memorials :
meanings within the perspective of kutch, gujarat
reenal agarwal guide : snehal nagarsheth
the study inquires.. early memorial practices in the region of Kutch and reading of narratives in these places. intention.. is to ‘look’ into kind of rituals and traditions of formulating these narratives that have continued over time and their relevance in the present. One also questions whether a study like this can lead to formulate a design perspective for ‘new’ memorials. the approach of study here dwells into understanding a particular community’s or group’s socio-cultural background. The region of Kutch is taken as an example for this very reason. Culture studies like these can help answer many of the designer’s challenges, faced while conceptualizing a public place with attached ‘social function.’
contents acknowledgements introduction memorial culture : traces of past
:: religions and their notions of ‘death’ :: early beliefs :: locating memorials
mapping the history :: :: :: ::
early mentions political history the inhabitants cultural milieu
cultural narratives : etches in stone
:: :: :: :: ::
the genius loci the cult of hero order of kingship readings framework of cultural memory
changing places : enduring memory
:: rituals as a background for new memorials :: emerging memorial practices :: new memorials final readings : understanding the ‘act’ :: sites of memory :: mnemonic devices :: narrative reading :: aesthetics of memory
bibliography illustration credits
introduction “ ...the great teachers of the human race have postulated the norms for sane living. to be sure, they have spoken in different languages, have emphasized different aspects and have had different views on certain subjects. but, altogether, these differences were small, the fact that the great religions and ethical systems have so often fought against each other, and emphasized their mutual differences rather than their basic similarities, was due to the influence of those who built churches, hierarchies, political organizations upon the simple foundations of truth laid down by the men of the spirit. since the human race made the decisive turn away from rootedness in nature and animal existence, to find a new home in conscience and brotherly solidarity, since it conceived first the idea of the unity of the human race and its destiny to become fully born- the ideas and ideals have been the same. we, today, who have easy access to all these ideas, who are still the immediate heirs to the great humanistic teachings, we are not in need of new knowledge of how to live sanely- but in bitter need of taking seriously what we believe, what we preach and teach. the revolution of our hearts does not require new wisdom- but new seriousness and dedication...” excerpt from ‘the sane society’ by erich fromm
“It is more arduous to honor the memory of the nameless than that of the renowned. Historical construction is devoted to the memory of the nameless.” - Benjamin, Walter1 The landscapes surrounding us have revealed a proliferation of local memorials and monuments; commemoration ceremonies and activities. Communities around the world have shown interest in remembering their past through varied ways of memorialization. This act of memory and of building memorials or holding ceremonies, is often to enshrine the memory of those who have come before. It is an attempt to link the past and future through the present which results in what we might call ‘tradition’. However there are two other kinds of memories which are contested with conflicts and debates: commemoration of violent acts and memorial acts of closed social groups attempting to claim their pasts. This study is an inquiry about these acts of memory prevalent in the region of Kutch. It is an attempt to look into the kind of rituals and traditions which have led to formulation of varied forms of commemorative practices in Kutch and their relevance in the present time.
1. The quote is from one of Benjamin’s last lines from his Paris address book, 1930s. The same sentence features, etched in several languages on a sheet of glass by Israeli sculptor Dani Karavan’s memorial to Walter Benjamin, erected outside Portbou cemetery in 1994
Daniele Hervieu-Leger has suggested that memory is inherent in the definition of religion itself. The dimensional approach to religion as suggested by Ninian Smart proposes that experiences, myths, narratives, rituals together form an “integrated system of organic interaction wherein 2. Quoted by Ninian Smart in the relationship between plural determinants is Dimensions of the Sacred: An anatomy of world beliefs in 1996 regulated by functional reciprocation.”2 This suggests that memory in space-time relationship is an essential dimension of any religion. Ancient history of people has permeated through religious ideas and traditions. Every religion has reproduced symbolic forms of history such as migrations, races and tribes, establishments and discoveries. These become the factors of origin which every society practices. It is necessary for a society to appreciate these origins and their elements of ancient rites and beliefs in its religious organization, thus leading to re-adaption of certain beliefs in time of complete social transformation. This would lead to enframe the new elements to the forefront in a totality of remembrances, traditions and familiar ideas of the past. Taking the example of region of Kutch, this study gives an insight into reproductions of its religious structures and emergence of new traditions of commemorating the past. These reproductions include depiction of life of Kutchis, their activities and their figures of divine entities. The study locates the appearances of manifested forms of these entities in certain places and certain eras. It represents the formation of a cult, a result of stories that people tell and commemoration and remembrance of their respective ‘gods’.
3. Pierre Nora, a french historian, cited ‘lieu de mémoire’, meaning Place of Memory. According to him, “a place of memory in all senses of the word will be the most tangible and concrete, possibly geographically located at the object more abstract and intellectually constructed.”
The study most essentially dwells into the lieu de mémoire3 of this region and the factors which have affected their generation. These sites are places where memory crystallizes and emanates itself. They are anything from museums, memorials, monuments to concepts and practices to symbolic objects evoking memories. They vary from landscapes produced as a result of the cult of hero worship to built forms commemorating tragedies at a societal scale. It also enquires whether these rituals and practices can formulate a design perspective for new memorials. The following chapter introduces world religions and notions of ‘death’ in various cultures around. It talks about early memorial practices of particular religious groups, the ones prevalent in several world cultures. The chapter discusses commonly shared values among all cultures and their influences on their manifested forms of memorials.
Facing page - General view of tombs at Thatta, Photograph of a general view of tombs at Tatta in Sindh, taken by Capt. William Robert Houghton in 1858. The mausoleums shown in this view are domed square or octagonal structures in the tradition of Islamic funerary architecture and stand in the midst of an arid landscape. They are part of a great necropolis, reputedly the largest in the world, which lies on the plateau of the Makli hills, a limestone outcrop to the west of Tatta. The necropolis contains over a million graves, tombs, and mausoleums, including those of the rulers, saints, poets and philosophers of Sindh. source: British Library Collections, London www.bl.uk/collections/listings.html
memorial culture : traces of past
In most cultures disposal of the dead is subjected to some type of ritual, usually cremation or burial. Study of death rites and customs of these cultures have given useful insights regarding meaning of death and their belief in afterlife. Examples put here depict after death rituals of two of major religions followed in India: Hinduism and Islam. Hindus regard the river Ganga as holy and pure. Image of left is of dead bodies being dipped into the Ganga before they are put on a funeral pyre. The diagram on the left indicates placement of the burial grave in an Islamic tomb where direction plays an important role. N-S quibla axis; E-W burial axis.
S
E
W
N
above - Diagram indicating N-S as the quibla axis and E-W as the burial axis in an Islamic tomb.
right - Who dies in the waters of the Ganges obtains Heaven; bathing and burning Hindu dead; Benares, India, photograph by James Ricalton in 1903 Hindus regard the River Ganges as amrita, the elixir of life, which brings purity to the living and salvation to the dead. The dead person’s family brings the body down from the city on a bamboo stretcher covered in a red or white cloth, following with chants and prayers. The body is dipped into the Ganges and put on a funeral pyre lit by the eldest son or a close relative from an eternal flame which is kept burning on the ghat. source: British Library Collections, London www.bl.uk/collections/listings.html
memorial culture : traces of past
Abundance of stone memorials has been noticed below - Set of paliyas, on the outskirts of the city of Bhuj throughout India. The early beliefs of tribal communities to grave yards of migrants to the hero stones of western Gujarat have all marked the landscape of this country. They give valuable insights regarding respective religious and social groups. The study here further focuses on the memorial culture of Kutch, Gujarat.
below - A Banian Tree consecreted for Worship in a Guzerat Village, from ‘Oriental Memoirs’ by James Forbes “This tree was sketched, not only for its perfect form, and the ramifications and trunks surrounding the parent stems, but because it gave an exact representation of the village deity...in those small hamlets where no building is appropriated to Hindoo worship. To this stone, sometimes rude and shapeless, and sometimes sculptured into the form of a deity, the peasant repairs to perform his daily devotions.” source: British Library Collections, London www.bl.uk/collections/listings.html
1. The term ‘landscape’ here is used by geagraphers for ‘culturally loaded geographies’. “..landscape constitutes a discourse through which identifiable social groups historically have framed themselves and their relations with both the land and with other human groups, and that this discourse is related epistemically and technically to ways of seeing” - Cosgrove, 1998
.memorials : Kutch
Like all over country, Kutch has an interesting mix of several religious groups who have settled in this region over centuries. The landscapes1 of Kutch can actually be mapped through the various forms of objectified kingship. All forms of idol worship and reverence, shown in the early stages to the objects nature, can be observed in this land. Here the proverbial world is laden with symbolically loaded sites and events which provide social cohesion and contribute to the collective memory of the society. Most primordial forms of after death rituals have been found in Kutch. Circular cairns, megaliths, and even the burial mounds of the Indus valley civilization. The deserted geographies of this region are marked by clusters of stone memorials, locally known as paliya. Hero worship is one of the major reasons considered for the beginning of this tradition. Paliya do not form part of the actual practice of the disposal of the dead. The ritual followed after the demise of a person varies in Kutch depending upon the tribe or the race to which he came from.
above - Circular cairns with clay ware, found at Ukheda, Abdasa in Kutch, photograph by Moti Shemtov source: Mr. Dalpatbhai, Kutch Nav Nirman Abhiyan
The ritual of erecting memorial stones in Kutch was noted till late 90s. The respective family members still visit the cremation grounds to pay their reverences to their ancestral paliya. These simple memorials of weathered stones are not the only kind of commemorative built forms found in Kutch. More elaborate forms of stone structures include chattris, tombs and temple-like samadhis which are more of a royal memorial. The chattris belong to the Jadeja Rajputs in Kutch. They were built usually to shelter the paliya of the Rajput kings and their lineage. The stone memorials symbolically refer to the dimensions of death, kingship and power, hierarchy, asceticism and religious values. Social practices within culturally defined spaces make, qualify and give expression to the place. Understanding of a society’s traditional knowledge, cultural practice, forms of communication and conventions for imagining the past are the key components to know about the associations of that society to a place. The following chapter sketches a brief history of Kutch to set the background for further study of memorial structures and commemorative practices of this region. Facing page - Palace of Rao of Cutch, Bhuj; Watercolour drawing of the Rao’s palace in Bhuj, Gujarat, by an anonymous artist working in the Western India/Cutch style, 1856 Bhuj was the capital of the former princely state of Kutch, located in the Western part of Gujarat. It is an old walled town full of palaces, pavilions and highly decorated Hindu temples. The Aina Mahal (old palace) was built by Rao Lakha in c. 1750 and is located on the north-west side of the lake. The palace is built in the traditional architectural style of the region with a small fortified courtyard in front. This drawing has people walking, sitting and conversing in that courtyard. source: British Library Collections, London www.bl.uk/collections/listings.html
mapping the history
above - A sketch of Cutch, the Runn, and countries adjacent; from original surveys by Capt. A. Burnes source: Cutch or Random Sketches of Western India by Marrianne Postans
Kutch, geographically located at the western most tip of India, witnessed a constant influx of travelers, traders and various rulers who have been inhabiting this land for over centuries. Each of these communities had their respective commemorative practices which have set a background for the existing memorial structures in Kutch. The kingdom of Kutch integrated various religious groups each having their own set of rituals and customs. The custom of Sati for example – the self cremation of Hindu widows, was widely prevalent in Kutch since early times. It was usual in all parts of Kutch to set up a large block of stone where sati had been performed.
right - Procession of a Hindoo woman to the funeral pile of her husband, Engraving of the procession of a Hindu woman to the funeral pile of her husband by William Skelton (1763-1848) after William Hodges (1744-1797), London, 1793 Hodges witnessed a sati ceremony in which a Hindu woman was burnt on a funeral pile with the body of her dead husband. source: British Library Collections, London www.bl.uk/collections/listings.html
mapping the history left - Chhatri and paliyas, Photograph of a group of paliyas (memorial stones), with a tiered pavilion (chattri), taken by James Burgess around 1874 Burgess noted, “Throughout the country and in Kachh, the custom long prevailed of erecting a stone called a Paliya to the memory of those who died a violent death, but in more recent times it seems to have become common also to those who died from natural causes. Like grave-stones in other countries they are of very varied workmanship, from the plain stone with a rude symbol above and the name, date, and mode of death... to the moulded stone surmounted by a figure of the deceased mounted on a horse or camel...These paliyas are sometimes erected on raised on raised platforms, and in rarer cases they are covered by a pavilion or chattri.� source: British Library Collections, London www.bl.uk/collections/listings.html
Hewn memorial stones called paliya, showing men standing on horseback, an upright hand and arm, daubed with a pigment of red ochre; provide a medium between art and memory which was conveyed through the local bards. Other memorials such as chattris, samadhis, stepwells, have dotted the history of Kutch and allow a glimpse of the past of dead kings and commoners.
left - A group of paliya, near Hamirsar lake, Bhuj
cultural narratives : etches in stone
.paliya
Iconic figurines, symbols of sun and moon, floral borders, wall paintings, inscriptions over the tablets and domed protective structures of hero stones formulate the cultural narratives of region of Kutch. These narratives serve as a kind of mnemonics for history of the respective community. The cult of hero – hero worship has been prevalent where ever mankind has settled because of this very virtue. Hero stones were erected to honor the brave who lost their lives in battles and wars. This was one of the major reasons for initiation of tradition of erecting memorials in Kutch. Commemorative structures of Kutch can be largely categorized as paliyas, chatris and samadhis.
above - the Yaksha warriors, at Kakkadbhit Yaksha temple, near Bhuj As the myth goes, these 72 horse riders were arrived from a land unknown and sacrificed their lives in protecting their people. People worship them as the ‘protectors’ of their community. They are also placed at village borders and farm lands.
below - Red ochre painted paliya of Hamirji at village of Bara The color is considered as a protective element and connotes religious value to the place
Paliya, stands for both ‘memorial stone’ and ‘border’. Basic form of paliya resembles a mound or a stupa or a shikhara. A paliya shows a layered image, physically divided into three panels. The uppermost panel is usually arched or rounded with symbols of sun and moon carved onto it. The middle panel has figurines depicting the cause or the person for whom the paliya is erected. Lower most panel has inscriptions in Prakrit script giving an account of the incidence or reason for death. Paliyas in Kutch are subjected to annual worship by the dead’s ancestors and family.
plate a : paliya showing horse rider
plate b : paliya with camel riders
Hero stones bearing figurines of horse riders are the most common found in Kutch. These paliyas are of warriors who sacrificed their lives in a battle protecting their people.
These stones belong to the Rabari community, the pastoral communities. They have been associated with camel breeding. The rabaris have migrated from Sindh and have lived in Kutch and parts of Rajasthan where camel is the most effective mode of transport. Camel is also the vehicle of Mammai, the most popular goddess to the rabaris.
Often warriors are shown with their weapons and the attire that they wore to the battle. These figurines are also used to depict paliya of a King or ruler who necessarily may not have died in a battle. When either two brothers or any two members of the same family die together their memorial stones are erected at one place. In such stones two horse riding warriors are inscribed in the same stone.
iconography upper most panel: shows symbols of sun and moon indicating the tithi, of death
middle panel: figurines of males sitting on horse back with the kind of weapon; ‘horse’ symbolizes the long drawn association of mankind with the animal; there are attributes such as bravery, heroism, sacrifice associated with it
lower most panel: bears inscriptions which indicate details about the dead person; the family name, name of the community and the place he belongs to and in some cases even the date and the time of death
iconography upper most panel: shows symbols of sun and moon indicating the tithi, of death
middle panel: a male or female riding camel horse back is shown here; Camel is symbolic of pastoral life of certain communities of Kutch as it is reared for many reasons; since it was not used for wars, only some paliyas of particular communities bear these figurines
lower most panel: bears inscriptions which indicate details about the dead person; the family name, name of the community and the place
plate c : sati paliya depicting the godess
plate d : paliya with a man piercing a dagger through his neck
It is a belief that sati is a woman who burns herself alive on the funeral pyre of her deceased husband. The figure of a standing woman, or a woman holding in her lap the dead body of her husband, or simply a raised arm with open fingers – are associated in the belief with faithful wives who gave up their lives after their husbands’ death. According to some folklore, a woman died not only after her deceased husband but also after the death of her father, brother or any hero who sacrificed his life to protect the village, the cattle, or their personal chastity. Every community or locality here has a shrine of sati. She is worshipped as an independent goddess in her own name but is also identified with the great goddess at a certain level.
Usually a man is shown standing, squatting or riding a horse and piercing a dagger in his own neck. The charan women are traditionally considered living goddesses and their men were known as deviputras, the sons of the goddess. Their curse was dreaded much for their capacity to perform tragu, killing oneself in the presence of their opponent or enemy with a dagger or a sword, and sprinkling blood over the enemy and cursing him with total destruction. Those who died such a death are worshipped as gods.
iconography upper most panel: shows symbols of sun and moon indicating the tithi, of death
middle panel: an upright arm bent at elbow showing bangles, with the open hand; sati blessed the people with her right hand before self-immolation, the carving of this symbol on the stone continues to bless henceforth
lower most panel: bears inscriptions which indicate details about the dead person; the family name, name of the community and the place
iconography upper most panel: shows symbols of sun and moon indicating the tithi, of death
middle panel: a male figure is shown with a dagger or a spear piercing his neck; in the above example, two female figures are shown with hands folded which indicate paliya of unmarried women who did not take sati
lower most panel: bears inscriptions which indicate details about the dead person; the family name, name of the community and the place
plate e : paliya occupants
with
bullock
cart
and
its
The use of bullock cart was prominent in the main wedding processions. Since the area of kutch was constantly under attack of plundering groups, these processions and caravans were often robbed on their way to their destination. Hence when a person belonging to these processions died, a hero stone was erected in his memory. If the bride lost her life then a sati stone was erected. iconography middle panel: a bullock cart with number of male-female figurines, bullock was associated with farming and other utilities
: paliya with a ship and sailors The coastal regions of Kutch and Saurashtra are inhabited by Hindu and Muslim sailor communities like Kharva, Bhadela, Miana, Vagher, etc. When a sailor dies an unnatural death due to cyclone or shipwreck his relatives install a memorial stone in which a ship with a sailor or sailors is depicted. iconography middle panel: a ship or a sailing vessel is depicted with its inhabitants
.chattri
Chattris are widespread symbols of royal and divine power. They were built as protective structures over the paliyas. Documented here are the chattris of Bhuj situated at banks of a large lake. These structures give an account of royal lineage that continued in the city. The site serves as cremation ground and for other after death practices and rituals. Most of these stone memorials were however damaged during the earlier and the most recent earthquake. The Pavilion-like structures were essentially built to protect the paliyas; whereas the form of these structures can be a derivative of an Islamic tomb which was introduced by Moghuls in India. Chatris are iconic of royalty. These structures mostly house the paliya of the respective king, in some cases there are smaller stone structures confined within the structure of chattri. West is considered as the direction of the dead in Hindu religion; E-W axis becomes the orientation axis in chhatris with both chhatri and paliya facing east. Most basic form of structure over a memorial evolved into more complex and elaborate stone structures with added plinths, columns and enclosures.
below - Chhatris at Bhuj, by an unknown photographer during the 1870s The chhatris are the cenotaphs or funerary monuments of the Raos of Kutch, the rulers of Bhuj, and stood to the west of the town bordering the Hamirsar Tank. They took the form of domed kiosks or pavilions elevated on plinths inset with flights of steps. This is a distant view of a group of chhatris clustered round a larger pavilion. source: British Library Collections, London www.bl.uk/collections/listings.html
plate a : site plan of the Chhatri complex, Bhuj, Kutch documented Chattris Chattris or other structures not ruined
d f
e2 e1 c
g
b
:: plates
b:chhatri with tomb stone c:square based chhatri d:chhatri of Rao Lakhpat
e:chhatri with square niche; chhatri with deri
f:chhatri of Rao Rahiden g:chhatri of Rao Pragmal
plate b : chhatri with tomb stone
west elevation
plan
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iconography:
axis
symmetry
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chhatri with tomb stone The chhatri is amongst the first domed structure one comes across at the entrance of the memorial complex. Situated at the south-east corner of the site, it lies in a state of despair. An usual structure as it is, surprise comes when tomb stones placed inside the structure. It faces north-east with a tomb stone laid outside on an extended platform. The chhatri is octagonal based structure with eight columns and a fluted dome. Though it resembles rest of the pavilion-like chhatris, its interior reflects the Islamic ways of making a mausoleum. The columns are tied with plastered stone walls bearing Islamic motifs for ornamentation. The west wall bears a ‘Mirhab’ identifying the Mecca.
This page - Front elevation showing the chhatri in its dilapidated state
Above - Schematic site plan indicating the position of the chhatri; Left below - Broken section of the chhatri; Below - Rear view of the fluted dome
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plate c : square based chhatri;
square based chhatri
(Measure drawn by ASI, 1993)
The most common configuration of chhatri found at the complex consists of fourteen columns with a square base and two domes. The larger domed structure consist of paliyas of the person after whom chhatri was erected. These are pavilion-like structures and columns are bound with low parapets giving a sense of enclosure.
Above - Schematic site plan indicating the position of the chhatri;
section
Below - Side view of the chhatri
plan
iconography:
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chhatri of Rao Lakhpat This one is the largest chhatri dedicated to a Jadeja king of the 18th century, Rao Lakhpatji (1741-1760). Maharao Lakhpat is credited with introducing the etiquette of the Moghal court at the Rajput court of Bhuj. This includes cultural activities such as music and dance. It is, moreover, stressed by local tradition that no maharani committed sati but only the dancing girls who were brought in the court by the king under Mughal influence. This is made manifest by the order of paliyas. Within the round chhatri structure a large paliya has been erected for maharao Lakhpatiji showing a warrior on his horse holding a sword over his head that is surrounded by fifteen sati stones each depicting a female figure said to be one of the fifteen dancing girls. The chhatri consists of elaborately carved columns and other stone sculptures representing the love for art and culture of the king.
Above - Schematic site plan indicating the position of the ruined chhatri;
Left - Corner junction at chhatri of Rao Lakhpat
Right - Paliyas of Rao Lakha and other sati paliyas
Below - Photograph of Rao Lakhpat chhatri, taken by an ASI official prior to the earthquake
iconography:
plate d1 : chhatri of Rao Lakhpat
axis
symmetry
orientation
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plan of Rao Lakha Chhatri; (Measure drawn by ASI, 1991)
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plate d2 : chhatri of Rao Lakhpat
conjectural elevation,
(Measure drawn by ASI, 1991)
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sectional elevation showing the present condition
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plate e : chhatri with square niche in the centre
chhatri with square niche in the centre
(Measure drawn by ASI, 1993)
The structure does not consist of paliya but a square niche in the centre of the floor.
chhatri with deri An octagonal based chhatri with three temple like structures inside. These structures as referred locally as ‘deri’. The deris contain foot prints of the deceased. It is believed that foot prints are the remains of the person who died and symbolic of what has been left behind. Deris are erected in some communities of Kutch on account of death of saint or ascetics or a good-doer for the society.
section of chhatri with square niche
Above - Schematic site plan indicating the position of the chhatri; Below - Detail view of the deri showing foot prints placed inside; Right below - View of the Chhatri
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plan of chhatri with square niche iconography:
axis
symmetry
orientation
plate e : chhatri with deri;
(Measure drawn by ASI, 1993)
This page - elevation of deri representing hindu motifs and form of the ‘shikhara’
section of chhatri with deri
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plan of chhatri with deri iconography:
axis
symmetry
orientation
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plate g : chhatri of Rao
chhatri of Rao Pragmal
(Measure drawn by ASI, 2002)
The chhatri was erected for Rao Pragmal(1860-1875) one of Jadeja king during the British alliance. It consists of five pavilion like structures. They differ from the other chhatris as they are not domed but have a pyramidal roof.
Pragmal;
section
Above - Schematic site plan indicating the position of the chhatri; Below - Side view of the Chhatri; Left below - View of the central pavilion
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plan iconography:
axis
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chhatri of Rao Rahiden The second largest chhatri on the complex. The structure is in complete ruins. It was erected by the wives of Rao Rahiden as an expiation for his having allowed his mind to be converted to Mahomedanism. The death of this prince caused a feud between the hindu and mogul population of Kutch: the latter insisted on burying his body, by right of the Rao’s known conversion; but the Hindus, at the instance of the ladies of the harem, seized the body on its way to sepulcher, and burnt it with great pomp. Long after this time, his ashes were removed from the tomb, and carried by the Brahmins to the Ganges, as a yet higher act of atonement .
This page - Detail of one of the four pavilions of Rao Pragmal’s chattri
Above - Schematic site plan indicating the position of the chhatri; Below - View of the chhatri of what remains now
iconography:
plate f : chhatri of Rao Rahiden;
(Measure drawn by ASI, 1992)
elevation showing present condition
section showing present condition
axis
symmetry
orientation
plan
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cultural narratives : etches in stone
.samadhi
Samadhi – the ascetics of Hindu community were buried after death unlike their tradition of cremation. A templelike structure with a shikhara was built over the burial. Drawing on the right is of a Samadhi placed in a temple complex in Kutch. The temple is surrounded by clusters of such structures subjected to daily worship by followers and people of the community. plate : samadhi at Kalyaneshwar temple, Bhuj
north elevation
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::readings
This sub-chapter discusses the physical manifests of memorial practices as mentioned above at both conceptual and spatial levels. All the three forms of memorials documented are looked at as a cumulative result of a community’s set of beliefs and religious connotations. Thus one is discussed with the reference of other.
.location of site
The chhatri complex is situated at the far edge of the fortified city of Bhuj. Surrounded by a lake, their placement exemplifies the importance of presence of a water body near the ‘site of commemoration’. Away from hustlebustle of a constantly growing city, these memorials become embodiments of ‘silence’ where both individual and collective memories persist and are endured.
remnants of fort wall
Hamirsar lake
old city of Bhuj Kalyaneshwar temple complex Chhatri complex
Fig. 58a - Plan of old city of Bhuj with Hamirsar lake showing location of the chhatri complex. The red markings around the city plan indicate existing portions of fort wall. New city of Bhuj has been developed around the old city and the lake.
The distance between ‘place of living’ i.e. the city and ‘place of dying’ i.e. the memorial complex establishes the process of approaching the complex and importance of its geographical location. The lake edge becomes the viewing edge or edge of perception of these physical entities. Located at other edge of the lake is Kalyaneshwar temple complex consisting of samadhis and paliyas of ascetic community of the city.
cultural narratives : etches in stone
.placement of memorials
There is no such underlying geometry which guides the placement of chhatris and paliyas on the site. Since each of them were built through time and not simultaneously, the built forms are scattered over the landscape. However, orientation of these memorials played an important role in their placement. As mentioned in Hindu scriptures, west is considered to be the direction of the dead. Thus all the structures are placed along the west-east axis, each facing east. The direction of perceiving them thus remains west.
Fig. 59a - Schematic elevation and plan of chhatri complex. The plan shows footprints of scattered memorial structures, each separated by a definite distance though not consistent; elevation depicts the view of the memorial site from a distance, layered with various forms of the memorials
Every chhatri formulates its own realm, consisting of intermediate space distancing one from another and paliyas of dead warriors who served the respective king. Thus both chhatris and paliyas form a visual map depicting the royal clan and social hierarchy. The monumental scale of chhatris allows them to be viewed from a distance thus positioning the same as important edifices housing memory and associated identity of the Fig. 59b - Plan of the chhatri city and its people. complex.
.spatial derivative
Looking into the physical aspects of chhatris and other memorial structures in Kutch give a useful insight about socio-economic position of communities with respect to time as well as the craftsmen community of the region. Following part of this chapter discusses the built memorials at a spatial level through reading of plans and sections, form and scale and geometry that defines these religious spaces.
genesis of form: Diagrams illustrated here conjecture the origin of and influences on the form of chhatri.
The chhatri, a Hindu structure of commemoration, can be a derivative of an Islamic tomb as the basic plan and configuration remain the same.
Fig. 60a - Above two diagrams depict a generic form of funerary monuments of Egyptian (on left) and Buddhist (on right) beliefs respectively.
Most basic form of an Islamic tomb. Square being the ‘earth’, meets ‘heaven’ i.e. the sphere; thus attainment of higher power after death. Vertical axis is exemplified here.
Communities around the globe have been using ‘geometry’ to define spaces of religious importance. Pure forms of geometry have been used to symbolise various facets of both physical and spiritual notions. ‘Square’ is used in both pyramids and stupa as a generator of the plan. It symbolizes purity and stability. Also a symbolic of earth and four sides depicting the four cardinal directions north-south-east-west. ‘Sphere’ is a symbolic of the cosmos. It depicts supreme power, higher than earthly belongings. Starting from the most crude forms of burial mounds to the most elaborate Buddhist stupas, circular forms have been used to denote infinity, limitless and ageless.
‘Square’ was used as a symbol of stability and purity in the generation of Islamic structures. It also gives axiality, symmetry and visual balance to the form. Symbolic of earth, it is used here to generate the basic plan of Islamic tombs.
Diagram depicting a mandala, used as a generator of ancient Buddhist and Hindu structures. The mandala is an expression of symmetry and axis of a space. Central core being the most important, it is surrounded by other spaces.
Fig. 60b - Diagram showing generation of form of an Islamic tomb to a chhatri from a ‘square’.
cultural narratives : etches in stone
Chhatris were essentially built as protective structures Fig. 61a - Protective structures for over memorial stones. paliyas, as it has been mentioned paliya in Hindu scriptures (Fig. 61a). Another reason for the formulation of this building tradition was probably erection of Islamic tombs (Fig. 60b) which was introduced by Mughals in India. Since the Rajput rulers of Kutch often visited Mughal courts, their interaction with the Islamic community might have also influenced this tradition.
typology: Three basic of chhatris can be observed in the region of Kutch. configuration of columns, walls
basic structure
extensions to the structure; plinths, steps, domes Fig. 61b - First type is the simplest of all with basic configuration of four or six columns, square base and a single spherical or pyramidal canopy. These are the earliest of pavilion-like structures erected over paliyas to be found in Kutch.
Fig. 61c - The second type of chhatris have emerged from the basic plan configuration with added extensions. They comprise of either an extended platform and flight of steps utilized to access the structure, but they remain single domed however.
Fig. 61d - Third and the most elaborate types of chhatris consist of levels of spatial variations within the defined structure. The number columns vary from eight to sixteen to thirty-two, forming enclosures and spaces within.
‘Chhatri’, iconic of royalty.
type one ‘Sphere’ crowns the square. Symbol of the cosmos; sun, moon and stars, it expresses infinity and timelessness. The dome in way completes the overall form and the structure thus attains monumentality.
Vertical elements such as columns and integrated surfaces help in transition of the square to the spherical dome. Vertical axis is this emphasized here. The elements are adorned with surface treatments which give ‘fluidity’ to the massive form.
Fig. 62a - Spatial configurations of type one chhatris indicating the plinth emphasizing centrality.
‘Plinth’, an extrusion of square, defines the base. The structure is thus elevated above the eye-level. Visually it positions chhatri as an important entity, built on high ground, it orients the structure towards the ‘heavens’.
W
N ‘Square’ as a plan generator. Pure form of geometry used to attain stability, axiality, symmetry for the structure. It also used as an orientation tool since it gives four definite directions.
S
E
Chhatri houses the paliya of the respective king. Placed at the west end of the structure, both chhatri and paliya face east. Paliya is subjected to religious worship where as the chhatri distinguishes it from the ones meant for warriors and commoners.
West is considered as the direction of the ‘dead’ in Hindu religion; E-W axis becomes the orientation axis in chhatris with both chhatri and paliya facing east.
Fig. 62b - Diagram showing generation of the basic form of a chhatri
type two
Chhatri with tomb stones : The structure encloses two tomb stones oriented on north-south axis of burial. The west wall houses a ‘quibla’ located on the east-west axis. Structure has an added plinth and the central core is enclosed on all four sides representing a place of darkness. According to Islam the soul rests in ‘dark’ and is elevated to ‘light’ i.e. the spherical dome.
Chhatri with deris containing footprints : The spatial configuration of structure remains similar to other chhatris except for three temple-like smaller structures placed within the main plinth. Temple-like structures or deris are oriented towards east, thus one faces the west while attending to them. Main plinth is surrounded by another plinth at a lower level, allowing for deris to be accessed from a lower level without entering the inner precinct.
N
E
W
S
W
N
S
E
Fig. 63b - Analysis of extensions and added on spaces in type two chhatris
Fig. 63a - Spatial configurations of type two chhatris indicating central space and its extensions.
The most elaborate chhatri both in size and structure. The configuration of columns forms an inner sanctum where the paliyas of the king and queens are placed.
type three
Low parapet walls integrated with columns at the outermost periphery give a sense of enclosure yet allow the much needed light.
W
S
Immediate transitory spaces are created due close placement and relatively large number of columns. The same is reflected in the outer form of chhatri, number of smaller domes surround the central large dome.
N Layering of spaces separate the object of worship both physically and ideologically.
E
The main plinth here becomes a transitional space connecting main central plinth with the peripheral structures. Paliya here is placed on an elevated plinth, centrally located on the main plinth.
W
S
Fig. 64a - Spatial configurations of type three chhatris indicating central space and its extensions.
Surrounding space clearly indicates it as a place of ceremonial worship and its openness allows it to become a place where social functions can be enacted.
N
E
Fig. 64b - Analysis of extensions and added on spaces in type three chhatris
Fig. 65a - Taking pure geometrical forms as a base, structure shapes up being iconic of the respective religious sect.
homogenous form, perceived against the landscape
pure forms fuse to create ‘space’
mass treated as fabric, added aesthetic quality
surface treatments geometry as a means to define allow transition of space forms Fig. 65a - Diagram showing making of form using geometry and transformation of space.
form and scale: Overall form of these structures can only be perceived from a distance as the scale goes beyond the normal eyelevel. Two varying scales can be observed between the chhatri and the paliya which thus establish the hierarchy. Inner surface of the dome and integrated parapet walls form an enclosure, thus forming a container for rituals an performances. Transitional spaces and extensions from the plinth serve as places for social communication.
Fig. 65b - Schematic elevation and sectional elevation establishing scale and proportion.
.aesthetics
Chhatris purely resemble the society that built it; the craftsmen community and the patrons. Using stone as a material to give shape and form to the structure, surfaces are adorned with carvings which hold both religious and aesthetic importance. The material also gives durability and permanence to the structure. This part of the analysis deals with reading of materials and techniques, iconography with respect to individual elements that formulate the stone memorials.
materials and techniques: Extensive use of stone as a building material can be a result of its availability in abundance. Geography of Kutch has provided with this material, which comes in varying sizes and thickness pertaining to the region. Since the structures were built with the idea of permanence and longevity, stone was primarily used as the basic material. Most of the vertical surfaces bear ornamentations and carvings of motifs belonging to the religion or community to which the person belongs.
Fig. 66a - left panel: Carvings of Hindu motifs; right panel: Carvings of Islamic motifs on chhatri
Fig. 66b - Hindu motifs carved on the moulding of a plinth
elements and implied iconography: The chhatri comprises of three basic elements; the plinth, vertical supports such as columns and walls, the dome. Paliya being a singular entity, the surface itself bears carvings and inscriptions. Like chhatris, samadhis also are formed of the same basic elements.
cultural narratives : etches in stone
Fig. 67a - Basic types of domes; pyramidal, spherical, ‘shikhara’
Fig. 67b - Modulations in columns of chhatris
Fig. 67c - Modulations in plinths
samadhi : single dome with a smaller dome; shikhara tomb : single dome with extension chhatri : central large dome with smaller peripheral domes
paliya
chhatri : chhatri : single single domed with extended domned roof; with smaller dome
Evolution of the form:
Development of spatial configuration:
Pavilions as protective structures to paliyas to domed chhatris showing Mughal influence
Simple square or hexagon based structures to extensions and surrounding additions to complex resolutions
Fig. 69a - Chart showing the genesis, evolution and further development of the form of chhatris, other structures
cultural narratives : etches in stone
Diagramatic representation development of plinth:
of
Square being the base of genesis of the form; simple to complex
Detail parts from various structures showing surface treatments: paliya- folk, rural, commoners chhatri and other structure- well articulated, crafted, patronized, use of geometry and skill
changing places : enduring memory
The past memorials have attempted to nurture identification with place and community through a variety of mediums. The devastating earthquake of 2001 led to ways of refashioning of landscapes of Kutch. Various memorial practices grew soon after the disaster out of numerous small scale projects and embraced artifacts such as cultural programs, exhibitions of photographs, as well as funerary and ceremonial rites and other land purification rituals.
below - Sodha applique by Amjiba Pirdansin Sodha, Two such examples are put here: on the left, Sodha Ghichido village appliquĂŠ work which was an outcome of a small project called resurgence, an attempt to bring forth the artisans My work is two halves of the of Kutch to give voice to their stories of survival and tree of life. Everything in my aspirations for future. The fabric narrates story of the village is in this piece. One artist depicted through tree of life and how it was affected side is before the earthquake due to the earthquake. when everything was alive and happy. It is green and pretty. Right diagram is a part plan of city of Bhuj showing a greyed Birds are drinking from a pot, area allocated for the earthquake memorial. Residents of all the forest animals came, the city insisted on keeping this plot of land vacant as a even the leopard. The bhungas reminder of the event and to pay annual homage to the are very nice and decorated. victims. People are happy in our village. The clouds will bring rain. After the earthquake everything was dead. The tree broke and died. The houses broke some people were hurt. People were happy. Big snakes were disturbed and came from under the ground. The leopard came at night to kill the cows and goats. He was hungry also. There was no rain. No monsoon below - Sketch of map showing the new planning scheme of the Soniwad area in Bhuj; the hatched area indicates the old city which came. source: Kutch Nav Nirman Abhiyan
was completely destroyed, the dark area of land in the centre is the plot allocated for the earthquake memorial as per the new scheme.
changing places : enduring memory
The two illustrations presented here are the design approaches adapted in two memorials proposed in time of few years after the earthquake. On right is a proposal for developing a self sustaining ecosystem on the outskirts of the city of Bhuj. The memorial addresses the healing powers of water and refreshing qualities of a green forest. The project lies not so much in the individual details, architectural or landscaping, but in remembrance of loss through a process of nature constant regeneration. Image on left is part of the proposal for an ode to 400 children who died in the city of Anjar. Memory here is confronted in a more immediate manner. It addresses individual memories which are collectively put together through elements identifiable by the people of the city. Both the approaches, though differently adapted, reflect a set of values or beliefs pertaining to the context and the user. They offer community spaces, where memory is encountered and social functions take shape.
below - smriti van at bhuj client: Gujarat State disaster Management Authority proposed by Vastu Shilp Consultants, Ahmedabad; designed by Rajeev Kathpalia 2004
above - an ode to the children of Anjar design team: Snehal Nagarsheth, Falguni Desai, Komal Dighe, Hamid Raj 2004
source : Vastu Shilpa Foundation
source : Snehal Nagarseth
final readings : understanding the ‘act’
::sites of memory
Social and religious groups identify themselves with the place they inhabit. These places are loaded with landmarks that have associated social and collective memories and serve as mnemonic devices for national narratives, shared values and aspirations for future. They are defined by immediate physical realities that can be seen, experienced, mapped and located. Moreover they are associated with specific kinds of activities be it daily living or dying. As seen in Kutch such landmarks are further layered with symbolic meanings and religious manifests which are closely linked to the people through repetitive practices, rituals and commemoration. The use of symbols, myths and legends, monuments, commemorative acts and ritualistic performances constitute the cultural records, embedded and layered through time and space. The landscapes of Kutch are satiated with markers of the past namely grounds for burial and cremation rites, monuments, archaeological sites, place names and religious sites that help remember and give meaning to lives.
Fig. 100a - Sketch map showing the lake and the old city of Bhuj, areas marked red indicate important landmarks which form the cultural heritage of the city.
chattri
complex
at
road : edge of perceiving lake : inner edge of perceiving
path around the complex : area of performance placement of the elements
Bhuj
.zones
Each site can be dissected into various zones pertaining to different modes of commemoration and reading of narratives. The zoning forms the primary layer of the landscape. The zones can be derived on the basis of factors such as points of perceiving the landscape, placement of elements of memory on site, area of public engagement with the memorials and articulated landscaping elements.
understanding the ‘act’
5650 : cluster for Bhachau 5681 : cluster for Bhuj, Anjar
1722 : cluster for Rapar
752 : cluster for Ahemdabad
Smritivan
at
Bhuj
As mentioned earlier the zoning at Smriti van is based on the topographical feature of the site. Each cluster consists of varied elements evoking memory; trees, reservoirs, public spaces
children memorial in Anjar
road : edge of perceiving
footpath : inner edge of perceiving
placement of the elements
.axis
The placement of the ‘axis’ formulates the second layer of the memorial landscapes. It plays a pivotal role in determining the orientation of the visitor towards the elements. Further it establishes the levels of hierarchy within the memorial complex thus guiding the customary activities and performances. chattri
complex
at
Bhuj
There is no one particular axis here, all chattris are placed in the east-west direction facing east, a person is thus always faces the west while performing the rituals.
children memorial in Anjar
Smritivan at Bhuj
understanding the ‘act’
.foci
The foci comprises of the elements, characters which are inserted along the axis, or the placement of which is governed by the same. Foci forms the third layer made up of places embedded with or evoking memory. Placed amongst the social and cultural context, these places provide the space and stage for performances to be acted out. chattri complex at Bhuj
children memorial in Anjar
Smritivan at Bhuj
::mnemonic devices
Elements and tools used to aid narrativisation of memory formulate the mnemonics of a memorial landscape. These displays of memory are active vehicles carrying associated symbols and hidden meanings that evoke memory: both voluntary and involuntary. They help in producing, shaping and giving meaning to cultural memory. The devices constitute the places which are then occupied by the respective communities or social groups through symbolic identification and construction of social and collective memory. They not only serve as settings for a particular group’s social and religious reproductions but also boards where group-identity are acted out. Thus the abstract, symbolic space is transformed into a particular place through participation and engagement. The devices further hold narratives or are embedded with the same which nurture evoking of memories. Hence they transform mundane landscapes into meaningful places for social conduct.
.containers of memory : oral traditions
Oral means of narrating a story has been a long formulated and practiced tradition in India and in the region of Kutch. Since orality can be practiced only within a group, it involves and engages the people of the community. To remember and to narrate, the oral traditions were practiced repetitively and passed on to generations to come. Also to remember they were structured in forms of verse with rhythmic emphasis to generate characters and myth out of the narratives. The oral traditions of memorizing became the spring board for a more physical form of commemoration, a shift in terms of remembering in a more tangible, visual order. The non-verbal modes of narrativising were based on similar structuring for group identification and associations.
The custom of Sati and the tradition of hero worship depicted on stone, use of various symbolic forms to narrate the story
understanding the ‘act’
.containers of memory : physical manifests
Physical forms of commemorations were evolved with an idea of permanence and continual of oral traditions where the latter could be seen, touched and registered to the commoners. The physical entities house ‘memories’ narrated with the aid of oral traditions. Stone, being a durable material was widely and is commonly used for manifestation of these entities. Also the idea of ‘permanence’ is exemplified here. visual mapping
layering
Mapping of tree-clusters not only renders the landscape but also reminds of the number of victims and their origins
Overlapping layers of hero stones with the royal memorials are reminders of established hierarchies, worship and servitude
.static versus living A living memorial is understood here with the idea of its changing through time. Our history shows examples of commemorative places with the notion of permanence, suggesting for the traditions to be remembered and rituals to be practiced. Such places can be termed as ‘static’ in the sense that they do not adapt to change rather continue to survive within a closed social group through repetitive practices. The emerging practices for designed commemorative landscapes have included ‘natural’ elements which work as mnemonic devices. Articulated landscaping elements have been introduced with the idea of growth and regeneration. The memorial hence is in a continuous process of change and evolves with time.
People know who they are through the stories they tell about themselves and others. As ever-changing phenomena, identities are themselves narratives of formation, sequences moving through space and time as they undergo development, evolution, and revolution...narrative texts—whether verbal or visual, oral or written, fictional or referential, imaginary of historical—constitute primary documents of cultural expressivity (Friedman 1998:8-9).
‘Farakdis’ symbolise play full memories where as ‘Borsali’ trees are reminiscent of spreading fragrance of a child’s presence. The bright red ochre painted over paliya, color is a religious symbol and identity of the place being sacred and of protective powers
::narrative reading
The stories people tell; the myths that religious groups believe and the legends that the bardic community praise have formulate a baseline structure for generating the narratives. Memory, identity and history are interpreted to read a people’s identification with the place through these foundations. Hence narratives act as a ‘cultural language’ that can be used describe a community. A narrative constitutes both: recording of an event and devices or means for reading it. They are symbolically loaded chronicles, which can be read only contextually. Moreover narratives are associated with specific ‘places’ that are instilled with cultural meanings. Identity of such places is associated with the histories which are told and the way they are narrated and which of these stories becomes dominant or popular.
.path Elements and characters formulating the landscape are encountered with in a sequential manner. This establishes the space time relationship with the particular space and with over all landscape. Reading of a narrative occurs in this manner because movement through the landscape is along its ‘axis’. In case of Chattri complex at Bhuj, memorial landscape is perceived in its entirety and later a particular structure is approached. Path, whether placed along a single axis or orienting towards a particular direction, determines how the narrative is read and thus memory evoked.
.symbols Geometry, shapes, forms used to depict heavenly bodies, figurines, and so on comprises basic structure of symbolbase narratives in historic places. These symbols are important part of people’s culture and religious beliefs hence associations are formed instantly. Symbolic bodies, elements (water, tree, earth) are used to evoke memories which not only come from particular group’s beliefs but are acknowledged globally. Universal symbols thus formed can help overcome conflicting plural identities.
understanding the ‘act’
::aesthetics of memory
Landscapes exist around us in a more abstract, broader category. They constitute of landmarks, built notions that house memories and add symbolic meanings to landscapes. They are monuments and structures which are spatial and temporal in nature, loaded with memory and performing didactic functions. There are two kinds of memory evoked by a built entity: voluntary memory, as result of immediate reaction to the physical form, shape and size of the built; and involuntary memory which is more indirect and comes through reading of narrative components. External layer of the built gives a more abstract conceptual idea of the purpose, where the interior layers can be construed through symbols and details that give meaning and reflect the historic and local context.
.form and scale Chattri are perceived as ‘mass’ against the landscape, monumental in effect they preside over the scattered memorial stones. .degree of engagement Degree of engagement refers to the level at which a person is involved with the space. In case of historical places proximity of person to place is defined by religious values that the place holds, like in a temple. Places which are not attached with any kind of religious worship, engagement level of person is determined by reading of narrative and the form of the elements.