sandsynligvis udført til netop hende. Uden på arkadedekorationerne

Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Beboelsesrummenes interiører blev igennem tiden opdaterede. Således fik mange rum fra midten af 1800-tallet opsat mønstret tapet i uendelige baner, som det netop på den tid blev muligt at fremstille. Dørens hvidlakerede bemaling hører dog en senere tid til. Da tapetet blev sat op, egetræsmalede man oftest træværk. Foto: Roberto Fortuna 2011. The Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen. The living quarters’ interiors were renovated over time. Beginning in the mid-1800’s, many of the rooms were decorated with wallpaper, which had become much easier to manufacture at this time. However, the door’s white paint came at a later date. When the wallpaper was installed, the woodwork was typically painted to resemble oak. Photo: Roberto Fortuna, 2011.

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Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Malede træimitationer, også kaldet ådring, blev uhyre populære fra 1850 og frem til lige efter år 1900. Stort set alt træværk blev ådret i finere træsorter som eg eller mahogni. Alt træværket i trapperummene på Jomfruklosteret blev således ådret i 1800-tallets anden halvdel. Sådanne ådringer udførtes i laserende linoliemaling på en lyst malet bund, hvorpå det lakeredes. Foto: Roberto Fortuna 2011. The Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen. Painted wood imitation, also called woodgraining, was immensely popular from 1850 until just after 1900. Virtually all woodwork was woodgrained to resemble fine woods such as oak or mahogany. All of the woodwork in the staircases of the Secular Convent for Noblewomen was woodgrained in the second half of the 1800’s. The woodwork was woodgrained using translucent linseed oil paint on a light painted surface, after which it was varnished. Photo: Roberto Fortuna, 2011.

blev der opsat væglærreder. De maledes med gul limfarve på papir og tilhørende loftfriser i trykt tapet. Hertil var dørstykker med malede blomsterkurve. Men også landskabsmotiver, de fire årstider eller antikke motiver kunne udsmykke dørstykket, ofte udført i limfarve, der var med til at understrege periodens ønske om lethed i dekorationen. Netop fordi man malede i limfarve, måtte motiverne ændre sig i forhold til barok og rokoko; i lim kan man ikke male glidende overgange, som man havde kunnet tidligere. Derved fik tidens malede dekorationer et mere stift og mindre naturalistisk udtryk. Det gjorde, at tidligere tiders store, kunstmalede vægdekorationer nu erstattedes af udsmykninger, der blev malet af deciderede dekorationsmalere. Det var netop på den tid, at dekorationsmaleriet udskilte sig som et selvstændigt fag inden for interiørkunsten. Således havde man fra denne tid de malere, der udførte det almindelige malerarbejde, dekorationsmalerne, der dekorerede, og endelig kunstmalerne, der udførte den egentlige kunst. Træværk maledes af praktiske årsager fortsat i olie, ligesom vægge også stadig kunne være det, men det var lidt gammeldags. Den perlegrå brugte man også stadig, samme grå som i rokokoen eller lysere endnu. Profiler på lofter og træværk kunne, som i perioden før, have

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it was during this period that the room received new decoration, most likely made just for her. Wall canvases were hung on top of the arcade decorations and painted with yellow distemper on paper; these were accompanied by ceiling friezes in printed wallpaper. The areas above doors were decorated with painted flower baskets. Other common decorations above doors included the four seasons or antique motifs; these were often done in distemper, reflecting the period’s preference for lightness in interior decor. The very choice of painting in distemper required different motifs than those from the Baroque and Rococo periods, as the smooth painted transitions of those periods were not possible with distemper. Thus, the painted decorations of this period had a more rigid and less naturalistic look. This meant that the large painted wall decorations from previous times were now replaced by decorations, which were painted by decorative painters. It was at this time that decorative painting branched into an independent area of specialisation in interior design arts. This period had painters who performed general painting, decorative painters who decorated and artistic painters who painted works of art. Woodwork was still painted with oil paint for practical reasons, as were many walls, but it was

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Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. I løbet af 1900-tallet indrettedes flere mindre køkkener i klostret. Her et køkken med malet træværk og tapet fra 1950’erne. Foto: Roberto Fortuna 2011.

forgyldninger og også enkelte kulører. Marmoreringer brugtes stadig, men kun i begrænset omfang, og i lyse, enkle udgaver. På Jomfruklosteret fik de to trapperum i denne periode lysegråt træværk med malet mahogniimitation på håndfang og profilled. Lofter hvidtedes og væggene blev malede som en imitation af marmorkvadre, udført i lyse, violette toner med det pigment, der hedder caput mortuum. Stengulve var nu ikke længere idealet. Malede trægulve passede bedre til periodens ønske om glatte overflader, men de kunne også stå rå og skurede. Ønsket om varme kunne man endvidere opnå gennem gulvtæpper, der i denne periode begyndte at blive en del af boligindretningen.

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considered a bit old-fashioned. As during the Rococo period, pearl-grey paint was used in a similar or lighter shade and profiles on ceilings and woodwork could have gilding and some colour. Marbling was still used, but only to a limited extent, and in light, simple forms. Two stairwells were constructed at the Secular Convent for Noblewomen of rank during this period with light grey woodwork and painted to imitate mahogany on the railings and banisters. Ceilings were whitewashed and the walls were painted to imitate marble ashlar in light violet tones using the pigment called caput mortuum. Stone floors were no longer the ideal. Painted wood floors better suited the period’s

The Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen. During the 1900’s, many small kitchens were installed in the Convent. Shown here is a kitchen with painted woodwork and wallpaper from the 1950’s. Photo: Roberto Fortuna, 2011.

Historicisme Fra op mod midten af 1800-tallet er klassicismen ikke længere det store forbillede i moden. I den periode, vi kalder historicismen, brugte man forskellige stilarter fra tidligere tider og blandede dem efter behov. Ét rum kunne for eksempel indrettes i nyrokoko, et andet i nybarok etc. Det lyse og lette var ikke længere et ideal, man ville have mørkere og tungere farveholdninger. Perioden kulminerer med klunketidens mørke, fyldte interiører, der varer til lidt efter århundredeskiftet 1900. Lofter hvidtedes stadig, men skulle nu også gerne have en malet dekoration på den glatte flade. Pompejanske interiører blev meget moderne, og hvis det ikke blev

desire for smooth surfaces, but they could also be rough and scoured. The desire for heat also led to the use of carpets, which started being a part of interior design during this period.

Historicism From the mid-1800’s, Neoclassicism was no longer the ideal in fashion. During this period, which we call Historicism, various styles from the past were mixed together as needed. For example, a room could be decorated in Neo-Rococo and another in Neo-Baroque, etc. Bright and airy was no longer an ideal, as darker

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egentlig pompejansk, blev de malede udsmykninger i hvert fald antikiserende. Tapeter kunne fra 1800-tallets midte fremstilles i uendelige baner, mønstrene kunne derved trykkes mere rationelt, og tapet blev derfor noget, som man kunne få i alle prisklasser. De blev hvermands eje og brugtes af høj og lav. Hvis man ikke fik væggene tapetserede, blev de malet i oliemaling på lærred eller papir på puds. De matte limfarvevægge var ikke længere moderne, nu ville man have blanke overflader. Det blev på denne tid økonomisk muligt at smelte lak til bygningsmaling. Lakker brugte man til at tilsætte linoliemalingen, så den blev mere blank og hård. En blank overflade kræver et mere glat underlag end en mat for at se pæn ud, så man begyndte at spartle træværk som klargøring for de blanke lakker. Endvidere blev tidens store mode også at male træværket som imitation af finere træsorter. Det var dels begrundet i imitationen af tidligere tiders stilarter, renæssance og barok, hvor træværket ikke nødvendigvis var malet, dels i, at der i klassicismen var indført oversøiske træsorter i form af blandt andet mahognimøbler. Derfor malede man imitationer af tidligere tiders finere eg og mahogni, og så godt som alt træværk var ådret, som det hedder på fagsprog. Gulve blev i denne periode gerne malede i brune, mørke nuancer eller lakerede. De kunne også limfarves og derefter bones med voks, så de kom til at se blanklakerede ud. Man brugte også heldækkende tæpper eller det nye materiale linoleum, der er lavet af savsmuld blandet med linolie. Det kunne udføres i forskellige farver, og man kunne også trykke det med imitation af tæpper. Sådan et tæppe af linoleum er fundet i et af beboelsesrummene på Jomfruklosterets førstesal.

1900-tallet Moder skifter, så lige efter århundredeskiftet 1900 var man blevet træt af alt det mørke og imiterende. Nu skulle lofter og vægge være lyst malede, eller væggene

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and heavier colour schemes came into demand. The period culminated with the dark, crowded interiors of the Victorian era, which lasted until a short time after the turn of the century in 1900. Ceilings were still whitewashed, but typically also had a painted decoration on the smooth surface. Pompeian interiors were in high fashion and if not decidedly Pompeian, painted decorations were in the classical style. From the mid-1800’s, wallpaper could be manufactured in endless rolls, so patterns could be printed in a more rational manner; wallpaper thus became available in all price ranges and was used by all social classes. If the walls were not wallpapered, they were painted in oil paint on canvas or paper on plaster. The matt distemper walls were no longer modern, as polished surfaces came into fashion. During this period, it became economically feasible to melt lacquer into house paint. Lacquer was added to linseed oil paint to make it more glossy and hard. A glossy coat requires a smoother surface than a matt coat to be presentable, so people began to spackle woodwork in preparation for the glossy lacquers. Another popular trend during this period was to paint woodwork to imitate finer woods. This was partly an imitation of past styles from the Renaissance and Baroque periods, where woodwork was not necessarily painted, and partly because wood types from overseas, such as mahogany, were introduced during the Neoclassical period. Therefore, people painted to imitate the finer oak and mahogany of the foregoing periods, and virtually all woodwork was grained, as it is called. Floors during this period were painted in brown, dark shades, or varnished. They could also be painted with distemper and then polished with wax, giving an appearance of varnished floors. Wall-to-wall carpets were also used, as was the new material linoleum, made from a mixture of sawdust and linseed oil. Linoleum could be made in various colours and could also be printed with an imitation of carpets. A linoleum carpet of this kind is found in one of the residential rooms on the first floor of the Secular Convent for Noblewomen.

Konservatorholdet i arbejde. Her er det den del af dekorationen på panelvæggen mod syd mellem rum 208/209, der skal være synlig for fremtiden. Den er udført i første halvdel af 1700-tallet, hvor førstesalens værelser blev indrettede. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. The restoration team at work. Here is the part of the decor on the partition wall facing south between rooms 208/209, which must be visible in the future. It was done in the first half of 18th-century, when the first floor rooms were fitted out. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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skulle beklædes med tapeter, oftest i lysere nuancer end dem, man havde brugt i 1800-tallet. Brugen af farver og dekoration ændrede sig fra de malede og imiterende dekorationer til, at kuløren i sig selv var dekorativ. Man søgte i århundredets begyndelse tilbage til et mere rent og enkelt udtryk end i klunketidens interiører. Funktionalismens indtog i 1930’erne betød endvidere et øget fokus på det funktionelle, og her passede historicismens malede ornamenter ikke ind. Rummets forskellige elementer kunne til gengæld få hver sin farve, eller hver flade sin farve, og således måske henvise til elementets funktion. Paletten fortsatte med de samme kulører i begyndelsen af århundredet, men ændrede sig til mange forskellige farver fra 1930’erne og frem. Træværk har igennem århundredet dog mest skullet være lyst, gerne cremefarvet, lysegråt eller nærmende sig det helt hvide. Men vi har i Jomfruklosteret fundet et køkken med lysegrønt træværk og tilhørende tapet, som nok har været 1950’ernes afløsning af den køkkenblå. Limfarve og linoliemaling brugtes stadig indtil efter Anden Verdenskrig, og derefter blev alkydmaling og senere plast- og akrylmalinger introduceret. Linoleum vandt meget frem i århundredets løb, ligesom byggematerialer som celotex og masonit til isolering vandt indpas, i takt med at isolering af boliger øgedes, og opvarmningen forbedredes. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster levede en stille tilværelse i 1900-tallet, hvad angår interiørmode, da kun få personer boede her. 1930’ernes funktionalisme og århundredets øvrige optimering, opdatering og modeskift har vi ikke fundet mange spor af i huset. Den velstandsstigning, der er sket i det øvrige samfund i 1900-tallet, kom ikke klostret til gode. Det er jo derfor, vi har kunnet finde alle de spændende historiske lag bevaret, og med den nuværende restaurering har det netop været Realdania Bygs mål at gemme hele denne fortælling for en senere tid.

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1900’s Trends change over time, and after the turn of the twentieth century, people grew tired of the dark and imitation decor. Ceilings and walls were now painted in light colours, or covered with wallpaper in lighter shades than those used in the 1800’s. The use of colours and decoration shifted from the painted and imitation decorations to using colour decoratively itself. In the early 1900’s, people sought a cleaner and simpler expression than the interiors of the Victorian period. The rise of Functionalism in the 1930’s meant an increased focus on function, rendering the painted ornaments of Historicism unwanted. The various elements of a room could have colours of their own, or each surface could have a different colour, perhaps referring to the function of the element. The palette of colours used was unchanged in the early 1900’s, but shifted to many different colours from the 1930’s onward. However, woodwork throughout the century was primarily light, preferably cream coloured, light-grey or almost completely white. However, at the Secular Convent we found a kitchen with light-green woodwork and matching wallpaper, which probably dates to the 1950’s as a replacement of the traditional Danish “kitchen blue”. Distemper and linseed oil paint were still used until after World War II, at which time alkyd paint and later plastic and acrylic paints were introduced. Linoleum gained in popularity throughout the century, and building materials such as celotex and Masonite became popular for insulation purposes as the insulating and heating of homes improved. The Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen lived a quiet life in the 1900’s in terms of interior design, as few people lived there. We have not found many traces of 1930s’ Functionalism or other optimisation, updating or changes in decor in the building. The rise in prosperity for society as a whole in the 1900’s did not benefit the Convent. This is the very reason that we were able to find all of the fascinating historical layers intact. Realdania Byg’s goal with the current restoration process has been to preserve this tale for future generations.

Eksempler på konserveringsarbejder

Examples of conservation projects

På Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster er der i forbindelse med restaureringen udført mange konserveringsarbejder i de malede rum. Eksempelvis er det klassicistiske interiør i den såkaldte Vinterstue genskabt. Her er senere tiders overmalinger på væggenes udspændte lærreder fjernet, så man er kommet ned til malelagene fra omkring år 1800: Patentgule vægge med en hvid, skabelonmalet frise foroven. Disse bemalinger er nu rensede, mættede og retoucherede, dvs. der er repareret i farvelaget præcis, hvor der var skader. Der er ikke malet oven på den eksisterende bemaling. Disse vægge står nu med den patina, som de havde, før moden krævede, at de blev malet over. Hertil har maleren genskabt den lysegrå farve, som rummets træværk havde på den tid. I trapperummene er det træimitationsmalede træværk bevaret. Kun er det renset, mættet og retoucheret, i lighed med, hvad der er gjort i andre rum. Maleren har hertil genskabt tidligere marmoreringer på væggene ved at male dem på ny. I et af de tidligere beboelsesrum på førstesalen er de sene barokdekorationer bevaret under senere opsatte væglærreder. Disse væglærreder er nu fjernet og gemt på loftet, så væggenes dekoration med imitation af arkadebuer og ranker igen står fremme. Alt er oprindeligt udført i limfarve, som er skrøbeligt overfor slitage og skiftende luftfugtighed. Her var det nødvendigt at lime al løstsiddende maling fast og dernæst retouchere skader i bemalingen.

In connection with the restoration of The Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen, a number of conservation projects were carried out in the painted rooms. For example, the Neoclassical interior in the so-called Winter Room has been recreated. The coats of paint from later times have been removed from the walls’ stretched canvases, revealing the layers of paint from around the year 1800: patent yellow walls with a white, templatepainted frieze at the top. These walls have now been cleaned, saturated and retouched, meaning the colour layer has been repaired where there was damage. Nothing was painted on top of the existing paint. These walls now appear with the patina they had before later trends resulted in them being painted over. The painter has also recreated the light-grey colour of the woodwork in the room at that time. The woodwork painted to imitate other wood types has been preserved in the staircases; it has only been cleaned, saturated and retouched as in the other rooms. The painter also recreated the previous marbling on the walls by repainting them. In one of the former living quarters on the first floor, the late Baroque decorations were preserved under wall canvases that were hung at a later time. These wall canvases have now been removed and stored in the attic, revealing decoration imitating arcade arches and garlands. Everything was originally done in distemper, which is vulnerable to wear and fluctuating humidity. Here it was necessary to glue all of the loose paint in place and then retouch damage in the paint.

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Karen Brahes bibliotek Karen Brahe’s library Af / by Barbara Zalewski

Karen Brahe ejede et bibliotek, der ved hendes død omfattede over 3.000 bøger og ca. 1.150 håndskrifter. Det findes endnu og er det eneste af 16-1700-tallets mange danske privatbiblioteker, der er bevaret samlet. Bøger, enten håndskrevne eller håndkopierede på pergament, havde i middelalderen været kostbare, og kun kirkelige og verdslige fyrster havde biblioteker på nogle få snese bøger. Med brugen af papir og bogtryk fra midten af 1400-tallet blev bøger tilgængelige for et større, men dog stadig velhavende publikum. På dansk grund blev de to første bøger trykt i Odense i 1482 – og måske endda på Bispegaarden.1 De viser spændvidden og aktualiteten i tidens litteratur: Den ene var et breviar på 510 sider til brug i Fyens Stift, bestilt af biskop Jens Andersen Beldenaks forgænger. Den anden var en beskrivelse af den osmanniske belejring af johanitterne på Rhodos i 1480, kun to år tidligere. Begge bøger var på latin, der var kirkens, de lærdes og diplomatiets sprog, men allerede femten år senere blev den første bog på dansk trykt. De trykte bøger åbnede en ny verden, også helt bogstaveligt med tidens opdagelsesrejser. Der udkom bøger om geografi, eksotisk natur, andre kulturer, antikken og den nationale historie, der kom levnedsbeskrivelser og essays. De europæiske religionskrige i første del af 1500-tallet medførte store mængder polemisk og religiøs litteratur og småtryk. Efter Reformationen blev der trykt utallige bibler, som det nu var tilladt lægmænd at læse, hvorfor de var oversat til folkesproget, og katekismer. Det næste par århundreder udkom

Karen Brahe owned a library, which at the time of her death contained more than 3,000 books and approximately 1,150 handwritten manuscripts. The collection exists to this day and is the only of the numerous 17th and 18th century private libraries that remains intact. Books, either handwritten or hand-copied on parchment, were costly in the Middle Ages and only churches and the educated aristocracy had libraries, whose collections rarely exceeded 100 books. With the rise of paper and the letterpress in the mid-1400’s, books became available to a larger, yet still affluent audience. The first two books printed in Denmark were produced in Odense in 1482, perhaps at the Bishop’s Palace.1 They reflect the range and focus of the literature of that era: one was a 510-page breviary for use in Funen Diocese, ordered by Bishop Jens Andersen Beldenak’s predecessor. The other was a description of the Ottoman Siege of Rhodes against the Knights of St. John in 1480, just two years earlier. Both books were in Latin, the language of the church, scholars and diplomats, but the first book in Danish would be printed just fifteen years later. Printed books opened a new world, literally speaking with books written by the explorers of that time. Books were published on geography, exotic nature, other cultures, antiquity and national history, in addition to biographies and essays. The European religious wars in the first part of the 1500’s resulted

Fra trapperummet, 112, 1901. Foto: Andrea Gomard (1860-1944), Odense. Det Kgl. Bibliotek. The west staircase, 112, 1901. Photo: Andrea Gomard (1860-1944), Odense. The Royal Library.

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Biblioteket i Jomfruklosteret 1901. Foto: Andrea Gomard (1860-1944), Odense. Det Kgl. Bibliotek. The library at Jomfruklosteret, 1901. Photo: Andrea Gomard (1860-1944), Odense. The Royal Library.

strømme af bøger med bibeludlægninger, Jesu lidelseshistorie, opbyggelige tanker, trøst og trusler – en slags selvhjælpslitteratur, skrevet af både læg og lærd. At eje og selv udarbejde smukke håndskrifter havde længe hørt til den adelige livsform, men fra 1500-tallet blev trykte bøger samlerobjekter, og adelen begyndte at opbygge biblioteker. De var et statussymbol for nogle, mens andre samlede af kærlighed til indholdet, og de havde så stor værdi af begge grunde, at de var et eftertragtet krigsbytte, når konger og adelige officerer plyndrede under 16- og 1700-tallets mange europæiske krige. Unge adelsmænd – og deres lærde hovmestre – grundlagde en bogsamling på mange sprog under deres store udenlandsrejse, og i nogle adelsfamilier blev

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in extensive polemical and religious literature and pamphlets. After the Reformation, countless Bibles and catechisms were printed in the language of laymen, who were now permitted to read these books for themselves. The next couple of centuries saw a steady flow of books with biblical interpretations, accounts of the Passion, devotional thoughts, consolation and threats – a kind of self-help literature, written by both laity and clergy. Owning and personally producing beautiful manuscripts had long been part of the aristocratic way of life, but in the 1500’s printed books became collectors’ items and the aristocracy began compiling libraries. Libraries were a status symbol for some, while others collected for love of the content; they were of such great value for both reasons that libraries were a frequent target of pillaging by royalty and officers in the many European wars of the 17th and 18th centuries. Young noblemen – and their scholarly servants – established book collections in many languages during their international travels and some noble families accumulated books over generations. In the 18th century, members of the bourgeoisie and senior public officials built very large collections. Some collected a broad range of books, while others focused on specific topics or languages, such as Anne Gøye and Karen Brahe, who primarily collected religious literature in Danish and German. These two women, like other nobles and bourgeois collectors, opened their libraries for use by the academic world and other book lovers. The opportunity to see and perhaps even use a famous book collection became a genuine tourist attraction. Numerous book collections from the mid-17th century are known to have exceeded 6,000 to 9,000 books, and in the years after Karen Brahe’s death in 1736, Copenhagen in particular had libraries with collections of 100,000 to 140,000 books. A number of libraries were plundered or destroyed during the Dano-Swedish Wars and some were destroyed in the Copenhagen Fire of 1728, while the majority were scattered at auctions following the owner’s death or

Anne Gøye, mens hun boede på Bispegaarden, strengt, men meget kostbart klædt. Hun havde arvet Hvidkilde efter en broder, men kun jorderne. Hendes nevø og niece havde arvet borggård og ladegård i fællesskab. I 1679 enedes de om at sælge det hele til en kammerherre; han var søn af Frederik IIIs sekretær Christoffer Gabel, der var blevet adlet i 1664 og et af mange eksempler på den nye adels entré som herremænd. Frederiksborgmuseet. Anne Gøye while she lived at the Bishop’s Palace, dressed austerely but very expensively. She had inherited Hvidkilde from a brother, but only the land. Her nephew and niece had jointly inherited the manor house and home farm. In 1679 they agreed to sell the whole to a royal chamberlain (kammerherre); he was the son of Frederik III’s secretary Christoffer Gabel, who had been ennobled in 1664 and was one of many examples of the emergence of the new nobility as local magnates. Frederiksborg Museum.

bøger akkumulerede gennem generationer. I løbet af 1700-tallet anskaffede flere borgerlige, højtstående embedsmænd sig meget store samlinger. Nogle samlede bredt, nogle koncentrerede sig om særlige emner eller sprogområder, som Anne Gøye og Karen Brahe, der fortrinsvis samlede religiøs litteratur på dansk og tysk. De to frøkener åbnede ligesom de andre adelige og borgerlige samlere deres biblioteker for den akademiske verden og for andre bogelskere. At se og måske endda at få lov til at benytte en berømt bogsamling blev ligefrem en turistattraktion. Fra midten af 1600-tallet kendes flere bogsamlinger på 6.-9.000 bøger, og i årene efter Karen Brahes død 1736 fandtes der især i København biblioteker på 100.-140.000 bøger. En del biblioteker blev bortført eller ødelagt under Karl Gustav-krigene, nogle gik til i Københavns brand 1728, men de fleste blev spredt for alle vinde ved auktioner efter ejerens død eller undertiden ved en fallit. Enkelte samlinger blev købt af Det Kongelige Bibliotek, og bøgerne er således bevarede, men ikke som ét bibliotek. Hvad omfang angår, var Karen Brahes bibliotek således ikke noget særligt – det er derimod enestående ved stadig at være samlet og så godt som komplet, bortset fra enkelte tab, “der ikke kan undgås, hvor fremmede har adgang til lån”.2 Desuden indeholder

bankruptcy. A few collections were acquired by the Royal Danish Library and are therefore preserved to this day, but not as a single library. The scope of Karen Brahe’s library is therefore not extraordinary – what makes it unique is the fact that it is still assembled and virtually complete, apart from isolated losses “that cannot be avoided when strangers have permission to borrow”.2 The library contains 266 Danish books printed before 1551; some of these books, in addition to other books in the collection, are not found in any other library in the world. Another invaluable part of the collection comprises the handwritten manuscripts; of these, collections of ballads and handpainted armorials have particularly drawn the interest of researchers from the 18th century to the present day. Over the years, researchers in a wide range of fields have used individual works in the library and academic literature contains countless references to books and manuscripts from the library.

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biblioteket 266 danske bøger, der er trykt før 1551, og både af dem og af andre bøger er der flere, som ikke findes i noget andet bibliotek, hverken i Danmark eller i udlandet. En anden uvurderlig del af samlingen er håndskrifterne, hvor navnlig viser og våbenbøger har interesseret forskningen fra slutningen af 1700-tallet til i dag. Forskere af mange andre vidt forskellige fag har gennem tiden benyttet enkeltværker i biblioteket, og i den videnskabelige litteratur er der utallige henvisninger til bøger og manuskripter herfra.

Biblioteket Det [biblioteket] fortæller os om de adelige damers åndelige sysler, det giver et ganske mærkeligt kulturbillede og oplyser os gennem de mange tilskrifter i bøgerne om hvad det var, der trøstede disse mennesker i deres personlige sorger og bar dem gennem de ofte tunge tider, der i det 17. og begyndelsen af det 18. århundrede kom over Danmark. Victor Madsen, bibliotekar ved Det Kongelige Bibliotek 1918-1941

The Library [The library] tells us about the noble ladies’ spiritual pursuits. It provides a very clear cultural picture and the many annotations in the books show what comforted these people in their personal grief and carried them through the often difficult times that marked the late 17th and early 18th century in Denmark. Victor Madsen, librarian at the Royal Danish Library, 1918-1941

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Book lovers Almost every member of the families from which Karen Brahe descended and which the Brahes were wed into had literary interests. Many of them wrote – surely more than what is preserved today – or passed the time by translating classical literature and collections of sermons, hymns and prayers. They purchased books for themselves and gave each other books as gifts, which were passed on to particularly interested relatives or remained on the estates for use by future generations. The same applies for the handwritten manuscripts, and one can trace the tracks through time in Karen Brahe’s library. Anne Gøye, aunt to Karen Brahe’s mother, Susanne Gøye, was one of the ten Gøye siblings who lived for some years at Rosenholm with the learned couple, Holger Rosenkrantz and Sophie Brahe. Although just 18-years-old when she moved to live with a brother, she developed an interest in books – especially those with religious themes – during her stay. Even in their youth, all of the siblings took an interest in the written word. For example, Falk Gøye gave his 21-year-old sister Ellen Gøye a large handwritten collection of ballads. The following year, she married into the Aschersleben family and lived for periods of time at the Bishop’s Palace. The manuscript was thereby passed on as a gift or by inheritance to Anne Gøye and thus to Karen Brahe’s Library; it went down in history as Karen Brahe’s Folio, even though the only part she played was having owned it. Production of the manuscript, which contains approximately 200 songs, began in 1570 and it has been the subject of extensive research over the last more than 150 years. At the time of her death, Anne Gøye owned approximately 900 volumes, including printed books, handwritten manuscripts and a number of that era’s popular and verbose eulogies, which comprised more than one-third of her library. As was customary, she allowed her learned acquaintances to use the collection at her home and many of the items were coveted by other collectors.

I 1689 fik biskop i Odense, Thomas Kingo, privilegium på sin nye autoriserede salmebog, kaldet Vinter-Parten, fordi den dækkede halvdelen af kirkeåret. Den indeholdt 267 salmer, hvoraf han selv havde skrevet eller bearbejdet de allerfleste. Han lod den selv trykke, men knap en måned senere tilbagekaldte Christian V autorisationen, det vides ikke hvorfor. Kingo brændte inde med det store oplag, men sendte nogle dedikerede eksemplarer til gode venner, deriblandt Karen Brahe. Roskilde Stiftsbibliotek. Foto: Karsten Damstedt.

In 1689, Bishop Thomas Kingo of Odense was authorised to publish his new hymn book, called Vinter-Parten [The Winter Part] because it covered half of the church year. It contained 167 hymns, the majority of which Kingo had personally written or interpreted. He published the book himself, but less than one month later, King Christian V revoked the authorisation for reasons unknown. Kingo was left with a large number of books he was unable to sell, but he sent some copies of the book with personal dedications to good friends, including Karen Brahe. Roskilde Diocese Library. Photo: Karsten Damstedt.

Bogelskere

In December 1680, Anne Gøye visited Karen Brahe’s parents at Hvedholm. She wrote to the young theologian (later to become Bishop) Jacob Bircherod who had compiled a handwritten catalogue of her library that she would pay for the printing of the catalogue – even if it was not printed until after her death. She was feeling quite unwell and a part of the

Næsten alle medlemmer af de slægter, som Karen Brahe var rundet af, og som Braherne var indgiftede i, havde litterære interesser. En del af dem skrev selv, sikkert også mere end der er bevaret, eller fornøjede sig med at oversætte klassisk litteratur, prædikensamlinger, salmer og bønner. De købte bøger til sig selv og forærede

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Bibliotekets vestlige ende med nogle af bogskabene, bygget ind i tilmurede vinduesnicher. Her ses tydeligt de meget forskelligartede indbindinger – det var ikke noget, Karen Brahe gjorde et nummer ud af, og mange bogblokke er i såkaldte hornbind, der er glittet pergament med glat ryg og håndskrevet titel. Desuden ses nogle tynde, bløde håndskrifter, stivet lidt af mellem bøgerne.

The library’s west end with some of the book cabinets, built into the bricked-up window niches. A large variety of bindings are clearly visible – it was not an area of great concern to Karen Brahe, and many of the book blocks are in so-called horn binding, which is calendered parchment with a smooth spine and handwritten title. Also visible are some thin, soft manuscripts, somewhat stiffened between the books.

Stolen og puden er efter traditionen Karen Brahes og findes nu på Roskilde Kloster. På bordet foran vinduespillen ligger de to kataloger over Anne Gøyes og Karen Brahes samlinger. På dette maleri fra 1881 af Carl Carlsen er gavlkaminen hvidkalket, først senere blev dens renæssancebemaling rekonstrueret. Roskilde Kloster. Foto: Karsten Damstedt.

The chair and pillow belonged to Karen Brahe and are now found in Roskilde Convent. On the table in front of the window are the two catalogues of Anne Gøye’s and Karen Brahe’s collections. In this painting from 1881 by Carl Carlsen, the gable fireplace is whitewashed; only later was its Renaissance painting reconstructed. Roskilde Convent. Photo: Karsten Damstedt.

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hinanden bøger, som gik videre til særligt interesserede slægtninge eller forblev på gårdene til de følgende generationer. Det samme gælder håndskrifterne, og man kan følge sporene i Karen Brahes bibliotek. Anne Gøye, der var faster til Karen Brahes moder Susanne Gøye, var en af de ti Gøye-søskende, der boede nogle år på Rosenholm hos det lærde par, Holger Rosenkrantz og Sophie Brahe. Skønt hun kun var atten år, da hun flyttede til en broder, skal hun have fået sin interesse for bøger, især med religiøst indhold, under opholdet. Men alle søskende var allerede som helt unge interesserede i det skrevne ord, for eksempel forærede Falk Gøye sin 21-årige søster Ellen Gøye et stort visehåndskrift. Hun blev året efter gift Aschersleben og boede i perioder på Bispegaarden. Håndskriftet kom ved gave eller arv til Anne Gøye og dermed i Karen Brahes Bibliotek. Det er derfor gået over i historien som Karen Brahes Folio, skønt hendes eneste andel i det var ejerskabet. Håndskriftet blev påbegyndt omkring 1570 og indeholder ca. 200 viser, der har været genstand for omfattende forskning gennem de sidste mere end 150 år. Anne Gøye ejede ved slutningen af sit liv ca. 900 numre, dels trykte bøger, dels håndskrifter og dels datidens populære og omfangsrige trykte ligprædikener, der udgjorde over en tredjedel af hendes bibliotek. Som det var skik, lod hun sine lærde bekendte benytte samlingen, hvor hun end boede, og flere ting var eftertragtede af andre samlere. I december 1680 var Anne Gøye på besøg hos Karen Brahes forældre på Hvedholm. Hun skrev til den unge teolog, senere biskop Jacob Bircherod, der havde udarbejdet et håndskrevet katalog over hendes bibliotek, at hun ville bekoste trykning af det – også, hvis det først skete efter hendes død. Hun følte sig ikke helt tilpas, og en del af brevet var en slags afsked med Bircherod, som hun håbede at gense i Himmelen. “Så må jeg og[så] lade Eder vide dette, som en ven af mig og mine bøger, at jeg har taget omsorg for dem efter min død, at de, som jeg med saa stor flid og glæde har samlet, måtte ikke blive spredt, og derfor givet min broderdatter

letter was a farewell to Bircherod, who she hoped to see again in heaven. “I must also let you know, as a friend of mine and my books, that I have arranged for their care after my death. The books I have collected with great diligence and joy must not be scattered and therefore I have bequeathed them all to my niece [her brother’s daughter’s daughter] Karen Brahe.” She knew that the young Karen would love and value the books just as highly as herself and that “For the glory of God, she is no less devoted to God and his word”. Anne Gøye stressed that the books, unlike the rest of her estate, must not be divided into shares between her heirs. Young Karen Brahe was fond of her inheritance. A few years later, when another collector asked to buy nearly 100 manuscripts, Brahe refused to part with any of those that came from Anne Gøye’s collection; instead, she generously offered to have copies made of the manuscripts and sent to the collector. In addition to her own small library and the inheritance from her grandaunt, Karen Brahe added more to her library in the final years of her life – in one book she noted, “Bought 1736, read immediately”.

“My Danish and German library” Karen Brahe’s Library now contains approximately 3,400 printed books: 2,100 in Danish, 1,200 in German and approximately 100 in French, English, Dutch and Latin. The collection includes a small number of posthumous acquisitions that Karen Brahe had set aside funds to purchase. It is not recorded in a written document, but someone decided that the library would only purchase Danish books printed before Karen Brahe’s year of death, 1736 – books that she likely would have purchased herself. The only newer work is B.S. Ingemann’s Valdemar Seir from 1826, which was donated to the library. It appears that Karen Brahe made most of the purchases during the latter part of her life; a catalogue from 1725 only contained the inheritance from Anne

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[broderdatters datter] Karen Brahe dem alle sammen.” Hun vidste, at den unge Karen ville elske og agte dem lige så højt som hun selv, og at hun “Gud være æret! ikke er mindre begærlig efter Gud og hans ord.” Anne Gøye understregede, at bøgerne således ikke, som hendes øvrige bohave, ville blive delt i lodder mellem hendes arvinger. Den unge Karen Brahe hægede om sin arv. Da en anden samler få år senere bad om at måtte købe næsten hundrede manuskripter, afslog hun at skille sig af med noget af Anne Gøyes, men tilbød generøst at lade det ønskede kopiere til ham. Foruden sin egen lille bogsamling og arven fra grandtanten forøgede Karen Brahe sit bibliotek endnu i sit sidste leveår – i en bog har hun noteret: “Købt 1736, læst straks.”

“Mit danske og tyske bibliotek” Karen Brahes Bibliotek indeholder i dag omkring 3.400 trykte bøger. De er fordelt på ca. 2.100 danske, ca. 1.200 tyske og ca. 100 på fransk, engelsk, hollandsk og latin. Antallet omfatter et mindre antal nyanskaffelser, som Karen Brahe havde sat midler af til. Det står ikke i fundatsen, men nogen har besluttet, at der kun skulle indkøbes danske bøger, trykt før Karen Brahes dødsår 1736, dvs. bøger, som hun formentlig selv ville have anskaffet. Det eneste nyere værk er B.S. Ingemanns Valdemar Seir fra 1826, som blev skænket til biblioteket. Det lader til, at Karen Brahe foretog de fleste indkøb i den sidste del af sit liv, for et katalog fra 1725 indeholdt kun arven efter Anne Gøye, og biblioteket “skal siden være anseeligt forøget”, hedder det i 1758.3 Hvis bibliotekets indhold, som Karen Brahe efterlod det, skal beskrives med få ord, kan det ikke gøres bedre end i Dansk Kvindebiografisk Leksikon:4 “Hendes [Karen Brahes] litterære hovedinteresse var teologien, der udgør mere end halvdelen af bøgerne. Disse afslører hende som en særdeles ortodoks lutheraner, der tog afstand fra katolikker, pietister, calvinister m.fl.

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Gøye, after which time the library’s collection “was considerably expanded” according to a document from 1758.3 The best brief description of the library collection left behind by Karen Brahe is found in Dansk Kvindebiografisk Leksikon [Danish Women’s Biographical Encyclopedia]:4 “Her [Karen Brahe’s] main literary interest was theology, which accounts for more than half of the books. The collection reflects that she was a very orthodox Lutheran who condemned Catholics, Pietists, Calvinists, etc. Her other main interest was history – primarily Danish history – which comprises nearly one-fourth of the collection. The remainder of the collection includes books of a more practical nature, such as statute books and legal writings, medical books and anatomical works, cookbooks with grease stains, school books, books about horticulture and silviculture, horse care books, ‘The Møenske Officer’s Book’, regulations for lotteries that Karen Brahe played in, and fiction, including a number of publications and handwritten manuscripts by Anne Gøye’s sister-in-law, Birgitte Thott. The library shows that Karen Brahe was a deeply religious person with a sense for practical and secular subjects; a versatile and strong personality, active yet contemplative.”

The library at the Convent Like her grandaunt, Karen Brahe took measures to ensure the future of her library; it was important to her that the collection remain intact. She had personally found solace and reflection in her book and manuscript collection, but she was also aware that she owned a treasure of great value in both an intellectual and monetary sense. When in 1716, at the age of 60, Karen Brahe wrote the trust deed for the Odense Convent for Noblewomen, she got a brillant idea – she bequeathed her library to the Convent. By placing it at the the Bishop’s Palace behind the immensely thick walls in

Biblioteket i Jomfruklosteret 1901. I alt fylder samlingen 104 hyldemeter, hvoraf håndskrifterne fylder ca. 11 m.13 Bøgerne havde altid stået i de lukkede bogskabe i væggene, hvoraf to er bevarede, og der må have været fugtigt, for midt i 1880’erne blev de anbragt på fritstående reoler med åbne hylder midt på gulvet.14 De var muligvis flyttet til et tilstødende rum, da billedet blev taget. Foto: Andrea Gomard (1860-1944), Odense. Det Kgl. Bibliotek.

The library at Jomfruklosteret, 1901. The collection fills a total of 104 shelf metres, of which the manuscripts fill approx. 11 metres.13 The books had always been stored in the closed book cabinets attached to the walls; two of these cabinets have been preserved. It must have been humid in the cabinets, because in the mid-1880’s the books were moved to free-standing racks with open shelves in the middle of the room.14 They may have been moved to an adjacent room when this photo was taken. Photo: Andrea Gomard (1860-1944), Odense. The Royal Library.

Hendes anden hovedinteresse var historien, primært Danmarkshistorie, der udgør knap en fjerdedel. Den sidste fjerdedel rummer bøger af mere praktisk karakter som lovsamlinger og juridiske skrifter, lægebøger og anatomiske værker, kogebøger med fedtpletter, skolebøger, bøger om havebrug og forstvæsen, hestens røgt og pleje, “Den Møenske Styrmands-Bog”, bekendtgørelse for lotterier, som Karen Brahe har spillet i, samt

a room not used by anybody on a daily basis and in an institution she expected would exist in perpetuity under protection of the Danish Kings, she provided a double protection. The trust deed contains a provision that the library “must always remain at the prescribed location.” Karen Brahe could not have found a more secure place in all of Denmark and she must have felt even better about her decision when she heard

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egentlig skønlitteratur, herunder en række udgivelser og håndskrifter af Anne Gøyes svigerinde Birgitte Thott. Biblioteket viser således Karen Brahe som et dybt religiøst menneske, men med sans for det praktiske og sågar særdeles verdslige; en alsidig og stærk personlighed, aktiv som kontemplativ.”

Biblioteket på Jomfruklosteret Ligesom sin slægtning drog Karen Brahe omsorg for sit biblioteks fremtid, og det var også hende magtpåliggende, at det ikke blev spredt. Hun havde selv fundet trøst og eftertanke i sin bog- og håndskriftsamling, men har også været sig bevidst, at hun ejede en skat, af stor værdi for både særligt interesserede og i penge. Da Karen Brahe i 1716 som 60-årig så at sige gjorde sit bo op og skrev fundatsen til Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster, fik hun den geniale idé at testamentere sit bibliotek til klosteret. Ved at anbringe samlingen på Bispegaarden sikrede hun den dobbelt: Bag umådelig tykke mure i et rum, hvor ingen kom i det daglige, og i en institution, som hun forventede ville eksistere i al fremtid under kongernes beskyttelse. I fundatsen udtrykkes det ved bestemmelsen om, at biblioteket “altid skal blive bestående på det ordinerede sted.” Karen Brahe kunne ikke have fundet et mere sikkert sted i landet, og hun må være blevet bestyrket i sin beslutning, da hun i 1728 hørte om de ufattelige bogskatte, der gik tabt i branden i København. Ligesom for Jomfruklosteret gav Karen Brahe retningslinjer for bibliotekets økonomi. Til nyindkøb og vedligeholdelse af de danske bøger, hendes hjertebørn, afsatte hun årligt 8 rdl af renten af en beskeden sum på 200 rdl. Af denne rente skulle desuden 2 rdl anvendes som årsløn til “en fattig person i Odense Skole” – lærere var dengang meget dårligt lønnede. Denne deltidsbibliotekar skulle komme på klostret en gang imellem og holde bøgerne “rene og i agt”, der nærmest må forstås som kontrollere dem. Desuden skulle han ajourføre nyindkøb i det håndskrevne katalog, som Karen Brahe havde fået udarbejdet.

about the immense loss of treasured books in the Copenhagen Fire of 1728. As with the Convent as a whole, Karen Brahe set guidelines for the library’s finances. For new purchases and maintenance of her prized Danish books, she allotted 8 rixdollar from the interest on a modest sum of 200 rixdollar. Of this interest, an additional 2 rixdollar was to be used for annual salary of “a poor person at Odense School” – teachers were very poorly paid at that time. This part-time librarian was to come to the Convent once in a while and keep the books “clean and in order”. In addition, the librarian was to record new acquisitions in the handwritten catalogue produced during Karen Brahe’s lifetime.

Users, visitors and librarians As mentioned, the trust deed provided for access to the library by the ladies residing at the Convent, but the process of gaining access was elaborate. The Prioress held the key and had to unlock the door every time; everything removed from the library for reading elsewhere in the building had to be noted, both at the time of loan and return. Karen Brahe had provided access to the library

Fra biblioteket, rum 101. 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. From the Library, room 101. 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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Brugere, besøgende og bibliotekarer Som nævnt havde frøkenerne ifølge fundatsen adgang til biblioteket, men det var omstændeligt. Priorinden havde nøglen og skulle lukke op hver gang, og alt hvad der blev taget ud til læsning andre steder i huset skulle noteres, både ved lån og ved aflevering. Karen Brahe havde stillet biblioteket på Østrupgaard til rådighed for lærde, men på Jomfruklosteret var det ikke alment tilgængeligt. Man skulle søge patronen om adgang, og priorinden skulle tage imod den besøgende. Omkring 1760 kunne embedsmanden og historikeren con amore Hans de Hofman fortælle, at “den til bøgerne indrettede sal har været under reparation, og bøgerne været indpakkede, men med første bliver bøgerne opsatte.” Herefter skulle en professor forfatte “en ordentlig catalogus”.5 Bibliotekets vedligeholdelse, også rent fysisk, som Karen Brahe havde forlangt, lod dog meget tilbage at ønske. I 1795 bad litteraten Rasmus Nyerup, senere medvirkende til oprettelsen af Nationalmuseet, om lov til at låne en dansk udgave af Doktor Faustus fra 1588, som stod i kataloget, men fik at vide, at den ikke var til at finde.6 Nyerup besøgte senere selv biblioteket og fortæller i 1814, at bibliotekaren viste al ønskelig tjenstvillighed, men dels havde han et embede, dels var han en olding – det lyder sært i dag! – og kunne ikke “mange

at Østrupgård to scholars, but general access was not provided at the Convent. Scholars had to submit a request for access to the Patron and the Prioress should receive all visitors. Around the year 1760, the public official and historian Hans de Hofman said that “the room designated for the books has been under repair and the books have been packed away, but the books will be returned to their places as the first thing.” After this, it was intended that a professor produced “a proper catalogue”.5 The library’s maintenance (including its physical maintenance), which Karen Brahe had demanded, left much to be desired. In 1795, the scholar Rasmus Nyerup, who was later instrumental in the founding of the National Museum of Denmark, requested permission to borrow a Danish edition of Doctor Faustus from 1588; although it was listed in the catalogue, the book was nowhere to be found.6 Nyerup later visited the library himself and wrote in 1814 that the librarian showed a great willingness to serve, but that he had an official post and was an old man, so he could not spend “many hours sitting and watching the unknown user”. However, an unorganised library where you can only spend a few hours is not of much use, wrote Nyerup, who once again discovered that a number of books in the catalogue could not be found.7 He must have been unlucky to request a number of the books that had disappeared, as only 180 books and 9 manuscripts are missing in relation to the original catalogues.8 Nyerup also praised the library’s value to scientists, but he hoped that somebody would donate some newer Danish classics to the library, “so that these knowledgeloving convent ladies, such as the amiable Miss Schleppegrell and others, would be better served than with the vast stores of old, now illegible and useless eulogies, prayer books and hymn books, arithmetic books and medical books.” This Miss Schleppegrell was not the admirer of Hans Christian Andersen, but rather an older, distant relative. She was born in Schleswig and raised at the Pilegaard Estate in the Funen near Vester

Fra biblioteket, rum 101. 2013. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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From the Library, room 101. 2013. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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timer sidde og hænge over den fremmede [bruger].” Men man ikke har megen nytte af et bibliotek, hvor man kun kan være nogle få timer og som er i uorden, skriver Nyerup, der igen oplevede, at en række bøger fra kataloget ikke kunne findes.7 Han var uheldig lige at ramme flere af dem, der var forsvundet, for der skal kun mangle 180 bøger og ni håndskrifter i forhold til de oprindelige kataloger.8 I øvrigt roste Nyerup bibliotekets værdi for videnskabsmænd. Men han håbede, at nogen ville skænke det nogle nyere danske klassikere, “hvormed sådanne kundskabsyndende klosterdamer som den elskværdige frøken Schleppegrell og andre ville være ulige bedre tjente, end med det store forråd af gamle, nu ulæselige og ubrugelige huspostiller og ligprædikener, bønnebøger og salmebøger, regnebøger og lægebøger.” Denne frøken Schleppegrell var ikke H.C. Andersens beundrerinde, men en ældre, fjern slægtning. Hun var født i Slesvig og opvokset på Pilegaard i Vester Aaby på Fyn. Hun kom på Jomfruklosteret som knap 30-årig og boede der i 30 år, først i østgavlen, rum 209, og senere i vestgavlen, rum 217. Hendes broder omtaltes som en

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Aaby. She came to the Convent shortly before turning 30 and she lived there for 30 years, first in the east gable, room 209, and later in the west gable, room 217. Her brother was described as an aesthete who had a good library and was friends with the authors Johannes Ewald, Jens Baggesen and P. A. Heiberg.9

Disrepair In 1838, the Royal Danish Library’s chief librarian described Karen Brahe’s Library as a ruin that must be considered “lost for Danish book lovers”.10 For a 20-year period from the beginning of the 1880’s, a teacher was employed as the librarian; he embraced the job with great enthusiasm, but he was very careless with the books. He numbered the books on the title pages with red ink and rubber stamps, sometimes in the middle of copperplates and woodcuts. Many of the books were simply a book block, as it was formerly a custom that people had the books bound themselves. These were now sent to a bookbinder together with books to be repaired, and he continued mutilating the books by cutting them so that

Biblioteket i Jomfruklosteret 1901. Foto: Andrea Gomard (1860-1944), Odense. Det Kgl. Bibliotek. The library at Jomfruklosteret, 1901. Photo: Andrea Gomard (1860-1944), Odense. The Royal Library.

skønånd, der havde et godt bibliotek og var venner med Johannes Ewald, Jens Baggesen og P. A. Heiberg.9

Forfald I 1838 omtalte Det Kongelige Biblioteks overbibliotekar Karen Brahes Bibliotek som en ruin, der måtte betragtes som “tabt for de danske bogelskere.”10 Fra begyndelsen af 1880’erne og de næste tyve år var en lærer ansat som bibliotekar, og han tog sig med stor entusiasme, men helt ufølsomt af bøgerne. Han nummererede bøgerne på titelbladene med rødt blæk og gummistempel, sommetider midt i kobberstik og træsnit. Mange af bøgerne var blot en bogblok, idet det tidligere var skik, at man selv lod sine bøger indbinde. De blev nu sendt til bogbinder ligesom de bøger, der skulle repareres, og han fortsatte skamferingen, beskar dem, så en del af teksten forsvandt, og overklæbede blade, der havde fået fugt, med gult pergamentpapir. Fugten kom formentlig fra væggene i bogskabene i de tilmurede vindues- og sparenicher i Biblioteket. I 1880’erne blev de fleste af bøgerne derfor anbragt i

a portion of the text disappeared and by gluing yellow parchment onto pages that had become damp. The moisture was likely from the bricked-up windows behind the library’s book cabinets. In the 1880’s, most of the books were therefore placed on free-standing shelves and all of the doors, apart from the two doors in the west gable, were taken down and stored in the basement.

The library’s future The library had to be rescued and the head Patron, Preben Charles Count (lensgreve) Bille-Brahe-Selby, sought the permission of King Christian IX to move it to the nearly new and well-suited building that housed the Provincial Archives of Funen. This permission was necessary, as the library was subject to Karen Brahe’s trust deed and thus under the protection of the King, just as she had intended. The authorisation stated that the transfer could be carried out regardless of the charter’s provision regarding location, as Karen Brahe had simply written “at the prescribed location”. However, the

Biblioteket, rum 101, inden restaureringen. Rummet fik sin nuværende udstrækning efter at et kammer blev skilt fra, formentlig i begyndelsen af 1700-tallet, og har stået stort set urørt siden. Kun farverne er skiftet gennem tiden. Foto: Roberto Fortuna. The Library, room 101, before the restoration. The room was given its current size after a smaller room was separated, most likely in the beginning of the 18th century, and has basically been untouched ever since. Only the colours have changed through the ages. Photo: Roberto Fortuna.

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reoler, der stod frit ude på gulvet, og alle låger bortset fra de to i vestgavlen blev taget ned og lagt i kælderen.

Bibliotekets fremtid Biblioteket måtte reddes, og patronen, Preben Charles lensgreve Bille-Brahe-Selby, søgte kong Christian IX om at flytte det til Landsarkivet for Fyns næsten nye og formålstjenlige bygning. Tilladelsen var nødvendig, idet biblioteket jo var omfattet af fundatsen og dermed under kongelig beskyttelse, netop dét, Karen Brahe havde villet opnå. Af tilladelsen fremgik, at flytningen

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Convent maintained ownership of the library and still had to bear the cost of maintaining and repairing the books.11 A precedent had thus been set when the board of the Scheel-Juel-Brahe Foundation, Roskilde Convent and the head Patron, Stig Count (lensgreve) Bille-BraheSelby, wanted to move the library to Zealand Diocese Library in Roskilde as a final step in the merger of the two convents for noblewomen. The move took place in the autumn of 2010 and created a lot of controversy, as many viewed “the prescribed location” as the Convent’s building or at least the island of Funen, but neither

Biblioteket er uforandret efter restaureringen, kun gulvets partielle reparationer og den friske vægfarve afslører, at rummet er rørt. Skabene er alene afvasket og står med den oprindelige oliemaling. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. The Library is unchanged after the restoration, only partial repairs to the floor and the fresh wall colour reveal that the room has been touched. The cabinets have only been washed down and have the original oil paint. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

kunne ske uanset fundatsens bestemmelse om placeringen, men faktisk havde Karen Brahe jo blot skrevet “på det ordinerede sted”. Jomfruklosteret bevarede dog ejendomsretten til biblioteket og skulle stadig bære udgifterne ved bøgernes vedligeholdelse og reparation.11 Der var derfor præcedens, da direktionen for Den Scheel-Juel-Brahe’ske Stiftelse, Roskilde Kloster, og patronen, Stig lensgreve Bille-Brahe-Selby, ønskede at flytte biblioteket til Sjællands Stiftsbibliotek i Roskilde som sidste led i fusionen af de to jomfruklostre. Overflytningen skete i efteråret 2010 og skabte en del polemik, da mange interesserede opfattede “det ordinerede sted” som Jomfruklosterets bygning eller i det mindste Fyn, men ingen af delene står altså i fundatsen. Klosterforvalteren, kammerherre, oberst Søren Lyder Jacobsen, påpegede da også, at man i virkeligheden opfyldte Karen Brahes intention: At bøgerne blev brugt, og det var der gode muligheder for i Roskilde.12 Karen Brahes Bibliotek kommer frem i lyset og ud i verden i løbet af de nærmeste år. Det indgår sammen med Sjællands Stiftsbibliotek og Roskilde Katedralskoles gamle Bogsamling i “De kulturhistoriske Bogsamlinger i Roskilde”. Tanken er at formidle bøgerne som genstande, i fysiske udstillinger og virtuelt, og at gøre indholdet tilgængeligt gennem digitalisering. I 2011-2012 er unika fra Karen Brahes Bibliotek scannede og fotograferede under Det Kongelige Biblioteks digitalisering af nationallitteraturen indtil år 1700. Ikke kun indholdet bliver synligt – og med tiden søgbart – også bind, forsatsblad, snit osv. vises, så man får et indtryk af bogen som genstand. I 2012 ansøgte Det Kongelige Bibliotek om at få Karen Brahes Bibliotek optaget på UNESCOs International Memory of the World Register, og afgørelsen forventes i 2013. Karen Brahe gjorde beskedenhed til en af sine dyder. Hun havde i 1704 købt et gravsted i St. Knuds Kirke, men opgav det senere og ønskede kun en ganske enkel stenplade over sin grav i en landsbykirke, Håstrup. Men ved at holde sit ejendommelige specialbibliotek samlet på et sikkert sted – hvor det end måtte være – opsatte hun et spektakulært epitafium over sig selv.

of these are listed in the trust deed. The convent administrator, Chamberlain, Colonel Søren Lyder Jacobsen, pointed out that they were actually fulfilling Karen Brahe’s intention that the books be used, as there were good opportunities for this in Roskilde.12 Karen Brahe’s Library will be in the global spotlight in the coming years, as it joins Zealand Diocese Library and Roskilde Cathedral School’s historic book collection to comprise “The historical cultural book collections in Roskilde”. The idea is to profile the books as objects in physical and virtual exhibitions and to make the contents available through digitization. In 2011-2012, one-of-a-kind books and manuscripts from Karen Brahe’s Library were scanned and photographed in connection with the Royal Danish Library’s digitisation of national literature before 1700. Not only are the contents now visible – and eventually will be searchable – but binding, end leaves, cuts, etc. are shown so that users get an impression of the book as an object. In 2012, the Royal Danish Library submitted an application to have Karen Brahe’s Library listed on UNESCO’s International Memory of the World Register; a decision on the application is expected in 2013. Karen Brahe held modesty as one of her virtues. In 1704, she purchased a burial plot at St. Knud’s Church, but later relinquished it and only wanted a very simple stone slab over her grave in a provincial church in the village of Håstrup. But by keeping her unique specialised library intact and in a safe place – wherever that may be – she created a spectacular epitaph for herself.

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Odense Ă&#x2026;, vinteren 2012. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

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Odense stream, winter 2012. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe.

De arkæologiske undersøgelser The archaeological investigations Af / by Jakob Tue Christensen

Jens Andersens Beldenaks bispegård er fuldt fortjent kendt som landets bedst bevarede middelalderlige bisperesidens, selv om kun hovedfløjen, i dag Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster, er overleveret til os. I forbindelse med Realdania Byg A/S’ restaurering er bygningen blevet gennemgået minutiøst for spor, der kunne fortælle om de mange ændringer, som er fulgt med husets tilpasning til skiftende funktioner. Også de skriftlige kilder er blevet læst med nye briller, som ikke kun har omfattet Beldenaks byggeri og dets historie, men også bispegårdens historie før 1504-1508 her på stedet. Hele anlægget er underlagt fredning, og Kulturstyrelsens tilladelse til at foretage indgreb i både bygning og omgivelser er betinget af Odense Bys Museers medvirken til registrering af arbejdet. Arkæologien og de nu fremkomne spor komplementerer den mosaik, som udgør bygningens historie, og samarbejdet med andre faggrene har været meget givende for den arkæologiske undersøgelse.1 Der er som en sidegevinst af restaureringen kommet en bedre forståelse af bygningens udvikling og meget mere detaljeret historie ud af det. Museets arbejde har omfattet registrering af kulturlag i og under bygningen, grøfter til rør og ledninger både nord og syd for den samt kælderudgravning i den østlige kælder; desuden er museets resultater brugt konstruktivt til at finde en løsning på den helt nødvendige understøbning af østfløjen.

Jens Andersen Beldenak’s bishop’s palace is known, and rightly so, as the best preserved medieval episcopal residence in Denmark, even though only the main wing, today known as Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster, Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen, has survived to the present day. In connection with the restoration of the building by Realdania Byg A/S, the site has been minutely examined for evidence which could shed light on the many changes which have accompanied the house’s changing functions. The written sources have also been re-scrutinised, including not only Beldenak’s building and its history, but also the history of the bishop’s palace on this site prior to 1504-1508. The whole structure is subject to a preservation order, and permission to make changes to both buildings and surroundings was only granted by the Danish Agency for Culture on the condition that City of Odense Museums would be involved in recording the work. Archaeological activity and the evidence uncovered by it have supplemented the jigsaw puzzle of the building’s history, while cooperation with other professional bodies has in turn greatly benefited the archaeological investigation.1 A by-product of the restoration has been a better understanding of the building’s development and a far more detailed historical narrative. The work of the museum has included recording the cultural strata in and under the building, pipe and cable trenches both north and south of the building and excavations in the eastern cellar. The museum’s results

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have also been used constructively to find a solution to the necessary underpinning of the east wing. Archaeological investigations ahead of building and construction work, so-called rescue archaeology, proceed in line with the construction work and do not follow logically the questions archaeologists would like to pose. Just as a building owner may not replace more than is necessary in a protected building, archaeologists may not dig in areas not threatened by construction, and important questions cannot always be answered. Despite these qualifications, the various investigations carried out by the museum from 2009 to 2011 in connection with the restoration do give a more balanced picture than was available before. Generalstabens kort over Odense fra 1904 viser højdeforholdene inden etableringen af Albani kirke og Thomas B. Thriges Gade. Nord for hovedbygningen stiger terrænet mod Adelgade stejlt, mens Påskestræde tydeligvis udnytter en lavning med en mere passabel hældning. Odense Bys Museer. Contour map 1904: Ordnance map of Odense from 1904 shows the differences in height before the building of Albani Church and Thomas B. Thriges Gade. North of the main building, the terrain rises steeply to Adelgade, while Paaskestræde clearly follows a hollow with a gentler gradient. City of Odense Museums.

Arkæologiske undersøgelser i forbindelse med bygge- og anlægsarbejder, såkaldte nødudgravninger, forløber i takt med anlægsarbejderne og forfølger ikke logisk de spørgsmål, arkæologerne gerne vil undersøge. På samme måde som bygherren ikke må udskifte mere end det nødvendige af en fredet bygning, må arkæologerne heller ikke grave andet end det, som er truet af byggeriet, og vigtige spørgsmål kan derfor ikke altid besvares. Men trods det giver museets forskellige undersøgelser fra 2009 til 2011, foranlediget af restaureringen, et mere nuanceret billede, end vi hidtil har haft.

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The site The ground conditions in the investigated area are currently characterised by a steep gradient from north to south, falling towards the river. In the middle ages, this gradient was presumably even more marked, as a certain amount of levelling has probably since taken place. The subsoil consists of a moraine deposit of mainly yellow clay, currently cut into distinct terraces with no traces of original surfaces.2 The area investigated formed part of the bishop’s palace erected by Bishop of Odense Jens Andersen Beldenak in 1504-1508. The building formerly consisted of the present-day north wing (main building), a west wing with gate opening and an east wing, the existence of which was hitherto hypothetical. The hypothesis was based on traces of hacked-off masonry in the existing south wall of the north wing, but the extent and layout of such an east wing was unknown until 2009, as no excavations had been made in the area. The masonry traces on the north wing suggest a two-storey building, corresponding to the original design of the north wing. Since the 1970’s, the Convent has been the subject of a series of archaeological investigations, and the existence of the west wing was confirmed in digs of 197577. Like the north wing, it consisted of two storeys with

Arkæologisk udstyr: Det går hurtigere, når der måles op med GPS, og sigtbarheden ikke noget problem. Odense Bys Museer.

Archaeological tools: The work is quicker when measurements are made by GPS, and visibility is no problem. City of Odense Museums.

Anlægget

vaulting in the lower storey. Excavations in the 1970’s also showed traces of a stone foundation, interpreted as the possible foundation of a wall enclosing the courtyard to the south. Records of the older periods of the history of the bishop’s palace are few and terse, and even the main lines of its history are lacking. By contrast, we have a number of very specific questions as to the existing construction. For example, whether the east wing was identical with the west wing, forming a symmetrical complex, and whether a wing to the south, facing the river, was part of the layout.

Terrænet i det undersøgte område er i dag præget af et kraftigt terrænfald fra nord mod syd mod åen. Terrænfaldet har formentlig været endnu mere udtalt i middelalderen, idet en vis udjævning sandsynligvis har fundet sted. Undergrunden består af en moræneaflejring af overvejende gult ler, som i dag er kraftigt terrasseret og ikke viser spor af oprindelige overflader.2 Det undersøgte område har indgået i Odensebiskoppen Jens Andersen Beldenaks bispegård opført i 1504-1508. Anlægget har bestået af den stadig eksisterende nordfløj (hovedfløjen), en vestfløj med port-

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Undersøgelsen af den øst-vest gående grøft på gårdspladsen. Arkæologen registrerer en af de mørke nedgravninger med smedeaffald, mens bygherrerådgiveren registrerer arkæologen. Odense Bys Museer.

Arkæologisk udstyr: Med effektiv transport og kort afstand mellem Det Adelige Jomfrukloster og museet betød, at arkæologerne kunne tilkaldes, når der var behov, og meget tid blev sparet. Odense Bys Museer.

Investigation of the east-west trench in the courtyard. The archaeologist is recording one of the dark pits containing smithy waste, while the client’s consultant is recording the archaeologist. City of Odense Museums.

Archaeological tools: Effective transport and the short distance between Jomfruklosteret and the museum meant that archaeologists could be called when needed, thus saving much time. City of Odense Museums.

åbning samt en østfløj, hvis eksistens hidtil har været hypotetisk. Hypotesen bygger på spor af afhugget murværk i den eksisterende nordfløjs sydmur, men udstrækning og udformning af en sådan østfløj har været ukendt indtil 2009, da der ikke tidligere var gravet i området. Mursporene på nordfløjen antyder en bygning i to stokværk, tilsvarende nordfløjens oprindelige udformning.

The courtyard

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As mentioned above, the most urgent questions were how long the bishop’s palace has lain on this site and the appearance of the house before the building work undertaken by Jens Andersen Beldenak. One of the first steps in connection with the restoration, though not in itself very visible, was the complete replacement of the old pipes and cables to and around the building. A

Klostret har været genstand for en række arkæologiske undersøgelser siden 1970’erne, og ved udgravninger i 1975-77 blev vestfløjens eksistens konstateret. Den har som nordfløjen været i to stokværk med hvælv i nedre stokværk. Udgravningerne i 1970’erne viste desuden spor af et stenfundament, der blev tolket som muligt fundament for en spærremur, der har lukket gårdspladsen af mod syd. Oplysningerne omkring bispegårdens ældre perioder er få og fåmælte, og vi savner selv hovedtrækkene af dens ældre historie, mens vi omvendt har en række meget specifikke spørgsmål til det stående anlæg. Nemlig om østfløjen har været identisk med vestfløjen og anlægget således symmetrisk opbygget, og om der har været en fløj mod syd mod åen i den overordnede plan.

Gårdspladsen Som nævnt ovenfor var de påtrængende spørgsmål, hvor længe bispegården har ligget på dette sted og residensens udseende før Jens Andersen Beldenaks byggeri. Et af de første, men ikke meget synlige, skridt i forbindelse med restaureringen var en omfattende udskiftning af de gamle rør og ledninger til og omkring bygningen. En ledningsgrøft på gårdspladsen langs hovedbygningens sydfacade gav foruden hjørnet af den nedrevne vestfløj en række mørke pletter i den lyse undergrund, som dækkede over nogle nedgravede gruber. De største af dem lå i den ende nærmest bindingsværksbygningen og indeholdt et stort indslag af murbrokker og masser af hvide pletter af hvid, kalkholdig mørtel. Det var affald fra nedbrydningen af østfløjen, hvor man omhyggeligt har skrabet de hele mursten rene for mørtel for at kunne genanvende dem. Mere interessante var et par gruber midt for hovedbygningen, hvis næsten sorte fyld indeholdt større mængder af trækul foruden smedeslagger – affald fra smedning foruden andet affald. Blandt dette fandtes flere grå potteskår fra middelalderens hverdagslertøj, som daterede indholdet til perioden 1250-1450.

cable trench in the courtyard along the southern facade of the main building revealed not only the corner of the demolished west wing but also a number of dark spots in the light-coloured subsoil, the tops of underground pits. The largest of these lay at the end nearest the halftimbered building and contained a large quantity of broken brick and many white specks of white, lime mortar. This was waste from the demolition of the east wing, where the intact bricks had been carefully cleaned of mortar to allow them to be reused. Of more interest were a couple of pits half way along the main building, in which the infill was almost black. These contained large amounts of charcoal and smithy slag – waste from smithing activity and other rubbish. Among this were several grey fragments of the Middle Ages’ everyday earthenware, dating the contents to the period 1250-1450. The pits themselves must represent a clearance of the area, the holes being dug to dispose of the refuse. Of the actual smithy, no traces were found. Presumably the ground levels were drastically altered when the present buildings were constructed. Even so, the very fact that the location was used for smithing, a source of both smoke and fire risk, would seem to indicate that the main bishop’s palace building prior to 1450 did not lie in the same location as Beldenak’s.

Well on north side While no traces of an older bishop’s palace were found in the courtyard to the south, excavations on the north side of the building gave better results. At first, study of the sides of the drainage ditch here gave only modest results, as an older (catchwater?) drain parallel with the new drainage ditch had disturbed the evidence in the soil. However, it could be confirmed that the original level on this side of the Bishop’s Palace rose both towards Adelgade to the north and towards Albanigade. Most traces of structures older than the catchwater drain were at the lower end, corresponding to what had been previously recorded under the floor of the

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Ny i gammel. Den moderne brønd blev ved et tilfælde sat lige ned i den gamle, som det lykkedes at bevare. Odense Bys Museer.

New in old. Quite by chance, the modern drain was inserted in the middle of the old well, which it was then possible to preserve. City of Odense Museums.

Gruberne selv må repræsentere en oprydning af arealet, hvor man har gravet hullet for at komme af med affaldet. Selve smedien fandtes der ikke spor af, formentlig fordi terrænet er blevet kraftigt reguleret ved opførelse af det nuværende anlæg. Men den blotte kendsgerning, at man udnyttede pladsen til smedning, hvilket indebar både røg og brandfare, synes at udelukke, at bispegårdens hovedbygning før 1450 lå samme sted som Beldenaks.

eastern cellar room, the present service kitchen. The structures consisted of two roughly rectangular holes in the ground with sides of about 2-3 m, one of them showing traces of a wood or wattle framework. As these were not affected by the kitchen installations, it was not possible to excavate them. Neither the purpose nor the age of these structures could be determined, but they were possibly waste pits rather like a similar one of later date found to the north of the building. Excavations had almost finished when the digger driver, who in the course of excavating a minor gully had been digging nearly a metre deeper than usual, brought up dark wood in his shovel. Contract work was halted. In the very narrow gully opening, timber could be seen poking up, and more was revealed as the bottom of the hole was cleared out. Surrounding the new gully a rectangular medieval well came to light!

Brønd på nordsiden Mens det ikke lykkedes at finde spor af en ældre bispegård på gårdspladsen mod syd, gav udgravning på nordsiden af hovedbygningen et bedre resultat. I første omgang gav registreringen af drængrøftens sider her kun beskedne resultater, da en ældre (afvandings?)

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grøft parallelt med den nye drængrøft havde forstyrret sporene i jorden. Der kunne dog konstateres, at det oprindelige niveau på denne side af Bispegaarden steg både mod Adelgade mod nord og ud mod Albanigade. De fleste spor af anlæg ældre end afvandingsgrøften fandtes i den nedre ende, svarende til hvad der tidligere var blevet registreret under gulvet i det østligste kælderrum, det nuværende anretterkøkken. Anlæggene var to tilnærmelsesvis firkantede jordgravede huller på 2-3 m størrelse, hvor det ene bar spor af en ramme af træ eller fletværk. Da de ikke blev berørt af køkkenindretningen, var det ikke muligt at udgrave dem. Hverken anlæggenes formål eller alder kunne bestemmes, men der er muligvis tale om affaldsgruber i stil med en yngre ditto, som blev fundet nord for bygningen. Udgravningen var næsten lukket, da maskinføreren, der ved gravning af en mindre brønd var gået en lille meter dybere end normalt, fik mørkt træ med op på skovlen. Arbejdet blev standset. I det meget snævre brøndhul stak tømmer op, og mere dukkede frem, efterhånden som bunden af hullet blev renset op. Uden om det nye brøndhul dukkede en firkantet middelalderlig brønd op! Det øverste af brønden var ødelagt af den ældre grøft, men den nederste meter var omhyggeligt udført med fire tappede fodremme med hjørnestolper, som var indvendigt afstivet. Udvendig var brønden beklædt med planker, men det afgørende var, at der ikke som normalt for middelalderlige brønde var brugt genbrugstræ. Ud over, at det bekræftede indtrykket af en velbygget brønd, gav det mulighed for at få en eksakt datering af brønden! Dette kan lade sig gøre ved hjælp af årringsdatering, hvor 50 eller flere kontinuerlige årringe danner et unikt mønster, som kan holdes op mod daterede mønstre andre steder fra. Brønden er således bygget lige omkring 1300 af træ fra Storebæltsområdet, og den er nu det ældst daterede fund på stedet. Kvaliteten af de benyttede materialer tillader at afvise, at brønden alene skal knyttes til sporene af smedeaktivitet fra gårdspladsen, der ville ikke være ofret så meget omhu på en brønd, når åen jo lå umiddel-

Den ældre brønd fra o. 1300 var utrolig velbygget med fodremme og øverst i billedet tværstivere mellem stolperne. Siderne bestod af kløvede egeplanker. Odense Bys Museer. The older well from about 1300 was extremely well-built with sill beams and, at the top of the photo, bracing between the posts. The sides consisted of split oak planks. City of Odense Museums.

The top part had been destroyed by the older ditch, but the bottom metre was carefully constructed with four mortised sill beams with corner posts and inner bracing. On the outside the well was clad with planks, but of decisive importance here, and unlike normal medieval wells, the wood had not been recycled. Apart from confirming the impression of a solidly constructed well, this allowed the well to be precisely dated! This is done by dendrochronology, in which 50 or more continuous growth rings form a unique pattern which can be compared with dated patterns from other timbers. Thus the well was constructed in a year very close to 1300 in wood from the Great Belt area, and it is now the oldest dated find on the site. The quality of the materials used permits us to dismiss the idea that the well should be linked solely to the traces of smithing activity from the courtyard, as so much care would never be lavished on a well with the river available just below. It is therefore reasonable

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I det mindre kælderrum stod hvælvpillen på et regulært fundament. Det tilstødende fundament stammer formentlig fra et stort ildsted i tilknytning til skorstenen, som er under reparation bagest. Odense Bys Museer.

In the smaller cellar room, the vault pillar rested on a proper foundation. The adjoining foundation is probably from a large hearth associated with the chimney being repaired in the background. City of Odense Museums.

bart neden for. Det er derfor nærliggende at opfatte den som tilhørende en betydelig gård på det højere liggende areal mod Adelgade med smedning og andre generende aktiviteter forlagt til et ubenyttet areal ned mod åen. Det er fristende og endda sandsynligt at identificere denne gård som den ældre bispegård, men helt sikkert kan det ikke blive alene på eksistensen af en brønd.

to regard it as belonging to an important building complex on the higher ground near Adelgade, while smithing and other nuisance activities were relegated to an unused area towards the river. It is tempting and even probable to identify this complex as the older bishop’s palace, but with only a well to go on, this can never be certain.

An older floor in the cellar Et ældre gulv i kælderen De væsentligste rester af en ældre bispegård skulle overraskende nok findes inde i hovedbygningen. Undersøgelserne i hovedfløjens kælder blev foretaget i forbindelse med afgravningen af eksisterende gulve til etablering af gulvvarmeanlæg i den østlige halvdel af huset. Desuden blev en ældre øst-vest gående ledningsgrøft tømt. Kælderen under hovedbygningen er husets mest oprindelige rum med sine bevarede ribbehvælv og

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The most significant remains of an older bishop’s palace were, surprisingly enough, found inside the main building. Excavations in the cellar of the main building were conducted in connection with the digging up of existing floors for installation of underfloor heating in the eastern half of the house. An older east-west cable trench was also cleaned out. The cellar under the main building is the room in the house closest to its original form, with preserved rib vaulting and visible medieval brickwork. As mentioned,

Arkæologen balancerer på fundamentstenene fra den oprindelige østgavl for at undgå at træde på de ældre nedgravninger med den mørke fyld i det tidligere anretterkøkken. Odense Bys Museer.

The archaeologist balancing on the foundation stones of the original eastern gable end, in order to avoid treading on the older pits with the dark infill beneath the present service kitchen. City of Odense Museums.

synlige middelaldermurværk. Som nævnt var der i 1977 blevet lavet en række prøvegravninger i kælderen for at skaffe klarhed over, hvad der lå under de daværende gulve. Der var i den forbindelse påvist en række anlæg i alle tre kælderrum i husets østlige halvdel, herunder rester af et ældre gulv af teglsten lagt i et lag sand direkte på det gule undergrundsler. I disse rum fjernedes den eksisterende gulvbelægning, der er af eftermiddelalderlig dato, og først herefter fjernedes de underliggende fyld- og sandlag forsigtigt ned til de formodede middelalderlige anlæg. Helt samme hensyn var ikke nødvendigt i anretterkøkkenet i bygningens østligste ende, der er en forlængelse fra 1500-tallet. Det afdækkede teglgulv viste sig at være en sammenhængende gulvbelægning af røde munkesten, hvortil var anvendt både brokker og hele sten blandet med enkelte marksten. På teglgulvet lå et humøst smudslag, formentlig afsat i brugstiden.

a number of test digs were carried out in 1977 in the cellar to clarify what lay beneath the existing floors. A number or structures in all three cellar rooms in the eastern half of the house were discovered at that time, including remnants of an older brick floor laid in a layer of sand directly on the yellow clay subsoil. The existing flooring, of post-medieval date, was removed from these rooms, and the underlying filler and sand layer was then carefully removed down to the presumed medieval structures. The same care was not needed in the service kitchen at the eastern end of the building, which is a 16th century extension. The floor revealed proved to be a continuous floor in red brick, composed of brick rubble and full bricks and the odd boulder. The floor was covered with a layer of humus, presumably deposited during the period of use. The floor was preserved in an area corresponding to most of the room’s two western vaults. Without disturbing the protected floor, two cuts were carefully

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Detalje af teglstensgulvet med to render af hele sten. Odense Bys Museer. Detail of brick floor with two gutters in whole bricks. City of Odense Museums.

Gulvet var bevaret i et område svarende til det meste af de to vestlige hvælvfag i rummet. Uden at forstyrre det fredede gulv blev der forsigtigt lagt to snit i gulvet mod henholdsvis væggen ud til indgangsrummet og til den nærmeste hvælvpille. De skulle afgøre gulvets alder eller skæbne, om man vil. Var der tale om endnu et yngre gulv, ville man i en ansøgning til Kulturstyrelsen kunne argumentere for, at dele af det kunne fjernes, idet en bevaring umiddelbart ville umuliggøre gulvvarme i denne del af kælderen. Gulvet viste sig at være ældre end det omgivende hus fra 1504-1508! Teglgulvet og underliggende sandlag blev tydeligt skåret af nedgravningerne til fundament til hvælvpillen og til skillevæggen. Da teglgulvet næppe har været udendørs belægning, må gulvet stamme fra en ældre bygning. Der blev desværre ikke fundet noget daterende i gulvets smudslag eller underliggende sandlag. Gulvet dateres til 13-1400-tallet og er snarest levn af Mogens Krafses bispegård omtalt i 1466. I gulvet ses to lave nord-syd løbende render sat med hele munkesten. Rendernes orientering samt

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made in the floor by the wall next to the entrance room and by the nearest vault pillar. This was to determine the age of the floor, or even, in a way, its fate. If the floor proved to be another floor of later date, an application to the Danish Agency for Culture could argue that parts of it could be removed, as preservation would in principle prevent the installation of underfloor heating in this part of the cellar. But, in fact the floor proved to be older than the surrounding house from 1504-1508! The brick floor and underlying sand layer had clearly been cut through by the excavations for the foundations for the vault pillar and the partition wall. As the floor could scarcely have been outdoor paving, the floor must stem from an older building. Unfortunately, no datable finds were present in the humus layer above the floor or in the underlying sand layer. The floor is dated to the 14th or 15th century and is probably a remnant of Mogens Krafse’s bishop’s palace mentioned in 1466. The floor shows two shallow north-south gutters formed with whole bricks. The orientation of the gutters and other brick lines in the floor indicate that this older building was oriented in a slightly more northwestsoutheast direction than the present house. The floor also drains to the south. Even though the floor covering was only preserved in parts of the large room, findings of a sand layer directly on top of the subsoil in the room to the east points to the floor originally extending to this room too. This is also suggested by another circumstance. The foundations of the outer walls of the late medieval northern wing could also be seen at various points. Generally speaking, these seem to have consisted of a layer of 50-80 cm natural boulders laid in a shallow but very wide foundation trench. This latter could be followed in both rooms along the outer walls and the original east gable end – the present partition wall with the service kitchen. Along the north and south walls, the edge of the foundation trench was approximately 120 cm from the inner side of the walls, and along the western gable end approx. 190 cm from the inner wall

Teglstensgulvet fra den nedrevne bygning. De manglende teglsten under målestokken skyldes en nyere nedgravning til rør. Den højre kant af brolægningen afgrænser den plyndrede fundamentsgrøft fra den tilhørende bygning. Odense Bys Museer.

Brick floor from Bishop Krafse’s demolished building. The missing bricks beneath the measuring rod are due to a later pipe trench. The right-hand edge of the paving marks the line of the cleared foundation trench from the associated building. City of Odense Museums.

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To kældergulve – to bygninger. Snit gennem det ældste kældergulv. Når gulvet stopper lidt fra væggen, skyldes det, at den og fundamentstenen er gravet ned igennem det ældre gulv, som det ses omkring hovedet af sømmet. Op ad bagvæggen ses en rest af den brolægning, som hører til den stående bygning. Odense Bys Museer.

Two cellar floors – two buildings. Cross-section through the older cellar floor. If the floor stops at a slight distance from the wall, this is because it and the foundation stone have been dug down through the older floor, as can be seen round the nail head. Towards the rear wall can be seen a remnant of the paving from the existing building. City of Odense Museums.

andre linjer af sten i belægningen antyder, at denne ældre bygning har haft orientering en anelse mere i nordvest-sydøstlig retning end det nuværende hus. Gulvet har desuden fald mod syd. Selvom belægningen kun var bevaret i dele af det store rum, tyder fund af et sandlag liggende direkte på undergrund i rummet mod øst på en oprindelig udbredelse af gulvet til også dette rum. Herpå tyder også et andet forhold. Fundamenterne til den senmiddelalderlige nordfløjs ydermure kun-

facade. There is no practical reason for these very wide foundation trenches, and the most likely explanation is that they date from the building associated with the older floor, which was slightly narrower than the present building. Of the extent of the older building to the west, nothing certain can be said, but in the western room an old longitudinal cable trench with a depth of approx. 30 cm and lying approx. 50 cm north of the south wall

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ne flere steder iagttages. Gennemgående synes disse at bestå af et lag 50-80 cm store kampesten lagt i en lav, men meget bred fundamentsgrøft. Den kunne følges i begge rummene langs ydermurene og den oprindelige østgavl – den nuværende skillevæg ind til anretterkøkkenet. Langs nord og sydmuren var nedgravningskanten til fundamentsgrøften ca. 120 cm fra murenes indvendige facade og langs vestgavlen ca. 190 cm fra den indvendige murfacade. Der er ikke nogen praktisk begrundelse for disse meget brede fundamentsgrøfter, og den mest sandsynlige forklaring er, at de stammer fra den bygning, som det ældre gulv tilhørte, og som har været en smule smallere end den nuværende. Om den ældre bygnings udstrækning mod vest er det ikke muligt at sige noget sikkert, men i det vestlige rum opgravedes en langsgående, ca. 30 cm dyb ældre ledningsgrøft beliggende ca. 50 cm nord for sydmuren. Profilerne viste ingen spor af fundamentsgrøft, men udelukkende omrodede kulturlag af nyere dato. Foruden gulvet er der i kælderrummet, omtrent mellem de to fritstående hvælvpiller, fremkommet en teglbygget cirkulær brønd. Brønden var tilsyneladende opført i to faser. Øverst syv skifter i nyere gule tegl; denne øvre fase må på baggrund af tegltypen dateres til efter 1600. Under denne sås en ældre brøndkappe, opført af røde munkesten i helstens bredde lagt i mørtel. Rundt om brønden og ned til den ældre brøndkappe ses en bred, firkantet nedgravning, der må være gravet i forbindelse med opførelsen af den yngre fase. På grund af nedgravningen er der ingen stratigrafisk forbindelse mellem den ældre brønd og de øvrige anlæg i rummet. Det kan således ikke afgøres, om den ældre brønd skal henføres til Bispegaarden fra 15041508 eller den ældre bygning med teglgulvet. Placeringen meget tæt på fundamentet til en af krydshvælvpillerne, ca. 10 cm, kunne indikere, at brønden var etableret forud for opførelsen af hvælvene, og at brønden dermed formentlig hører til den ældre bygning med teglgulvet. Fyldet i brønden bestod øverst af sand og grus, men kunne ved boring konstateres at blive mere orga-

Øverst: Brønden i kælderen stammer formentlig også fra den ældre bygning. Den oprindelige middelalderlige brøndkarm i røde sten ses nederst. Nederst: Teglstensgulvet og brønden fra den ældre bygning. De fritstående hvælvpiller hviler hver på én stor kampesten. Odense Bys Museer. Top: The well in the cellar is presumably also from Krafse’s older building. The original medieval red-brick well curb can be seen at the bottom. Bottom: Brick floor and well from Bishop Mogens Krafse’s older building. The free-standing vault pillars each rest on a single large boulder. City of Odense Museums.

was excavated. Profiles showed no sign of a foundation trench, but solely confused cultural strata of later date. Apart from the floor, the cellar room has revealed a brick-built circular well roughly midway between the two free-standing pillars. The well was apparently constructed in two phases. The top seven courses are in newer yellow brick. On the basis of brick type, this upper phase must be dated to after 1600. Beneath this an older red brick well curb could be seen, in red brick set in mortar and of one brick’s thickness. Around the well

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Østfløjens østmur set indefra. Under metaløjet ses det første i muren. Til venstre og over det ses et sandlag fra den plyndrede kælderbrolægning og her over igen kraftige nedbrydningslag med mørtel og teglstumper. Odense Bys Museer. The east wall of the east wing seen from the inside looking south. Beneath the metal eyelet the first course of brickwork can be seen. To the left and above, a layer of sand is visible from what had been the cellar paving before its removal, and above this again, a thick layer of demolition material with mortar and brick rubble. City of Odense Museums.

nisk og vådt mod bunden, der minimum ligger 170 cm under toppen af brøndkappen. I lighed med teglgulvet er også brønden bevaret og nu gjort synlig i form af en ring af mursten i det nylagte teglgulv. Det mest bemærkelsesværdige ved dette fund, ud over påvisningen af en ukendt forgænger til den nuværende hovedbygning, var, at Jens Andersen Beldenak tilsyneladende nedrev en betydelig, kun godt 50 år gammel bygning for at give plads til sin nye gård!

Østfløjen Bindingsværksbygningen, der udgør østfløjen, var så ubetinget den del af anlægget, som var i dårligst stand, og hele bygningen hældede faretruende ned mod åen. Det skyldtes, at den var placeret på et oprindeligt kraftigt skrånende terræn ned mod åen, som der ikke var taget fornødent hensyn til ved funderingen. Således ligger undergrunden umiddelbart nord for nordfløjens østlige del 150 cm højere end østflø-

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and down to the former well curb can be seen a wide square pit, which must have been dug in connection with the construction of the later phase. Because of the pit, there is no stratigraphic connection between the older well and the other structures in the room. It is thus impossible to determine whether the older well is to be dated to the Bishop’s Palace of 1504-1508 or to the older building with the brick floor. The location very close to the foundation of one of the cross vault pillars (about 10 cm), could indicate that the well was established prior to the erection of the vaulting, and thus presumably belongs to the older building with the brick floor. The infill in the well was sand and gravel at the top, but drilling showed that it was more organic and moist at the base, which lies a minimum of 170 cm below the top of the well curb. As with the brick floor, the well was also preserved, and is now visible in the form of a ring of bricks in the newly laid tiled floor. The most noteworthy aspect of this find, apart from the evidence it provides of an unknown predecessor to the present main building, was that Jens Andersen Beldenak apparently tore down a large building, only 50 or so years old, to make way for his new residence!

The East Wing The half-timbered building constituting the east wing was by far the part of the complex in poorest condition, with the whole building leaning perilously in the direction of the river. This was due to the fact that it was located on an originally steeply sloping bank down to the river without the necessary consideration being given to the foundations. Thus the subsoil immediately north of the eastern part of the north wing lies 150 cm higher than the northeast corner of the east wing (datum +10.30 to datum +9), and the land slopes further to the southeast corner of the half-timbered building, giving a drop of at least 3 metres from north to south in the east wing.

Den velbevarede mur i sydgavlen betød, at man i stedet for at understøbe den valgte at mure op fra den middelalderlige gavl. Et stykke af den ses som et mørkere stykke mur bag kosten. Odense Bys Museer.

The well-preserved wall at the south gable end meant that instead of underpinning, it was decided to build on the medieval foundation. Part of the medieval wall can be seen as a darker section of walling behind the broom. City of Odense Museums.

jens nordøst-hjørne (kote 10,30 til kote 9), og grunden skråner videre til bindingsværksbygningens sydøsthjørne, så der er et fald på mindst 3 meter fra nord til syd i østfløjen. Det kraftige terrænfald kan aflæses i topkoterne på østfløjens fundamenter, der under østmuren ud mod Paaskestræde falder med 250 cm (kote 8,75 til kote 6,25). Dette kraftige fald er på østsiden forsøgt

The severe drop in height can be noted on the top height levels of the east wing foundations, which under the eastern wall facing Paaskestræde fall by 250 cm (datum +8.75 to datum +6.25). An attempt has been made to accommodate this fall on the east side by stepping the foundation in three parts. In the first section under the northern part of the east wall up to 6 m south of the northeast corner, the foundation falls

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Th.: Der renses op til foto i et af hullerne til understøbning af bindingværksfløjen. Tv.: Resultatet af anstrengelserne: Øverst den nederste fundamentsten fra bindingsværksbygningen og under målestokken det middelalderlige fundament. Imellem de to fundamenter ses et lyst mørtelholdigt nedbrydningslag. Odense Bys Museer.

Right: Cleaning out one of the underpinning holes in the halftimbered wing in preparation for photography. Left: Result of all the effort: at the top, the bottom foundation stone of the half-timbered building, and, under the measuring rod, the medieval foundation. Between the two foundations can be seen a demolition layer of light-coloured mortar. City of Odense Museums.

reguleret ved en aftrapning af fundamentet i tre etaper. På første etape under østmurens nordlige del indtil 6 meter syd for nordøst-hjørnet falder fundamentet ca. 10 cm, på midterste etape falder det brat 80 cm og derefter 60 cm jævnt over de næste ca. 14,5 meter. På sidste etape ses et nyt spring på 100 cm, der holdes de sidste ca. 3,5 meter til sydøst-hjørnet. Springet mellem midterste og sidste etape falder i øvrigt sammen med, at kvaderstenssokkelen under bindingsværksbygningen går fra et til to skifter. Forundersøgelsen i 2009 påviste, at bindingsværksbygningen er opført over resterne af den middelalderlige østfløj, og de har omtrent samme størrelse, en ca. 24 x 9 m stor bygning. Det svarer til målene på

approx. 10 cm, in the central section it drops suddenly 80 cm followed by a 60 cm fall evenly spread over the next 14.5 m or so. In the the final section there is a new jump of 100 cm which is maintained for the final 3.5 m or so to the southeast corner. The jump between the middle and final sections also coincides with a change in the ashlar plinth under the half-timbered building from one to two courses. A preliminary investigation in 2009 showed that the half-timbered building was constructed over the remains of the medieval east wing, and that they were of approximately the same size, i.e. approx. 24 x 9 m. This corresponds to the dimensions of the west wing discovered in 1977. The east wing’s medieval predecessor

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den vestfløj, der blev fundet i 1977. Østfløjens middelalderlige forgænger var på nær enkelte steder nedbrudt til fundament, men især sydgavlen kunne fremvise velbevaret murværk. Hertil blev der gjort iagttagelser i forbindelse med afgravninger af eksisterende gulve i bygningens nordlige del, og der blev påvist rester af pigstensbrolagte gulve flere steder i bygningen.

Østfløjens fundamenter Forundersøgelsen viste, at bygningens fundament tilsyneladende ikke stod på fast bund, men nærmest svævede over resterne af dens middelalderlige forgænger. Dette nødvendiggjorde, at bygningen for overhovedet at kunne bruges måtte sikres med en ny fundering, som ikke måtte beskadige de nyfundne rester af den middelalderlige østfløj. Løsningen blev at bringe bygningens fundament i kontakt med det middelalderlige fundament ved at udfylde mellemrummet med et nyt fundament af cement. Understøbningen af bindingsværkssidefløjen blev foretaget ved successiv udgravning af en række mindre felter, således at understøbning til sidst var foretaget under alle bygningens ydervægge. Felterne målte gennemsnitligt 150 x 150 cm og gravedes til fast bund, enten i form af undergrund eller faste bygningslevn fra den senmiddelalderlige østfløj. Arkæologerne kunne have gjort fund i forbindelse med understøbningen af bindingsværksbygningens fundamenter, men arbejdet vanskeliggjordes betydeligt af sikkerhedshensyn, da udgravningerne efterlod syldstenene frit hængende uden understøttelse. Dette tillod kun minimalt, eller intet, ophold i de gravede huller, idet støbning og lukning af hullerne måtte foretages hurtigst muligt efter gravning. Forholdene tillod således ikke tidskrævende opmålinger, og dokumentationen af de arkæologiske iagttagelser måtte derfor ofte begrænses til foto, skitser og notater. Iagttagelserne bekræftede imidlertid forundersøgelsens resultater. Bindingsværkshusets synlige sokkel og syld udgøres ingen steder af bevarede bygningslevn

Nordøsthjørnet af østfløjen. Længst til højre gavlen af hovedbygningen og sammenføjningen med bindingværksbygningen. De store sten under vinduet hører sammen med bindingsværkbygningen, mens murstykket nedenunder er indgået i bispegårdens port mod øst. Odense Bys Museer. North-east corner of east wing. To the far right, the gable end of the main building and the junction with the half-timbered building. The large stones under the window belong to the halftimbered building while brickwork below was part of the east gate of the Bishop’s Palace’s original east wing. City of Odense Museums.

had been demolished down to the foundations, apart from a few places, but especially on the south gable end, well-preserved brickwork was visible. Observations were also made when excavating the existing floors in the northern part of the building, and remnants of pebble floors at several points in the building could be seen.

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Funderingsprincipper 1. Understøbningen af bindingsværksbygningen foregik af hensyn til bygningens stabilitet i små bidder. Her mangler der kun et lille stykke mellem to færdigstøbte cementkanter. Det hele forbindes af armeringsjernene, som stikker ud af siderne. Odense Bys Museer.

For the sake of the building’s stability, underpinning of the halftimbered building was carried out in small sections. Here only a small gap remains between two edges of cast cement. Everything is joined by reinforcement steel, which protrudes at the sides. City of Odense Museums.

fra den senmiddelalderlige bispegård, og ydermere er de adskilt af et gennemgående nedbrydningslag fra østfløjens nedrivning og et overliggende muldlag. Kun i det nordøstlige hjørne op mod hovedbygningen er der tilsyneladende kontakt mellem bindingsværksbygningens fundering og de underliggende bygningslevn fra den senmiddelalderlige østfløj. Under hele østsiden af bindingsværksbygningen, sydgavlen og en del af vestsiden kunne fundamentet til den senmiddelalderlige østfløjs ydermure iagttages. Fundamentet er nedgravet i undergrundsleret og har under østmuren bestået af minimum et skifte af tem-

Foundations of the east wing

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The preliminary investigation showed that the building’s foundation did not have a solid base, but was almost floating on the remnants of its medieval predecessor. This meant that before the building could be used in any way it had to be secured with a new foundation which would not damage the newly discovered remains of the medieval east wing. The solution was to bring the building’s foundation into contact with the medieval foundation by filling in the gap with a new concrete foundation. Underpinning of the half-timbered side wing was accomplished by

Samme sted ses princippet i det middelalderlige fundament på gårdsiden. På en bane af småstensbrolægning sættes i hver side en række kantstillede mursten, og mellemrummet udstøbes med en blanding af mørtel, teglbrokker og marksten. Til højre i billedet ses to bindere fra det første skifte i kassemurens sider. Man fortsætter op i højden, samtidig med at “kassen” udstøbes. Odense Bys Museer.

The principle of the medieval foundation is seen at the same position on the courtyard side of the east wing. Over a length of pebble paving, a row of bricks set on edge is placed on either side and the gap filled with a mixture of mortar, brick rubble and field stone. To the right of the photograph can be seen two headers from the first course of the cofferwork sides. Work proceeds upwards while filling the coffer. City of Odense Museums.

melig store kampesten, 70-80 cm, hvorpå stedvist er lagt et lag af ca. 15-30 cm store sten som underlag for en kassemur. Af vestmuren fremgik det, at overgangen mellem fundament og mur formidledes af et rulskifte af mursten på kant, hvorpå det første lag mursten i munkeskifte var lagt. Vestmurens fundament bestod udelukkende af laget af mindre sten lagt i en lav grøft i undergrunden, lidt bredere end murforløbet. Den senmiddelalderlige østfløjs murtykkelser kunne i vestmuren og i sydgavlen måles til 140 cm og i østmuren til ca. 170-175 cm. Murtykkelserne svarer

successively excavating a number of smaller fields until, by the end, underpinning had been performed under all of the building’s outer walls. The fields measured on average 150 x 150 cm and were dug out to a solid base, either in the form of the subsoil or solid constructional remains of the late medieval east wing. Archaeologists might have been able to make searches during the underpinning of the half-timbered building’s foundations, but the work was greatly impeded by safety considerations, as the excavations left the foundation stones hanging without support. This factor meant that only minimal or no time could

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Brolægningen i østfløjens kælder var i vid udstrækning plyndret. Her ses nederst en rest af den gennemgående rende og under målestokken sandlaget under brolægningen. Odense Bys Museer. The paving from the east wing cellar had largely been removed for recycling. At the bottom can be seen a remnant of the continuous gutter and, under the measuring rod, the sand layer under the paving. City of Odense Museums.

til nord- og vestfløjens således, at alle fløje har haft de kraftigste mure på de udadvendte sider væk fra gården, hvilket understreger anlæggets ensartede og regulære plan.

Østfløjens mure Egentligt murværk fra den senmiddelalderlige østfløj er kun bevaret nogle få steder i vest- og østmurens nordlige del samt sydgavlens østlige del, idet nedrivningen de fleste steder er foregået til toppen af fundamentet. Det bedst bevarede murværk fremkom i sydgavlens østlige del, hvor sydfacaden af kassemuren var bevaret.

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be spent in the excavated cavities, as the concreting and closure of the holes had to be performed as soon as possible after digging. The circumstances did not permit time-consuming measurements, and documentation of archaeological observations was often restricted to photographs, sketches and notes. However, the observations did confirm the results of the preliminary investigation. The visible plinth and foundation sill of the half-timbered house nowhere incorporated preserved remnants of the late medieval bishop’s palace, and in fact the two are separated by a continuous demolition layer from the dismantling of the east wing, and by a covering layer of soil. Only at the northeastern corner adjacent to the main building is there apparent contact between the half-timbered building’s foundations and the underlying remains of the late medieval east wing. The foundation of the outer walls of the late medieval east wing could be observed along the whole eastern side of the half-timbered building, along the south gable end and along part of the western side. This foundation was dug into the clay subsoil, and under the east wall it consisted of a course of rather large boulders of 70-80 cm size, surmounted in places by a layer of approx. 15-30 cm stones as a base for a cofferwork wall. On the west wall, the transition between the foundation and wall proved to be effected by a course of bricks on edge, on top of which the first course of bonded brickwork was laid. The foundation of the west wall consisted solely of the layer of smaller stones, laid in a shallow trench in the subsoil slightly wider than the wall. The thickness of the walls in the late medieval east wing was measured as 140 cm in the west wall and south gable end and as approx. 170-175 cm in the east wall. The wall thicknesses correspond to those of the north and west wings, with all wings having their thickest walls facing outwards from the building. This underlines the uniform, regular plan of the building complex.

Tv.: Nordøsthjørnet af østfløjen. Brolægningen hører formentlig til portrummet i østfløjen. Den overlejres af flere marksten, som danner fundament for en skalmuring af østfløjens oprindelige nordgavl. Th.: Oversigtsbillede med brolægning og den yngre hvælvpille. Længst til højre ydermuren, og til venstre ses en senere gennembrudt dør ind til det nuværende anretterkøkken. Odense Bys Museer.

Left: North-east corner of east wing. The paving presumably belongs to the gate room in the east wing. It is overlaid by several field stones, which form the foundation for the facing of the original north gable end of the east wing. Right: General view of paving and the later vault pillar. On the far right is the outer wall and to the left a later door inserted for access to the present service kitchen. City of Odense Museums.

Murværket bestod af otte skifter af en præcist muret mur af røde munkesten, 27,5-28 x 12 x 8 cm, i munkeskifte med en fuge på 1 cm af relativt fin, hård, gråhvid mørtel med rygget fuge. Der blev gravet til nederste skifte, og toppen af fundamentet blev blotlagt. Det bestod af kampesten lagt i et leret fyld, med en højde på ca. 75 cm. I østfløjens nordøstlige hjørne var der bevaret murværk i 5 skifters højde indtil ca. 1 m fra hjørnet. Murværket sad under den store kampestenssokkel i den nyere bindingsværksbygnings nordlige østvæg, og kampestenssokkelen har altså ingen forbindelse til den senmiddelalderlige østfløj, men må høre til senere byggefaser.

Walling on the east wing Actual masonry from the late medieval east wing has only been preserved in a few places in the northern part of the west and east wall and in the eastern part of the south gable end, as in most places demolition proceeded right down to the top of the foundation. The best preserved masonry was found at the eastern part of the south gable end, where the south facade of the cofferwork has been preserved. The wall here consisted of eight courses of precisely executed masonry in red bricks of dimensions 27.5-28 x 12 x 8 cm in monk bond, with 1 cm joints of relatively fine, hard, grey-white mortar with beaded joint. Excavation continued to the bottom course, thus exposing the top

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Den sekundære skalmuring forsætter bag om og oven over hvælvpillen og er formentlig i forbandt med ydermuren. Det var ikke muligt at fastslå uden indgreb i murene. Odense Bys Museer.

The secondary facing continues behind and above the vault pillar, and is presumably tied into the outer wall. It was not possible to determine this without an internal investigation of the walls. City of Odense Museums.

Murværket var lagt i munkeforbandt på et afretningsskifte af brokker på kampestensfundamentet, og det adskilte sig på dette punkt fra det øvrige bevarede murværk. Af vestmuren var der bevaret murværk i dennes nordlige del. Kun kassemurens nederste skifte og murkerne var her bevaret. Den udvendige skalmur mod gårdspladsen bestod af et rulskifte lagt i ler på fundamentstenene, der her bestod af et lag mindre sten med en diameter på 10-15 cm. Rulskiftets yderside var dækket af ler, og det har sandsynligvis ligget under terræn i brugstiden. Murkernen imellem skalmurene bestod af mørtel, marksten og teglbrokker.

of the foundation. This consisted of boulders laid in a clay fill, with a height of approx. 75 cm. In the northeast corner of the east wing, masonry was preserved to a height of 5 courses for up to approx. 1 m from the corner. The brickwork lay under the large boulder plinth of the northern part of the newer halftimbered building’s east wall. The boulder plinth thus has no connection with the late medieval east wing, but must be part of a later construction phase. The bricks were laid in monk bond on a levelling course of rubble on the boulder foundation, and in this respect differed from the other preserved masonry. On the west wall, masonry was preserved at the northern end. Here only the bottom course of the

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Østfløjens kældre Ved forundersøgelsen blev fundet rester af pigstensbelagte kældergulve hørende til den senmiddelalderlige østfløj, ligesom det også var tilfældet ved undersøgelsen af vestfløjen i 1970erne. I den nuværende foredragssal fremkom desuden en nord-syd løbende stensat rende i gulvbelægningen i bygningens vestlige halvdel, som kunne følges helt frem til det nuværende indgangsrum. Det er derfor sandsynligt, at renden løber i hele husets længde og har haft et udløb i sydgavlen, som dog ikke kunne påvises. I det nordligste rum mellem indgangsrummet og anretterkøkkenet fremkom en del af gavlen og rester af østmuren. Den bestod af en fast murkerne af mørtel blandet med brokker og sten svarende til iagttagelser andre steder. Skiftegangen kunne ikke erkendes, da iagttagelsesforholdene var særdeles vanskelige på grund af de meget store kampesten i nedbrydningsfyldet. Østmuren er øjensynlig bygget i forbandt med den stående senmiddelalderlige nordgavl, men er tydeligvis skalmuret på et tidspunkt, og store kampesten er indlagt nederst i væggen oven på et brolagt gulv. Dette gulv lå 1 m under overfladen, men væsentligt højere end det oprindelige kældergulv i resten af bygningen. På grund af vilkårene for forundersøgelsen var det ikke muligt at gennembryde gulvet for at lede efter et dybereliggende kældergulv, men trods denne usikkerhed må gulvet opfattes som tilhørende den senmiddelalderlige østfløj, der så ikke har haft kælder i denne nordligste del.

Identisk øst- og vestfløj? I det indvendige hjørne mellem østmur og nordgavl ses rester af et ribbehvælv med gjordbue langs nordgavl. Gjordbuen er bevaret i fem skifter. og buens videre forløb kan ses på nordgavlen i form af mørtelspor. Gjordbue og ribbe hviler på en sokkel af tre skifter hele

cofferwork and rubble core was preserved. The external facing towards the courtyard consisted of a course of bricks on edge laid in clay on the foundation stones, which here consisted of a layer of smaller stones with a diameter of 10-15 cm. The outer face of the edge bricks was covered with clay, and during the period of use was probably buried below the surface. The rubble core between the facings consisted of mortar, fieldstone and brick rubble.

Cellars in the east wing The preliminary investigation revealed remnants of pebble floors in the cellar belonging to the late medieval east wing, as had also been the case in the investigation of the west wing in the 1970’s. In the present lecture hall, a north-south brick gutter was also found in the flooring in the western half of the building, which could be followed all the way to the present entrance room. It is therefore probable that the gutter ran throughout the length of the house with an outlet at the south gable end, though this could not be proved. In the most northerly room between the entrance room and the service kitchen, part of the gable end and remnants of the east wall were discovered. These consisted of a solid wall core of mortar mixed with rubble and bricks corresponding to what had been observed elsewhere. The bond scheme could not be recognized, as the opportunities for observation were particularly difficult due to the extremely large boulders in the demolition layer. The east wall was visibly tied into the existing late medieval north gable end, but has clearly been faced with brick at some point, while large boulders have been inserted at the bottom of the wall above a paved floor. This floor lay 1 m below the surface, but considerably higher than the original cellar floor in the rest of the building. Due to the circumstances of the preliminary investigation it was not possible to make a penetration in the floor to search for an underlying cellar floor, but

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Nærbillede af hvælvpillen. Under målebåndet ses ansatsen til skjoldbuen, der har båret hvælvet langs væggen. Den skrå sten til højre herfor er ansatsen til en halvstensribbe. Odense Bys Museer. Close-up of vault pillar. Under the measuring tape can be seen the projection for the wall rib which carried the vault along the wall. The sloping stone to the right is the projection for a half rib. City of Odense Museums.

munkesten. Hvælvkonstruktionen er ikke bygget i forbandt med hverken nord- eller østmur, og hvælvet er således en senere tilføjelse uden på den ovennævnte skalmuring. Sammenlignes gjordbuens krumning og forløb på nordgavlen med gulvniveauet ser det ud til, at det senmiddeladerlige rum i denne del af bygningen må have været lavloftet, idet der ikke kan have været meget mere end 150 cm på det højeste sted, og det er derfor tvivlsomt, om det påviste gulv har været i funktion efter etableringen af hvælvet, mens skalmuringen meget vel har skullet give støtte til hvælvslagningen. Der blev ikke fundet yderligere spor af hvælv i østfløjen, og det er således stadig et åbent spørgsmål, hvorvidt fløjen har haft hvælv i hele dens længde, eller

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Nærbillede af hvælvpillen. Fortsættelsen af skjoldbuen ses af de manglende pudsrester. Odense Bys Museer. Close-up of vault pillar. The continuation of the wall rib can be seen from the missing plaster remains. City of Odense Museums.

despite this uncertainty, the floor must be regarded as belonging to the late medieval east wing which thus did not have a cellar in this most northerly part.

Identical east and west wing? In the interior corner between the east wall and the north gable end, remnants of a ribbed vault with reinforcing rib can be seen along the north gable end. The reinforcing rib has been preserved for five courses, and the further trajectory of the arch can be seen on the north gable end in the form of mortar traces. The reinforcing rib and vault rib rest on a plinth of three courses of whole bricks. The vault construction is not tied into either the north or east wall, and the

kun i den nordlige del. Det samlede indtryk af anlæggets ensartethed og symmetri taler dog for hvælv i hele bygningens længde, tilsvarende vestfløjens.

Spærremur eller sydfløj? Meget overraskende viste forundersøgelsen ved østfløjens sydgavl, at østmuren fortsatte mod syd i et seks skifter højt murforløb. Murforløbet var i forbandt med østfløjens sydgavl, og må altså være samtidig med denne, dvs. opført 1504-1508. Muren blev yderligere frilagt, og det kunne konstateres, at det drejede sig om en ca. 175 cm tyk kassemur, der kunne følges til mindst 8,5 m syd for østfløjens sydgavl. Ved udgravningerne af vestfløjens sydgavl i 1970erne blev et lignende sydgående murforløb af mindst 5 meters længde påvist. Dette udgik ligeledes fra østmuren og havde også dennes smallere bredde, men var til gengæld muret i fuld mur og ikke kassemur som den ved østfløjen. Et tredje murlevn fremkom ved østfløjens sydvesthjørne i form af en rest af en murkerne fra en kassemur med helt nedbrudte skalmure. Murkernen havde topniveau i kote ca. 6,9 og afdækkedes i et område på ca. 1 x 1 meter. Da murresten lå i udkanten af udgravningsfeltet ved sydvesthjørnet, kunne murens orientering ikke fastslås med sikkerhed. Murkernen havde ikke synlig forbindelse til sydgavlen i østfløjen. Den kan muligvis have forbindelse med afgrænsningen af gårdspladsen mod syd. En sådan blev allerede påvist ved vestfløjen, og murforløbet, der flugter med gavlen af bindingsværkshuset, blev også påvist ca. 7 m vest for østfløjen i form af et knap 120 cm bredt fundament. Tolkningen af den mod syd løbende murrest er usikker. Den forsætter for langt mod syd til at kunne tolkes som støttemur til gavlen i vestfløjen. Det er derfor en mulighed, at muren og den parallelle mur fra vestfløjen har indgået i en egentlig sydfløj, eller at de har været spærremure ned til åen, som skulle sikre Bispegaarden fri adgang til åen.

vault is thus a later addition on top of the brick facing mentioned above. If the curvature and trajectory of the reinforcing rib at the north gable end is compared with the floor level, it looks as if the late medieval room in this part of the building must have had a low ceiling, as it cannot have been more than 150 cm at the highest point. It is therefore doubtful whether the discovered floor was in function after establishment of the vault, whereas the brick facing could very well have been intended to support the vault construction. No further traces of vaulting were found in the east wing, so it is still an open question whether the wing was vaulted over its full length or just in the northern part. However, the overall impression of uniformity and symmetry in the complex supports the idea of vaulting for the whole length of the building, corresponding to the west wing.

Dividing wall or south wing? Very surprisingly, the preliminary investigation of the south gable end of the east wing showed that the east wall continued southwards in a six course high line of masonry. This wall line was tied into the south gable end of the east wing, and must therefore be contemporaneous with it, i.e. 1504-1508. The wall was further exposed, and proved to be a cofferwork wall about 175 cm thick, which could be followed for at least 8.5 m south of the south gable end of the east wing. During excavations of the south gable end of the west wing in the 1970’s, a similar southgoing wall of at least 5 m length was discovered. This too had the east wall as its starting point and shared this latter’s narrower width, but by contrast was a full brick wall and not a cofferwork wall like that on the east wing. A third remnant of walling was discovered at the southwest corner of the east wing in the form of a fragment of a wall core from a cofferwork wall from which the facings had been completely removed. The

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Nord-syd grøften på gårdpladsen skar dens oprindelige sydlige afgrænsning. Fundamentet til muren set fra ydersiden. Odense Bys Museer. The north-south trench in the courtyard cuts through the original boundary wall to the south. The wall foundation seen from the outside. City of Odense Museums.

Begge tolkninger rummer dog flere problemer. Har murene tilhørt en sydfløj, er det bemærkelsesværdigt, at de tre murforløb, som er påvist, har hver sin tykkelse, hvortil kommer den divergerende opbygning i fuld mur af muren ved vestfløjen. Endvidere har sydfløjen i så fald haft et såkaldt udadgående hjørne mellem syd- og østfløj i modsætning til hjørnerne mellem vest-, nord- og østfløj, der er indadgående. Opfattet som spærremur, der kun skulle bære sig selv, er i hvert fald østfløjens mur vildt overdimensioneret. Har der været tale om en sydfløj, er den dog næppe nogensinde blevet færdigbygget. I modsætning til de øvrige fløje fandtes hverken spor af kældergulve eller et nedbrydningslag, som kan forbindes med byg-

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Samme set fra oven. Hen over fundamentet ses et tyndt nedbrydningslag. Havde der stået en sydfløj, havde man både forventet større mængder af nedbrydningsmateriale og spor af brolægning. Odense Bys Museer. The same seen from above. Over the foundation can be seen a thin demolition layer. If there had been a south wing, larger quantities of demolition material would have been expected, together with traces of paving. City of Odense Museums.

top level of the wall core was at approx. datum +6.9, and it was exposed for an area of approx. 1 x 1 m. As the wall fragment lay at the outer edge of the excavation field at the southwest corner, the orientation of the wall could not be determined with certainty. The wall core had no visible connection with the south gable end in the east wing. It may possibly have been connected with the southern boundary of the courtyard. Such a boundary had already been demonstrated at the west wing, and a wall line flush with the gable end of the half-timbered building was also demonstrated approx. 7 m west of the east wing in the form of a foundation just under 120 cm wide. The significance of the wall fragment running southwards is uncertain. It continues too far south to be

Fortsættelsen af østfløjens østmur godt 8 m syd for gavlen. De “ukurante” gule sten tyder på, at muren ikke har været synlig. Bemærk også de ubehandlede fuger i modsætning til hjørnet ved sydgavlen. Odense Bys Museer.

The continuation of the east wall of the east wing for more than 8 m south of the gable end. The inferior yellow bricks suggest that the wall was not visible. Note also the lack of finish on the joints, compared to the corner of the south gable end on the east wing. City of Odense Museums.

ningen. En endelig afklaring af spørgsmålet om en eventuel sydfløj kan man først få ved yderligere gravninger i området syd for gårdspladsen.

interpreted as a support wall for the west wing’s gable end. It is therefore possible that the wall and the parallel wall from the west wing were part of an actual south wing, or that they were dividing walls down to the river for securing free access to the river from the Bishop’s Palace. However, both interpretations have several problems. If the walls were part of a south wing, it is odd that the three wall lines discovered each have a different thickness, not to mention the different full brick construction of the wall by the west wing. Moreover, if this were the case, the south wing had a so-called salient corner between the south and east wings, unlike the corners between the west, north and east wings, which have re-entrant corners. If interpreted

Overblik – udblik Den arkæologiske udforskning af Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster har ikke været et mål i sig selv, men har begrænset sig til de dele, der blev berørt ved restaureringen. Trods denne begrænsning er der kommet nyt om flere væsentlige spørgsmål til Jens Andersen Beldenak, Odenses nok mest profilerede biskops gård. Der er under hovedbygningen påvist gulve og en brønd fra dens umiddelbare forgænger, formentlig bygget af biskop Mogens Krafse i 1466.

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as a self-supporting dividing wall, the part by the east wing is wildly over-dimensioned. If there was a south wing, it is unlikely that it was ever completed. Unlike the other wings, there were no traces of cellar floors or demolition layers that could be connected with the building. Further clarification of the question of a possible south wing must await further excavations in the area south of the courtyard.

Overview – perspective

Fortsætten af østfløjens østmur godt 8 m syd for gavlen. De lyse nedbrydningsmaterialer afslører terrænhøjden ved murens nedbrydning. Odense Bys Museer. The continuation of the east wall of the east wing for more than 8 m south of the gable end. The light-coloured demolition materials show the ground level at the time of the demolition of the wall. City of Odense Museums.

Hans bygning var den første på stedet, men en velbygget brønd fra omkring 1300 lige nord for bygningen antyder, at bispegårdens hovedbygninger tidligere kan have ligget umiddelbart mod nord ud til Adelgade. Vi kender nu østfløjen i store træk og kan sige, at den har svaret til vestfløjen. Men i hvor høj grad har den spejlet vestfløjen? Ser man i fugleperspektiv ud over det samlede anlæg omfattende hele karréen og omgivelserne på bispens tid, slår det én, at adgangen til selve bisperesidensen befandt sig det forkerte sted længst væk fra indgangen via Paaskestræde. Indtil anlæggelsen af Albani Torv i 1580 vendte Bispegaardens port mod vest byen ryggen, selv om den selvfølgelig gav bekvem adgang til domkirken, hvor den verdsligt sindede bisp dog havde visse pligter. Det er en nærliggende tanke, at anlæggelsen af Albani Torv i 1580 har

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The archaeological investigation of Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster was not an aim in itself but was limited to the parts affected by the restoration. Despite this restriction, new knowledge has come to light on several important questions relating to the palace of Jens Andersen Beldenak, probably Odense’s most high-profile bishop. Under the main building, floors and a well have been discovered dating from the house’s immediate predecessor, presumably built by Bishop Mogens Krafke in 1466. His building was the first on the site, but a solidly built well from about the year 1300 just to the north indicates that prior to this the main buildings of the bishop’s palace may have lain immediately to the north, facing Adelgade. We now know the main features of the east wing, and can state that it corresponded to the west wing. But to what degree was it a mirror image? Taking a bird’s eye view of the whole complex, including the street block and environs in the time of the bishop, it is striking that access to the bishop’s residence was on the wrong side, furthest away from the entrance in Paaskestræde. Until the establishment of Albani Torv in 1580, the west gate to the Bishop’s palace turned its back on the city, even though it was convenient for the cathedral where the worldly-minded bishop still had certain duties. It is a reasonable conjecture that the establishment of Albani Torv in 1580 re-oriented the main entrance to the previous Catholic bishop’s palace towards the west and gave rise to changes in the original access arrangements

Tv.: Østfløjens sydgavl og hjørnet ned mod åen. Th.: Fortsættelsen af østfløjens østmur. Bemærk de fine ryggede fuger. Odense Bys Museer.

Left: The south gable end of the east wing and the corner closest to the river. Right: The continuation of the east wall of the east wing. Note the finely finished joints. City of Odense Museums.

orienteret hovedindgangen til den tidligere katolske bispegård mod vest og affødt ændringer omkring de oprindelige adgangsforhold ved Bispegaarden, nu Oluf Bagers ejendom. En port i østfløjen svarende til den i vestfløjen ville være den naturlige løsning på de ovenfor beskrevne adgangsforhold, men kan man forestille sig en bisperesidens med to adgangsveje? Ud over formodningen om, at Jens Andersen som en gammel ræv har holdt af flere udgange, er det væsentligste argument imod, at det ville svække bispegårdens forsvar. Men har bispegården været et forsvarsanlæg? Det ville da være enestående i dansk byhistorie, hvis en anden person end byherren (kongen) havde rådet over en fæstning midt inde i byen. Det var heller ikke tilfældet ved de øvrige bispegårde, ud over den værdi en solid mur og port havde i den forbindelse, og der er da heller ikke fundet spor af et aktivt forsvar i form af voldgrave eller

at the Bishop’s Palace, now the property of Oluf Bager. A gate in the east wing corresponding to that in the west wing would be the natural solution to the new access conditions, but is a bishop’s residence with two access routes likely? Apart from the assumption that Jens Andersen, like an old fox, would prefer several exits to his den, the main counter-argument would be that it would weaken the palace defences. But was the bishop’s palace a defended space? It would be unique in Danish civic history if a person other than the master of the city (the king) had a fortress in the middle of the city. And this was not the case with the other bishop’s palaces, apart from the value that a solid wall and gate would have, nor have there been found traces of active defence in the form of moats or embrasures in the investigation of the Bishop’s Palace in Odense. With regard to a possible gate in the east wing, in the winter 2012-13 the Museum obtained special

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skydeskår i forbindelse med undersøgelserne af Bispegaarden. Med hensyn til en mulig port i østfløjen fik museet i vinteren 2012-13 ekstraordinært tilladelse til at undersøge en formodning om en port i østfløjen, hvor iagttagelser i det nordligste rum antydede eksistensen af en oprindelig indgang. Niveauet på den ovennævnte brolægning i rummet synes at udelukke, at kælderen kan have strakt sig helt til fløjens nordgavl. Brolægningen i rummet befandt sig omtrent i samme niveau som undergrunden på gårdspladsen, hvilket kunne forventes ved en gennemgående port. Endvidere ville en hidtil uforklarlig detalje blive forståelig, idet der på sydøsthjørnet af hovedbygningens nuværende østgavl helt isoleret befinder sig spor af en borthugget fladbuefrise. Den pludselige optræden af en dekoration på den ellers helt nøgterne og udekorerede bygning kunne have markeret en portåbning her. Der er dog indvendinger mod denne rekonstruktion, således den under terræn bevarede murrest fra østmurens nordligste del, der ville have spærret for en gennemkørsel på dette sted. Undersøgelsen viste, at murværket i nordgavl og østmur er i forbandt og samtidige, og at ændringerne i bygningens nordlige rum derfor ikke skyldes eksistensen af en port på dette sted. Men tilbage bliver spørgsmålet om, hvordan de oprindelige adgangsforhold til bispegården da har været? Som ofte før har resultatet af arbejdsindsatsen ikke kun bragt svar på gamle spørgsmål, men også nye og mere kvalificerede spørgsmål til en bygning, som man ikke bliver færdig med. Dertil er billedet af den uregerlige bisp for stærkt, når han i sin vogn kommer hastende ind fra tilsynet med opdrættet af sine elskede stude for at dreje ned ad Paaskestræde. På hjørnet af Adelgade skramler vognen ind gennem Bispegaardens port, videre langs over gårdspladsen, hvor kusken ved hovedbygningens gavl klodser bremsen for at tvinge vognen gennem porten ind på gårdpladsen. En kostbar bispekåbe bliver langet ind i vognen, der med et ryk haster ud gennem porten for diskret at bringe studehandleren videre til sin rolle som biskop i domkirken.

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permission to investigate the presumption of a gate in the east wing, at a point where observations in the northernmost room hinted at the existence of an original entrance. The level of the paving in that room seemed to prevent the cellar from extending all the way to the wing’s northern gable end. The paving in the room was at approximately the same level as the subsoil in the courtyard, as might be expected in the case of a through gateway. The hypothesis would also explain a hitherto inexplicable detail, as the southeastern corner of the main building’s east gable end shows a totally isolated trace of a segmental arch moulding, now hacked off. The sudden presence of a decoration on what is otherwise a completely sober and undecorated building could have marked a gate opening here. However, there are objections to this reconstruction, such as the wall fragment from the northernmost part of the east wall preserved underground, which would have stood in the way of a gateway at this point. The investigation showed that the masonry of the north gable end and the east wall are tied at this point and contemporaneous, so the changes to the northernmost room of the building cannot be due to the existence of a gate at this location. But the question remains of the original access arrangements to the bishop’s palace. As so often, the results of the work have not only provided answers to old questions, but also provoked new and more specific questions of a building which will never cease to be of interest. The image of the unruly bishop keeps pressing in, turning his carriage down Paaskestræde as he hurries home from checking the management of his beloved cattle. At the corner of Adelgade, his carriage rattles through the Bishop’s Palace gates and over the courtyard, where the coachman jams on the brake by the gable end to the main building in order to force the carriage through the gate and into the inner courtyard. A costly bishop’s cope is handed into the carriage, which with a jolt rushes out of the gate in order to bring the cattle dealer discreetly back to his role as bishop at the cathedral.

De arkæologiske undersøgelser

The archaeological investigations

Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster er bygningsfredet, men også fortidsminder i jorden inden for klosterets bebyggelse og i dets umiddelbare omgivelser er beskyttede ifølge Museumsloven. Odense Bys Museer skulle derfor undersøge de steder i og omkring bygningerne, der ville blive berørt af Realdania Bygs restaurering, og registrere og sikre eventuelle fortidsminder og usynlige bygningsdele. Museet har registreret kulturlag i og under bygningerne, i grøfter til rør og ledninger både nord og syd for den og kælderudgravning i den østlige kælder. Desuden er museets resultater brugt konstruktivt i forbindelse med understøbning af den meget ustabile østfløj. Disse arkæologiske undersøgelser i forbindelse med bygge- og anlægsarbejder, såkaldte nødudgravninger, er ikke beregnede på at afdække de spørgsmål, som arkæologerne har, og der må kun graves der, hvor noget kunne være truet af byggeriet. Ikke desto mindre gav undersøgelserne mulighed for at lære mere om Bispegaardens fortid, og foranlediget af restaureringen har museet nu et mere nuanceret billede af bygningskomplekset og dets omgivelser end hidtil.

The Odense Secular Convent for Noblewomen is listed, but the ancient monuments inside the monastic complex and in its immediate surroundings are also protected according to the Danish Museum Act. That is why Odense City Museums had to investigate the areas in and around the buildings, which would be affected by Realdania Byg’s restoration, and record and ensure any ancient monuments and invisible building parts. The museum has recorded culture layers in and under the buildings, in trenches for pipes and cables both north and south of them and basement excavations in the eastern basement. In addition, the results of the museum have been used constructively in relation to embedment of the very unstable east wing. These archaeological investigations in relation to building and construction work, so-called rescue archaeology, are not based on identifying the questions that the archaeologists have, and excavating may only take place in areas, where something could be threatened by the construction. Nevertheless, the investigations gave the possibility to learn more about the Bishop’s Palace’s past, and due to the restoration, the museum now has a more nuanced picture of the building complex and its surroundings than before.

Kilder OBM 137. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Arkæologisk forundersøgelse i forbindelse med restaurering af klosteret. Rapport 2009. Af arkæolog Jesper Langkilde OBM 137. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Arkæologisk udgravning af bygningslevn m.m. fra historisk tid ved Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Rapport nr. 315, 2010. Af arkæolog Jesper Langkilde OBM 137. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Forundersøgelse i forbindelse med etableringen af en p-plads ved Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Arkæologisk Rapport nr. 381, 2012. Af arkæolog Maria Elisabeth Rasmussen.

Sources OBM 137. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Arkæologisk forundersøgelse i forbindelse med restaurering af klosteret. Rapport 2009. By archaeologist Jesper Langkilde OBM 137. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Arkæologisk udgravning af bygningslevn m.m. fra historisk tid ved Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Rapport nr. 315, 2010. By archaeologist Jesper Langkilde OBM 137. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Forundersøgelse i forbindelse med etableringen af en p-plads ved Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Arkæologisk Rapport nr. 381, 2012. By archaeologist Maria Elisabeth Rasmussen

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Litteratur, kilder og noter Literature, sources and notes Afsnittet “Bispegård i 500 år”: 1. ”Udgravningerne i bymidten har [] givet os kendskab til en del levn fra de første århundreder efter år 1000, og vi ved nu, at byens centrum i den ældste tid lå ved skæringen mellem Albani Torv, Fisketorvet, Overgade og Vestergade.” Odenses historie. Af arkivchef Jørgen Thomsen. www.stadsarkivet.dk/ odenses historie.aspx. Kong Knud IV blev myrdet i St. Albani Kirke 1086 og kort efter helgenkåret; i 1100 blev hans helgenskrin indsat i den nye St. Knuds Kirke lige ved siden af St. Albani. 1400-tallets bispegårde i Aarhus og København: Århus Domkirke. I: Danmarks Kirker. XVI, bind 1. Kbh. 1968. Werlauff, E. Chr. og Engelstoft, L.: Udsigt over Kjöbenhavns Universitets-Bygnings historie, fra Universitetets Stiftelse til 1836. Kbh. u.å. Universitetets fundats 1539 beskriver den katolske bispegårds bygninger, som blev fordelt til undervisning og boliger for den nye lutherske gejstlighed og Universitetets ansatte. Fhv. rigsantikvar Olaf Olsen, der gravede i Konsistoriehuset i slutningen af 1960erne , daterede bygningen til ca. 1420. Arkitekturhistoriker Ebbe Hædersdal har foretaget en dendrokronologisk analyse af tømmeret i tagværket: Det er fældet 1475-80. http://universitetshistorie.ku.dk/bygninger/ 2. Hædersdal, Ebbe: Rapport over kælderundersøgelsen i Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Odense Bys Museer: Udgravning sept. 1977 i kælderen. I et andet felt fandtes skår af mange forskellige slags keramik og stentøj fra 13-1400-tallet og knogler af køer, får og svin. 3. Christensen, Jakob Tue: “De arkæologiske undersøgelser” i: Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster, Realdania Byg 2013. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Udgravning september 2012. Odense Bys Museer: OBM 137. Arkæologisk Rapport nr. 381, 2012. Aktstykker, for største Delen hidtil utrykte, til Oplysning især af Danmarks indre Forhold i ældre Tid.

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Chapter “500 years as a bishop’s palace”: 1. “The excavations in the city centre have [ ] brought to our knowledge a number of relics from the first centuries after 1000 A.D., and we now know that in the earliest period the centre of the town lay at the intersection of Albani Torv, Fisketorvet, Overgade and Vestergade.” Odenses historie. By Head of Historical Records Jørgen Thomsen. www. stadsarkivet.dk/odenses historie.aspx King Knud IV was murdered in St. Albani Church in 1086 and was canonised shortly after. In 1100 his reliquary was deposited in the new St. Knud’s Church, right next to St. Albani. 15th century bishop’s palaces in Aarhus and Copenhagen: Aarhus Cathedral. I: Danmarks Kirker. XVI, vol. 1. Copenhagen 1968. Werlauff, E. Chr. and Engelstoft, L.: Udsigt over Kjöbenhavns Universitets-Bygnings historie, fra Universitetets Stiftelse til 1836. Copenhagen (n.d.) The University Charter of 1539 describes the buildings of the Catholic bishop’s palace, which were reassigned for teaching and for lodgings for the new Lutheran clergy and University employees. Keeper of National Antiquities Olaf Olsen, who conducted excavations in the Senate House towards the end of the 1960’s, dated the building to about 1420. Architectural historian Ebbe Hædersdal has performed a dendrochronological analysis of the roof timbers: these were felled in 1475-80. http:// universitetshistorie.ku.dk/bygninger/ 2. Hædersdal, Ebbe: Rapport over kælderundersøgelsen i Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. City of Odense Museums: Excavation Sept. 1977 in cellar. In another field fragments of many different types of ceramics and stoneware from the 14-15th centuries were found, together with bones from cattle, sheep and pigs. 3. Christensen, Jakob Tue: “De arkæologiske undersøgelser” in: Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster, Realdania Byg 2013. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Excavation September 2012. City of Odense Museums: OBM 137. Archaeological Report no.381, 2012.

10.

Samlede og udgivne af Fyens Stifts literaire Selskab. Odense 1841. Hærstræde: Hovedlandevej (…); også det stykke af hovedvejen, som gik gennem en by; hovedgade; adelgade. Ordbog over det danske Sprog. Denne sti ned til åbredden kaldtes efter 1580 Bispegaardsstræde, senere Aastræde og fra 1858 Albanigade. Beboerne brugte selv Aastræde i folketællingen 1. februar 1860, lidt over et år efter indvielsen af Albanibroen, men en embedsmand har rettet det til Albanigade. I Danske Magazin. Første Bind. Trettende Hefte. København 1745 findes en kronologisk gennemgang af Mogens Krafses levned. Oplysningen stammer iflg. en note fra “Resenii manuskript om den danske adel”, men Peder Hansen Resens kilde kendes ikke. Han indsamlede 1666-1688 oplysninger til sit Atlas Danicus. J.B. var død 1661, men hans enke ejede Bispegaarden til 1677. Gengivet i: Danske Magazin. Første Bind. Første Hefte. København 1745. Desværre blev Krafses kapel, hvor han selv blev begravet, nedrevet i begyndelsen af 1600-tallet, så der er ikke mulighed for sammenligning (Danmarks Kirker IX. Odense Amt. Bind 1). Huitfeldt, Arrild: Den Geistlige Histori (…). Kbh. 1604. 10. og sidste bind af Danmarckis rigis krønicke. Hans gengivelse af afskriften: “R.P.D. Io. An. Episcopus Oth. Hanc curiam coepit erigere Anno D. MDIIII & consumavit illam MDVIII. Erectionis anno primo valuit modius annonæ tres solidos, seqventi qvatuor, caeteris annis valiut, ut communiter.” Denne tekst er med i Pontoppidan, Erik: Marmora Danica. Bd. I-II Kbh. 1739-41. Samling af inskriptioner, flere nu forsvundne, fra hele landet, navnlig fra gejstlige bygninger. 14. april 1493 ff. Acta Pontificum Danica. Pavelige Aktstykker vedrørende Danmark 1316-1536. V. Bind: 1492-1513. Udg. Alfr. Krarup og Johs. Lindbæk. Kbh. 1913. Paludan-Müller, Casper: Jens Andersen Beldenak. Biskop i Fyen. Odense 1837. Detaljerne fra J.A.s liv stammer fra hans egen tekst til et epitafium. Arkitekt MAA Per Nørbach har tegnet en række eleverede rekonstruktioner til: Arentoft, Eskil,

Aktstykker, for største Delen hidtil utrykte, til Oplysning især af Danmarks indre Forhold i ældre Tid. Compiled and published by Fyens Stifts literaire Selskab. Odense 1841. Definition of Hærstræde: Highway (...); also the part of the highway which passed through a town; main street; adelgade. Ordbog over det danske Sprog (Dictionary). This path down to the river bank was called Bispegaardsstræde after 1580, later Aastræde and, from 1858, Albanigade. Residents of the street called it Aastræde in the census of 1 February 1860, just over a year after the opening of the Albani Bridge, but an official has corrected this to Albanigade. Danske Magazin. Vol. I. No. 13. Copenhagen, 1745, contains a chronology of Mogens Krafse’s life. According to a note, this information is taken from “Resen’s manuscript on the Danish nobility”, but Peder Hansen Resen’s source is unknown. During the years 1666-1688 he collected information for his Atlas Danicus. Jørgen Brahe died in 1661, but his widow owned the Bishop’s Palace until 1677. Recorded in: Danske Magazin. Vol. I. No. 1. Copenhagen 1745. Unfortunately, Krafse’s chapel, in which he himself was buried, was pulled down at the start of the 17th century, so no comparisons can be made (Danmarks Kirker IX Odense Amt. Vol. 1). Huitfeldt, Arrild: Den Geistlige Histori (…). Copenhagen 1604. 10th and final volume of Danmarckis rigis krønicke (Chronicle of the Danish Realm). His record of the transcript: “R.P.D. Io. An. Episcopus Oth. Hanc curiam coepit erigere Anno D. MDIIII & consumavit illam MDVIII. Erectionis anno primo valuit modius annonæ tres solidos, seqventi qvatuor, caeteris annis valiut, ut communiter.” The text is included in Pontoppidan, Erik. Marmora Danica. Vol. I-II Copenhagen 1739-41. Collection of inscriptions, several now lost, from the whole country and particularly from ecclesiastical buildings. 14 April 1493 ff. Acta Pontificum Danica. Pavelige Aktstykker vedrørende Danmark 1316-1536. Vol. V: 1492-1513. Publ. Alfr. Krarup and Johs. Lindbæk. Copenhagen 1913. Paludan-Müller, Casper: Jens Andersen Beldenak. Biskop i Fyen. Odense 1837. The details from Jens Andersen’s life are taken from his own text for his epitaph.

385

11.

12. 13.

14. 15. 16.

Brandt, Vibeke og Grandt-Nielsen, Finn: Albani Kirke & Torv. Odense Bys Museer 1985. Bygningbeskrivelsen er et sammendrag af: Hædersdal, Ebbe: Rapport over kælderundersøgelsen i Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. 1977. Odense Bys Museer. Vesth, Kjeld Borch: Odense Middelalderlige Bispegaard. I: Hikuin. Nr. 13. 1987. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Arkæologisk udgravning af bygningslevn m.m. fra historisk tid ved Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Af arkæolog Jesper Langkilde. OBM (Odense Bys Museer) 137. Rapport nr. 315, 2010. Christensen, Jakob Tue: “De arkæologiske undersøgelser” i: Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster, Realdania Byg 2013. Gråbrødre Klosterkirke: Danmarks Kirker. Odense Amt. Bd. 3. † Gråbrødre Klosterkirke. Christensen, Jakob Tue: “De arkæologiske undersøgelser” i: Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster, Realdania Byg 2013. Paludan-Müller, Casper: Jens Andersen Beldenak. Biskop i Fyen. Odense 1837. I en note: Pontoppidan, Erik: Annales ecclesiæ Danicæ diplomatici. II. Bind. Kbh. 1741-1752: “Quod in eminentiori loco aureis literis super portam Episcopalis Curiæ scribi fecit, omnibus præterentibus legendum”. Den myreflittige Pontoppidan har skrevet lidt om Jens Andersen i Gesta et vestigia Danorum extra Daniam (…). I-III. Kbh. 1740-1741. Værket omhandler danske i udlandet; biskoppen er med, fordi han en tid var fanget i Lübeck og senere døde dér. Pontoppidan mener, at J.A. udviste uforlignelig tålmodighed i en skæbne fyldt af modgang – i så fald kan indskriften først være opsat mod slutningen af J.A.s liv. Christensen, Jakob Tue: “De arkæologiske undersøgelser” i: Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster, Realdania Byg 2013. KBB 1576-1579. 10. januar 1579. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Udgravning september 2012. Odense Bys Museer: OBM 137. Arkæologisk Rapport nr. 381, 2012. Iflg. auktionsbetingelserne ved frasalg af Jomfruklosterets Patrongaard 1869 skulle køberen opføre en mur, men det skete først med opførelsen af St.

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10. Architect MAA Per Nørbach has drawn a number of reconstructed elevations for: Arentoft, Eskil, Brandt, Vibeke and Grandt-Nielsen, Finn: Albani Kirke & Torv. City of Odense Museums 1985. 11. This description of the buildings is summarised from: Hædersdal, Ebbe: Rapport over kælderundersøgelsen i Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. 1977. City of Odense Museums. Vesth, Kjeld Borch: Odense Middelalderlige Bispegaard. I: Hikuin. No. 13. 1987. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Arkæologisk udgravning af bygningslevn m.m. fra historisk tid ved Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. By archaeologist Jesper Langkilde. OBM (City of Odense Museums) 137. Report no. 315, 2010. Christensen, Jakob Tue: “De arkæologiske undersøgelser” in: Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster, Realdania Byg 2013. Gråbrødre Klosterkirke: Danmarks Kirker. Odense Amt. Vol. 3. – Gråbrødre Klosterkirke. 12. Christensen, Jakob Tue: “De arkæologiske undersøgelser” in: Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster, Realdania Byg 2013. 13. Paludan-Müller, Casper: Jens Andersen Beldenak. Biskop i Fyen. Odense 1837. In a note: Pontoppidan, Erik: Annales ecclesiæ Danicæ diplomatici. Vol. II. Copenhagen 1741-1752: “Quod in eminentiori loco aureis literis super portam Episcopalis Curiæ scribi fecit, omnibus præterentibus legendum”. The industrious Pontoppidan wrote more about Jens Andersen in Gesta et vestigia Danorum extra Daniam (...) I-III. Copenhagen 1740-1741. The work describes Danes abroad; the bishop is included because he was at one time a prisoner in Lübeck, and later died there. Pontoppidan proposes that Jens Andersen exhibited unparalleled patience in a life full of setbacks – in which case the inscription was not put up until the end of Andersen’s life. 14. Christensen, Jakob Tue: “De arkæologiske undersøgelser” in: Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster, Realdania Byg 2013. 15. KBB 1576-1579. 10 January 1579. 16. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Excavation September 2012. City of Odense Museums: OBM 137. Archaeological Report no.381, 2012.

17.

18. 19. 20.

21. 22.

23. 24.

Albani Kirke. LAO. EI001. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Pk. 2: Adkomster, domme m.v. 16301926. Hele den interessante historie om Odense-kortets tilblivelse findes i: Otonium. Odense 1593 i Georg Braun & Frans Hogenberg Civitates orbis terrarum V. del (Köln 1597), blad 30. Indledning og kommentar af Ove Jørgensen. Odense Universitetsforlag 1981. Oversættelserne af de latinske tekster i det følgende er herfra. Se også: Braunius’ kort. Af Jørgen Thomsen og Johnny Wøllekær på www.stadsarkivet.dk/topmenu/Oplev/historien/ Om/Odense/Genstande/Om/Braunius/kort.aspx Som ovenfor: Otonium. Odense 1593 (…) KBB 1576-1579. 10. januar 1579. Tåsinge: Den interessante og detaljerede tekst om gaven findes i Diplomatarium Danicum og kan læses på http://diplomatarium.dk/dd/diplomer/08-054.html Engelstoft, C. T.: “Odense Byes Sognehistorie efter Reformationen” i: Historisk Tidsskrift, 2. Rk., Bind 6. Kbh. 1856. Jordebøger over bispestolens gods kort før Reformationen er kun delvist bevarede. Rigsarkivet. Gejstlige Arkiver, Odense bisp. 1020-1631. Omlægningen af lenene fremgår af to forleningsbreve: til Erik Rosenkrantz til Kjærstrup, KBB 1571-1575. 17. juni 1575 og efter dennes død 8. nov. s.å. til Jørgen Marsvin, KBB 1571-1575. 16. dec. 1575. Mikael Venges kapitel om dronning Christina i Odense: Fra boplads til bispeby. Odense til 1559. Odense 1982. ”Udilige maade plyndrede oc indtoge de Svinborge Borgere Othense Bispgaard / de begaffve dennem udi S. Albani Kirche strax hos oc udi andre Huus omkring Bispgaarden / oc skøde aff Kircken oc Husene / til huem / som sig lod see eller vilde stille til vern / aff Vyndverne paa Bispgaarden. Midlertid finge de nogle offerverfet paa en Baad offver Grafven / som førde Ild oc Tiære udi Porten / som icke var hvald / oc dermed opbrende Porten / oc i saa maade bleffve de Gaarden mectige.” Arild Hvidtfeldt: Danmarks Riges Krønicke. Kbh. 1650-52 (Andenudgaven). Angrebet s. 1428.

17.

18. 19. 20.

21. 22.

23. 24.

According to the auction terms for the sale of Jomfruklosteret’s Patrongaard in 1869, the buyer was to erect a wall, but this only occurred when St. Albani Church was built. LAO. EI001. Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Pk. 2: Adkomster, domme m.v. 1630-1926. The whole interesting story of the making of the Odense map can be found in: Otonium. Odense 1593 in Georg Braun & Frans Hogenberg Civitates orbis terrarum Part V (Cologne 1597), sheet 30. Introduction and commentary by Ove Jørgensen. Odense Universitetsforlag 1981. The translations of the Latin text below are taken from this. See also: Braunius’ kort. By Jørgen Thomsen and Johnny Wøllekær at www.stadsarkivet.dk/topmenu/ Oplev/historien/Om/Odense/Genstande/Om/ Braunius/kort.aspx. As above: Otonium. Odense 1593 (…) KBB 1576-1579. 10 January 1579. Tåsinge: The interesting and detailed text relating to this gift is given in Diplomatarium Danicum and can be read at http://diplomatarium.dk/dd/ diplomer/08-054.html. Engelstoft, C. T.: “Odense Byes Sognehistorie efter Reformationen” in: Historisk Tidsskrift, 2nd Series, Vol. 6. Copenhagen 1856. Manorial rolls of the episcopal estates from shortly before the Reformation have only been preserved in part. Danish National Archives. Ecclesiastical Archives, Odense Bishopric. 1020-1631. The restructuring of the fiefs is mentioned in two enfeoffment letters: to Erik Rosenkrantz of Kjærstrup, KBB 1571-1575. 17 June 1575 and, following his death on 8 November of that year, to Jørgen Marsvin, KBB 1571-1575. 16 Dec. 1575. Mikael Venge’s chapter on Queen Christina in Odense: Fra boplads til bispeby. Odense til 1559. Odense 1982. “Udilige maade plyndrede oc indtoge de Svinborge Borgere Othense Bispgaard / de begaffve dennem udi S. Albani Kirche strax hos oc udi andre Huus omkring Bispgaarden / oc skøde aff Kircken oc Husene / til huem / som sig lod see eller vilde stille til vern / aff Vyndverne paa Bispgaarden. Midlertid finge de nogle offerverfet paa en Baad offver Grafven / som førde Ild oc Tiære udi Porten / som icke var

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25. Mortensen, Michael H.: Dansk artilleri indtil 1600. Tøjhusmuseets skrifter. Nr. 14. 1999. At hovedbygningen på Bispegaarden skulle være ødelagt med skydevåben under angrebet er drøftet i sommeren 2011 med dav. direktør for Statens Forsvarshistoriske Museum, Ole Louis Frandsen; uden at kende de præcise afstande og vinkler anså han sandsynligheden for lille. 26. Vesth, Kjeld Borch: Odense Middelalderlige Bispegaard. I: Hikuin. Nr. 13. 1987: med terrænets hældning måtte en grav have været meget dyb og opstemmet, så vandet ikke løb i åen. 27. Fundet af meget små mængder sod langs ydervæggene: Oplyst af arkitekt MAA Søren Lundqvist, der har fundet sodpartiklerne under gulvene i forbindelse med restaureringen. 28. Om Grevens Fejde i Odense: Mikael Venge i: Fra boplads til bispeby. Odense til 1559. Odense 1982. Trolles ophold på Bispegaarden omtales af den protestantiske Jørgen Jensen Sadolin, Fyns superintendent. 29. Om Gyldenstjerne: O’Bróin, Jette Friis: Nørre Vosborg. Realea A/S. Odense 2008 (Fra 1. januar 2011 Realdania Byg A/S). 30. Recessen: http://danmarkshistorien.dk/leksikonog-kilder/vis/materiale/recessen-om-reformationen-af-30-oktober-1536/ Stændermødet: Nielsen, Oluf: Kjøbenhavns Historie og Beskrivelse II. Kjøbenhavns Historie indtil Reformationens Indførelse. Kap. V. Kbh. 1879. 31. Stiftlensmand/stiftamtmand/statsamt: ved kommunalreformen 2007 nedlagdes statsamterne og der blev oprettet fem regionale statsforvaltninger, hvis direktør er født stiftamtmand; embedet har siden da ikke omfattet de familierelaterede sagsområder, som Staten havde overtaget fra Kirken ved Reformationen. 32. Danmarks Kirker. Odense Amt. IX, bind 3. Skt. Hans Kirke. St. Hans Kloster blev opløst o. 1578: Warring, Ellen: Kongen på gennemrejse. I: Odense Slot. Odense 2008. St. Knuds Kloster var det sidste kloster i Fyens Stift; det blev opløst ved priorens fratrædelse i 1571. 33. KBB 1571-1575. 28. juli 1575. Lensmanden, Erik Ottesen Rosenkrantz, havde tidligere haft Oden-

388

25.

26.

27.

28.

29. 30.

31.

32.

hvald / oc dermed opbrende Porten / oc i saa maade bleffve de Gaarden mectige.” Arild Hvidtfeldt: Danmarks Riges Krønicke. Copenhagen 1650-52 (Second Edition). The attack, p. 1428. Mortensen, Michael H.: Dansk artilleri indtil 1600. Tøjhusmuseets skrifter. No. 14. 1999. In summer 2011, the then Director of the Royal Danish Defence Museum, Ole Louis Frandsen, was consulted as to whether the building could have been damaged by firearms during the attack. Without having a precise knowledge of the distances and angles concerned, he nevertheless considered the probability very low. Vesth, Kjeld Borch: Odense Middelalderlige Bispegaard. I: Hikuin. No. 13. 1987: the gradients mean that a moat would have had to be very deep and dammed up to prevent the water escaping into the river. Discovery of very small quantities of soot along the outer walls: communicated by architect Søren Lundqvist MAA, who found the soot particles under the floors during the restoration. Regarding the Counts’ Feud in Odense: Mikael Venge in: Fra boplads til bispeby. Odense til 1559. Odense 1982. Trolle’s stay at the Bishop’s Palace is mentioned by the Protestant Jørgen Jensen Sadolin, Superintendent of Funen. Regarding Gyldenstjerne: O’Bróin, Jette Friis: Nørre Vosborg. Realea A/S. Odense 2008 (From 1 January 2011 Realdania Byg A/S). The Recess: http://danmarkshistorien.dk/leksikonog-kilder/vis/materiale/recessen-om-reformationen -af-30-oktober-1536/ The assembly of the Estates General: Nielsen, Oluf: Kjøbenhavns Historie og Beskrivelse II. Kjøbenhavns Historie indtil Reformationens Indførelse. Chap. V. Copenhagen. 1879. Diocesan Lord Lieutenant/Diocesan Prefect/State County: at the municipal reform of 2007, the State Counties (statsamt) were abolished and five regional state administrations were created, the Directors of which are ex officio Diocesan Prefects; since then the office has not included the family-related responsibilities which the State took over from the Church at the Reformation. Danmarks Kirker. Odense Amt. IX, vol. 3. Skt. Hans Kirke

34.

35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41.

42.

43.

44.

segaard i forlening 1568-1572; han mageskiftede i 1573 Tåsinge med Frederik II og skrev sig derefter til Kjærstrup. KBB 1571-1575. 16. december 1575. Erslev, Kr.: Konge og Lensmand i det sextende Aarhundrede. Studier over Statsomvæltningen i 1536 og dens Følger for Kongemagt og Adelsvælde. Kbh. 1879. I 1660 skiftede Odensegaards Len sært nok navn til St. Hans Klosters Len, og i 1662, som følge af Enevældens administrative ændringer, blev det som alle andre len omdøbt til “amt”. F.eks. KBB 1571-1575. 28. juli 1575 og breve til senere lensmænd. Brevene i det følgende: KBB 1556-1560. 6. og 31. januar, 22. og 24. februar, 27. marts, 15. april og 23. april 1560, 20. august 1560. Zeeberg, Peter og Skovgaard-Petersen, Karen: Erasmus Lætus’ skrift om Christian IVs fødsel og dåb (1577). Kbh. 1992. Ibid. Forfatterens fremhævning. KBB 1566-1579. 29. november 1570. KBB 1571-1575. 28. juli 1575. Rigsarkivet. Odensegaards Lensregnskaber 15761577. 25. november-2. december 1576 og 18.-25. marts 1577. Fra: Vesth, Kjeld Borch: Odense Middelalderlige Bispegaard. I: Hikuin. Nr. 13. 1987. En bemærkning af Kjeld Borch Vesth i forbindelse med Arild Huitfeldts lokalkendskab afspejler meget godt forvirringen: “I 1586 [da Huitfeldt skrev] var Bispegaarden først blevet ombygget siden nedrevet af kronen og sandsynligvis igen opbygget af Oluf Bager.” Vesth, Kjeld Borch: Odense Middelalderlige Bispegaard. I: Hikuin. Nr. 13. 1987. Henning Gabrielsen Akeleye 1574-ca. 1630. Lind, H.D.: Kong Kristian den Fjerde og hans Mænd paa Bremerholm. Kbh. 1889. Gabriel Knudsen Akeleje døde i 1608, hans hustru Helvad Sparre i 1611. Tamm, Ditlev (red.): Kongens retterting 1537-1660. Kbh. 2003. Slægtsnavnet staves på adskillige måder: Gø, Giø, Giøe, Gjøe, Gøie, Gøje og Gøye – her er valgt det sidste, som benyttes i Danmarks Adels Aarbog, div. bd., og er den form der oftest benyttes i kilderne.

33.

34.

35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41.

42.

St. Hans Monastery was dissolved in about 1578: Warring, Ellen: Kongen på gennemrejse. I: Odense Slot. Odense 2008. St. Knud’s Monastery was the last monastery in Funen diocese; it was dissolved on the departure of the Prior in 1571. KBB 1571-1575. 28 July 1575 The Lord Lieutenant, Erik Ottesen Rosenkrantz, had previously held Odensegaard as a fief from 1568-1572; in 1573 he swapped this with Frederik II in return for Tåsinge Fief, and thereafter styled himself “of Kjærstrup”. KBB 1571-1575. 16 December 1575. Erslev, Kr.: Konge og Lensmand i det sextende Aarhundrede. Studier over Statsomvæltningen i 1536 og dens Følger for Kongemagt og Adelsvælde. Copenhagen 1879. In 1660, strangely enough, the Odensegaard Fief changed its name to St. Hans Monastery Fief, and in 1662, under the administrative changes which came with the Absolute Monarchy, it was reclassified as an “Amt” or “County”, as with all the other fiefs. E.g. KBB 1571-1575. 28 July 1575 and letters to later feudal lords. The letters in the following: KBB 1556-1560. 6 and 31 January, 22 and 24 February, 27 March, 15 April and 23 April 1560, 20 August 1560. Zeeberg, Peter and Skovgaard-Petersen, Karen: Erasmus Lætus’ skrift om Christian IVs fødsel og dåb (1577). Copenhagen 1992. Ibid. Author’s emphasis. KBB 1566-1579. 29 November 1570. KBB 1571-1575. 28 July 1575. Danish National Archives. Odensegaards Lensregnskaber 1576-1577. 25 November-2 December 1576 and 18-25 March 1577. From: Vesth, Kjeld Borch: Odense Middelalderlige Bispegaard. I: Hikuin. No. 13. 1987. A comment by Kjeld Borch Vesth regarding Arild Huitfeldt’s local knowledge clearly reflects this confusion: “In 1586 [the time Huitfeldt was writing], the Bishop’s Palace had first been rebuilt, then pulled down by the Crown and probably rebuilt again by Oluf Bager.” Vesth, Kjeld Borch: Odense Middelalderlige Bispegaard. I: Hikuin. No. 13. 1987.

389

45.

46. 47. 48. 49. 50.

Ellen skrives sommetider Elline eller Eline; det oplyses et par steder, at hun var 14 år ved brylluppet, men det er en fejl, hun var 22 år. Forældrene til de 10 Gøye-søskende på Rosenholm: Henrik Gøye til Skørringe og Tureby døde 1611, Birgitte Brahe 1619. Vedel Simonsen, L. S. (udg.): Bidrag til Lehnsmanden paa Hagenskov, Rigsraad og Ridder Hr. Jørgen Brahes Levnetsbeskrivelse, med Brudstykker af hans egenhændige Dagbøger fra 1625 til 1656. Odense 1845. Fasmer Blomberg, Aage: Træk af den fynske Adels Historie 1536-1660. I: Fynske Aarbøger. 1942. Uddrag af Biskop Jens Bircherods historisk-biographiske Dagbøger for Aarene 1658-1708. Ved Chr. Molbech. Kbh. 1846. Egeberg, Edv.: Silkeborg Slot. I: Jyske Samlinger. 4. Række. 3. Bind. 1917-1919. Uddrag af Biskop Jens Bircherods historisk-biographiske Dagbøger for Aarene 1658-1708. Ved Chr. Molbech. Kbh. 1846. Maleriet er kun tilskrevet kgl. hofskildrer Jacob Coning, idet han i 1699 opholdt sig i Norge for at male prospekter for kongen. Et af malerierne hang på Sæbygård, hvorfra en datter var gift med en af KBs fætres sønner; nu på Frederiksborgmuseet. Et andet hang på Steensgaard ved Faaborg, som tilhørte KBs niece Susanne Brahe og efter hendes død Stamhuset Hvedholm; nu på Fyns Kunstmuseum. Det viste maleris proveniens kendes ikke.

Afsnittet “Jomfrukloster”: 1. Rübner Jørgensen, Kaare: Ny vin på gamle flasker. Maribo Kloster efter reformationen. Omarbejdet dansk udgave af artikel i: Birgittiana. 12. Napoli 2001. www.ruebnerus.dk/page20x.html. Mariager Kloster lukkede, da den sidste nonne døde 1588. 2. Hofman, Hans de: Samlinger af Publique og Private Stiftelser, Fundationer og Gavebreve (…). Bind I. Kbh. 1755. Kaldet “Hofmans Fundationer”. 3. Zalewski, Barbara og Baumann, Jens Andrew: Det Harboeske Enkefruekloster. Udg. Realea A/S. Odense 2008.

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43. Henning Gabrielsen Akeleye 1574-c. 1630. Lind, H.D.: Kong Kristian den Fjerde og hans Mænd paa Bremerholm. Copenhagen 1889. Gabriel Knudsen Akeleye died in 1608, and his wife Helvad Sparre in 1611. Tamm, Ditlev (red.): Kongens retterting 1537-1660. Copenhagen 2003. 44. The family name has many spellings: Gø, Giø, Giøe, Gjøe, Gøie, Gøje og Gøye – the last has been chosen here, as it is used in Danmarks Adels Aarbog, various vols., and is the form most used in the sources. Ellen is sometimes written Elline or Eline; occasionally it is stated that she was 14 at the time of the wedding, but this is a mistake, as she was 22. The parents of the 10 Gøye children at Rosenholm: Henrik Gøye of Skørringe and Tureby died 1611, Birgitte Brahe 1619. 45. Vedel Simonsen, L. S. (ed.): Bidrag til Lehnsmanden paa Hagenskov, Rigsraad og Ridder Hr. Jørgen Brahes Levnetsbeskrivelse, med Brudstykker af hans egenhændige Dagbøger fra 1625 til 1656. Odense 1845. 46. Fasmer Blomberg, Aage: Træk af den fynske Adels Historie 1536-1660. I: Fynske Aarbøger. 1942. 47. Uddrag af Biskop Jens Bircherods historiskbiographiske Dagbøger for Aarene 1658-1708. By Chr. Molbech. Copenhagen 1846. 48. Egeberg, Edv.: Silkeborg Slot. I: Jyske Samlinger. 4th Series. 3rd Vol. 1917-1919. 49. Uddrag af Biskop Jens Bircherods historiskbiographiske Dagbøger for Aarene 1658-1708. By Chr. Molbech. Copenhagen 1846. 50. The painting is only ascribed to Royal Portraitist Jacob Coning, as he was away in Norway in 1699, painting views for the king. One of the paintings hung at Sæbygård Manor; a daughter of this house was married to one of KB’s cousin’s sons, now at Frederiksborg Palace Museum. Another hung at Steensgaard Manor near Faaborg, which belonged to KB’s niece, Susanne Brahe, and after her death to the entailed estate of Hvedholm, now in Funen Art Museum. The provenance of this painting is unknown.

4. Ludvig Holberg brugte samme vending i Moralske Tanker 1744: “Kone og Børn ere kostbare Meubler udi disse Lande.” 5. Se f.eks. om senge i Vartov: Jonge, Nicolai: Den Kongelige Hoved- og Residentz-Stad Kiøbenhavns Beskrivelse, forestillende Stadens Tilstand, Beskaffenhed oc Merkværdigheder i en sammenhængende Orden i de ældste, mellemste oc nyeste Tider. Bog 1, kapitel 2. Kbh., 1783 (1945). 6. Skiftet efter Karen Brahe: LAO. Skifteprotokoller Nyborg-Tranekær Amter 1703-1811. II-271. Selve testamentet og skifteforretningen er ikke bevaret. 7. Den komplicerede definition af datidens forskellige former for adelskab analyseres i: Bartholdy, Nils G.: Sammenhængen med privilegier og rang i tiden 1660-1730. I: Historisk Tidsskrift. 12. række, bind V. 1971. 8. Det er svært at optælle listen over indskrevne nøjagtigt, da det ikke altid er oplyst, hvor mange der blev indskrevet på én gang, f.eks. kan familienavnet stå for én indskrevet, mens det samtidig oplyses, at én datter er gift eller død og en anden har fået plads, dvs. at der var indskrevet to. Der er store lakuner i listerne over indskrevne, der begynder noget spredt o. 1717. Fra 1742 til 1772 og igen fra 1788 til 1802 blev ingen indskrevet. 1802-1803 blev 3 søstre indskrevet og i 1806 en enkelt frøken. 1823 til 1836 blev 10 frøkener indskrevet, og derefter blev der kun indskrevet en frøken i hhv. 1852 og 1903. Der kan have været lukket for tilgang i perioder, hvor ledelsen efter alderssammensætningen i Jomfruklosteret kunne vurdere, at frøkenen ikke kunne nå at få en bolig, ligesom patronen kan have afvist at indskrive enkeltpersoner i en alder, hvor indskrivningspengene aldrig ville kunne nå op på det fastsatte beløb. 9. Garde, Peter: Den reformerte dronning, den lutherske prinsesse og den katolske klosterfrøken. I: Festskrift til Hans Gammeltoft-Hansen. DJØF 2004. 10. Stiftsbibliotekar Hans Michelsen, Roskilde, har venligt oplyst, at den ikke synes at være i selve Karen Brahes Bibliotek, som nu findes på Sjællands Stiftsbibliotek. Den kan ligge mellem andre arkivalier fra Jomfruklosteret, men ville formentlig være blevet fundet af en af de mange, der har beskæftiget sig med Karen Brahe og tidens lærde miljø.

Chapter “Jomfruklosteret – The Secular Convent”: 1. Rübner Jørgensen, Kaare: Ny vin på gamle flasker. Maribo Kloster efter reformationen. Adapted Danish version of article in: Birgittiana. 12. Naples 2001. www.ruebnerus.dk/page20x.html. Mariager Convent closed when the last nun died in 1588. 2. Hofman, Hans de: Samlinger af Publique og Private Stiftelser, Fundationer og Gavebreve (…). Vol. I. Copenhagen. 1755. Called “Hofmans Fundationer”. 3. Zalewski, Barbara and Baumann, Jens Andrew: Det Harboeske Enkefruekloster. Publ. Realea A/S. Odense 2008. 4. Ludvig Holberg used the same expression in his Moralske Tanker of 1744: “Wife and children are costly furniture in these countries.” 5. See for example regarding beds at Vartov: Jonge, Nicolai: Den Kongelige Hoved- og Residentz-Stad Kiøbenhavns Beskrivelse, forestillende Stadens Tilstand, Beskaffenhed oc Merkværdigheder i en sammenhængende Orden i de ældste, mellemste oc nyeste Tider. Book 1, Chap. 2. Copenhagen, 1783 (1945) 6. Division of estate of Karen Brahe: LAO. Skifteprotokoller Nyborg-Tranekær Amter 17031811. II-271. The actual will and administration documents have not been preserved. 7. The complicated definition of the different types of nobility in those days is analysed in: Bartholdy, Nils G.: Sammenhængen med privilegier og rang i tiden 1660-1730. In: Historisk Tidsskrift 12th series, vol. V. 1971. 8. It is hard to make an accurate count of the list of enrollees, as it is not always stated how many were enrolled at once, so for example, the family name may indicate a single enrolled girl, while it is stated that one daughter is married or dead and another has received a place, i.e. that two people were enrolled. There are also wide gaps in the lists of enrollees, which begin to appear spasmodically from about 1717. From 1742 to 1772 and again from 1788 to 1802, no-one was enrolled. From 1802-1803, three sisters were enrolled and in 1806, a single applicant. From 1823 to 1836, 10 unmarried ladies were enrolled, and from then on only one in 1852 and one in 1903. Enrolment may have been closed in periods where the management could see from the age composition at Jomfruklosteret

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11. Skønt Det Harboeske Enkefruekloster og Støvringgaard var stiftede samtidig, i 1735, blev det sidste først taget i brug i 1760. Stifterinden havde dog selv udpeget de to første priorinder, der blot ikke fungerede før åbningen. 12. Trap, J.P.: Statistisk-Topografisk Beskrivelse af Kongeriget Danmark. Haarby Sogn i diverse udgaver Kaldet Trap Danmark. 13. Thaulow, Th.: Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. I: Personalhistorisk Tidsskrift 8. Rk. IV. Bd. 1925. Fortegnelse over klosterjomfruer og indskrevne fra klostrets regnskabsprotokol. 14. Krarup, Fr.: Stiftsrelationer om Adelige i Danmark og Norge, indsendte til Klevenfeldt. I: Personalhistorisk Tidsskrift. 1-III-1882, 1-IV-1883, 1-V-1884, 1-VI-1885, 2-I-1886. 15. H.C. Andersens breve: 22. juni 1835 til Louise Collin, gift Lind. 15. juni 1836 til Edvard Collin. 19. august 1837 til Christian Wulff. 26. april 1839 til Henriette Hanck. 16. Dunker, Conradine: Gamle Dage. Erindringer og Tidsbilleder. Kbh. 1871 (2. udg. 1909, faksimileudg. 1985). 17. Krogh, Ferdinand von: Den høiere danske Adel. Kbh. 1866. 18. På Vallø Stift blev indskrivning afskaffet ved en fundatsændring i 1976, men genindført i 2003. 19. Schepelern, H.D.: Portrætsamlingen i Odense adelige Jomfrukloster. Med en indledning om klosterets ældre historie. Udg. af Det nationalhistoriske Museum på Frederiksborg. 1959. Forf. mener, at Karen Brahe havde ophængt samlingen efter et genealogisk og pædagogisk system, men det ser ud til, at samlingen er blevet til lidt efter lidt og noget tilfældigt. Nogle billeder kan have hængt i huset i siden Jørgen Brahes tid, mens flere først synes at være kommet til efter Karen Brahes død, bl.a. som arv fra Susanne Brahe og efterladt af klosterfrøkener. 20. Lavrsen, Lasse: “Han sikkert sig en gave får…” Information. 2. marts 2005. 21. Oplysninger om Karen Brahe Selskabets historie og aktiviteter 1987-2012: Cand.mag. et art. Jane Jakobsen, formand for Karen Brahe Selskabet og selskabets hjemmeside www.karenbrahe.dk. 22. Albanigade 006, Odense adelige Jomfrukloster, matr.nr. 412, Odense bygrunde. Summarisk byg-

392

9. 10.

11.

12. 13.

14.

15.

16. 17. 18. 19.

that applicants would not be able to get an apartment, or the patron may have refused to enrol individuals if they were at an age where the enrolment fee would never reach the determined amount. Garde, Peter: Den reformerte dronning, den lutherske prinsesse og den katolske klosterfrøken. In: Festskrift til Hans Gammeltoft-Hansen. DJØF 2004. Diocesan Librarian Hans Michelsen, Roskilde, has kindly stated that it does not seem to be in Karen Brahe’s library, now in the Zealand Diocesan library. It may still exist among other archives from Jomfruklosteret, but would probably have been discovered by now by one of the many students of Karen Brahe and the learned societies of the time. Although the Harboeske Enkefruekloster Widows’ Convent and Støvringgaard were founded at the same time, the latter only came into use in 1760. The foundress had herself appointed the first two Prioresses, but they had no function before the place opened. Trap, J.P.: Statistisk-Topografisk Beskrivelse af Kongeriget Danmark. Haarby Parish in various editions Known as Trap Danmark. Thaulow, Th.: Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. In: Personalhistorisk Tidsskrift 8th Series 4th Vol. 1925. List of conventuals and enrollees from the secular convent’s accounting records. Krarup, Fr.: Stiftsrelationer om Adelige i Danmark og Norge, indsendte til Klevenfeldt. In: Personalhistorisk Tidsskrift. 1-III-1882, 1-IV-1883, 1-V-1884, 1-VI1885, 2-I-1886. Letters of Hans Christian Andersen: 22 June 1835 to Louise Collin, later Lind. 15 June 1836 to Edvard Collin. 19 August 1837 to Christian Wulff. 26 April 1839 to Henriette Hanck. Dunker, Conradine: Gamle Dage. Erindringer og Tidsbilleder. Copenhagen 1871 (2nd ed. 1909, facsimile edition 1985). Krogh, Ferdinand von: Den høiere danske Adel. Copenhagen 1866. At Vallø Foundation, enrolment was abolished by a trust deed amendment of 1976, but was reintroduced in 2003. Schepelern, H.D.: Portrætsamlingen i Odense adelige Jomfrukloster. Med en indledning om klosterets ældre historie. Published by the National Historical Museum of Frederiksborg. 1959. The author suggests that

ningsarkæologisk undersøgelse. 5 sider (upagineret) samt kort. Hans Henrik Engqvist. August 1972. I: www.kulturarv.dk/fbb/sagvis.pub?sag=2340202. 23. Odense Bys Museer. Rapport over kælderundersøgelsen i Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Ebbe Hædersdal. Sept. 1977. Ebbe Hædersdal, Tekn. dr. fra Lunds Universitet, er både middelalderarkæolog og arkitekt. Han skrev 1976 en opgave om Jomfruklosteret på middelalderarkæologi og har siden jævnligt beskæftiget sig med Jomfruklosterets bygningshistorie. 24. Kjeld Borch Vesths meget omfattende baggrundsmateriale til opgave i middelalderarkæologi, venligt stillet til rådighed af Kjeld Borch Vesth til Lundqvist Arkitekter. De bygningsarkæologiske detaljer: Vesth, Kjeld Borch: Odense Middelalderlige Bispegaard. I: Hikuin. Nr. 13. 1987.

20. 21.

22.

23.

Afsnittet “Restaureringen af Jomfruklosteret”: 1. Før 1. januar 2005 Realdania Ejendomme. Derefter Realea A/S. Fra 1. januar 2011 Realdania Byg A/S. 2. Dengang Kulturarvsstyrelsen. 3. Hvinden-Haug, Lars Jacob: Den eldre barokken i Norge. Bygningenes former og rommenes fordeling 1660-1733. Doktorafhandling Oslo 2008. 4. Planløsningen kaldes på svensk parstuga og kendes fra 14-1500-tallet i adeligt byggeri; fra 1600-tallet vandrede den nedad og blev typisk for hovedbygningen på lidt større bøndergårde.

Afsnittet “Karen Brahes bibliotek”: 1. Johan Snell, Danmarks første Bogtrykker. En bibliografisk Undersøgelse af H. O. Lange. I: Historisk Tidsskrift. 6. Række, Bind 3. 2. Madsen, Victor: Karen Brahes Bibliotek i Odense. I: Nordisk tidskrift för bok- och biblioteksväsen. Årg. VI. Kbh. 1919. 3. Hofman, Hans de: Samlinger af Publique og Private Stiftelser, Fundationer og Gavebreve (…). Bind V. Kbh. 1760. Kaldet “Hofmans Fundationer”. 4. Vølzgen Nielsen, Susanne Lykke: Karen Brahe i: Dansk Kvindebiografisk Leksikon. Kbh. 2000-2001. 5. Hofman, Hans de: Samlinger af Publique og Private

24.

Karen Brahe had hung the collection according to a deliberate genealogical system, but it looks as if the collection was formed piecemeal and rather randomly. Some paintings may have hung in the house since Jørgen Brahe’s time, while the majority seem to have been added after Karen Brahe’s death, e.g. as bequests from Susanne Brahe or left behind by the conventuals. Lavrsen, Lasse: “Han sikkert sig en gave får…” Information. 02 March 2005. Information about the Karen Brahe Society’s history and activities 1987-2012: Jane Jakobsen cand.mag. et art., President of Karen Brahe Society, and the Society’s website www.karenbrahe.dk. Albanigade 006, Odense adelige Jomfrukloster, matr.nr. 412, Odense bygrunde. Brief archaeological investigation of building. 5 pages (unnumbered) and plan, Hans Henrik Engqvist. August 1972. In: www.kulturarv.dk/fbb/sagvis.pub?sag=2340202. City of Odense Museums Rapport over kælderundersøgelsen i Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. Ebbe Hædersdal. Sept. 1977. Ebbe Hædersdal, Tekn. Dr. (University of Lund) is both a medieval archaeologist and an architect. In 1976 he wrote a paper on Jomfruklosteret as part of his medieval archaeology studies, and has since regularly revisited the building history of Jomfruklosteret. Vesth has very kindly made his very comprehensive background material for his paper in medieval archaeology available to Lundqvist Architects. De bygningsarkæologiske detaljer: Vesth, Kjeld Borch: Odense Middelalderlige Bispegaard. In: Hikuin. No. 13. 1987.

Chapter “Restoration of Jomfruklosteret”: 1. Prior to 1 January 2005 Realdania Ejendomme. Subsequently Realea A/S. From 1 January 2011 Realdania Byg A/S. 2. At that time the Cultural Heritage Agency. 3. Hvinden-Haug, Lars Jacob: Den eldre barokken i Norge. Bygningenes former og rommenes fordeling 1660-1733. Doctoral thesis Oslo 2008. 4. This layout is known in Swedish as parstuga, and is known from the 15-16th centuries in aristocratic buildings; from the 17th century it wandered down the social scale and became typical of the main building at the slightly larger farms.

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7. 8. 9. 10.

11. 12. 13. 14.

Stiftelser, Fundationer og Gavebreve (…). Bind V. Kbh. 1760. Kaldet “Hofmans Fundationer”. Nyerup, Rasmus: Almindelig Morskabslæsning i Danmark og Norge igjennem Aarhundreder. Kbh. 1816. Se også: I gamle bøger, i oplukte høje: Rasmus Nyerup 1759-1829. Red. Rasmus Agertoft. Museerne på Vestfyn. Assens 2010. Nyerup, Rasmus: Antiqvariske Reise til Fyen i Julii Maaned 1814. Kbh. 1814. Cand.mag. Rasmus Agertoft takkes for henvisningen. Det Kongelige Biblioteks ansøgning om at få Karen Brahes Bibliotek optaget på UNESCOs Memory of the World Register. Dansk biografisk Lexikon. XV. Bind. 1887-1905. Askgaard, Einar Stig: Jeg om dagen gik derop, for en Bog at laane, Gik en smule deromkring, og kom til at daane. I: Fynske minder 2007. Om H.C. Andersens litterære veninde, Henriette Hancks søgen efter digterens biografi på Odenses biblioteker. Meddelser fra Rigsarkivet med Landsarkivrne, omtalt i: Nordisk tidskrift för bok- och biblioteksväsen. Årgång VII. 1920. Udtalelse til Dagbladet Roskilde, refereret på www. dr.dk/Nyheder/Kultur/2010/10/25/140215.htm. Venligt målt og oplyst af stiftsbibliotekar Hans Michelsen, Roskilde Stiftsbibliotek. Reimer, Christine: Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster. I: Illustreret Tidende. Årgang 46, Nr. 15. 08/01 1905 Trap Danmark, 3. Udgave. Bind III. 1900 nævner, at bøgerne findes “til dels i de oprindelige bogskabe”.

Afsnittet “De arkæologiske undersøgelser”: 1. Restaureringsarkitekt MAA Søren Lundqvist og ph.d. Barbara Zalewski skal takkes for inspiration og diskussion af resultaterne, uden at vi nødvendigvis er nået til fuld enighed om detaljerne. 2. For bygningshistorien og tidligere undersøgelsers resultater henvises til rapporter i Odense Bys Museers arkiv under journal nr. OBM 137, samt Realdania Byg A/S’ hjemmeside og publikationen Fra bispegård til jomfrukloster: Odense adelige Jomfrukloster – en bygning og dens historie gennem 500 år. Red. Eva Therkelsen og Jane Jakobsen. Odense 2004.

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Chapter “Karen Brahe’s Library”: 1. Johan Snell, Danmarks første Bogtrykker. En bibliografisk Undersøgelse af H. O. Lange [Johan Snell, Denmark’s first printer. A bibliographical study by H. O. Lange]. In: Historisk Tidsskrift [Historical Journal]. Edition 6, Volume 3. 2. Madsen, Victor: Karen Brahes Bibliotek i Odense [Karen Brahe’s Library in Odense]. In: Nordisk tidskrift för bok- och biblioteksväsen [Nordic journal for books and libraries]. Year VI. Copenhagen. 1919. 3. Hofman, Hans de: Samlinger af Publique og Private Stiftelser, Fundationer og Gavebreve (…) [Collections of Public and Private Foundations and Deeds (...)]. Volume V. Copenhagen, 1760. Known as “Hofmans Fundationer”. 4. Vølzgen Nielsen, Susanne Lykke: Karen Brahe in: Dansk Kvindebiografisk Leksikon. Copenhagen, 20002001. 5. Hofman, Hans de: Samlinger af Publique og Private Stiftelser, Fundationer og Gavebreve (…) [Collections of Pulic and Private Foundations and Deeds (...)]. Volume V. Copenhagen, 1760. Known as “Hofmans Fundationer”. 6. Nyerup, Rasmus: Almindelig Morskabslæsning i Danmark og Norge igjennem Aarhundreder [General Pleasure Reading in Denmark and Norway through the Centuries]. Copenhagen, 1816. Also see: I gamle bøger, i oplukte høje: Rasmus Nyerup 1759-1829 [In old books, in unlocked heights: Rasmus Nyerup 1759-1829]. Ed. Rasmus Agertoft. Museums in Western Funen. Assens 2010. 7. Nyerup, Rasmus: Antiqvariske Reise til Fyen i Julii Maaned 1814 [Book Journey to Funen in the Month of July 1814]. Copenhagen, 1814. Thanks to MA. Rasmus Agertoft for the reference. 8. The Royal Danish Library’s application to have Karen Brahe’s Library listed in UNESCO’s Memory of the World Register. 9. Dansk biografisk Lexikon [Danish Biographical Encyclopedia]. Volume XV. 1887-1905. 10. Askgaard, Einar Stig: Jeg om dagen gik derop, for en Bog at laane, Gik en smule deromkring, og kom til at daane. [I went up there during the day to borrow a book, walked around a bit and ended up fainting]. In: Fynske minder 2007. On Hans Christian Andersen’s

Litteraturliste Albani kirke & torv ved Finn Grandt-Nielsen et al. Fynske studier XIV. Odense 1985. Anemette S. Christensen: Middelalderbyen Odense. Højbjerg 1988. Fra boplads til bispeby, Odense til 1559 ved Tore Nyberg et al. Odense bys historie bd. I. Odense 1982. Jakob Tue Christensen: Bispegårdens middelalderlige vestfløj. Fra bispegård til jomfrukloster; s. 25-30. Odense 2004. Kjeld Borch Vesth: Odense middelalderlige bispegård. Hikuin 13; s. 121-154. Højbjerg 1987.

11.

12. 13. 14.

literary friend, Henriette Hanck’s search for the poet’s biography in Odense’s libraries. Reports from the National Archives with the Provincial Archives, as cited in: Nordisk tidskrift för bok- och biblioteksväsen [Nordic journal for books and libraries]. Volume VII. 1920. Statement to the newspaper Dagbladet Roskilde, cited at www.dr.dk/Nyheder/Kultur/2010/10/25/ 140215.htm. Measured and recorded by diocese library Hans Michelsen, Roskilde Diocese Library. Reimer, Christine: Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster [Odense Noble Virgin Convent]. In: Illustreret Tidende [Illustrated Times]. Volume 46, No. 15. 08/01 1905. Trap Danmark, Third Edition. Volume III. 1900 mentions that the books are “partially located in the original book cabinets”.

Chapter “The archaeological investigations”: 1. Conservation architect Søren Lundqvist MAA and Dr. Barbara Zalewski deserve thanks for the inspiration our discussion of the results has engendered, without our necessarily agreeing on all the details. 2. For the history of the building and the results of previous investigations, consult the reports in the City of Odense Museums archive, Ref. OBM 137, the Realdania Byg A/S website and the publication Fra bispegård til jomfrukloster: Odense adelige Jomfrukloster – en bygning og dens historie gennem 500 år. Ed. Eva Therkelsen and Jane Jakobsen. Odense 2004.

Literature Albani kirke & torv ved Finn Grandt-Nielsen et al. Fynske studier XIV. Odense 1985. Anemette S. Christensen: Middelalderbyen Odense. Højbjerg 1988. Fra boplads til bispeby, Odense til 1559 ved Tore Nyberg et al. Odense bys historie bd. I. Odense 1982. Jakob Tue Christensen: Bispegårdens middelalderlige vestfløj. Fra bispegård til jomfrukloster; s. 25-30. Odense 2004. Kjeld Borch Vesth: Odense middelalderlige bispegård. Hikuin 13; s. 121-154. Højbjerg 1987.

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Fra rum 105. Foto: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. 2013. / From room 105. Photo: Kurt Rodahl Hoppe. 2013.

Priorinder / Prioresses 1740 - 1758 Susanne Parsberg

Priorinder, der ikke har vĂŚret klosterjomfruer / Prioresses who have not been conventuals:

1758 - 1777 Juliane Gustava von Warenstedt

1856 - 1891 Elisa Ernestine Ermerine Charlotte Sibille Lucie Schaffalitzky de Muckadell, f. dal Borgo di Primo Enkebaronesse / Dowager Baroness

1777 - 1786 Marie Hedvig Pentz 1786 - 1793 Christiane Sophie Magdalene Juul 1793 - 1808 Aletta Margarethe Wind 1808 - 1825 Johanna von Leth 1825 - 1856 Louise Catharine Sophie Heide

396

1891 konstitueret / appointed - 1913 Wilhelmine Charlotte Henriette Louise Schaffalitzsky de Muckadell Baronesse / Baroness 1914 - 1943 Anna Sophia Frederikke Augusta Vibeke Rosenkrantz, f. Juel Enkebaronesse / Dowager Baroness 1943 - 1972 Erkel Aase Knuth, f. Jansen Enkebaronesse / Dowager Baroness

Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster

Buildings are a part of our cultural heritage. A tangible legacy passed on by our forefathers, which we have a duty to preserve.

Realdania Byg

ISBN: 978-87-92230-58-4

Bygninger er en del af vores kulturarv. Et håndgribeligt levn, som vores forfædre har givet videre, og som vi er forpligtet til at værne om.

Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster

Buildings are a part of our cultural heritage. A tangible legacy passed on by our forefathers, which we have a duty to preserve.

Realdania Byg

ISBN: 978-87-92230-58-4

Bygninger er en del af vores kulturarv. Et håndgribeligt levn, som vores forfædre har givet videre, og som vi er forpligtet til at værne om.

Odense Adelige Jomfrukloster