Information Bulletin #28 (2019)

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Contents

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Opening Speech by KKE Contributions

Albania, CP of Albania Algeria, PADS Argentina, CP of Argentina Australia, CP of Australia Austria, Party of Labour of Austria Azerbaijan, CP of Azerbaijan Bangladesh, CP of Bangladesh Belarus, CP of Belarus Belgium, CP of Belgium Brazil, Brazilian CP Brazil, CP of Brazil Britain, NCP of Britain Britain, CP of Britain Bulgaria, Communist Party of Bulgaria Bulgaria, Party of the Bulgarian Communists Canada, CP of Canada Croatia, SWP of Croatia Cuba, CP of Cuba Cyprus, AKEL Czech Republic, CP of Bohemia & Moravia Denmark, CP in Denmark Denmark, CP of Denmark Dominican Republic, Force of the Revolution Ecuador, CP of Ecuador Estonia, CP of Estonia Finland, CP of Finland France, French CP FYROM, Communist Party of Macedonia Georgia, UCP of Georgia Germany, German CP Hungary, Hungarian Workers Party India, CP of India [Marxist] India, CP of India Iran, Tudeh Party of Iran Iraq, Iraqi CP Iraq, CP of Kurdistan-Iraq Ireland, CP of Ireland

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Ireland, WP of Ireland Israel, CP of Israel Italy, CP (Italy) Italy, Italian CP Jordan, Jordanian CP Kazakhstan, Socialist Movement of Kazakhstan DPR Korea, WP of Korea Kirgizia, Party of Communists of Kirgizia Latvia, SP of Latvia Laos, Lao People’s Revolutionary Party Lebanon, Lebanese CP Luxembourg, CP of Luxembourg Madagascar, Party of the Congress for the Independence of Madagascar (AKFM) Malta, Communist Party of Malta Mexico, CP of Mexico Nepal, Nepal CP Netherlands, NCP of the Netherlands Norway, CP of Norway Pakistan, CP of Pakistan Paraguay, Paraguayan CP Palestine, Palestinian CP Palestine, Palestinian People’s Party Poland, CP of Poland Portugal, Portuguese CP Romania, Romanian Socialist Party Russia, CP of the Russian Federation Russia, Russian CWP Russia, CP of Soviet Union Serbia, NCP of Yugoslavia Serbia, Communists of Serbia South Africa, South African CP Spain, CP of Spain Spain, CP of the Peoples of Spain Spain, CP of the Peoples of Spain Sri Lanka, CP of Sri Lanka Swaziland, CP of Swaziland Sweden, CP of Sweden Sudan, Sudanese CP Syria, Syrian CP Turkey, CP of Turkey Turkey, EMEP Ukraine, CP of Ukraine USA, CP USA Venezuela, CP of Venezuela Vietnam, CP of Vietnam

11 14 18 21 24 27 30 34 38 41 44 48 51 54 58 61 64 67 70 74 80 83 86 89 93 97 100 104 108 111 114 118 Appeal of the 20th IMCWP 126 131 134 Solidarity Statements 138 141 Participants List IB 2019

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146 150 154 158 161 164 168 172 175 179 182 185 188 192 195 200 203 206 209 213 216 219 222 225 229 232 236 242 246 249 252 255 258 262 265 268 271 274 278 281 284 288 292 296 302 305 309 328

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Opening Speech by the GS of the CC of the KKE Dimitris Koutsoumpas

We welcome you to the 20th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties, here in Athens, the city where the International Meetings first began 20 years ago at the initiative of our Party.

We are here today before you, having completed a century of life and action. We feel justifiably proud of the 100 honorable and heroic years of the KKE. This is because we continue on dynamically, with determination, in the footsteps of the heroic and honored dead of our Party, who gave the most precious posses ion of all humankind, their very lives, in the struggle for life to triumph.

The Party withstood all the turns of the class struggle with great determination.

During the stone years of illegality, of persecution, of executions, of imprisonment and oppression and during the years of bourgeois legality over the last 44 years.

It remained standing during the great historic reversals of the counter-revolution of 1991, up until today. It found the strength to pull itself up.

Climbing step by step up the steep path of regroupment.

Tracing the causes that led to the victory of counter-revolution, studying and discussing from the very first deliberations in 1996, until the collective documentation of this effort at the 18th Congress on the overall causes of the overthrow of the course of socialist construction in the 20th century, based mainly on the experience of the USSR. Poring over Party documents of the historical archives, page by page, in order to put together this magnificent course, with its victories and defeats, the leaps and the reversals, the mistakes and the weaknesses, but also the unmatched heroism of 100 entire years.

Comrades, As much as the sirens of reaction and opportunism sing about the end of history, the end of the working class and its movement, life itself proves them wrong.

The working class will rise to the challenge of its historic role, its historic mission, sooner or later. The final abolition of exploitation of man by man and the construction of a socialist – communist society.

This is because it has the strength that is related to concentrated industrial production. From this stem its virtues, such as collectiveness, conscious discipline, unbeatable endurance facing difficulties, proven during great class battles.

The Paris Commune and the October Revolution are the shining examples that inspire our struggles.

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Just as the thousands of working men and women of our country who gave their lives do, who marched forth and endured a myriad of difficulties during these 100 years up until our days.

Battles, that left their indelible mark on the body of the Greek labor movement, over the course of the class struggle.

With teachings, positive ones and with weaknesses of course, which we must study from the standpoint of the workers’ vanguard, the development of a harsh class struggle.

The working class does not achieve this position spontaneously, but with the revolutionary theory and action of the Communist Party, that is to say its conscious and organized vanguard.

Comrades, The existence of a revolutionary program, adherence to the worldview of Marxism – Leninism and proletarian internationalism, the principles of the formation of a Party of a New Type, the elaborated study of our historical experience, undeniably constitute contemporary weapons, they give us the advantage; the issue, however, is how we use them creatively and in a correct way in our daily action and efforts.

It’s not enough to estimate the value of workers’ struggle for immediate demands and the role of the Party in these. A criteria of evaluation would be how much these help in the progress of building political consciousness. A criteria of progress is the furthering of party building in workplaces and in the social composition of the ranks of the party, the age composition and the participation of women. A criteria would be steady progress in raising the theoretical, political and organizational benchmarks of the Party, as well as an improvement in its capabilities in terms of providing political guidance and connection with the working class beginning from the CC, and reaching the PBO. The complex daily duties must not pull us away from the main and basic one, to do work at the base so that the party is prepared, so that it is not taken by surprise during the turns and sudden twists, so that it always has the capacity for timely predictions and adaptations without losing sight of its main goal.

It’s impossible for us to fully monitor the course of our work, to judge it in a demanding way, to observe and to correct mistakes and omissions in a timely manner, if we have not gained individually the ability to judge the subjective factor, estimating the specific objective conditions, the conditions that exist independently of our own will and desire, of our own intervention.

The Greek and the international experience as well, 7 confirm that except where the conditions of a revolutionary situation were created and the working class took and held - as long as it held – power, the ideological-political influence and power of the party was not consistent with its vanguard militant action in the struggle, with its responsible action, its unselfishness and its contribution and uncountable sacrifices, with the fact that generally speaking, its predictions and warnings towards the people have been confirmed.

This is not strange. Only when the working class achieves political power and in the course of socialist construction will the pre-conditions be created in order for socialist ideology to prevail.

This does not mean that the KKE passively views its own responsibility in contributing to the development of the political consciousness of the working class. It is one thing for the Party to struggle and to free itself as quickly as possible from its own weaknesses, shortcomings and potential mistakes, and quite another to harbor the illusion that socialist consciousness can prevail under conditions of capitalism. The demands the Party places upon itself, the criticism and self-critical examination of the results of its actions cannot take place with the same criteria, from the same viewpoint as the bourgeois parties, the parties that have chosen to struggle within the limitations of the capitalist system or who proclaim to the masses that capitalism can be reformed into socialism.

What has great importance for the KKE is to what extent the bonds are widening and deepening with concentration in factories, in the large urban centers, in areas of strategic importance.

We reject characterizations and ideological inventions that cover up the class essence, that hide the dividing line between the two basic classes, the bourgeois class and working class.

The KKE struggles for the class struggle to take the direction of overthrowing the capitalist system and in that direction, it attempts to link the struggle of all the sections of the working class as well as the popular middle strata, in order to improve working and living conditions.

The aim of our daily efforts is the practical promoting of the working class as the revolutionary vanguard and not narrowly as a vanguard in the trade union-popular struggles. To push as much as possible the popular sections of the middle strata into joint action and alliance with the working class to express the social alliance in mass terms as much as possible.

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We are aware that the labor movement and its allies in Europe and in Greece are in a phase of relative retreat, disillusionment but also relative immobility, despite the frequent manifestations of the economic crisis.

The tendency towards demassification and corruption of the class orientation has been under development for many years now, well before the restoration of capitalism in the USSR and in the other countries of socialist construction, mainly due to social-democratic management.

Eurocommunism constituted the basic channel through which western European capitalism with social democracy at its right hand, managed to strike severe blows against the trade union movement, resulting in its gradual retreat, even its degradation.

Struggles took place, however they were not able to positively make a difference concerning the correlation of forces; the exact opposite occurred at the European level.

In Greece, a significant section of working men and women, popular masses “became tired” or disappointed because the trade union struggles did not bring immediate results.

Another section keeps waiting, waiting in vain of course, that at some point an end will come to the barbaric measures, hoping that some change will take place from high up.

The position of reduced demands prevails. These bonds “are tied” around the worker, the employee, the poor self-employed person, the farmer, from the first steps of their lives, and of course are decisively reinforced in the workplace, while consciousness has been prepared to consider the capitalist as he who supplies work, distributes incomes.

It is in fear and in illusions, in apathy and in disappointment that the inability to understand the relationship between the economy and politics is expressed, as well as the class character of the parties.

This ignorance is expressed through a lack of knowledge about what the capitalist system is and how it functions, about the revolutionary role of the working class. The established parliamentary illusions are expressed. Certainly the international communist movement bears a responsibility as does our Party which could not become disengaged in a timely way, over time from the bourgeois network of assimilation, with the participation in or support for bourgeois parliamentary majorities and governments.

Ideological work and enlightenment cannot not take place only based on current issues, in the form of repeating general slogans and positions of revolutionary strategy, without liveliness, militancy, without

enriching them based around the developments.

The presentation of our positions in the form of a stance or general criticism towards the other parties like a lesson from the pulpit does not attract anyone because it loses ground in a situation where the other parties are moving along a one-way path while we are heading along a completely different path that demands voluntary commitment and the offering of sacrifices and what’s more, all this during a period of the victory of counter-revolution in the socialist countries.

Everything seems to be against us, while the course of capitalism today provides much more evidence of the necessity of the strategic aims of the KKE for socialism, history itself has proven how necessary the correction of the mistakes of the past was, not only in terms of the strategy of the KKE but also at an international level.

The elaboration of a strategy demands unity of theory and practice. For this to be advanced by the communist vanguard, as aguide for the action and the development of the broader workers’ popular masses, is not easy work.

That we managed to overcome the Scylla of bourgeioism and the Charybdis of reformism, opportunism and to keep our Party upright with continual action, a daily presence in the struggle and in the political developments, does not allow us to relax our guard, as today the conditions of activity and the demands are particularly difficult, complex.

Our programmatic elaborations and our political stance in particular, provoked a systematic attack against the Party not only by the class opponent but also from opportunism. It is devious and well-elaborated because its promoters cannot use the blunt, provocational argumentation that was used during the period of 1990-91, when they believed that the victory of counter-revolution was the golden opportunity to “get rid of” the communist movement, Marxism-Leninism or to maintain some Marxist ideas that have been stripped of their revolutionary socialist essence.

From 2012 and on, opportunism chose to deal with us using as their main weapon, the concern and anxiety around the negative electoral result and the sudden rise of SYRIZA. With the line of a false hope that mainly SYRIZA would be able to put the brakes on the anti-people attack, they tried to drag the KKE into the line of political governmental collaboration, reforms and a supposed exit from the Eurozone, with a government of supposedly “left” political forces. It blamed the Party line and the Party Constitution for the lack of such a move towards IB 2019

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cooperation, during a period where the Party had recorded electoral losses that had a political ideological character. Opportunism projected that such a choice was called for due to the negative correlation of forces, that it would constitute a springboard to change this, accusing the KKE of lacking tactics.

At that point, of course, the close relations SYRIZA had established with the imperialist centers had not been fully revealed.

Opportunism of course has a social base, the formation of an expanded labor aristocracy and due to the expansion of state enterprises, the broader inclusion of salaried scientists, artists, educators, workers in the mass media, etc. All this shapes a tendency towards compromise with the class enemy, the search for political solutions within the system, opportunism within the labor movement, within the party of the working class. For this reason, the battle against opportunism is a pre-requisite to preserve the revolutionary working class character of the party, in every period and in every phase of the class struggle of the correlation of forces.

It is from this struggle, from it ideological – political consistency and its capacity, through its organizational consistency, that the prevention of the decommunization of the communist parties depends.

The experience of capitalist Europe, Latin America, has shown that when a CP decides to take part in a government of management in the name of a transitional option, it has already tied its hands, even when not bound by a formal agreement or when it has proclaimed that it maintains its independence.

Whether there is a written commitment or not is no guarantee. The laws of the capitalist market do not depend on political agreements. There is negative experience from the brief participation of the party in bourgeois governments in 1944 and in 1989.

If we haven’t managed to think, to judge every social problem based on the relationship between economics and politics, every economic and political phenomenon, e.g. the emergence of a scandal, of a new party, etc., then a distinction is drawn between the problem and the necessity of the struggle against capitalism, which cannot be understood (and this is explicable) by a large section of the working class today.

The basic criteria for the position of the competing social forces is found in the sharpening of the basic contradiction of capital: on the one side, there is the socialization of production, of labor, man as the most important productive force, and on the other side, the individual appropriation of the product based on private ownership of the means of pro-

duction. This contradiction is the root of all the con- 9 tradictions and conflicts of the system. This is an axis that must define the Party’s Programme.

Certainly, this contradiction of the capitalist system is not comprehended by the working class in its entirety. On the contrary, it adopts bourgeois ideology, i.e that the capitalist mode of production and organization of the whole of society is historically superior, thus irreplaceable.

It is an aspect of capitalist power that is imposed not only through employer and state violence, but also through ideological – political manipulation (education, mass media, the church, mechanisms of bourgeois parties, state mechanisms that connect up with the masses, such as Local Government, semi-state organizations (e.g. NGOs), even through the trade union organizations which are assimilated into the system (e.g. GSEE, ADEDY). The ideological manipulation of the working class is reflected in its distorted political consciousness, in its political attachment to bourgeois parties or parties which initially arise from their ranks, but in the process become bourgeois parties.

In this way, the political correlation of forces reflects at all points the dominance of the bourgeois class, expressing it in the organs of its authority– among them parliament – determining the electoral process, for example, cosntitute its own organs.

A real change in the correlation of forces means that an important section of the working class, also due to a weakness in bourgeois power, has broken the bonds of bourgeois ideological manipulation.

The issue of the correlation of forces is determined by the course of maturation of the political consciousness of the working class, under non-revolutionary conditions, at least for the CP, but also the working class-popular forces rallied around it it that does not stop uncovering and clashing with capital, the monopolies, the bourgeois political system, the legislature, the legal, oppressive structures, the prevailing educational, religious and moral conceptions, the imperialist international unions of the EU and NATO. The requisite critical and self-critical examination of the results, of the course and the effectiveness of the subjective factor, our Party, cannot take place detached from the international correlation of forces of the class struggle that took a dramatic negative turn with the victory of counter-revolution in the countries of socialist construction. Of course, breaches in the dominance of capitalism, with its crises, wars, competitions, are amassed and create the prospect for new conditions, possibilities, that require readi-

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ness on the part of the communist movement.

The progress of the class struggle, the driving force of positive developments, does not depend on tricks, nor on “tactical” moves, nor on the alleged realism of fatalism, nor on anxiety around electoral percentages or the replacement of the movement by supposed revolutionary “moments” and “happenings”. It depends on the organized, directed intervention to organize the vanguard workers’ popular forces.

The goal is the expansion of the ranks of the party with the most vanguard working men and women, its renewal in terms of age, the increase in number of women organized in it. In addition, recruitment of the leading militants from the popular strata and the farmers, self-employed, salaried scientists and artists. It demands systematic specialized work, independently of whether we are in a period of struggle or stagnancy. Neither does an increase in party ranks automatically bring about more powerful struggles. There is connection between the two but this is promoted systematically and in an organized way, with combined tasks, criteria and means, and not spontaneously nor mechanistically.

An actual change in the correlation of forces between the two opposing classes can only be manifested with the mass alignment with the party of the working class in a clash and with the visible weakening, inability to function of the part of the bourgeois mechanisms, the bourgeois institutions and their governments.

The negative international correlation of forces will begin to come under attack to the extent that at the national level the class struggle is developed, taking on an anti-capitalist, anti-monopoly direction, clashing directly with the political way-out of the crisis that is based on the strategic choices of the EU. It is our responsibility to limit – as much as it depends on us – the reserve forces of capital, to restrict its opportunities, to manage to inflict damage, to concentrate forces for the counter-attack and its overthrow.

The building of the power of the party is determined by a combination of criteria, some of which play a more decisive role in comparison to others, is related to the need to regroup the labor movement, the promotion of the anti-monopoly, anti-capitalist Social Alliance, the struggle for socialism – communism.

The working class bears primary responsibility for the level of joint direction and action with its allies. The level and the extent of the alliance will be judged in each phase, by the ability of the labor movement to withstand the pressure placed upon it by the petty-bourgeois strata, their vacillations.

Another criteria is the capacity for endurance under conditions of employer and state intimidation, violence, capitalist economic crisis, imperialist war.

The steady militancy of the daily struggle that is determined by the strategy of the Party is capable of becoming a good seed that will bear fruit sooner or later.

Facing electoral battles, the next ones and the following, our own aggressive slogan is that which we have already promoted, the need to strengthen the KKE in order to strengthen the workers’ popular opposition against bourgeois policies, the Euro one-way road, either under conditions of capitalist economic crisis or under during an upturn in Greek capitalism, under conditions either of the greater or lesser cohesion of the EU. The regroupment of the workers’ trade union moment concerns the further strengthening of the class movement, of PAME that is the greatest achievement of the past decades for the working class and its movement, that leads the way in workers’ battles, in the promotion of the social alliance. The regroupment concerns as well the change in the correlation of forces in leadership and in the organization of the struggle around the acute problems, so that the consistent class forces become the majority, just as at the same time it is connected to the issue of understanding the necessity for mass organization and participation in trade union bodies, in the movement, as well as the issue as to which line of struggle prevails in the labor movement.

We firmly believe that the viewpoint that the labor movement, generally the popular movement, should not take a position on the issue of governance, power, because it is a mass movement and thus must maintain a neutral stance is mistaken and dictated by bourgeois and opportunist forces. Neutrality for them means class collaboration, social partnership, the recognition of the superiority of capital over labor, the logic of the EU one-way street. The capitalists, the politicians and their technocratic representatives condemn the struggles as being politically directed and dangerous, divisive because supposedly they don’t take into account that workers belong to many or to all the parties. However, the content of the meaning “politicization” is related to the goal of politicization which at its core is the overthrow of the power of capital.

The issue of whether working people must choose to unite over their immediate problems or for workers’ popular power is a misleading dilemma, which purposefully divides the struggle in order to undermine and defeat it. The higher the political consciousness IB 2019

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of the working class in its majority, the better the chances are for the struggle around the immediate problems to prevent something worse, or to achieve something better.

It is a matter of strategy and tactics that are not detached from one another, while the latter is determined by the former in terms of its flexibility.

Today we can state with confidence: The mood for resistance and counter-attack has not been universally defeated. This mood exists; it was not destroyed despite the systematic efforts that took place. And, it will not be destroyed thanks to the KKE and the radical forces that exist and that stand alongside us in the movement. Even though the correlation of forces is negative, the forward momentum of the KKE that is associated with its long years of experience, with the lessons it has learnt, but also with its capacity to withstand the traps of assimilation continues.

It is this pledge of faith in our people, in the peoples of the world, in the international working class, which in every country, on every continent, wages the same battles, in order finally to realize this time definitively and irreversibly the possibility of a truly superior socialist – communist society.

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Communist Party of Albania

Te nderuar perfaqesues te partive komuniste e pun- 13 tore Te nderuar shoke te partise komuniste te Greqise !

Ne emer te PKSH ju pershendes dhe i uroj suksese ketij takimi te rendesishem nderkombetar te partive komuniste !! Shoqe dhe shoke !!

Ky takim i i rendesishem mblidhet ne nje situate te veshtire e te nderlikuar te botes kapitaliste e cila eshte mberthyer ng kriza e pergjitheshme qe po thellohet dhe acarohet nga dita ne dite . Ne te tilla rrethana perpara partive tona komuniste qendron detyra madhore qe te udheheqim klasen puntore ghe gjithe masat punonjese ne luften e tyre klasore kunder shtypjes dhe shfrytezimit kapitaliste e imperjaliste per liri demokraci e socializem .

Per te realizuar kete mision PKSH udhejiqet nga shkenca M -L dhe mesimet e Marksit ,Engelsit ,Leninit ,Stalinit dhe Enver Hoxhes Ajo i ka kushtuar dhe i kushton nje rendesi te vecante krijimit te aleancave dhe fronteve antiimperjaliste ,antikapitaliste , nacionale e demografike . PKSH nje vemendje te vecante i kushton punes me fshatarsine e varfer e te mesme per ti mobilizuar e organizuar ata ne organizata revolucionare e per ti hedhur ne aksione revolucionare per drejtesi ,barazi e prosporitet .

Ajo po punon me kembengulje per organizimin e masave te rinise se pa shprese dhe studenteve duke i sqaruar dhe dhe krijuar bindje se vetem nen udheheqjen e klases puntore dhe partise se saj M-L mundet te plotesohen interesat dhe aspiratat e saj P K SH ka ne qender te vemendjes organizimin e mases se grave ne organizata revolucionare duke i pergatitur ato per ti hedhur ne aksione revolucionare per emancipim ,barazi gjinore , liri e drejtesi Shke dhe shoqe !!

PKSH ne ceshtjen e aleancave te ptoletarjatit me klasat dhe sdhtresat e tjera shoqerore ka shmangur si wendrimet oportuniste si edhe ato sektare . Ajo eshte kunder cdo aleance dhe badhkpunimi me partite reaksionare borgjeze e revizioniste . PKSH gjykon se aleancat me forcat perparimtare behet vetem guke u nisur nga analiza konkrete e veprtarise se tyre por efhe duke mbajtur gjithmone parasyshe interesat e klases puntore ,rolin e saj hegjemon pa harruar kurre e per asnje caste qellimin final te permbysjes se kapotalizmit dhe fitoren e komuniit . Ne keto aleanca partia marksiste leniniste ruan pamvarsine e saje ideologjike ,politike e organizative . Shoke dhe shoqe ! PKSH gjykon se ne kohen tone eshte shtuar rreziku i nje lufte te re boterore per shkak te thellimit te kontraditave antagoniste te sistemit imperjaliste Borgjezia kapitaliste ne fuqi ,per te mbrojtur me cdo kushte pushtetin e saj eshte gati te sjelli ne fuqi

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fashizmin gjakatar me maska demokratike Sote ne shume vende te botes ,sikurse edhe ne vendin tone kane ardhur ne pushtet forca te djathta me orjentim te theksuar neofashist .

Gjithashtu acarimi i kontraditave midis fuqive te medha imperjaliste si Amerika ,Rusia ,BE ,Kina e tj kane cuar dhe po con ne shperthimin e luftrave lokale si ne Lindje te mesme ,Avganistan , Siri ,Ukraine e tj qe rrezikojne qe te hedhin boten ne nje lufte te trete boterore me pasoja katastrofike . Duke ndjekur me vemendje kjo situate kaotike ka sjelle fenomenin e refugjateve nga vendet e varfera dhe vendet vendet e perfshira ne luftra qe shkojne drejte vendeve te zhvilluara te BEAmerikes ,Kanadase ,Australise etj . Kjo tragjedi njerzore eshte pasoj e shtypjes dhe shfrytezimit te eger ne vendet e orgjines nga vine dhe nga agresionet dhe konfliktet e krijuara nga imperjalizmi Amerikan dhe ai Europin . Vetem ne Europ ,Amerik ,Australi ,Kanada e tj emigracioni kap shifra katastrofike disa dhjetra milon njez nga ku sfrytezohe ,keqtrajtohen edhe me barbarishte . Ne kete prizem u bej thirrje dhe propozoj .

E perseris propozoj per diskutim qe PARTITE KOMUNISTE PUNTORE NE VENDET PRITESE E EMIGRANTEVE TE BEHEN MBESHTETESE DHE PROMOTORE TE ORGANIZIMIT TE TYRE NE CELULA E ORGANIZATA KOMUNISTE ME PERKUSHTIM REVOLUCIONAR QE TE MBOJNE INERESAT E TYRE DHE TE GJITHE KLASES PUNTORE SI EDHE DUKE KRIJUAR LIDHE TE NGUSHTA ME VENDET E ORGJINES PER BASHKPUNIM E BASHKVEPRIM NE INTERES TE PROLETARJATIT E REVOLUCIONIT .

Shok komunist duhet te jemi te ndergjegjshem se kjo ushtri disamilionshe eshte pjesa me e xhveshur e proletarjatit dhe perben nje ushtri shume me aktive ne mbrojtje te interesave te klasave te shtypura te puntoreve dhe fshatareve por kurresesi te keqeperdoren dhe te shfrytezohen kto organizata dhe individe ne interesin e ngushte te partive komunistte ne vendet qe punojne emigrantet . Shoke dhe shoqe !! Sote proletarjati ne shqiperi edhte ne veshiresi te jashtzakonshme si rezultat i shypjes dhe shfrytezimit nga borgjezia vendase dhe ajo e huaj kapitaliste qe ka thithur te gjitha pasueite kombetare . Shqiperia eshte kthyer ne nje koloni te imperjalizmit Euro Amerikan nga ku perbuzja ,shfrytezimi dhe keqtrajtimi i klases puntore ,i elementit revolucinar jane ne plante pare PKSH ne keto kushte punon qe te futet sa me shume ne gjirin e klases puntore per krijimin e celulave revolucionare ne fabrika e kantjere per ti mobilizuar ato ne aksine per te drejtat e tyre legjitime Ajo eshte ne lufte kunder rolit grevthyes nga drejtuesit e pseudosindikatave qe nuk luajn ase nje

rol ne interes te puntori pasi ato jane krijuar dhe jane emeruar nga qeveria korruptive shqiptare .

Shoke dje shoqe !! Edhe nje here ju uroj suksese ne devizen e perbashket ML duke mbetur me shprese se mbas perfundimit te ketij takimi nje dritjeshile mashkpunimi ne front te gjere do te hapet per te perballuar sfidat e kohes ne interes te proletarjatit e te popujve qe luftojne per liri e pvarsi PERPARA SHOK KOMUNIST NE NJE FRONT TE VETEM RROFTE ITRENACIONALIZMI PROLETAR !! LAVDI MARKSIZEM -LENINIZMIT !!

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Algerian Party for Democracy and Socialism (PADS)

Nous saluons chaleureusement la commémoration du centième anniversaire de la fondation du Parti Communiste de Grèce.

Nous avons célébré l’an dernier le centième anniversaire de la grande Révolution socialiste d’Octobre 1917. Les communistes doivent méditer les enseignements tirés de son triomphe, de la construction du socialisme mais aussi de la victoire de la contre-révolution à la fin des années 1980, des conséquences de ce retour en arrière sur la condition de la classe ouvrière et de l’ensemble des peuples opprimés par le système capitaliste-impérialiste.

Nous partons de la réaffirmation de la justesse de la thèse que notre époque historique actuelle est et demeure celle de la lutte pour la passage du capitalisme au socialisme, première phase du communisme. La victoire de la contre-révolution en URSS et dans les autres pays socialistes, n’infirme en aucune façon cette thèse qui reste fondamentale pour la définition de la stratégie du mouvement communiste international. Comme Lénine l’avait exposé avant même octobre 1917, cette époque est celle des révolutions et des contre-révolutions, de l’offensive et de la défensive, des victoires et des défaites des classes exploitées et opprimées dans leur luttes ininterrompues pour leur émancipation sociale, de leur combat inlassable jusqu’au triomphe définitif matérialisé par l’abolition irréversible du régime capitaliste. La reconnaissance de la validité de cette thèse et l’action pour la réaliser sont une pierre de touche pour distinguer ce qui dans le mouvement communiste est véritablement communiste de ce qui a sombré dans l’opportunisme et se conduit comme un allié objectif de la perpétuation de l’exploitation capitaliste, avec ses horreurs, ses guerres, sa barbarie.

En dépit des écrits des idéologues de la bourgeoisie tendant à semer le doute chez les exploités sur l’inéluctabilité de la révolution socialiste, le monde actuel est marqué par la poursuite du conflit économique, politique et idéologique irréductible entre la bourgeoisie et le prolétariat, entre les classes dominantes et les peuples dominés dans chaque pays et à l’échelle mondiale. Là où les communistes n’ont pas abandonné le combat à mort contre les exploiteurs, ce conflit se déroule de façon claire dans ses objectifs, même si la classe ouvrière dans son ensemble n’a pas encore repris espoir dans ses forces. Et même ailleurs, la bourgeoisie ne peut l’empêcher de se dérouler. Elle peut encore retarder pour un temps la prise de conscience des travailleurs en cherchant à les diviser, à semer la haine en IB 2019

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leur sein selon leurs origines ethniques, leurs pratiques religieuses, à dresser les autochtones contre les migrants, à tenter de désamorcer les processus révolutionnaires en agitant le drapeau du chauvinisme, du séparatisme, de l’obscurantisme, etc. Mais il n’est pas dans son pouvoir de faire disparaître les antagonismes de classe et les crises inhérentes au capitalisme qui accélèrent l’instruction des exploités et les amènent à combattre de façon consciente et organisée le régime exploiteur si les communistes accomplissent leur devoir de révolutionnaires en propageant inlassablement le mot de la nécessité de la révolution.

Les conditions économiques de la nouvelle offensive révolutionnaire pour abattre le capitalisme mûrissent.

La classe ouvrière, principale force motrice des transformations historiquement nécessaires, ne cesse de se développer au plan numérique et économique.

Son poids grandit. Il y a cent ans la révolution socialiste a été possible en Russie alors que les effectifs de la classe ouvrière étaient beaucoup moins nombreux à l’échelle mondiale qu’aujourd’hui. La classe ouvrière au sens de classe qui produit la plus-value dans le système capitaliste, classe la plus exploitée, la plus concentrée, classe qui a des liens étroits avec les autres couches sociales laborieuses écrasées par la grande bourgeoisie, la classe ouvrière, fossoyeur de la bourgeoisie qui l’a produite, dont l’accumulation du capital a fait grandir le nombre et la force, cette classe est pratiquement présente dans tous les pays du monde. Une armée prolétarienne internationale s’est formée. Organisée, unie, rendue consciente de sa mission historique - abattre le régime capitaliste et bâtir la société socialiste- elle constitue en alliance avec toutes les couches sociales laborieuses, une formidable force d’émancipation qui bouleversera le monde, fera briller de mille feux l’espoir dans un monde débarrassé de l’oppression et des guerres, mettant fin à un régime qui a atteint son stade ultime de capitalisme pourrissant, agonisant.

Le capitalisme ne tombera pas de lui-même comme un fruit mûr. La responsabilité historique des partis qui se rattachent à la doctrine de Marx-EngelsLénine, est de l’organiser et d’orienter son combat vers la chute du capitalisme, vers le socialisme. Elle est de créer les conditions subjectives, politiques, idéologiques, organisationnelles de la révolution socialiste, du renversement du régime de la bourgeoisie, de la prise du prise du pouvoir par la classe ouvrière et ses alliés, de l’instauration du socialisme.

Communistes, nous ne sommes pas des rêveurs pensant que ce but peut être atteint d’emblée, sans des luttes longues, difficiles, parsemées de victoires

et d’échecs momentanés, sans passer par des zig- 17 zags comme disait Lénine, par des luttes intermédiaires compte tenu des réalités de chaque pays, qui imposent des tactiques différentes dictées par les manifestations de la loi du développement inégal du capitalisme.

Les cheminements nationaux différents nécessitent au contraire: - d’inscrire dans ce grand but, la préparation de la révolution socialiste, les luttes économiques pour l’amélioration des conditions de vie des travailleurs, pour les libertés démocratiques, pour vaincre l’obscurantisme religieux , pour la défense du droit des peuples à définir leur voie de développement menacée par les ingérences et les interventions militaires de l’impérialisme, etc.

-d’user de toutes les formes de lutte pour atteindre ce but, de soumettre à cet objectif stratégique ces formes et les alliances momentanément tissées avec telle ou telle catégorie sociale écrasée par le capitalisme mais hésitante.

-de mener un travail de propagande, d’agitation et de formation idéologique pour faire la jonction entre le parti communiste et l’avant-garde combattive de la classe ouvrière, pour gagner l’ensemble de cette classe à la nécessité de mettre fin à la domination de la bourgeoisie, de la préparer à l’exercer de la dictature du prolétariat sans laquelle cette victoire sera éphémère et sera inévitablement suivie de défaites tragiques.

-d’unir, de coordonner dans ce but les luttes de l’ensemble du mouvement communiste international; d’organiser la coopération entre les partis communistes des pays dominants et ceux des pays politiquement ou économiquement dominés, de façon à briser les freins idéologiques qui tendent à faire croire à ces derniers que la lutte doit exclure de ses mots d’ordre la lutte pour le socialisme, doit se limiter à conquérir les libertés démocratiques bourgeoisies, à attendre que le développement des forces productives ait atteint au préalable un certain niveau grâce à l’alliance avec la bourgeoisie dite « patriotique ».

En qui nous concerne, nous communistes d’Algérie, nous inscrivons notre action dans la fidélité au marxisme-léninisme. Nous rejetons l’idée selon laquelle l’Algérie en serait encore au stade préalable de l’achèvement de la révolution nationale-démocratique. Ce stade a été dépassé dès les premières années de l’indépendance. La lutte pour une pleine indépendance politique et économique s’était entrelacée avec la lutte pour le socialisme à travers l’action spontanée des travailleurs pour que les terres

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des colons et les fabriques abandonnées par les capitalistes européens passent sous leur contrôle.

La fraction nationaliste-révolutionnaire de la petite-bourgeoisie a fait alliance avec les travailleurs et a impulsé le développement industriel avec l’argent de l’exportation du pétrole et du gaz nationalisés.

Moins de vingt ans après, ce processus progressiste et prometteur a subi un coup d’arrêt et une défaite sous l’action destructrice conjointe de la bourgeoisie, qui avait prospéré à l’ombre du secteur public et ne tolérait plus aucune menace sur son avenir, des grands propriétaires nationalisés par la réforme agraire, de l’impérialisme. Les causes de cette défaite résidaient également dans : -le refus de ces fractions de la petite-bourgeoisie d’adopter les principes du socialisme scientifique, de reconnaître le rôle de la classe ouvrière comme force dirigeante, de rompre avec les fractions réactionnaires du pouvoir issues de la guerre de libération, fractions menant un travail de sape des options et des réalisations progressistes, d’accorder aux communistes et aux travailleurs les libertés d’expression et d’organisation; -les erreurs des communistes: au moment où les luttes de classe s’exacerbaient sur le choix de la voie socialiste de développement ils n’ont plus revendiqué le droit à l’existence organique indépendante de leur parti. Ils aux mis au centre de leur action la réalisation d’un front uni sur la base de l’idée illusoire de la « rénovation » du parti nationaliste petit-bourgeois ( qui avait conduit la guerre de libération), de la transformation de ce front en « grand parti d’avant-garde ». Plus grave, ils n’ont pas envisagé de placer au centre de leur action de propagande et d’organisation la lutte pour la transformation par des voies révolutionnaires du régime issu de la guerre de libération en régime de l’alliance classe ouvrière-paysannerie laborieuse et couches sociales intermédiaires acceptant le socialisme.

-le faible niveau de conscience et d’expérience politique de la classe ouvrière qui continuait à faire confiance dans les promesses du régime.

Le mouvement communiste international est à la croisée des chemins. Face à la crise insurmontable du capitalisme, crise due à la contradiction fondamentale entre le caractère social des forces productives et au caractère privé de la propriété des moyens de productions, caractère engendrant l’anarchie de la production et de l’accumulation capitalistes, au gaspillage des forces productives, à l’incapacité du régime capitaliste de mettre ces forces au service de la satisfaction intégrale des besoins sociaux, matériels et culturels des travailleurs, aux destructions, aux

guerres locales et aux préparatifs de guerre sur une plus grande échelle en vue d’un nouveau repartage des marchés et des sources d’énergie, pour trancher la question se savoir qui doit dominer le monde, face à cela, ou bien le mouvement communiste international se redresse et emprunte le chemin de la préparation de la révolution en gestation, ou bien il devient un auxiliaire de la perpétuation de la domination bourgeoise-impérialiste.

Prolétaires de tous les pays et peuples opprimés unissez-vous !

Vive l’internationalisme prolétarien !

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Communist Party of Argentina

La Argentina de Macri y las tareas del Partido Comunista Con el gobierno de Mauricio Macri la Argentina ha experimentado una doble involución. Por un lado, el tránsito desde una acotada democracia capitalista a un régimen semi-autoritario, una “democradura”. El macrismo es un híbrido que en proporciones diversas según los casos combina algunos rasgos propios de una dictadura con las formalidades de una democracia meramente electoral. Por otro lado una segunda transición desde un estado soberano a otro de carácter semi-colonial, presto a obedecer los mandatos emanados de Washington alineándose incondicionalmente con la política exterior de Estados Unidos y, en fechas recientes, estableciendo un aberrante co-gobierno entre la Casa Rosada y el FMI. En relación a la primera involución los gestos y las decisiones políticas adoptadas por la Casa Rosada han sido de una elocuencia ejemplar. Baste en cambio señalar la autocrática pretensión de designar por medio de un Decreto de Necesidad y Urgencia (DNU) del Poder Ejecutivo a dos jueces de la Corte Suprema o la aplicación de una brutal terapia de shock para “sincerar” la economía argentina.

“Sincerar” es un eufemismo acuñado por la derecha para ocultar el saqueo del “tarifazo”, la caída del salario real, el aumento del desempleo, la disparada inflacionaria, el vertiginoso crecimiento de la pobreza, la escandalosa transferencia de ingresos realizada a lo largo de estos casi tres años, producto de la eliminación de las retenciones (impuesto a las exportaciones) del agronegocio, la minería y los hidrocarburos, el fenomenal endeudamiento externo y la creación de las condiciones para facilitar una desorbitada fuga de divisas que fue la verdadera contrapartida de la deuda. En el terreno político se registra un debilitamiento del impulso democrático cuando se toman decisiones trascendentales sin ningún debate público y en función de criterios supuestamente técnicos. Un gobierno que se impuso en el balotaje con un exiguo 51.4 % de los votos y que actúa como si su legitimidad de origen reposara sobre un mandato popular conferido por el 70 % o más de los electores, sin reparar que se yergue sobre un país partido en dos y que la búsqueda del diálogo y el consenso tantas veces pregonado por los personeros de Cambiemos durante la campaña electoral del 2015 fue velozmente archivado una vez que Mauricio Macri llegara a la Casa Rosada. El caso de los desorbitados aumentos en los precios de los servicios esenciales como el agua, la electricidad, el gas y el transporte impuestos sin las necesarias audiIB 2019

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encias públicas previas que establece la legislación argentina ilustra con elocuencia lo que venimos diciendo. Por otra parte, la misma composición del elenco gobernante con una significativa presencia de CEOs de grandes transnacionales echa luz sobre el carácter oligárquico del gobierno, que se ve ratificado no sólo por el origen social de los supuestos representantes de la voluntad popular encumbrados en las alturas del aparato estatal sino fundamentalmente por las políticas que promueven que, al menos hasta el momento, sólo han beneficiado a las clases dominantes y las grandes corporaciones y perjudicado al resto de la sociedad. Involución autoritaria que se confirma también cuando se nota la asfixiante uniformidad comunicacional (salvo muy contadas excepciones) que sufre la Argentina desde que Macri derogara parcialmente la Ley de Medios –manotazo presidencial lamentablemente convalidado después por la Cámara de Diputados- cuyo objetivo era la democratización de la esfera pública.

Por eso episodios tan graves como los que revelaron los Panamá Papers o los “aportantes truchos” (robo de nombres a personas que luego fueron puestas en un listado de contribuciones ilegales a la campaña del oficialismo) y que comprometen la propia figura presidencial y sus principales colaboradores, han sido meticulosamente blindados ante los ojos de la población por un sistema de medios cuya misión ya no es más informar sino manipular o confundir a la opinión pública. Vivimos un lamentable retroceso que empobrece la conciencia de la ciudadanía y carcome la vitalidad de la democracia porque ésta adquiere una existencia meramente espectral cuando lo que predomina en los medios de comunicación es una sofocante oligarquía. El resultado del ajuste salvaje hecho por el cogobierno Macri-FMI es una fenomenal crisis económica, macro devaluación del peso, tasas de interés del orden del 70 % anual, inflación proyectada del 45 % y un índice de desaprobación social del 62 % de la población. Todo esto con un endeudamiento de 153.000 millones de dólares utilizado para la especulación financiera y la fuga de divisas. Ni un hospital, ni una escuela, ni una nueva empresa pública, ni una universidad fue creada con el dinero de ese endeudamiento.

La segunda involución es la que se produjo cuando, sumado a lo anterior, el gobierno también abandonó cualquier pretensión de autonomía en materia de política exterior haciendo suya la agenda, las prioridades (¡y los conflictos!) de los Estados Unidos.

La Argentina ya intentó probar las virtudes de la sumisión neocolonial en los nefastos años noventas, durante la presidencia de Carlos S. Menem. Sin reci-

bir nada a cambio, ningún beneficio especial como 21 recompensa a tanta obsecuencia oficial, se pagó un precio atroz por tanta obsecuencia: 106 personas perdieron la vida en los dos atentados en contra de la Embajada de Israel y la AMIA, en represalia por la participación argentina en la Primera Guerra del Golfo. ¿Por qué la historia habría de ser diferente esta vez? La vociferante ofensiva en contra de una política exterior latinoamericanista -la única sensata en un sistema internacional atravesado por amenazantes turbulencias- que se expresa en la deserción del macrismo frente a proyectos como los de la UNASUR y la CELAC nada bueno presagia para el tan cacareado como enigmático “regreso al mundo” de la Argentina. Precisamente, una inserción fecunda en él sólo será posible desde una postura de autonomía -por supuesto que siempre relativa- que preserve los intereses nacionales y no desde una condición de sumiso peón en un peligroso tablero mundial cuyas fichas el emperador mueve a su antojo, y solamente atendiendo a sus propios intereses y no a los de sus serviles vasallos. Donald Trump necesita de Argentina para hostigar a Venezuela y encuentra en el gobierno de Macri un fiel ejecutor de sus órdenes.

En menos de un año habrá elecciones en la Argentina. La derechización del clima ideológico internacional juega en contra de la restauración democrática y de una reorientación de la política nacional. El Partido Comunista de la Argentina impulsa la unidad del campo popular para derrotar el holocausto social que ejecuta el macrismo.

Si se avanza en la unidad, la organización y la concientización del heterogéneo conjunto de fuerzas opositoras, si se elabora a tiempo un programa de salvación nacional basado en el Proyecto de Plataforma Programática que nuestro partido ha elaborado para enfrentar la crisis y si se adopta una adecuada estrategia de campaña -teniendo en cuenta, como lo enseña el triunfo de Bolsonaro en el Brasil, el tremendo papel que hoy desempeñan las redes sociales, los “big data”, las “fake news” y toda la artillería de la “Cambridge Analytica”- las posibilidades de derrotar al macrismo no son pocas. Lenin nos enseñó que lo imposible puede convertirse en real. Será una tarea ardua pero inescapable.

Sobre todo porque es muy necesaria, y no sólo para la Argentina.

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Communist Party of Australia

23 Comrades, On behalf of the Communist Party of Australia, I would like to thank the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) for hosting this 20th gathering called the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties. We would like to acknowledge the crucial role of the KKE in reviving the international meetings.

The working class in today’s Australia The working class internationally has changed and developed over recent decades in line with the imposition of capitalist globalisation. In developed countries like Australia, there has been a major change in the composition of the working class.

Manufacturing, which used to flourish behind a wall of tariffs, quotas and other instruments of protection, has shrunk dramatically.

Most significantly for the Australian working class, it was the beginning of the era of a class collaborationist approach by most Australian trade unions and their peak council, the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU).

The combination of the decline in manufacturing and the ideological betrayal by trade union leaderships have left the working class in Australia vulnerable.Union membership is in a steep decline.

The role of the working class in Australia These changes in the composition of the working class and the decline in the ideological level of the organised labour movement have led some to conclude that the working class is no longer the main force for revolutionary change in countries like Australia.

The working class is not the only section of the population to suffer increased exploitation and disregard at the hands of monopolies. Poorer family farmers are squeezed at both ends by monopoly capital.

Notions that exploitation somehow does not exist in countries like Australia or has somehow become benign denies the deteriorating reality of large sections of the working class and poor family farmers.

The working class, due to its indispensable role in the process of production, remains the only class with the potential to end the system of exploitation it suffers under.

The situation of the working class in Australia Almost four decades of retreat in the organised labour movement in Australia has delivered bitter results for Australian workers. Precarious work dominates in the sluggish jobs growth that does take place.

Workers are punished under a restrictive industrial relations legislative framework. Unions are prevented from taking industrial action during the term of

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their enterprise bargaining contract.Unions taking industrial action have incurred huge fines, in some instances amounting to hundreds of thousands or even millions of dollars, designed to break them.

Aboriginal people continue to suffer the worst oppression of any section of the Australian people. Report after report has identified a wide gap between life expectancy, health, education, incarceration rates and other vital indicators of the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal populations.

Tasks of the Communists, the alliance of the working class The primary task of the Communists in Australia is to forge the strongest possible alliance of workers and other exploited people to resist and to defeat the capitalist agenda. It means rebuilding the trade unions on a militant, class-conscious basis. In Australia it means raising the ideological level of workers to a socialist one to give them the confidence in their own capacity.

Communists must unite other struggles of the people, against the sneaking privatisation and other aggression by the monopolies and show the connection between people’s declining living standards and the existence of capitalism. They must unite with Aboriginal workers in their joint struggle for liberation. They must fight racism that divides the working class and defend the rights of refugees detained offshore.

Communists must also rebuild an anti-war movement with an anti-imperialist orientation. Signs are promising with the establishment of the Independent and Peaceful Australia Network.

Building the revolutionary Party The Party’s 13th National Congress held last December declared in its Political Resolution that the Party must refocus on the trade union movement and that every member should be an activistin their workplace.

The Party must increase its efforts in education.

Members must be united around our Marxist-Leninist Program. We must meet our longstanding commitment to solidarity with our brothers and sisters struggling for liberation internationally. We must play our part in the reinvigoration of the International Communist movement.

The Party must recruit more members,particularly young workers. The youth of the Party have been tasked with this work in their growing networks across the country. Signs are very encouraging with some outstanding community work being done.

The time has arrived to devote unprecedented effort to all these requirements, to thwart the monop-

olies’ agenda to impose more open slavery on workers and to profit from imperialist war. Our success in this task of building the Party through action is essential for the future wellbeing and even survival of our people.

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Party of Labour of Austria

The working class and its revolutionary party in the struggle for socialism

On behalf of the Austrian Party of Labour, I would first like to thank the Communist Party of Greece for organising and holding this year’s International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties. At the same time, I would like to convey our warmest congratulations on the occasion of the one hundredth anniversary of the Communist Party of Greece.

Now to a few thoughts on the subject of our meeting, which we will summarise in the following theses.

The working class is the exploited class in capitalism – and the revolutionary class. – Karl Marx, whose 200th birthday we celebrated this year, proved that capitalism is based on the exploitation of the working class. By virtue of private ownership of the means of production, the capitalists buy the labour-power of the propertyless workers and retain the added value contained in the products they produce, which is the source of capitalist profit. This relationship – social production and private capitalist appropriation – marks the fundamental contradiction of capitalism; the underlying property question is the fundamental question of revolution. But through its central position in the capitalist mode of production, the working class is also the revolutionary class of our time.

The historical mission of the working class is the struggle for socialism and the liberation of humanity. – It is the task of the working class to overcome capitalism. For this it is necessary for the working class to organise itself as a historic subject and to take over political rule. On this basis the capitalists will be expropriated and the means of production will be transferred to social property, which will also make planned socialist production possible. The bourgeoisie and land owners will be liquidated as classes. By completely abolishing classes, the working class finally abolishes its own rule, thereby reaching a higher stage, a classless society (communism).

In this way, the liberation of the working class from the yoke of capitalist wage labour is a prerequisite for the liberation of all humankind.

The working class leads the oppressed classes in the class struggle. – The struggle of the working class radiates to other oppressed and exploited classes and strata of society, not least the farming community.

The socially oppressed and exploited people’s strata, all those opposed to monopoly capital, as well as all those de facto dependent toilers forced by capital into bogus self-employment or individualism, are potential allies of the working class in the struggle against monopolies. This is the objective condition IB 2019

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for an anti-monopoly and anti-capitalist alliance policy led by the organised working class.

The communist party makes the working class capable and ready to fight. – The connection and unity of the communist party and the working class is of decisive importance. In order to lead its struggle and fulfil its historic mission, the working class needs an independent political organisation. In this sense, it is the task of the communist party to generate and reproduce revolutionary consciousness in the working class. Its task is to comprehensively enlighten the working class, to support it in independent action, to train it in content and methodology, to offer different forms of organisation and to organise the most advanced sections in the party. The party must ensure that the working class becomes and remains mentally, physically and structurally capable of struggle.

The communist party offers analysis, strategy and goals based on Marxism-Leninism. – The communist party familiarises the working class with the world view of the proletariat, Marxism-Leninism, and trains it in its theoretical and practical application. On this basis, it offers the working class an analysis, strategy and goals that correlate with the workers’ experiences in class struggle. In particular, the party provides the insights on which it itself operates – these are dialectical and historical materialism, the Marxist analysis of capitalism, Lenin’s theory of imperialism, Bolshevik party theory in the sense of democratic centralism, and Marxist-Leninist theory of revolution and revolutionary alliance politics. In the process, the party also consolidates the qualities of solidarity and internationalism that exist in the working class.

The communist party is the highest form of class organisation and the vanguard in the struggle for socialism. – The party leads the working class in a comprehensive way in the ideological, political and economic class struggle. It organises the defence against attacks of capital and imperialism, prepares the offensive in the struggle for social, democratic and social progress, for peace and self-determination, but is never content with mere reforms. All its activities are directed towards the strategic goal of socialism and communism. The party as the highest class organisation uses broad and mass organisations such as trade unions, youth organisations or interest groups as well as possible alliance structures, but is never replaceable by these. Socialist revolution is impossible without a militant revolutionary party of the working class on a Marxist-Leninist basis. It is therefore our duty to carry out our tasks conscientiously and to act at the forefront as the consistent

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Socialism is topical and necessary on a global scale.

– We live in the epoch of humanity’s transition from capitalism to socialism, which even the temporary setbacks of 1989-91 do nothing to change. On the contrary, the socialist revolution, the socialist construction and the realisation of a classless society are today globally a historical necessity for continued human existence and civilisation on our planet, because capitalism obviously stands for the continued path to barbarism, which meanwhile questions the survival of humanity as a species. Socialism offers the preconditions for a world of freedom and equality: through the political power of the organised working class and the socialisation of the means of production; through needs-oriented production and the planned increase of productivity; through securing the material life of all human beings; through the abolition of the exploitation; through ecologically sustainable production; through overcoming the division of society into classes and through the elimination of wars on human lives.

Without claiming to be exhaustive, these are some necessary basics. Only if the communists do good work in this respect and become stronger – in the respective national and international frameworks – we will be successful in the struggle for the liberation of the working class and socialism. And humanity is urgently dependent on this success.

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Communist Party of Azerbaijan

29 Уважаемые товарищи! Разрешите, во первых, выразить признательность организаторам 20-ой Международной Встречи коммунистических и рабочих партий за приглашение на этот высокий форум. Во вторых, поздравить всех коммунистов Греции и ЦК Компартии Греции со 100-летием образования Коммунистической Партии Греции! И мы уверены в том, что коммунисты одного из древнейших государств мира, под руководством Центрального Комитета во главе признанного лидера Димитрия Куцунбас приведут народы Эллады к социализму – обществу в которой отсутствует эксплуатация человека и застрахованного от всяческих кризисов. Доказано, что каждодневная, организованная и неустанная борьба в концеконцов даст свои положительные результаты. В этом отношении работа ЦК КПГ является примером для многих партий. Мы регулярно следим за ходом борьбы коммунистов Греции в любых сферах общественной жизни Греции. В создании Компартии Греции 17 ноября 1918 года,(не только в Греции) не маловажную роль сыграла, конечно же, Великая Октябрьская Социалистическая Революция, которой в прошлом году мировая общественность торжественно отметила 100-летний юбилей. Один из принципов марксистско-ленинских партий является интернационализм. Коммунисты Греции могут гордится тем, что в установлении и закреплении социализма в СССР приняли активное участие и греческие национальности. Один из них был участником в установлении социализма в Азербайджане. В составе легендарной 26-ти Бакинских комиссаров был Ираклий Метакса. Каждый год, 20 сентября мы возлагаем цветы на могилы 26-ти Бакинских комиссаров. Уместно отметить, что 27 ноября исполняется 25 лет вновь восстановления Компартии Азербайджанапосле преднамеренного развала КПСС и СССР. За прошедший период наша Компартия сделала не мало работы. Но предстоит делать очень много. К большому сожалению военное состояние с нашим соседним государством вокруг Нагорного Карабаха в результате которого 20% территории республике оказались захваченным и более миллион человек стали беженцами, а Европейским странам более чем знакомы с их проблемами. Начиная с 1987 года проблема Нагорного Карабаха стал катализатором

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межнациональных проблем в СССР и на этой почве начался развал между братскими республиками. Не решив эту проблему мы не сможем бороться за коммунизм. Предлагаю на одной из Международных Встреч коммунистических и рабочих партии включит на повестку национальный вопрос. Кроме этого раздробленность коммунистических рядов создают очень много проблем в идеологическо-организационных партийных работах. Но несмотря на все трудности, мы боремся за чистоту идей марксизма-ленинизма и пролетарского интернационализма. Из всех 4-5 действующих компартий в республике единственная партия, которая выпускает, к сожалению, одну газету под названием: «Коммунист Азербайджана»- эта наша партия. Мы стараемся как то воздействовать на массы, которые изолированы от получении информации происходящим в международном комдвижении. В учебниках и новых книгах по истории убрано марксистсколенинская философия и о К. Марксе и о В.И. Ленине информация дано очень скудно. Студенты обучающейся в экономических факультетах обращаются к нам для приобретения произведений классиков марксизма. Не одна библиотека не сохранила произведения классиков научного коммунизма. Кстати, у местно отметить, что некоторые руководители высшего эшелона буржуазных стран с высоких трибун говорят, что марксистская идеология – экстремистская. И к сожалению не одна компартия не высказала по этому поводу. А ведь существуют социалистические страны у которых официальная идеология основана на марксистских принципов! Получается интересный парадокс : если кто то, просто так, высказал бы или выступил бы против религии тех или других народов, понятно какой ажиотаж поднялся бы в мировом масштабе. Хотя, ни один человек официально не закрепил свою принадлежность той или другой религии. А мы коммунисты письменно закрепляем свою принадлежность к компартиям. Если теория марксизма-ленинизма подвергаются к критике, я не говорю об оскорблении, то мы коммунисты обязаны дать решительный отпор. Ведь как появился ленинизм: конечно защищая и оберегая марксизма от буржуазных критиков и искажений! Есьт над чем голову ломать. Товарищи! Эти

Международные Встречи

коммунистических и рабочих партий, которые созывали при непосредственном содействии Компартии Греции с 1998 года очень поучительные и объединяет всех левых сил планеты. И созданная мини Коминтерна так же способствует сплочению коммунистов всего мира. Действующий «Солиднет» стал связующим звеном в международном коммунистическом и рабочем движении. Очень много интересных материалов получаем, которые размешены в этом интернет сайте. Было бы еще лучше создать при мини Коминтерне «аналитический центр» для изучения формы и методы борьбы отдельных партий и обобщив их, распространил опыт передовых организаций. В этом отношении можно изучать опыт «аналитического центра», которая была организована при партии возглавляемых Тюлькиным В.А. и покойным Крючковым РКРП-РКП. В заключении хочу выразить свою точку зрения, что не далек тот день, когда по воздействую международного коммунистического и рабочего движения вся прогрессивная общественность встанут из «окопов» капиталистических систем и поднимут знамя марксизма-ленинизма над всеми государствами! Спасибо за ваше терпение.

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Communist Party of Bangladesh

Relevance and vitality of Marxist thought and the tasks of Communist and workers parties in neoliberal era ‘The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas, i.e. the class which is the ruling material force of society, is at the same time its ruling intellectual force. The class which has the means of material production at its disposal has control at the same time over the means of mental production, so that thereby, generally speaking, the ideas of those who lack the means of mental production are subject to it. The ruling ideas are nothing more than the ideal expression of the dominant material relationships, the dominant material relationships grasped as ideas.’

- Marx, German Ideology (1845) A long time has passed after Karl Marx wrote his last words. This year, the working class and progressive forces throughout the worldare celebrating the bicentenary of Karl Marx and 150 years of the publication of the first volume of Capital. Ruling classes in different countries and their associates are continuously saying that, Marxism is ‘old’, ‘dead’, ‘irrelevant’, and ‘wrong’.But, from this the question arises, why the wealthy and powerful are spending so much money and time combating a so-called dead’ idea?

The answer is simple. It is not dead at all.In fact, since Marxism reveals the truth about their Capitalism, they must do everything necessary to hide these facts from the mass of the people -especially the workers and youth.The propagandas and efforts carried out by the present-day bourgeois intellectuals to weaken the strong influence of Marxism over the mass people, are nothing but ‘the ruling idea’s, which are coming from ‘the ideal expression of the dominant material relationships’ as Marx stated.

If we just look back to the year 2008, we can easily understand the continuing relevance and vitality of Marxist thought. That year saw a global financial crisis which engulfed the capitalist system the world over. Even after nearly a decade, the global capitalist economy has not fully recovered from this crisis. This crisis brought out the astonishing contemporarily of Marx to the bourgeois thinkers and economists, but most of them were hesitant to acknowledge the persistence of Marx’s analysis of capitalism. All the major issues dominating the contemporary period, whether it is the impact of globalization, the unprecedented rise in inequalities and the environmental crisis - all these were foreseen by Marx in general a century and half ago.

Marx explained the entire dynamics of capitalism, the extraction of surplus value from labor, the accuIB 2019

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mulation of capital and wealth in the hands of the owners of the means of production, the growing inequality, the crisis of over production and the systemic faults in the capitalist system which leads to recurrent crisis.The development of capitalism since the days of Marx have not invalidated the theory of dynamics of capitalism spelt out by Marx.Its further development into the monopoly stage and the globalised finance capital of today can be analyzed and understood using the scientific method adopted by Marx. It was using Marx’s theoretical approach that Lenin analyzed the rise of monopoly capitalism and imperialism in the early years of the 20th century.

At present time the international finance capital, which is originating in the advanced capitalist nations is no longer national in its form. The multinational banks and financial corporations carry on global operations now. International finance capital is globally mobile and fluid. A globally integrated market where the finance capital will have unfettered freedom of movement is the demand of the multinational monopolies. This is the force that drives the process of neoliberal globalization at this moment.

Roughly 500 largest international super monopolies in banks, industry, and commerce are now controlling the finance capital and ruling the global economy.

Approximately twenty states constitute the political and military power base of this international finance capital. With contradictions among themselves, the major imperialist powers have formed a bloc under the leadership of the US, which ensures that any challenge to neoliberal globalization and the hegemony of international finance capital is eliminated.

They sought to impose its hegemony on the entire world not only by economy, but also by military, political and cultural means.

In this neoliberal era, private corporations now have a more flexible relationship with the state. They can call for state intervention when they are in crisis, thus allowing multinational companies to socialize their losses while privatizing their profits. Capitalists achieve far greater security of privilege when a business is held as private property. Accompanied by this deceptive idea of neoliberalism, a worldwide process of privatization of state owned enterprises and government institutions and monopolization set in.

Global capitalism is trying even today to emerge from its financial crisis of 2008 by shifting the burden of the crisis on to the people of the so-called “Third World” countries. International agencies like IMF, World Bank and the WTO are the handmaidens

of this effort. Before and after the crisis, international 33 monopolies invaded the economies of Asia, Africa and Latin America, appropriating their labor, raw material bases, state institutions, lucrative industries, and subjugating their markets in an unprecedented plundering raid. The increasing superexploitation have resulted in the barbaric IMF programs, programs of debt repayment, land grabbing and increasing poverty and discrimination. Garments workers of Bangladesh are one of the worst sufferers of the super exploitation by international finance capital. They are working with lowest possible wages and poor working environment which results in increasing number of deaths in workplaces.

With this type of political and economic development in our present neoliberal era, we can see there has been a growth in virulent forms of racism, fundamentalism, xenophobia and sectarian chauvinism around the world including in the so called ‘civilized1 west. The recent period has seen the rise of the ISIS and other extremist forces in West Asia, Islamic fundamentalists in Afghanistan,Pakistan, Somalia, Nigeria and North Africa, Hindu revivalist groups in India, Buddhist chauvinist groups in Sri Lanka and Myanmar and extreme rightwing neo-Nazi parties in Europe and America.

In Western Europe and North America so called ‘War on Terror’ has become a convenient cover for racist agitation against migrant communities from the Middle East, the Indian Sub-continent and East Africa.This has come to be known as Islamophobia and is primarily a variety of racism. It has largely replaced anticommunism as the central phobia in the US itself, and is likely to continue to perform this role, since the US has failed to create a new, relatively stable imperialist world order. Let us not forget that, The Islamist groups who as anticommunist jihadis, had proved “useful” for the US in Afghanistan during cold war, became the enemies of the US following the fall of Soviet Union to secure “freedom, democracy and capitalism” after fall of Soviet Union.

On the other hand, USand its allies’ interventions have further destabilized the Middle East, Central Asia and areas stretching into the Indian subcontinent and Africa.

Moreover, constant increase of mass production instead of planned satisfaction of the need of the masses and ruthless overexploitation of the limited natural resources by the international finance capital are causing systemic and all round destruction of the vital unity of humanity and nature. The environmental

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destruction has reached a point where irreversible damage has occurred to global material cycles and global ecological balance. For example, Bangladesh Government have signed a treaty with Indiato install a coal based power plant near Sundarbans, the largest mangrove forest of the world, which will surely damage the ecological balance and destroy the forest.

Karl Marx would not have been surprised at this dire state of affairs affecting the world today. He had given the working class and the other working people the scientific theory which could be the guide to action on how to transcend capitalism and build a new socialist society free from class exploitation and social oppression. Understanding this situation we need to fully expose and vigorously oppose the deceptive approaches, programs and policies of Imperialist globalization and Neoliberalismworldwideand fight against the reactionary rightist forces and their ideology.

At this point of history, we, the Communist and Workers parties and the followers of Marx all over the world, must raise our voice to stop inhumane imperialist design, to dismantle imperialist military alliances and to withdraw overseas imperialist military bases and troop deployments. Beside this, we have to fight for freedom of speech, freedom of expression and opinion. We need to promotesecular democratic values, social justice, peace, gender equality, secular democratic values. We have to strengthenclass struggle everywhere to establish a socioeconomic, political order in our respective countries which will ensure freedom from foreign domination and domestic exploitation and oppression so that interethnic, inter-religious and inter-faith equality can also be ensured and promoted.We also need to strengthen our solidarity; enhance our capacities to carry out both independent and coordinated action programs.

Besides that, in our respective countries, we need to build up and strengthen the party of working class in a way so that they have organic contact with the masses. The party, the mass organizations need to be employed and used adequately and efficiently for this purpose. The ability to work under all situations and to be able to rapidly adjust and change the method of work in accordance with the changes in the situation is also very important. The party should be steadfast in ideology, principles and goals of the party under all circumstances, as well should be able to make proper tactical maneuvers in accordance with concrete situations that emerge.

Marx’s philosophy is based on a combination of di-

alectics and materialism and it is by the dialectical materialist approach that Marx arrived at a scientific understanding of how human history unfolds.Marx expounded how the mode of production in society changes to a new mode which leads to a transformation from the old to a new society. After society became divided into classes, it is the class struggle which has propelled change. From Marx’s works we can become conscious about the fact that, history of human civilization has continuously been moving from man being an ‘object of history’ towards man being a ‘subject of history’. Humanity is in motion towards the building of a ‘free society of free individuals’. It is not simply a utopia. There is evidence from history on one hand and form a close and in depth analysis of the existing dynamics of socio-economic reality of all nations that though in a zigzag way and amidst many bumps and hurdles, events are moving in this direction.

The lefts and progressives forces of the world are today blessed with the privilege of being able to be engaged in the ‘grand process of this historic and epic construction of ‘civilization’. What can be more humanistic, progressive and glorious a task than this!

It is the lefts and progressives of today who are historically entrusted to carry on this taskon the basis of Marxism. What can be more ‘youthful’ for young women or men of this time than to be one of the human army or architects who will dedicate their life as conscious vanguards of this glorious task! The cause of communism is worth working for and dying for. Long live socialism and communism!

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Communist Party of Belarus

Уважаемые товарищи! Оценивая современное общественное развитие, опираясь на марксистско-ленинский анализ складывающейся обстановки, коммунисты Беларусипрекрасно понимают, что уверения буржуазной пропаганды в том, что современный капитализм стал гуманным, «цивилизованным», бесклассовым и создаёт людям высокий уровень жизни, безосновательны и не соответствуют истинному положению. Невозможно не видеть, что не ушли в прошлое, а стали более частыми экономические кризисы; обострены экологические, демографические, национальные проблемы; растёт разрыв в уровне жизни «золотого миллиарда» и остального населения планеты. Противоречия между трудом и капиталом приобретают всё более открытый и острый характер, отчётливо обозначились антагонизмы империалистической глобализации: - между империалистическими группировками; - между транснациональными корпорациями, банками и их объединениями за господство в мире; - между богатыми и бедными странами, между Севером и Югом, что приводит к антагонизму планетарного масштаба; между различными народностями, этническими и религиозными группами, населяющими капиталистические страны, в их борьбе за независимое существование; - между местным населением и иммигрантами за новое место проживания и рабочие места. Капиталистическая модель общественного устройства представляет собой тупиковую ветвь развития мирового сообщества, подрывает бытие человечества новыми, пока локальными войнами, перекройкой границ, техногенными катастрофами, культурным упадком и духовной деградацией. Эти разрушительные процессы сегодня видны большинству населения всех континентов Планеты. Империализм сегодня обобществил общественное производство в глобальных размерах - фактически в рамках всей планеты, но это не решило его экономических проблем присущих капитализму - внутренние противоречия обострились также в глобальных размерах. Империализм создал мощные производительные силы, но уже не способен ими управлять, потому что они требуют иных IB 2019

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общественных отношений, чем существующие частнособственнические отношения. Империализм в лице наиболее мощных монополистических объединений работает на гонку вооружений, на подготовку к войне. Его связь с войной обусловливается самим характером капиталистического производства. Ведь для него главное - прибыль, а заказы на военные поставки - наиболее прибыльное дело, отсюда и заинтересованность в производстве орудий смерти. Империализмдержится уже не столько экономическим принуждением, сколько силой репрессий, государственного террора и тотального одурачивания трудящихся масс. Но история человечества доказывает, это очень ненадежная база, ведь она не подкреплена материальными интересами широких социальных слоев общества миллионов людей, которые только и могут обеспечить устойчивость политической власти. Это значит, что кардинальные перемены в капиталистическом мире назрели, и они неизбежно произойдут, причем произойдут на этот раз в мировом масштабе. Ленинская критика империализма и сегодня сохраняет актуальность по всем своим направлениям. Современное буржуазное общество не просто гниет, а смердит. Оно рухнет под грузом собственных пороков, которых накапливается все больше и которые делают его положение крайне неустойчивым. Вывод очевиден: неразрешимые империалистические противоречия современной эпохи требуют от национально-патриотических и социалистически ориентированных слоёв общества объединиться в борьбе против империалистической глобализации и капиталистического жизнеустройства; - коммунистическим и рабочим партиям необходимо усиливать и координировать своюдеятельность в массах для их осознанной поддержки справедливого жизнеутверждающего пути развития всего населения Земли при обязательном сохранении глобального экологического равновесия на основе качественного изменения производительных сил, способа производства и потребления, гуманистической переориентации научного и технологического процесса; - идеи Великой Октябрьской социалистической

революции и первый опыт социалистического 37 строительства в СССР и ряде других стран должны стать для истинного и единственного авангарда рабочего класса определяющими в нынешней классовой борьбе; - только социалистический путь способен вывести современное общество из кризиса, спасти человеческую цивилизацию от войн, межнациональных конфликтов, нищеты, бездуховности, ликвидировать социальнополитическую основу терроризма и другие общественные и нравственные пороки, порожденные властью капитала и либеральной идеологией. *** Осуществление Республикой Беларусь независимой политики, защита национальных интересов, отстаивание права белорусского народа самому выбирать собственный путь развития воспринимаются глобалистами как неслыханная дерзость. Запад и их подголоски внутри страны готовы использовать любые методы, чтобы ввергнуть республику в хаос, лишь бы привести к власти своих ставленников и расширить пояс враждебности вокруг России. В отношении республики более 20 лет ведется беспрецедентная психологическая и информационная война. На основе тенденциозной и искаженной информации европейские структуры и США ввели санкции против государственных должностных лиц и предприятий нашей страны. Финансовыми вливаниями взращиваются внутри страны неправительственные организации, которые в народе окрестили «пятой колонной». Именно они с подачи западных спонсоров и должна стать движущей силой в дестабилизации обстановки. Благодаря политической воли и твердости духа Президента Александра Григорьевича Лукашенко Беларусь уверенно идет по выбранному народом пути развития, в основе которого идеалы мира, добра, свободы, равенства и социальной справедливости. Беларусь не свернула в исторический тупик по подсказкам западных советчиков. Не допустила бездумного развала экономики и сохранила народное достояние, созданное поколением советских людей. Гражданская позиция, твердо высказанная избирателями на референдумах, отстояла основные социальные завоевания советского строя и предотвратила либеральнорыночного беспредела.

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Белорусская модель развития не допустила общественное устройство не утопия, а повальной приватизации. Недра, земля, историческая реальность,которая станет энергетика, транспортная система, крупные жизненной необходимостью человечества. промышленные и сельскохозяйственные предприятия, от которых зависит структура экономики, находиться исключительно в государственной форме собственности, и это закреплено на законодательном уровне. Государство регулирует экономику и финансовую систему, обеспечивает равный доступ граждан к качественному образованию и медицинскому обслуживанию, вовремя выплачивает пенсии и социальные пособия, дотирует населению оплату жилищнокоммунальных услуг, выделяет льготное кредитование на строительство жилья многодетным семьям, предоставляет право на бесплатный проезд в общественном транспорте для детей и подростков, реализует систему льгот для ветеранов и инвалидов. В условиях нестабильности международного рынка экспортно-ориентированная экономика демонстрирует пусть не большой, но рост экономического развития. Уровень безработицы в стране составляет 0,5 процента от экономически активного населения. В Беларуси самое низкое социальное расслоение. Соотношение доходов 10 процентов самых богатых и самых бедных достигает 4-5 раз, в то время как в Европе – 8-10 раз. По данным Ресурсного центра Фонда ООН в области народонаселения ожидаемая продолжительность жизни белорусов увеличивается ежегодно на 4 месяца. Сегодня в среднем - 75 лет. В стране освоен и внедрен ряд передовых медицинских технологий высочайшего мирового уровня. Уровень младенческой смертности самый низкий среди стран постсоветского пространства. Поэтому показателю Беларусь опережает и ряд западных стран, включая Великобританию и США. По индексу развития человеческого потенциала наша страна занимает прочное место в категории стран с высоким уровнем развития. Вот почему коммунисты осознанно и последовательно поддерживают курс, проводимый Президентом Беларуси, так как данный курс совпадает с Программными целями КПБ и выработанной партией стратегией деятельности. Мы уверены - справедливое социалистическое IB 2019

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Communist Party of Belgium

Chers et chères camarades, Nous voulons premièrement remercier nos hôtes, le Parti Communiste de Grèce, pour son accueil fraternel.Nous lui transmettons nos félicitations pour ses centans de luttes pour l’émancipation de la classe ouvrière.

La situation sociale en Belgique, à l’instar des autres pays européens, est catastrophique. Nous sommes actuellement confrontés au gouvernement le plus réactionnaire depuis 1945. Les agressions qu’il mène contre les droits des travailleurs dont le gel des salaires, la baisse des pensions, tout étant toujours plus généreux sur le plan fiscal avec les multinationales, s’inscrit dans les politiques impérialistes nationales coordonnées par la Commission Européenne. Comme partout la social-démocratie capitule devant les diktats de la Troïka en exerçant une influence négative démobilisant les syndicats et les travailleurs. L’imposition d’une personnalité jur idique menace l’existence des syndicats, et l’introduction d’un “service minimum” remet fondamentalement en cause le droit de grève. Nous allons à l’échelle mondiale à une confrontation ouverte et la bourgeoisie tente de criminaliser les mouvements sociaux. Nous rejetons les combats judiciaires dans lesquels veut nous entraîner la bourgeoisie car la justice est de classe.

Les attaques que nous subissons de manière progressive s’apparentent à celles vécues par la classe ouvrière du sud de l’Europe. La régression est évidente: 16% de la population vit actuellement sous le seuil de pauvreté et autant vit juste au-dessus de ce seuil (état de déprivation). Cette situation concerne surtout les jeunes, les personnes âgé es ou les familles monoparentales. La pauvreté est visible via les restos du cœur dont la fréquentation mène souvent au statut de sans-abri. Même les gens qui travaillent ont de plus en plus de difficultés pour payer leur loyer, se soigner, se nourrir ou vivre décemment. Les measures programmées pour les futures pensions ne feront qu’accélérer la précarité. Devant cette situation, le pouvoir légitime l’exclusion sociale par une criminalisation de la pauvreté associée à un appel à la dénonciation des abus soc iaux qui frise l’inquisition. Pendant ce temps le nombre de millionnaires en dollars est passé de 60 à près de 120000 en dix ans, 220 milliards d’euros ont été placés à l’étranger en 2017, la vente de produits deluxe ne s’est jamais aussi bien portée et les entreprises cotées en bourse (Bel20) paient de moins en moins d’impôts.

Notre volonté est plus ferme que jamais de mettre fin aux dividendes qui privent les travailleurs du fruit de leur travail et l’abolition du capitalisme et la créaIB 2019

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tion d’une société socialiste restent plus que jamais notre objectif.

Alors que les libéraux et l’extrême-droite nationaliste flamande sont au pouvoir au fédéral, les alliances résultant des élections communales récentes confirment l’orientation droitière de la social-démocratie (PS-Spa). Quant aux écologistes, opportunistes, qui se disent «ni gauche-ni droite» sont clairement des libéraux verts. L’extrême-droite, qui reste majoritaire en Flandre, ne peut être combattu qu’en luttant pour le socialisme. La politique de conciliation de classes porte en elle les germes du fascisme. Notre Parti a ainsi porté un programme révolutionnaire et a présenté des candidats dans certaines régions sur les listes du Parti du Travail de Belgique. Si ce dernier a nettement progressé, sa stratégie électorale le pousse à éluder certains sujets.

En ce qui concerne les alliances extérieures, nous entretenons des contacts réguliers avec nos partis frères du monde entier et en particulier les partis frontaliers (France, Allemagne, Luxembourg) et les camarades immigrés organisés en Belgique.

Même si nous constatons une certaine inertie de leur part sur le terrain des luttes nous estimons nécessaire d’entretenir des relations avec les syndicats même réformistes dont la CGSLB liée aux libéraux , la CSC liée aux partis chrétiens et la FGTB plutôt liée au Parti Socialiste. Comme elle reconnait la lutte de classe dans ses statuts nous privilégions nos relations avec la FGTB avec qui nous partageons des objectifs communs. Nous entretenons des contacts avec des cadres, des militants actifs, dans certaines structures telles que Comité exécutif, des chômeurs des pensionnés où nous poussons à la lutte. Nous considérons que les syndicats sont indispensables pour organiser les masses, orienter positivement les luttes et combattre le gauchisme. Nous défendons des syndicats de la classe ouvrière mais nous ne sommes pas à la remorque d’un syndicalisme de conciliation de classe et socio-démocrate. Nous entretenons également des relations avec le mouvement associatif dont le «RWLP» (lutte contre la pauvreté), «Tout autre chose», «Acteurs des emps présents», «D19-20».

Notre rôle en tant que PC est d’appuyer les luttes, de les guider en faisant comprendre que les revendications ne seront véritablement atteintes qu’en luttant pour le socialisme. Nous considérons que l’affaiblissement du mouvement ouvrier en Belgique est lié à la faiblesse du Parti Communiste qui n’arrive plus à peser et qui est due à plus de 40 ans d’une dérive réformiste. Notre priorité est de le reconstruire, de recruter, pour le renforcer. En 2012 notre Parti

était moribond et nous avons empêché les liquida- 41 teurs de nous transformer en «mouvement». Pour maint enir notre rôle nous devons toujours nous battre contre le réformisme dans notre organisation.

Nous faisons également notre autocritique sur notre passage pendant plusieurs années à l’eurocommunisme. Depuis la 1 esession de notre Xe congrès le 30 juin 2018, nous avons pris des orientations pour travailler à l’unité de tous les travailleurs en Belgique en reprenant notre nom historique de Parti Communiste de Belgique, en maintenant notre symbole de l’unité de tous les travailleurs, la faucille et le marteau et en quittant le Parti de la Gauche Européenne, abandonnant la vision la vision de l’Europe des régions. Nous élaborons actuellement un texte politique qui sera adopté par la 2 e session du Congrès au printemps prochain. Nous voulons revenir aux fondamentaux du communisme. Parmi les priorités un groupe d’étude sera constitué pour consolider la formation idéologique de nos affiliés.

Une semaine après les célébrations bourgeoises de l’Armistice de la première guerre mondiale, nous défendons une autre vision de la paix, indissociable du socialisme. Cela passe par la sortie de l’OTAN et le refus d’une Europe de la Défense qui exportera guerre et misère. Notre parti soutient activement toutes les actions contre l’achat de nouveau matériel de guerre et la base américaine de Kleine Brogel qui entrepose un arsenal nucléaire dans la region. Nous devons cependant constater que le mouvement pour la paix s’est essoufflé ces dernières années et nous voulons le relancer.

Nous espérons que cette rencontre permettra le plus de convergences possibles. Merci pour votre attention.

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Brazilian Communist Party

The Brazilian Communist Party greets the KKE 43 and all Communist and Workers’ parties that participate in this XX Meeting The evolution of capitalism and the world crisis have triggered the adoption of measures such as privatization and the withdrawal of workers’ rights by bourgeois governments and also political setbacks as criminalization of popular movements and leftwing organizations, especially communists.

In Brazil, the victory of the far-right candidate Bolsonaro in the presidential elections against Haddad, of the Workers’ Party (PT) meant a defeat for the left-wing forces. His campaign had been on the road since 2014, after the demonstrations of 2013, which revealed general dissatisfaction with the economic crisis and allegations of corruption against PT and favoured the actions of far-right groups that potentiated the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff. Bolsonaro consolidated in the second round, since the candidate of the traditional right did not succeed in the first one.

Bolsonaro was captain of the army and has been a federal deputy for 29 years. His performance in Congress has been characterized by the defense of the entrepreneurial-military dictatorship (1964 to 1985) and attacks on feminist, LGBT, anti-rascist and indians’ movements, civil and social rights. His support comes from agribusiness, large banks and industrial groups interested in withdrawing labor and social rights to better their capital accumulation.

The United States’ support is evident, for their interest in attacking the governments of Cuba, Venezuela and others which oppose imperialism in Latin America, in strengthening alliances with the governments of Colombia, Chile and Argentina, and in Brazilian offshore oil. Bolsonaro was supported by military segments and conservative sectors dissatisfied with the advances obtained in civil and political rights after the fall of military rule. Conservatism also manifested itself against the measures in favour of the poorest undertaken, albeit timidly, by PT governments. Pentecostal churches had an intense participation and so were actions in digital media against Haddad, probably financed by big companies.

Bolsonaro’s votes (38%) included the extreme right, sectors of the right, votes generated by dissatisfaction with poverty, unemployment, urban violence.

There was much rejection against PT in middle class and popular sectors generated by scandals involving former ministers, Congresspeople and PT leaders, and by a strong campaign aimed at demonizing this party and ex-president Lula, imprisoned with-

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out evidence, generating an antipetista sentiment.

Haddad’s votes (31%) came from popular, left and democratic sectors, which included liberal segments.

Abstention, null and white votes reached 31%.

We understand that PT is also responsible for the defeat of the left by virtue of the involvement of some of its leaders in corruption, for not having faced the big capital because of its class conciliation policy that confiscated and disarmed the workers, for having kept liberal economic policies and to have been distant to its social bases.

The new government has fascist elements in its composition, in State actions announced and in actions performed in the informal sphere. The ministry has an authoritarian profile with many military cadres.

The first proposals point to ultraliberal reforms in the economy, withdrawal of workers’ rights, attacks on democratic freedoms and institutions and criminalization of social movements. The permission to buy guns and other light weapons has been announced and there are bills that ban the communist parties being debated in Congress. Violent actions by fascist groups against social militants and organized movements have been intensifyed.

New ministers showed lack of background and have been contradicting themselves in their first speeches. Bolsonaro repeats Trump’s braggart style, threatens to sever trade relations with China, to transfer the Brazilian embassy in Israel to Jerusalem and exit the Paris agreement. These pronouncements have been generating criticism and opposition in various sectors of society and also bad repercussions in the international sphere, what has already forced his retreat in announced positions.

Many dissatisfactions with the new government may arise because of their anti-national and anti-popular policies. Some bourgeois-democratic institutions have matured in the past 30 years and will be able to withstand the attacks that will follow. Trump’s recent defeat in parliamentary elections and Lopez Obrador’s inauguration in Mexico tend to counterbalance the conservative offensive of Brazil and the US in the region.

The moment demands the strengthening of the democratic and antifascist resistance that had already formed in the streets around Haddad’s candidacy, a broad front composed of parties and social movements aimed at organizing resistance to the new government and promoting initiatives in defense of human, civil and social rights, as well as at new achievements for the workers.

PCB will firmly resist. We understand it is necessary to maintain and strengthen the unity between class

parties and social movements that point to the overcoming of capitalism, manifested, in the most recent conjuncture, by Boulos’s candidacy (PSOL) and by demonstrations on the streets against political and social setbacks. We propose a large national meeting of the working class to consolidate the class and popular field to face the attacks of the bourgeoisie and to pave the revolutionary road to socialism.

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Communist Party of Brazil

Dear comrades, delegates of sister parties, First, allow me to express our appreciation to the Communist Party of Greece for welcoming us in such a fraternal way and with excellent working conditions for our 20th meeting.

I also must mention the 100 years of the glorious Greek party’s foundation, which was celebrated on the 17th, this month. The Communist Party of Greece, of many traditions, of much heroism, continues to be the most important Socialist struggler in its homeland. To the Greek communists we express our most effusive salutations.

Comrades, Only one year ago, in November 2017, in PCdoB’s 14th Congress, which many of you attended, we stated that the instability, the uncertainty, the serious tensions and threats to peace were a marked characteristic of the international scenario. And we said: “The world experiences a civilizational crisis, stemming from the contradictions of the capitalist system.”

Life has shown how dramatically correct this statement was.

The civilizational crisis feeds the growth of the rightwing throughout the world, including of currents with Neofascist orientations.

In Hungary, The Netherlands, France, Italy, Germany, Poland, Austria, Sweden and, markedly, Ukraine, such forces have been able, with the active support of sectors of the big capital, to attract portions of the proletariat.

On the other hand, tension rises between new poles of power, such as countries and multilateral partnerships – China, Russia, the BRICS, etc. – and the United States and the European Union – which, by the way, show cracks even between themselves, faithful allies – which are fighting to maintain, at any cost, the World Order installed after the end of the USSR, having as their main instruments NATO and the IMF. This dispute takes on ever more belligerent colors on the imperialist end, which reacts to the decline of that unipolar order.

Last August, the US Congress approved a military budget for 2019 of USD 716 billion, the biggest in history, USD 82 billions higher than that of 2018.

This new figure is three times the defense expenditures of Russia and China combined and clearly points to a strategy predominantly based on blackmail with the use of force. In the same direction, the use of sanctions, aggressions and wars is intensified, which includes hybrid wars, with heavy use of the world network.

Donald Trump’sadministration: IB 2019

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Announced and realized the transfer of the US embassy to Jerusalem; Announced the withdrawal from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty signed with the Soviet Union in 1987; Started a commercial war with China; Unilaterally withdrew from the nuclear deal with Iran; Threatened Venezuela with armed invasion; Launched a new package of economic sanctions against Russia, Iran and Venezuela, illegal actions according to international law; Left UNESCO and the UN Human Rights Council.

An important center of resistance to the US designs is represented by the socialist countries Vietnam, the People’s Korea, Cuba, Laos and notably, socialist China, which, in partnership with Russia, form an objective field of struggle for a reordering of world governance – a matter of central interest for the peoples. Therefore, China and Russia are attackedon a daily basis by the imperialists and their allies, who seek to demonize and isolate these countries.

In the current period, besides greater unity among the communist and revolutionary parties, especially in action, relations between these forces must develop based on equality, mutual respect (including in the political and programmatic orientation of each party), and on non-interference in internal affairs.

Also essential is the construction of broad political and social fronts, of anti-imperialist character, regional and international alliances between countries that stand for principles such as self-determination, the mutual respect to sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-aggression and non-interference in internal affairs, mutually-beneficial relations, in defense of Peace, national independence and economic and social development.

In Brazil, the election of Jair Bolsonaro in the Presidential elections launches a new, radical political turn in the country, granting legitimacy and deepening a new political, economic and social order installed since the August 2016 coup d’état, which removed from power the then President Dilma Rousseff, perverting the Brazilian Constitution.

The result was the election of a President of the Republic who is manifestly determined to install a dictatorial government to implement, in the ideological level, by iron and fire, the ultraliberal, neocolonial and ultraconservative program.

The electoral process was realized with the suffocation of the rule of law by the state of exception, which included the illegal and baseless imprisonment of the favorite candidate in the elections, for-

47 mer President Lula.

The candidacy headed by Fernando Haddad, from the Workers’ Party (PT), for President, with Manuela D’Ávila, from the Communist Party of Brazil, for Vice-President, had over 47 million votes and catalyzed the nation’s democratic stance and awareness, setting the basis for a vigorous opposition that starts immediately.

PCdoBhas again elected a group of 10 federal deputies, reelected the Governor of the federal state of Maranhão, Flávio Dino, in the first round of state elections, with 60% of valid votes, and elected two Vice-Governors (one is PCdoB’s National PresidentLuciana Santos, in the federal state of Pernambuco) and 21 state deputies. It has received, for the various positions disputed, and apart from the votes in the Presidential candidacy, more than seven million votes. Still, it has not reached the necessary numbers to fulfil with thearbitrary threshold, for which only the votes on federal deputies are counted and the others are disregarded. However, all our elected candidates take over their mandates and we will soon incorporate another political organization, which will give full rights to the parliamentary group and to PCdoB’s institutional existence.

The President-elect, during the campaign, was a spearhead of violence, intolerance and hatred amongst the Brazilians and pledged to imprison or banish from the country the “red” citizens who oppose him, to criminalize social movements, of which the workers’ unionist struggle is a focus, strangled by the labor reform approved and by the extinction of the unions’ fund. These forces are declared the internal enemy. The ultimate goal is to prevent the left and other progressive forces from accessing the institutional path in the dispute for the country’s course. Even the anti-terrorist law was invoked to frame the criminalization of Communism.

Given Brazil’s relevance – having one of the 10 biggest world economies – this reactionary rupture will have strong, regressive impact in Latin America.

From our systematic opposition, we defend the tactic of composing a broad and extensive movement in defense of democracy, of the nation and of the people.

An essential element in this tactic is to guard the freedom of expression and assembly, of organization, of press, the academic freedom and the freedom of orientation in private life.

I would like to thank the ongoing and fraternal expressions of solidarity from our sister parties, who have never faltered, both regarding the defense of Lula Livre [Free Lula] and the direct defense of the

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Brazilian Communists and progressive sectors.

Such solidarity will be, even more, an invaluable fuel, which will push our struggle forward, in a great chain of awareness, with a permanent Observatory of institutions regarding the country’s democratic rule, which will be disseminated internationally. We, from PCdoB, are available to articulate and promote this solidarity to Brazil. *** Comrades, only socialism can solve the deep problems that afflict the world, threaten peace and oppress the workers.

Bearers of this irrefutable truth, we have the mission of speaking ever better the people’s language, instruct them and mobilize them around the most advanced causes.

There are no definitive defeats, nor irreversible victories. The Brazilian people will rise! PCdoB is active and facing head-on the struggle ahead. Thank you very much.

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New Communist Party of Britain

We meet again at a time of sharpening contradictions — and the primary contradiction in the world today is between United States imperialism and the rest of the world it seeks to dominate.

When the Cold War ended the bourgeoisie of Europe as a whole closed ranks behind the American bid to rule the world in the name of the “new world order”. They supported US “regime change” in Yugoslavia, Iraq, Libya and Ukraine, and supported American efforts to overthrow the Syrian government.

Licking the boots of the Americans has been the policy of the British ruling class since the Second World War in the belief that this would help ensure continued US protection of their global interests in the post-colonial world. To a certain degree it did but only when it served the over-arching interests of American imperialism.

The Trump administration has widened existing divisions within America’s ruling circles over how to pursue those interests. Donald Trump claims that the Republicans want to “Make America Great Again”.

But that is exactly what the Democrats want as well.

The entire American ruling class wants to establish US hegemony over the world. What divides them is how to achieve it.

During his presidential campaign Trump claimed he was in favour of a rapprochement with the Russians.

In the White House however, Trump is a prisoner of the most aggressive circles within the American ruling class.

Democrat leaders still believe in the “new world order” though they now prefer to call it “globalisation”.

Trump, on the other hand, represents circles who want to cut back US military expenditure in Europe and north-east Asia so that they can concentrate on controlling the global energy market by taking over the entire Middle East and restoring US imperialism’s hegemony over south and central America.

In Britain working people have rallied to Jeremy Corbyn’s left social-democratic Labour banner amid increasing demands for a new referendum or another general election to end the crisis over Brexit.

The call for a second referendum, which began the day after the Remainers lost the first one in 2016, comes from the Europhile wing of the ruling class with the support of many Labour MPs, the Liberal-Democrats and Scottish Nationalists, most of the trade union leadership, the EU institutions and the Soros foundation.

Their objective is, of course, to force the May government to agree to a new vote or call for an early general election. This, they believe, will result in a Labour minority government dependent on the ScotIB 2019

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tish nationalists and the Liberal Democrats, whose support can only be bought with a second referendum which they believe is now winnable.

The problem we face is that amongst Jeremy Corbyn’s own supporters there are many who believe that “Another Europe is Possible” while the old mainstream Brexit campaign that was largely based on the chauvinist and anti-immigration platform of UKIP reinforced the claims of the Europhiles within the labour movement that Brexit would lead to further attacks on the unions and what’s left of the ‘welfare state’.

Most of the unions have swallowed the Brussels lies that the EU safeguards workers’ rights and guarantees jobs. This is reflected in Remainer support within the Labour Party that goes far beyond the Blairite ranks in parliament. This view must be challenged. But although British communists, of all hues, have long opposed the EU and the Treaty of Rome, the left case against the EU has still to be won within the labour movement.

The New Communist Party has never confused the Labour Party with a revolutionary party or imagined that we can overthrow the bourgeoisie through parliamentary elections. But we believe that a Labour government, with its organisational links with the trade unions and the co-operative movement, offers the best option for the working class in the era of bourgeois parliamentary democracy.

Our strategy is for working class unity and our campaigns are focused on defeating the right-wing within the movement, and strengthening the left within the Labour Party and the unions. We support Labour’s demands for the restoration of trade union rights, progressive taxation, state welfare and a public sector dedicated to meet the people’s needs.

We know that social democracy of whatever trend can never lead to socialism. But the struggles of the future can only come from a labour movement confident to lead the struggle for revolutionary change.

Our party came into being out of the struggle against revisionism with the intention that we strive to fulfil to serve the interests of the working class. We shall not be diverted from that. Let us work together to build the movement that will ensure that this century becomes the era of socialism.

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Communist Party of Britain

53 Dear Comrades th The Communist Party of Britain welcomes this 20 anniversary meeting of the IMCWP in Athens andcongratulates our host party, the Communist Party of Greece,onthe initiative taken twenty years ago.

This annual meetingplays a vital rolein bringing together Communist and Workers parties in joint consultation - for exchanging perspectives and for concerting action.

Its strength, we believe,derives from its respect for the experience of each component party, big or small – a respect which acknowledgeseach party’s ability to analyse the concrete circumstances of itsown struggles for socialism and communism.

In Britain our party is small. But it carries with it the experience of struggle within a major imperialist power over three generations.

That imperialismis today weakened,caught between the rival imperialisms of the US and the component powers of the European Union.

British Communistshave always seen the European Union as the joint instrument of the dominant imperialist powers in Europe including our own ruling class.

For the past generation our ruling class has used the EU to advance the interests of both British and US finance capital.

In 1980 the British government collaborated with the US to establish the City of London as a base for US finance capital inside the EU. In 1986 Britain’s finance capital collaborated with German big business to draft the Single European Act. Its aim was to subject workers across Europe to the full discipline of the neo-liberal market and, in Britain’s case, to open European financial markets to US capital.

In the 2008 banking crisis Britain joined with France and Germany to ensure that finance capital’s speculative debts were paid forby working people, across the EU including Britain, byunprecedented cuts to public spending.

It was this experience of EU imposed austerity that created the context in whichpeople in Britain voted to leave the EU in 2016.

Itwas a vote that was part populist, part Left wing but everywhere reflected anger at de-industrialisation and the impact of austerity on the lives working people.

It is also reflected divisions within our own ruling class about two things: On how to protect the City of London as a centre for global finance in a period of increasing antagonism between the US and the EU.

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a crisis that is driving inter-imperialist rivalry, militarisation, the struggle for territorial dominance and moves to isolate existing socialist countries.

On how to maintain political control in the face of In the Middle East rival blocks fight by proxy for the the upsurge of popular anger against austerity - an control of economic assets while the rights of Palesupsurge that has increasingly been expressed in a tine are trampled under foot. swing to the Left in the Labour Party and that party’s Militarisation is intensifying around China’s frontiers, rejection of neo-liberalism in the Baltic and the Black Sea. This transformationhas brought to the leadership of Combined, this represents the gravest menace to the Labour Party those who had over the previous humanity’s future, ecologically as well as through milgeneration continued to defend our Labour move- itary destruction. It is a threat that Communistscan ment’s socialist heritage, its opposition to NATO and must provide the collective leadership todefeat. and to British imperialism. They fought to maintain In our country that fight currently depends on mainthe Labour Party’s base within a singleunited trade taining the progressive direction of our trade union union movement, a movement which today backs and labour movement. our own Morning Star as its daily paper.

Long live the International Meeting of Communist Today’s Labourprogramme defies EU neo-liberal and Workers’ Parties rules. It calls for the nationalisation of all utilities, full Long live working-class internationalism trade union rights, mandatory collective bargaining Long Live socialism and public sectorintervention to redevelop industry and advance democratic control over it.

It is a programme that depends on the assertion of popular sovereignty.

Our own ruling class want to stop this. So does the EU. Jointlythey are trying to develop a deal that will continue to bind Britain to the EU’s governance rules, to those of the Single Market and the Customs Union, a deal that will force the Labour Party back to conformity with the interests of big business, to neo-liberalism.

This is the essence of the current negotiations. They are about class politics. They are about how to maintain neo-liberal rule. They are conflictual because they also involve inter-imperialist rivalry.

It is why we welcome the recent statements by Communist Parties across Europe criticising the neo-liberal essence of the EU, that it is an enemy of the working class and of socialism and that it cannot be reformed.

We hope, in turn, that the position taken by the Left in Britaincan assist those strugglingagainst the EU to defend working people and to develop Left programmes that can expose and defeat finance capital state power.

The battle for such policies is critical also for that other great challenge we face: that of defeating the populist and racist right, those who seek to exploit fear and poverty in the interests of big capital.

In Britain. Across Europe. In the Americas and in Asia.

They do so in the context of imperialism’s growing crisis of over-accumulation and speculative debt – And no less important

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Communist Party of Bulgaria

Дорогие товарищи, Позвольте мне , прежде всего , поблагодарить хозяев Греческой коммунистической партии за эту встречу, за гостеприимство и пожелать всем плодотворную работу. Позвольте , также , от имени ЦК Коммунистической партии Болгарии и всех ее членов , поздравить хозяев с 100-летием партии и пожелать им держать высоко знамя марксизма-ленинизма и водить греческий народ в борьбе за социализм и коммунизм. Прежде всего, я хотел бы отметить, что в этом году исполняется 200 лет со дня рождения Карла Маркса, который вместе со своим коллегой Фридрихом Энгельсом 170 лет назад написал «Манифест Коммунистической партии» - величайший коммунистический программный документ. В этом документе они показали цели, задачи и методы борьбы коммунистической партии и необратимость смерти капитализма от рук пролетариата. Дорогие товарищи, Прошло 10 лет с 2008 года, когда рухнула финансовая система неолиберального капиталистического мира. Капитализм упал в кризис, который сделал еще более богатыми , этим людей , которые создали кризис , и более нищими простых людей во всем мире, чьи деньги были налиты в банкротскую банковскую систему. Мировой капитализм находится в непрерывном кризисе. Как правило, в этих условиях эксплуатация трудящихся укрепляется, права и завоевания рабочего класса сокращаются, противоречия международного империализма усугубляются. В настоящее время Соединенные Штаты яростно сопротивляются против нарушения ее гегемонии в мире. Потеряв свое превосходство, они подталкивают мир к новой ядерной войне и угрожают уничтожить Россию, Китай, Иран и другие. Соединенные Штаты препятствуют закончивания долгой войны в Сирии, разжигают пожары конфликта в Украине, непрерывно борятся против демократических режимов в Латинской Америке. Будучи самым мощным экономическим государством, они вместе с Европейским союзом оказывают решающее влияние на судьбу народов в нашем регионе. Дорогие товарищи, Капиталистическая Болгария расположена в важном геополитическом месте - в центре IB 2019

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Балканского полуострова. Глобальные геополитические силы борятся за укрепление своего влияния в развитии страны. В течение 30 -ти лет Болгария развивается в условиях дикого бандитского капитализма. В результате возвращения страны от социализма к системе капитализма , болгарский народ переживает беспрецедентную демографическую катастрофу. Нынешние буржуазные правительства проводят вассальную политику и превращают страну в колонию западного мира. Мы являемся периферийным государством Европейского Союза с умирающими функциями. В Европейском союзе нет рынков для Болгарии, но без рынков, нет экономики, нет производства. Денежные потоки в Болгарии в настоящее время в основном формируются за счет: - средств, которые эмигранты отправляют своим родственникам из-за границы, - переводы, которые Европейский Союз пересылает в страну членующею в нем , незаконного оборота наркотиков, организованного преступностью и контрабандой. В результате криминального разрушения социалистической экономики из тысячи компаний до 1989 года осталось несколько десятков . Около 1% населения, состоятельных собственников, владеет почти двумя третьями активов в производстве. В работающих компаниях имеет место неквалифицированный труд , нет высоких технологий. Никаких денег на модернизацию производства нет, на открытие новых рабочих мест тоже. Нет перспективного планирования и видения будущего экономики. Государство не помогает малыму и средниму бизнесу в Болгарии. В этих условиях современный рабочий класс в Болгарии имеет следующий вид: Болгарский рабочий остается основным создателем материальных ценностей в стране. Сегодня в производственном процессе растет значение интеллектуального труда. Появился новый тип человека - человек творчества. Малочисленный рабочий класс является самой сплоченной частью всех наемных работников в Болгарии. Есть еще остатки качеств работника социализма - коллективизм, товарищество, сотрудничество. Рабочий класс находится в центре всех самых острых противоречий в государстве. Реальные проблемы людей сегодня связаны с работой, достоинством,

доступом к качественной медицинской помощи, 57 качественном образовании и безопасности Это все социалистическое государство дало рабочим. А при нынешнем госодарство этого нет. Ослабление защитных функций капиталистического государства привело к резкому ухудшению состояния здоровья, пенсий, рождаемости. Выживание рабочего человека в этой среде порождает страх, дезориентацию и конформизм. Значительная часть трудящихся охвачена потребительской психологией и социальными иллюзиями. Средства массовой информации играют определенную роль и паразитируют на плечах трудящихся. Разрешение противоречия между деградирующим положением трудящихся и грабительской политикой капитала в настоящее время во многом зависит от субъективного фактора. Карл Маркс пишет, что для организации борьбы с капиталом нужны мощные и сильные политические силы и сильная партия. Передовым авангардом рабочего класса является Коммунистическая партия. Ее обязанность - помочь классу понять антинародную политику буржуазного правительства. Коммунисты вносят сознание в борьбу, организуют массы, чтобы противостоять господству капитала, и объединяют вокруг себя все эксплуатируемые слои народа. Коммунистическая партия Болгарии, имея в виду исторический опыт коммунистического движения в стране, почти 130 лет была всегда марксистской партией. Болгарский народ под руководством Отечественного фронта, в котором Коммунистическая партия играла ведущую роль, сумел успешно провести социалистическую революцию 9 сентября 1944 года, построил социалистическую развитую страну и обеспечил достойную жизнь трудящимся в течение 45-ти лет. Однако, сегодня коммунистическая партия вынуждена работать в состоянии ожесточенного антикоммунизма. Деятельность партии проявляется в следующих направлениях: Марксистско-ленинский анализ современного развития страны и мира , мы считаем чрезвычайно важным. Мы проводим агитационную деятельность среди трудящихся, чтобы объяснить нашу политику и провести целенаправленную пропагандистскую и просветительную деятельность, чтобы

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сформировать коммунистическое сознание Спасибо за внимание. и социальную деятельность в борьбе с буржуазией. Мы работаем над обеспечением представительства и активного участия во всех формах правления, особенно в органах местного самоуправления и парламенте. Мы активно участвуем в общественных организациях, во всех социально значимых сферах и процессах общественной жизни. Мы особенно активны в рамках Болгарского антифашистского союза, где мы боремся с нарастающим фашизмом, фальшификацией истории и ее социалистического периода. Коммунистическая партия Болгарии неразрывно связана со своей социальной базой - людьми наемного труда. Это огромный резервуар для новых идей и творчества. Нынешняя классовая структура общества нестабильна, что приводит к нестабильности политических партий и институтов. Тем не менее, в борьбе за социализм Коммунистическая партия Болгарии не одинока. Наша деятельность направлена на увеличение числа сторонников коммунистической идеи, которые, хотя и не являются членами коммунистической партии, являются нашими сторонниками. Мы работаем в коалиции с Болгарской социалистической партией, сражаясь вместе, чтобы частично улучшить жизнь рабочего человека. Мы готовы работать с социалдемократами, если они радикализируют некоторые из их взглядов. Члены левых партий кристьянов , со всей их фрагментациями, являются нашим партнером в борьбе за социализм. Наши союзники также являются профсоюзами, когда они поддерживают реальные и глубокие интересы трудящихся. Дорогие товарищи, Коммунистическая партия Болгарии твердо защищает свою Ленинскую линию и правильность ее программы. ЦК нашей партии уверен, что хотя и трудный, хотя и не прямолинейный , наш путь верен. Мы продвигаемся вперед к исполнению нашей чрезвычайно важной коммунистической миссии - сохронить огонь борьбы для будущего поколения. Коммунистическая идея бессмертна, потому что она объективная и истинная. Рано или поздно под руководством Коммунистической партии болгарский рабочий класс и весь болгарский народ снова будет жить под солнцем социализма.

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Party of the Bulgarian Communists

Уважаеми другари ! Ние от Партията на българските комунисти придаваме голямо значение на това наше съвещание по повод обединението на съвременното световно комунистическо и работническо движение. Ние изразяваме своята дълбока благодарност на ръководството на КПГ за организирането на това важно мероприятие.

Другари, след няколко месеца ние ще отбележим стогодишнината от создаването на III-я – Коммунистически интирнационал . Но и сега ние можем да дадем оценка на неговата дейност и неговото място в световната история. Сегашната конференция е нужно да се опира на опита на Коминтерна , съобразен със съвременната историческа ситуация. За последното столетие капитализмът съхрани своята същност на особена общественоикономическа формация. Дали той е либерален, консервативен или открито фашистки, буржоазно демократичен или диктаторски неговата неизменна същност остава - той е експлоататорски и империалистически агресивен. Заедно с това в структурата на капитализма станаха важни промени. С на бурното развитие на научно-техническата революция от средата на миналия век настъпи промяна в структурата на буржоазната класа в развитите капиталистически страни. Най-големи промени претърпя средната буржоазия,т.е. класовата прослойка на едноличните собственици на средства за производство която днес е почти изчезнала. Една голяма част от нея се е вляла в т.нар. „средна класа”, а друга, по-малка – влиза в числото но едрите акционери на големите корпорации. Но най-влиятелната супер едрата буржоазия на едрите международни корпорации. Те са едновременно и резултат , и генератор на това явление,което от половин век наричаме глобализация.В ръцете на тази все по-намаляваща част от световната буржоазия се съсредоточава колосална финансова мощ. Това са днес фактическите собственици на света, които стоят в основата на всички кървави конфликти от 60-те години на ХХ век. Този именно малоброен елит е главният фактор за растящото не само класово, но и национално неравенство в света. Именно затова този капитал е главен враг - враг - враг IB 2019

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№ 1 на съвременния пролетариат. Но НТР промени структурата не само на съвременната буржоазия, но и на съвременния пролетариат - без това да промени системообразуващия фактор и на двете основни класи на капитализма – отношението на собственост върху средствата за производство и техният разменен еквивалент – парите. Към двата основни отряда на пролетариата съществуващи до средата на миналия век – индустриалния и селскостопанския през втората половина на миналия век бързо започна да нараства количеството на пролетариата в сферата на услугите. По същото време, в рамките на пролетариата започна да се появява нов негов отряд - ителектуалният. Това е онази част от интелигенцията, която продава на пазара на труда своята интелектуална работна сила. Но друга част от интелигенцията се включи в капиталистическата класа,като започна да експлоатира своите колеги по бранш. Така, в условията на капитализма разгръщащата се научно-техническа революция промени статутът на интелигенцията: от обособена социална прослойка, служеща на интересите или на буржоазията, или на пролетариата, тя постепенно се превърна в трети структурен елемент на пролетариата. Появата на този нов отряд на пролетариата в икономически най-развитите капиталистически страни в света завари нашата марксистколенинска теория неподготвена. Това обяснява разпад на единството на комунистите дори в една отделно взета страна. Стана нещо обичайно в една и съща страна да действат по няколко комунистически партии.Това положение се подхранва както от буржоазните СМИ, така и от съответните специални служби. А когато към това се прибави и срива на социализма в СССР и Източна Европа стават ясни причините за кризата и на съвременното комунистическо и работническо движение. Тези два обективно действащи фактори за съвременното състояние на света създават големи различия в обществените условия, в които работят днес комунистическите и работническите партии. Тези различия в обществените условия са характерни не само за различните континенти, но и за различните региони в тях. Нещо повече – това е характерно понякога и за съседни страни от един и същ регион. То подхранва липсата на

единство в международното комунистическо и 61 работническо движение. Действието на всички тези обективни фактори , които бяха отбелязани по-горе пречат за възстановяване на Коминтерна в онзи му вид, какъвто той бе преди сто години. Тогава партиите от комунистически тип нямаха своя история. Тяхната история бе социалдемократическа. Това налагаше строга централизация на основата на демократическия централизъм. Отделните партии бяха секции на единната Световна комунистическа партия, а нейното ръководство действаше като команден център, чиито решения имаха императивен характер. Днес подобно единство не е възможно, а не е и желателно. А възможно ли е изобщо ? То е възможно, но след положителния отговор на другия въпроса – изобщо желаем ли ние това единство. Единството на световното комунистическо и работническо движение е възможно само ако отговорът на този въпрос е утвърдителен. Още повече – то е крайно необходимо . При това не за осъществяването на нашата крайна цел – изграждане на единно комунистическо общество в целия свят, но и за самото съществуване на човечеството. Капитализмън неизбежно води човечеството към самоунищожение. Накрая : как според партията на българските комунисти би изглеждал един бъдещ Комунистически интернационал ? Неговият принцип би трябвало да бъде под девиза : „ЕДИННИ В МНОГООБРАЗИЕТО”. Единството се основавана на споделената обща цел – построяването на комунизма в световен мащаб. Многообразието предполага признаването на специфичния път на всяка партия по пътя към тази цел. Демократическият централизъм в тази единна световна комунистическа организация да бъде заменен с принципа на демократичното единство. Тованепречикомунистическотоиработническото движение да има свой постоянен единен център. Напротив – даже го изисква. Но той трябва да бъде не команден, а координиращ“; да дава препоръки и координира дейността на партиите без да се намесва в суверенните решения на която и да е партия. Тогава , нека лозунгът ни да бъде : „ РАЗЛИЧНИ - ЗАЕДНО !”

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Communist Party of Canada

63 Dear comrades, The Communist Party of Canada is pleased to bring greetings to this meeting. We thank our host, the Communist Party of Greece, and offer congratulations on your 100th anniversary.

We meet at a moment of escalating danger, from the immediate threats of increasing war, resurgent fascism, and environmental crisis. These are rooted in the ongoing crisis of capitalism.

Imperialist centres are scrambling to divide and re-divide the world in a desperate rush for profits, resources and markets.

US imperialism has launched a massive drive to war and regime change, with huge increases to its already vast military budget. NATO has just conducted its largest exercise in 30 years – the offensive Trident Juncture exercise that deployed 50,000 troops from 30 countries right on the Russian border.

Imperialist forces continue to orchestrate campaigns of destabilization and coups d’états against the peoples of the world. Often, these are directly linked to the interests of monopoly capital in mining and extraction industries.

The government of Canada continues to actively support this imperialist drive to war and regime change. The Liberal government announced last year that the military budget would jump up by 73% to 32.7 billion.

The Communist Party campaigns for an independent foreign policy based on peace, international cooperation and solidarity. We have worked to rebuild a strong anti-imperialist current within the peace movement, connected with the World Peace Council, as a way to reunite and strengthen a broadly-based mass peace movement.

Accompanying the increased militarism is resurgence in reactionary and fascist movements.

In many European countries, fascist parties have elected MPs, formed governments, or hold the balance of power in coalition governments. The farright governments of Bolsonaro in Brazil and Duque in Colombia threaten widespread assassinations and disappearances of progressive and trade union militants. In the United States the door to fascism has been opened, by Donald Trump and the forces around him.

In Canada, in the past six months, right-populist parties have formed governments in provinces representing nearly 2/3 of the country’s population and 60% of the country’s GDP. These parties have ties to violent white supremacist, Islamophobic, misogynist and homophobic anti-labour movements whose membership has been growing in recent years.

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The Communist Party promotes labour and people’s unity to defeat these fascist and reactionary movements.

In all countries, the working class and people face rapidly approaching environmental disaster – climate change, food scarcities, deforestation, toxic water and lands, threats to biodiversity.

In Canada, environmental destruction is closely connected with the energy industry. Canada has the third largest oil reserves in the world, but much of it is in the tar sands whose production means the complete destruction of boreal forests, and pollution and draining of fresh water resources. Local communities, mostly Indigenous, experience elevated cancer levels and have become so polluted that hunting and fishing are impossible.

The Communist Party works to unite the labour movement, Indigenous communities, farmers and others to demand public ownership and democratic control of energy and resource industries, as the most effective immediate means to ensure sound environmental, economic and social stewardship.

The recent US-Mexico-Canada free trade deal will be even worse for workers than its predecessor, the North American Free Trade Agreement. Monopoly corporations, however, see the USMCA as the vehicle for increased access, power and profit.

While farmers in Canada will suffer from weakened supply management and increased competition, agro-corporations will benefit from expanded access to markets. While autoworkers in Canada will face reduced job security, the Big Three US auto corporations will profit from protectionism. While people will pay higher costs for medicines, pharmaceutical monopolies will profiteer from longer patents.

The USMCA cedes more of Canada’s political sovereignty, by giving the US the power to veto Canadian trade deals with any “non-market economy.”

The Communist Party is the only party in Canada to call for the country’s withdrawal from NAFTA and rejection of USMCA. We campaign for a new trade policy that is multi-lateral and mutually beneficial to workers in Canada and its trading partners.

In response to these crises, the working class and people are increasingly moving into action but this mobilization is still very weak. The resistance is sporadic and spontaneous, due in large part to the widespread influence of reformism. Our task is to help organize the progressive forces, strengthen the Communist Party, increase the level of socialist consciousness, and build the forces for socialism.

This is the concrete condition of class struggle in Canada, and we cannot pretend it is otherwise.

As Lenin observed, “This struggle must be organised, according to “all the rules of the art”, by people who are professionally engaged in revolutionary activity. The fact that the masses are spontaneously being drawn into the movement does not make the organisation of this struggle less necessary. On the contrary, it makes it more necessary.”

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Socialist Workers’ Party of Croatia

Dear comrades and friends, On behalf of the Socialist Workers’ Party of Croatia on behalf of those members of the communist co-ordination and workers’ parties from ex-Yugoslavia not present here and in my own name I would like to greet all the people present. To our hosts, the Greek Communist Party. I would like to express my gratitude for the organization of this gathering which allows us to present our thoughts regarding the current situation and to jointly contribute to the solutions of the ongoing problems. I especially wish to congratulate the hosts, the KKE on the jubilee 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of Greece.

Knowing that at the beginning of the 21st century despite the enormous development of production resources, techniques and technology which should make decent and comfortable life to the people around the world, we are still deeply buried in the trenches of class divisions is a frustrating fact.

Differences between those who have too much and those who do not have enough for a decent life, and basic living needs, are today greater than those at the beginning of the 20th century.

The consequence of imposing the hegemony of the world’s financial centers of power, led by the United States, the EU and NATO over all who do not accept their imperial domination, it does not deny the argument about the evolutionary deadlock of human consciousness in relation to other traits and man as a predator.

By extinction of socialism in Eastern Europe, a lot of energy has disappeared. The energy from which strength and ideas were drawn by the labor and trade union movements of the European West, hence the rights and the standards of the workers are lower than they were.

Besides that, the restructuring of the economy with the increasing share of services in relation to the production adversely affects the level of revolutionary awareness of employees.

Growth of unemployment, a drop in the number of employed persons, an increasing share of limited time employment in relation to the unlimited, renewal of labor contracts often at very short intervals, causes permanent insecurity of workers and leads to steady reduction of the number of the organized workers societies. Social networks and spontaneous, often very massive action of workers and dissatisfied citizens are not good enough substitute for lack of awareness and worker solidarity, which are much lower today that they were a century ago. There is less and less of class identification by the workers, IB 2019

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and more of national and civil.

As a consequence, we have an appearance and rise of power of the extremist to explicitly fascist groups.

The socialist idea is being stigmatized at all levels, where countries of the former east bloc are the most vocal ones, ingratiating themselves to their new lords.

Europe, Asia and Africa are permanent zones of wars and imperialist aggression: Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria, a coup d’etat in Ukraine by Nazi organizations directly supported by America and the West. In all these cases, it is a classic struggle for the conquest of other territories where the existing governments are overthrown, and new vassal government is brought in to power just to enable exploitation of natural resources and infrastructure and to use the newly conquered space in a strategic competition.

All these aggressions have left behind enormous civilian casualties and infrastructure destructions that made millions of people fled from their homes and try to find the future migrating to other countries.

Huge number of them have died traveling, while the most of survivors were used to create one of the largest refugee crises in Europe, that is being manipulated with for political trade and concessions.

Europe has no right to be declared a victim of terrorist attacks or floods of refugees. It Is just like a boomerang that returns to her that the creation she participated.

Executed the will of America with no questions asked, supported and participated in most dirty wars against the sovereign states, for centuries exploited territories throughout Africa, the Middle East, Asia and America as a colonial empire.

I have already mentioned the strengthening of the radical right in Europe. This phenomenon has become a part of everyday life in Croatia. While the phenomenon has emerged in some European countries in response to a refugee crisis and migration flows, or as an expression of dissatisfaction with the vassal relationship of states in relation to America, it has a completely different origin in Croatia.

In Croatia, the affirmation of the radical clergy-fascist right is not a consequence of the refugee’s flow, as the flow passed through the country pretty smoothly, but more as the result of the victory of counterrevolution and secession forces in the 1990s, which lead to complete revision of the history and restoration of the defeated politicians and WWII collaborationist. In other words, a slightly milder form of events that what is happening in Ukraine right now.

So capitalism, the system that has fulfilled its historical mission, does not offer more answers to needs of

humanity and creates an ever deeper social, politi- 67 cal, but also ecological crisis, showing itself as a very destructive system. The analysis of this destruction imposes the need for the shift of the focus of the action from essential Spheres into the existential one.

Capitalism is the only system in human history that is capable of destroying humanity and not only by military means, it destroys the life-force of nature and man. Failure by humanity to abolish capitalism will put an end to mankind by the capitalist system itself. A century ago, Rose Luxemburg argued that the future of humanity is either socialism or barbarism.

In front of us we have a very organized machine, with very well-developed technology of mankind manipulation, and fighting it cannot be uncontrolled, but it must be very well organized.

Since criticism and self-criticism are built into the very foundation of the revolutionary left, we must be honest to ourselves and admin our share of responsibility for the present state.

Disagreements between parties, rivalry, personal ambition, fragmentation to left-wing atomization, multiplication of a number of organizations with limited membership, opportunism, turning from a revolutionary path, and adhering to reformism and social-democracy, with the explicit support of particular communist parties to the military interventions, makes us unreliable and not serious support for broad mass. We work directly for our own damage and by doing that we only help our class enemy.

Condicio siune qua non for any move in this fight is overcoming existing divisions on a class basis.

We are confident that the other conference participants will point out the problems our parties are facing and that we will outline the direction of our future actions and focus on strengthening our cooperation. It is my pleasure to let you know that in the area of former Yugoslavia since 2011 there is the coordination of the communist and workers’ parties, which are currently constituted by one party from each republic.

Thank you very much for your attention.

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Communist Party of Cuba

69 Comrades all: th On October 10 , 1968, on the Centennial of the beginning of our independence wars, the historical leader of the Cuban Revolution, Commander in Chief Fidel Castro, said “… In Cuba there has been a single revolution, the one started by Carlos Manuel de Céspedes one hundred years ago and the onethat is being carried forward by our people at present”.

With this memorable phrase was sealed the true and continuous nature of the Cuban revolutionary process that today, 150 years after its beginning, continue having in Martí its ethical reference, its unity and vocation of struggle; in the Marxist ideas its permanent source of inspiration; and in Fidel its sense of justice and the unflinching faith on victory.

A few weeks before marking the 60th anniversary of the triumph of the Revolution and with the infinite pride of having being true to a history full of heroism, the challenges being faced today by our people are not less in the determination to update the economic and social model of socialist development that will enable us to have an independent, sovereign, socialist, democratic, prosperous and sustainable nation.

Esteemed comrades all, For the last three months we have carried out throughout the country a deep process of Constitutional Reform in which millions of our citizens have participated and contributed to this transcendental document with proposals and considerations.

The new Constitution incorporates Fidel´s ideas in the concept of Revolution handed over to us; reaffirms the role of the Communist Party of Cuba as the organized vanguard of the working class and as the leading superior force of the State and Society, and as guarantor of unity and builder of consensus in its permanent link with the people.

The determination to go forward in the process of construction of socialism, in keeping with our traditions, history and amidst the present complex international scenario is another element included in the Draft-Constitution that preserves the humanist principles and social justice, thus widening the citizens´ rights and their fundamental guarantees.

In keeping with the decisions taken at the 6th and 7th Party Congresses, changes are introduced in the economic and social model; the regulatory capacity and control of the State on the economic processes in the country are reaffirmed; the leading role of the socialist ownership is ratified while acknowledging other types of ownership and arrangements; and the role of the planned management of the economy, which considers and regulates the market, is reaffirmed.

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There are proposals to change and improve the State structure, making it more functional and granting more autonomy to local governments.

The First Secretary of the Party, comrade Raúl Castro Ruz, who presides over the Commission in charge of the Constitutional Reform process, has repeatedly called on the citizens to understand the need and scope of the changes we have to make in the Constitution in order to ensure the irreversible character of Socialism and the continuity of the Revolution.

We have to carry out this noble endeavor in the face of the intractable policy of aggression and U.S. economic, financial and commercial blockade, which has been tightened by the present Trump administration, thus imposing a significant reversal in the relations between the two nations and a return to the hostile language that characterized the Cold War years.

The Blockade is the main obstacle to our development, but it has failed in its aim to reverse the revolutionary process in Cuba, and is rejected by the overwhelming majority of the international community.

Cuba has shown its willingness to make progress in the process of normalizing our bilateral relations with the Unites states, but making clear that nobody should expect from us any compromise regarding our principles and the independence and self-determination of the nation. I take up this opportunity to express our gratitude to all parties here for their permanent solidarity with our people.

Friends, We are living times of increasing threats and dangers to world peace and stability, heightened by the agonized efforts of the U.S. ruling class to settle down as dominant superpower by imposing their national interests, disregarding the international organizations and the agreements and multilateral commitments made.

U.S imperialism, the international financial capital and the oligarchic forces subordinated to them have unleashed a strong offensive against the progressive, revolutionary and left governments in Latin America and the Caribbean, using all available means, including non-conventional warfare.

Last July we held in Cuba the 24th Meeting of the Sao Paulo Forum which was mainly focused in assessing the situation in the region, gaining experience from recent years and projecting actions aimed at promoting the unity of the left forces, on the basis of a program of common struggle against the neoliberal offensive of imperialism and national oligarchies.

What is a stake in Latin America is the independence of our peoples in the face of the insatiable appetite of domination of the “brutal and turbulent North that despises us”, as José Martí said; to preserve the emerging

integration in the face of the old attempts to divide, split and confront us; to build alternatives with popular, democratic and participative models and processes or to succumb to the reactionary right which in essence is a mere caricature of the well- known old repressive dictatorships in our continent.

That is why it is so important to reaffirm the validity of the Proclamation of Latin America as a Peace Zone, in Havana, on January 2014, as a guarantee of peaceful coexistence among our nations, as a principle for integration and as the basis for advancing in the development of the region.

In the face of this adverse scenario, the Communist Party of Cuba reaffirms its unconditional support to the Bolivarian and Chavist Revolution in Venezuela and to its constitutional president Nicolas Maduro; rejects the acts of vandalism in Nicaragua to destabilize and overthrow the Sandinista Government; condemns the illegal imprisonment and unjust political disqualification of former president Lula in Brazil; denounces the political persecution of social movement and left leaders in the whole region; supports President Evo Morales´ Government, wishing him success in his re-election; and we resolutely accompany the Colombian people in its long struggle to achieve a just and lasting peace.

Esteemed comrades, In the constitutional document that will shortly be submitted to popular referendum, there is a reaffirmation of the foreign policy principles of the Cuban Revolution, on the basis of anti-imperialism and internationalism; mutual cooperation; the unity of Third World countries; the condemnation to fascism, colonialism, neocolonialism and other forms of subjugation; the non-intervention in the internal affairs of the States; and the rejection of racism and discrimination, among others.

To this effect, we express our firm solidarity with the Saharawi people and its free self-determination, as well as our support to the Palestinian people while condemning the continuous aggressions of the Zionist State of Israel against this noble and suffered nation.

True to its tradition, The Communist Party of Cuba will continue to promote the unity and cooperation among the communist and workers´ parties, the development of relations based on trust and respect among our parties, and the practice of internationalist solidarity, with the common objective of making progress to overcome capitalism and to build a society based on justice and social equality, something which is only possible under Socialism.

Thank you, very much.

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AKEL, Cyprus

Comrades, We salute the 20th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties and address a warm comradely greeting to all. We convey a message of solidarity and joint action on behalf of the communists of Cyprus to the communists throughout the whole world, to all those who are struggling for the rights of the working people, for peace and socialism. In particular, we express our gratitude to the Communist Party of Greece for hosting this year’s Meeting. On the occasion of the 100 years of life and heroic struggle of the KKE we address a warm comradely greeting to its members and cadres.

As Communist and Workers’ Parties, we are united by values, ideals and History. We are united by Marxist-Leninist ideology, internationalism and the cause of socialism. Of course, we know that there are different approaches as regards issues of strategy and tactics that we can and should discuss in a spirit of co-operation and mutual respect.

We believe, however, that the annual International Meeting fulfills its mission provided that it becomes a forum for a fruitful exchange of experiences and assessments, but above all, provided that it becomes the tool safeguarding and deepening the unity of action of our Parties around some key axes. Building on what unites us, we respond to our share of duty in the phase and situation of the international communist movement today.

Comrades, The International Meeting is taking place in the global conditions of the ongoing capitalist crisis. Despite the assurances from various leading circles of the capitalist world and despite the phases of a temporary and anomalous recovery being registered, the crisis has not been overcome. Even with the brutal destruction of a section of capital, even with all the anti-social measures that have been imposed in the years of the crisis all over the world so as to drive labour costs down and abolish social rights, capitalism cannot rid itself of its crises, contradictions and deadlocks. The capital-labour contradiction was and remains at the root of the dramatic problems the overwhelming majority of people on the planet are facing. Class inequalities. The concentration of enormous wealth in increasingly fewer hands. Poverty, hunger, unemployment. The destruction of the environment. Mass migration. The rise of fascism in Europe and the American continent.

More specifically as regards the rise of fascism and the ultra-right we must stress that it is a phenomenon that isn’t just appearing in Europe, but also on IB 2019

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the American continent. However, the most dangerous expression of the capitalist crisis is the dramatic and explosive sharpening of competitions/rivalries between the imperialist centres of the planet that are assuming the form of economic wars, huge battles between energy giants, the revival of old and new hotbeds of tensions and conflicts, together with an escalating militarization that is bringing back to the fore even the nightmare of a nuclear disaster.

We believe therefore that in today’s conditions the key task of the Communist and Workers’ Parties, is to expose and reveal the class causes that lie behind the competitions, the militarization and the danger of war and themobilization of the masses to defend peace, fight against the nightmare of a regional or generalized war breaking out. We have a duty to rallywithin the ranks of the peace, anti-war and anti-imperialist movements of our countriesthe whole of the working class, every working man and woman, young person, all those who agree with the importance of the struggle for peace, even though they might not agree with us on everything; even though we have not yet managed to convince them that peace does not just mean the abolition of war, but the eradication of the root causes of war.

This outlook guides AKEL in our duty to enlighten and mobilize the people of Cyprus against the longstanding plans to turn our island into a military base and an arena of military exercises by foreign armies.

This is an urgent task that has been set before us, given that the Anastasiades government in Cyprus ever since its election in 2013 has demonstrated its determination to actively support imperialism’s plans in the region. It is continuing on this line more intensely since its re-election in 2018.

It is no coincidence that the Anastasiades government characterised our country as the “outpost of the EU and the West in the Eastern Mediterranean” and as a “shield of Israel”, while it is now making moves even towards Saudi Arabia. These options are being presented by the government as constituting a protective shield for Cyprus against Turkish aggression. AKEL upholds the position that our people’s and country’s security is ensured through peace, and not our involvement in any imperialist plans and militarization.

The struggle of the Cypriot people against the 44-year-old occupation and colonialization of 37% of the territory of the Republic of Cyprus by Turkey and the de facto partition of the island and of both communities of Cyprus, is being waged in the volatile region of the East Mediterranean framework. For AKEL, the struggle for liberation and the reunifica-

tion of our homeland is its immediate duty as the 73 Party of the Working Class and the Working People of the whole of Cyprus. In our view, the reunification of our people - Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots - is an essential prerequisite so that the goal of the socialist transformation can be set in our country.

A solution of the Cyprus problem, which will bring an end to the occupation and the regime of foreign guarantor powers, restore the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus, result in the demilitarization of the island and reunification of the people will constitute a reversal of the imperialist crimes committed against Cyprus in 1974. It will also make an important contribution to the anti-imperialist struggle of the peoples and the cause of peace in the Eastern Mediterranean.

Today, the complex issue of the Cyprus Problem is interconnected with the economic, geopolitical and energy interests that are underminingthe situation.

At the same time, the passage of time creates very serious and potentially irreversible negative fait accompli on the ground, but also with regards the demographic composition of the population due to the systematic policy of cultural-religious, economic and political absorption of the occupied territories of Cyprus and of the Turkish Cypriot community itself which Turkey is implementing.

AKEL’s longstanding policy on the Cyprus problem is summarised in the position that one the one hand we are ready for an honorable compromise between the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots, but on the other hand we will not accept any compromise with the occupation, partition and NATO. This is the reason why AKEL in the current period is struggling and mobilizing the people and taking initiatives, both inside and outside Cyprus, in the direction of fulfilling the goal of resuming the talks on the Cyprus problem on the basis of the Framework of the Secretary General of the United Nations, which resolves correctly the issues related to the substance of the Cyprus problem, namely the termination of the Turkish occupation and the abolition of the system of guarantees, as well as the abolition of the intervention rights of Turkey, Greece and the United Kingdom over Cyprus.

At the same time, as AKEL, we firmly reject the scenarios for Cyprus’ accession to NATO or NATO guarantees for the solution of the Cyprus problem, something that the President of Cyprus has brought back to fore lately.

The partition of the island represented a long-standing goal of Turkey through the promotion of confederation or a “two-state” solution. The fact that such

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views – that is the search for solutions outside the framework of the United Nations which provides for the solution of federation – are now being expressed in the Greek Cypriot community as well reveal foreign interests and lead to dangerous paths.

AKEL was and is the force that expresses with consistency the position “Cyprus – One country – One people” and warns that the potential abandonment of the goals for a federal solution is tantamount to the beginning of the end for the Cyprus problem, but also ultimately for Cyprus itself, given that it would finalize its partition.

AKEL considers its historic duty for the future and unity of our homeland the defence of the framework of the solution of the Cyprus problem, which provides for the transformation of the Republic of Cyprus into a bizonal, bicommunal federation with a single sovereignty, a single nationality and a single international personality and the political equality of the two communities. This solution represents the honorable compromise for the solution of the internal aspects of the Cyprus problem on which the progressive forces of the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities agree on.

The international solidarity of the Communist and Workers Parties and of international progressive movement towards the struggle being waged by the Cypriot peopleis therefore rendered invaluable.

Comrades, For the Party to fulfill its immediate and long-term tasks as a political vanguard of the working class, it must first and foremost gain the trust of the working class and working people through the struggles for immediate popular and social assertions; for the promotion and solution of day-to-day problems and demands of the people of labour and the young generation; for the resolute defence of labour and social gains from the attacks unleashed by capital and governments serving it. It is precisely through this outlook that we also evaluate and assess our own actions and our own weaknesses.

In recent years, Cyprus has been experiencing an unprecedented concentration of wealth in the hands of a privileged few coupled with a dramatic worsening of social inequalities and a major setback in labour relations. The Anastasiades government’s policy, in combination with the support provided from time to time by the other opposition parties, serves in a provocative and ruthless way the interests of banking capital and big business. AKEL is the only force that exercises opposition from the point of view of popular interests and it is the driving force and the

principal mass force of the popular and social mobilizations that have taken place in recent years.

Nonetheless, the fact that most of the anti-social and anti-worker measures of the Anastasiades government - despite the social outcry - were ultimately imposed (such as the legislation on foreclosures, the privatization of the ports and the sale of Co-operative Bank, a pioneering gain of the Cypriot people) has entrenched among a large section of working people the denigration and undermining of the value of organized struggle and trade union action, but also disappointment with the Party and the Movement. Our own experience - but also history itself - hasproved that the effectiveness of the struggles waged is a decisive factor in how working people view - especially that of the strata most affected by the crisis - is shaped about the Party and the workers movement. Consequently, it is therefore not enough to be declaring that we are the vanguard of the working class. We must conquer and gain this role through decisive,but also effective struggles that will improve the position of working people.

It is the path of struggle through which the Party gains the trust of the people of labour, is recognized by the people itself as its vanguard and paves the way for achieving great social changes and reversals. The ultimate destination of this path of struggle cannot be anything other than socialism, namely the society which radically solves working people’s immediate problems and needs, a society which resolutely addresses the causes that give rise to wars, fascism and ecological destruction; a society which liberates the enormous dynamics of humanity and science. Because socialism is not some hopeful wish or a romantic utopia. Above all, socialism is necessary, timely and feasible. Setbacks and History’s dark periods are temporary. The wheel of history will always march on and humanity will ultimately march forward.

Socialism is the future of the peoples.

IB 2019

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Communist Party of Bohemia & Moravia

Уважаемые участники 20-й Международной встречи коммунистических и рабочих партий, Уважаемый товарищ Дмитрис Коутсомпас, Уважаемые товарищи, позвольте мне во вступительной части моего выступления передать Вам и всем членам Ваших политических партий искренний товарищеский привет от моих однопартийцев, членов Коммунистической партии Чехии и Моравии и одновременно выразить искреннюю благодарность принимающей нас на правах хозяина Коммунистической партии Греции за гостеприимную организацию очередного 20 Международной встречи коммунистических и рабочих партий, которая проходит здесь, в Афинах, в этом великолепном и исторически чрезвычайно значимом для европейской цивилизацииместе. В этом году проведение 20 Международной встречи коммунистических и рабочих партий ознаменованопразднованием 100-летнего юбилеявозникновения Коммунистической партии Греции, а также воспоминанием 200-летия с даты рождения выдающегося экономиста, социолога, философа, мыслителя и революционера Карла Маркса, который является автором наиважнейшего коммунистического программного документа «Коммунистического манифеста», обнародованного 170 лет назад. В связи с тем, что в нынешнем 2018 году евроатлантическая цивилизация с ее неолиберальной идеологией возвращает нашу цивилизацию к аналогичномуположению, связанномус двумя мировыми войнами в первой половине прошлого века (возможно запятая) Из-за главной политической цели коммунистического и рабочего движения, которой является предотвращение глобального империалистического военного конфликта, в ходе нашей встречи мы должны подчеркнуть тот факт, что в 1999 году авторитетный британский медиальный органBBCназвал Карла Маркса самым важным мыслителем второго тысячелетия нашей цивилизации. Краеугольным камнем современного социализма и коммунизма является труд Маркса, который стал доминирующей философией революционного социализма, особенно в последней трети XIX века, и впоследствии представил самую влиятельную политическую доктрину XX века. Идеи Карла Маркса сыграли значительную роль в истории народов и государств нашей цивилизации и IB 2019

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до настоящего времени являются основным инструментом избавления человеческого общества от эксплуатации, а также доказывают неизбежностьпостроения социалистического общества. Философия Карла Маркса основывается на методе исторического материализма, сформулированном Марксом в своем теоретическомтруде «К критике политической экономии», в соответствии с которым экономический базис определяет политическую, правовую и моральную надстройку. Не сознание определяет социальное бытие, а наоборот социальное бытие определяет общественное сознание. Все моральные, политические и юридические идеи являются в каждой эпохе производными от производственного метода и поэтому исторически относительны. Карл Маркс усвоилмнение философа Гегеля о том, что движущей силой историческихперемен является диалектика, одновременно избавив диалектику Гегеля от идеализма и трактуя ее материалистически, то есть не зависимо от идей или духа, а исходя из физическихпредпочтений жизни общества, то есть экономии. Суть это противоречия, связанные со способом производства, т.е. противоречия всегда стоят против социального класса угнетателей и социального класса угнетенных. О Карле Марксе и в 200-ю годовщину со дня его рождения можно сказать, что он все еще среди нас - его идеи и теории все еще являются наиболее влиятельным вдохновением не только для левого мышления, но и для других философских течений. Без изучения трудов Маркса невозможно понять современный мир. Это не видят только те, кто не желает видеть. И они всегда останутся слепыми. Мы можем однозначно констатировать, что в процессе подготовкиитогового документа 20-й МВКРП в Афинах необходимо обратить внимание на применение идей диалектического материализма Карла Маркса и их использование в интересах международного коммунистического и рабочего движения в 21-м веке с целью достижения ликвидации действующей в настоящее время либеральной и консервативной теории о естественнойсиле, применяемой капиталистическим обществом, и в духе учения Марксаубедить цивилизацию в важности замены капитализма социалистическим обществом и в исторической реальности – в том, что мир нашей цивилизации

во второй половине прошлого века смогла 77 гарантировать единственная социалистическая держава - Советский Союз. В текущем году в международной политической обстановке происходит чрезвычайно серьезный кризис и четкая хаотизация. Военный альянс НАТО под руководством СШАнепрерывно расширяет свое присутствие в Восточной Европе и вблизи российских границ. За последние несколько месяцев государства НАТО увеличили численность своих войск в Польше и трех прибалтийских государствах в Эстонии, Латвии и Литве еще на 19 000 солдат. Кроме того, американская техника пустыни из Ирака, представленная сотнями американских танков M1A2 Abrams и транспортеров Bradley, перемещается из Гамбурга в Украину через территории восточноевропейских стран - Чешской Республики, Польши и Словакии. Несколько недель назад армия США отправила в Европу самую большуюпартию воздушных бомб и артиллерийских боеприпасов с 1999 года и времени проведения военной операции в Югославии. Становится все более очевидным, что приближается конец мира в Европе и нас ожидает новый раунд гонки вооружений, а Европе грозит то, что ее территория станет полем боя. Первое событие этого года, которое угрожало опасностью привести к мировой войне, был ракетный удар Соединенных Штатов Америки, при поддержке двух союзников в рамках НАТО – Франции и Великобритании, нанесенный 14 апреля по объектам вооруженных сил и гражданской инфраструктуры Сирийской Арабской Республики.Атака была оправдана ложной информацией об использовании сирийским правительством химического оружия в городе Дума, что до сих пор не подтверждено никакимифактами, и была проведена без согласия Совета Безопасности ООН, что означает нарушение Устав ООН и норм и принципов международного права. Согласно Статуту Международного уголовного трибунала и в соответствии с резолюцией № 3314 Генеральной Ассамблеи ООН от 14 декабря 1974, которая сформулировала в международном праве определение агрессии, указанная атака может быть охарактеризована как агрессивное преступление против суверенного государства, которое находится в завершающей стадии успешной борьбы с терроризм. Российская Федерация решительно

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осудила эту атаку и созвала экстренное заседание Совета Безопасности ООН осудить эту агрессию против Сирии. Конечно, можно было ожидать, что агрессивные постоянные члены Совета Безопасности ООН - США, Великобритания и Франция, наложат вето на резолюцию Совета Безопасности ООН, однако ожидалось, что большинство других членов Совета Безопасности ООН будут голосовать в пользу критического осуждения атаки на Сирию. Увы проект резолюции поддержали только Россия, Китай и Боливия,а 8 государствчленов СБ ООН голосовали против резолюции, соответственно 4 государства-члена воздержались. Результатом является то, что вся система современных международных отношений переходит в деструктивное состояние и можно говорить деградации Организации Объединенных Наций, то есть организации, которая с конца 2 мировой войны гарантировала мирное развитие нашей цивилизации. Мы считаем, что уместно констатировать, что мировое международное право существовало и функционировало с 26 июня 1945 года в результате возникновения ООН и основного международно-правового документа - Устава ООН, но с 15 апреля 2018 года оно начинает стираться и сводится к праву сильнейшего, которое уважает и исходит из властных и экономических интересовдоминирующих империалистических держав во главе с США. Несколько недель назад президент США Дональд Трамп приступил к дальнейшей ликвидации международного права, начав ликвидацию одного из самых важных документов,обеспечивающих безопасности на планете, а именно Договор оликвидации ракет средней и меньшей дальности (INF), который был подписан между СССР и США в 1987 году генеральным секретарем КПСС М.Горбачевым и президентом США Р.Рейганом, на основе которого ракеты Першинг II и советские ракеты СС-20 были перенесены из Европы. В соответствии с этим нынешним решением Соединенные Штаты будут стремиться уничтожить три столпа международного права (Договор о ПРО, INF и START-3), которые в настоящее время поддерживают глобальную ядерную стабильность, и будут фактически стремиться создать новый карибский кризис для нашей цивилизации. Выйдя из Договора о ликвидации ракет

средней и меньшей дальности, Соединенные Штаты будут стремиться к развертыванию в Европе, в частности в Румынии, Польше и странах Балтии, а также в других государствахчленах НАТО, особенно в Центральной и Восточной Европе, нескольких сотен ядерных баллистических ракет. В результате этой меры проамериканские и русофобные элиты Европы могут вызвать ядерную войну с Россией, что приведет к катастрофическому ущербу как для территорийгородовкак России, так и Европы. К сожалению судьба Европы безразлична для США, потому что американцы не уважают своих союзников, а заняты только своими интересами. Создание нового Карибского кризиса, на этот раз на территории Европы, подобно началу нового раунда лихорадочного вооружения и введения баллистических ракет в европейских странах-членах НАТО будет означать углубление кризиса и распад Организации Объединенных Наций, перевод Совета Безопасности в неработающее положение и конец функционирования международного права. Именно по этой причине Коммунистическая партия Чехии и Моравии придерживается мнения о том, что коммунистическое и рабочее движение, представленное на Международной встрече коммунистических и рабочих партий, должно учитывать тот факт, что наиболее значимой коммунистической силой современности является Коммунистическая партия Китая и поэтому наша МВКРП должны обратиться к Коммунистической партии Китая и Коммунистической партии Российской Федерации, чтобы эти две наиболее влиятельных компартии государствпостоянных членов Совета безопасности ООН, обладающих правом вето, начали работупо восстановлению мирного характера деятельности Организации Объединенных Наций с момента ее создания после победы социалистического Советского Союза над темнейшей формой капиталистического развития - немецким фашизмом. Именно этот вариант реорганизации Совета Безопасности ООН может быть достигнут путем добавления к постоянным членам Совета Безопасности ООН Индии, Бразилии, Южной Африки и других стран с большим количеством населения, а также включением в число непостоянных членов СБ еще 5 государств, чтобы в будущем Совет Безопасности представлял собой IB 2019

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орган, который будет представлять его государствами-членами как минимум половину населения земного шара, то есть.около 3,8 миллиардовчеловек, а не так, как это есть в настоящее время, когда Совет безопасности с егочленскими государствами представляют лишь 2,3 миллиарда населения планеты. Только путем изменения конфигурации Совета Безопасности ООН можно остановить распад и деградацию ООН и предотвратить подчинение Совета Безопасности Государственному департаменту США. Более того, учитывая тот факт, что отношения между Западом и Россией в настоящее время хуже, чем во времена холодной войны, потому что тогда функционировали каналы связи между Западом и Советским Союзом, а обе стороны уважали принципы мирного международного права, появившегося в результате победы над фашистской Германией. Сегодня отношения между Российской Федерацией и западными странами регулируются экстремальной западной русофобией, которая трансформирует нынешние отношения холодной войны между Западом и преемником Советского Союза - Российской Федерацией к постепенному переходу к пламенной войне с целью уничтожения России. По этой причине КПЧМ поддерживает позицию Государственной Думы Российской Федерации, в которой содержится призыв «вернуть ООН и ее Совету Безопасности их место в управлении всеми процессами мировой безопасности и обуздать универсальные амбиции тех империалистических государств, которые любой ценой, в т.ч. кровью, хотели бы стать мировыми жандармами». Дорогие товарищи, позвольте мне в следующей части моей речи уделить внимание текущей политической ситуации в Чешской Республике.В июле этого года Коммунистическая партия Чехии и Моравии, с тем чтобы не допустить возвращения коррумпированного правого крыла и наследниковсудетско-немецкого землячества к управлению Чешской Республики, а также в целях обеспечения интересов чешских граждан и реагирования на выполнение согласованных пунктов из программы нашей партии, КПЧМ решила активно поддержать формирование правительства меньшинства ANO 2011 и ЧСДП.До голосования о вотуме доверия

правительству меньшинства КПЧМдостигла с 79 ANO 2011 договоренности о толерантности, а также до заявления правительства продвинула семь основных приоритетов коммунистов, в частности,устойчивый рост минимальной заработной платы, индексация пенсий, защита природных ресурсов от отчуждения в руки иностранных компаний, увеличение долиобщественного сектора в управлении водными ресурсами, обложение налогом церковных реституций, предотвращение дальнейшего роста цен на жилье и поддержка для строительства государственного жилья и поддержание качества доступного медицинского обслуживания без увеличения участия пациентов. Несмотря на то, что между Коммунистической партией и правительством меньшинства,состоящего из движения ANO 2011 и ЧСДП, котороеполучило вотум доверия благодаря поддержке депутатов КПЧМ голосовавших в Палате депутатов 12 июля с общей поддержкой 105 депутатов (из 200 членов Палаты депутатов), все-таки остались глубокие разногласия по вопросам внешней политики, обороны и безопасности нашей республики, решение налоговой политики и различные точки зрения на сферу действия закона о референдуме, однакоКПЧМ этим шагом предотвратила возвращение к власти коррумпированной правойсилы. В настоящее время Коммунистическая партия не связана обязательством выполнятьтребования правительства меньшинства, однакоразделяет с правительством меньшинства уважение интересов чешских граждан, защиту суверенитета нашей страны и защиту международного мира.

29 лет назад в Чешской Республике был ликвидирован социалистический общественный строй и установился капитализм, а также былареализована неолиберальная концепция, в рамках которой были применены самые серьезные проявления рыночных механизмов, которые постепенно девальвировали равенство между людьми, функционированиеструктуры общества, привели в упадок сферу общественных услуг, качество жизни, культуру и межличностные отношения. Результатомгосподства в нашемобществе капиталистической неолиберальной идеологии стало финансовоеобеднение нашего населения и падениестабильно высокого числа наших граждан в нищету. В эту неолиберальную

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ловушкупопала не только Чешская Республика, но практически все государства бывшей социалистической системы в Центральной и Восточной Европе. Однако в 2008 году финансовая система неолиберального капиталистического мира рухнула и мировой капитализм пережил глубокий экономический кризис. В результате этого кризиса Соединенные Штаты Америки утратили свое превосходство и однополярное доминирование в масштабах нашей цивилизации, а чтобы предотвратить ущерб своим интересам, вплоть до ликвидации в результате развития кризиса,начали угрожать России, Китаю, Ирану и другим странамуничтожением путем ядерной войны. Таким образом, центральныйпредостережением международных отношений стало противостояние между империалистическими Соединенными Штатами Америки и социалистической Китайской Народной Республикой, находящейся под управлением Коммунистической партии Китая. Поскольку Китайская Народная Республика за последние 10 лет стала страной, которая будет в состоянии прекратить политическую, экономическую, культурную и идеологическую гегемонию глобального империализма США, уже сегодня Китай является крупнейшей промышленной, коммерческой и политической державой нашей цивилизации.Руководство Китая, т.e. Коммунистическая партия Китая, абсолютно открыто демонстрирует свою приверженность марксизму и работает на социалистическом пути развития и верности коммунистическим принципам. Генеральный секретарь КПКитая и председателя КНР Си Цзиньпин является автором заявления, что «Китайская Народная Республика должна удерживать высокие знамена марксизма и социализм с китайской спецификой, быть стойкими в развитии социалистического мышления. КП Китая вооружившись этими идеямиобязана распространять их среди широких масс населения». С 30 ноября по 3 декабря 2017 года, Коммунистическая партия Китая организовала в Пекине международное совещание политических партий под названием «Коммунистическая партия Китая в процессе политического диалога на высоком уровне с политическими партиями со всего мира» с участием 220 политических партий, в том числе

и КПЧМ, из 127 стран. Генеральный секретарь КПКитая Си Цзиньпин проинформировал присутствующих об итогах 19-го съезда КПКитая в октябре 2017 года и отметил, что Китай достигает успехов в строительстве социализма с китайской спецификой и КПКитая готова сотрудничать с политическими партиями, с тем чтобы построить международное сообщество с позитивным будущим человечества и созданием лучшего мира, контролируемого мирной политикой. В день закрытия международной встречи был принять итоговый документ под названием «Пекинская инициатива». Документ призывает политические партиисо всего мира присоединиться к КПК в построении мира во всем мире, способствовать глобальному развитию и защите международного порядка и поощрять и уважать дух и принципы Устава ООН, а также для обеспечиватьсправедливое и единообразное применение норм международного права. Мы ожидаем, что в итоговом документе 20-йМВКРПбудет выражена поддержкаПекинской инициативы. Мы должны уважать тот факт, что за последние сорок лет КНР сделала огромный шаг. После преодоления бедности и отсталости стала ведущей силой в мировом экономическом и научном развитии,благодаря построению социалистического общества. Такой успех Китайской Народной Республики является результатом теоретического наследия (следования) трудов Карла Маркса и их гарантий, успешный будущий мирный, социалистический путь развития цивилизации потребует следования и изучения практики построения социализма в Китае. Завершая свое выступление, позвольте мне еще раз поздравить наших друзей из Коммунистической партии Греции со 100-летием возникновения их партии и поблагодарить их - хозяев и организаторов - за прекрасную подготовку 20-го Международного совещания коммунистических и рабочих партий. Я также хочу подтвердить, что КПЧМ полностью согласна с предложенным документом Коммунистической партии Греции по организации общественно-политических мероприятий коммунистического и рабочего движения в 2019 году. Благодарю за внимание.

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Communist Party in Denmark

When you spin your globe and watch it spinning, you’ll notice an unchanging white area at its top. This is the Arctic.

Here you’ll find Greenland, a formerly Danish colony, the world’s largest island with about 50,000 inhabitants. You have all heard about the melting ice sheet and the approaching end of the world. However, this is not a climate summit. What follows is a description of an unequal class struggle against imperialism - an imperialism which deaf and blind to all warnings against incalculable environmental catastrophes only has eye for unexploited possibilities and ignores the consequences with a single goal: to expand the markets for oil and war materials.

As the Arctic ice is melting, political, economic, and military interest in Greenland is growing.

Greenland is not a member of the European Union; this was decided by the Greenlandic population in a referendum. However, Greenland’s foreign policy is still determined by Denmark and NATO. The USA established itself as an ally in Greenland in 1944, and in 1951 Denmark entered into a defense agreement with the USA which has been the basis of the American military installations in Greenland ever since. This has meant forceful relocation of part of the population and massive environmental effects from 50 tons of toxic waste, in addition to the nuclear waste from four hydrogen bombs in a B-52 bomber aircraft which crashed near Thule Airbase in 1968. The clean-up of this mess is left to Greenland after the USA and Denmark signed the 2002 Dundas agreement with Greenland on the sideline.

Deaths and pollution-caused diseases are some of the consequences of the US bases. In the journal ”Geophysical Research Letters” an international group of scientists in 2016 pointed out that within the next 75 years the melting away of the ice sheet could expose radioactive waste from a nuclear reactor that provided energy for an American base under the ice cap during the cold war. Denmark and the USA play down the problem and deny their responsibility, and the Danish government declines to renegotiate the Dundas agreement.

The United States still maintains its Thule Airbase. A radar installation placed here is part of the Danish missile defense. The USA actively employs the base for stopovers and as a strategic base in the Arctic. As Greenland has become ever more accessible due to the melting ice sheet, NATO’s interest has increased.

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can nuclear-powered aircraft carriers ... all this to gain knowledge about and experience of war under arctic conditions, and to show strength to Russia and China. Bases are being constructed in Denmark, primarily to serve as airbases for carrying nuclear arms from Germany and as transport links between Central Europe and the Baltic countries and Norway.

Greenland felt this tension in the question of a new airport. The Chinese offered to finance it, and the Danish government immediately took the matter out of the hands of Greenland’s home rule government and financed part of the airport to keep Greenland absolutely loyal to the USA and its military air transports.

At the NATO summit in Poland in July 2016 the Danish government presented an analysis of the tasks it will give priority in the Arctic region: surveillance, communications and operational units should be strengthened.

Denmark has submitted a claim to the United Nations for a part of the North Polar Ocean 20 times the size of Denmark. Similar claims can be made by the USA, Canada, Russia, Norway and Denmark/ Greenland if the claimed area is ”a natural extension” of their recognized land territory. This is an appalling development which could have unthought-of global consequences, regardless of whether it is the quest for oil and/or for military advantage that drives it. Every adult person ought to know the consequences of war if one should break out.

This development shows how imperialism, employing several strategies, uses NATO when the EU cannot be used, and vice versa.

The Permanent Structured Cooperation PESCO is the framework for military buildup in the European Union. Until now, Denmark has had an Opt-Out from participating directly in EU military activities.

In practice, though, we are deeply involved. Our weapons lobby can apply for some of the 100 billion placed in the EU Defence Fund - a fund now focusing European universities with the purpose of making the armaments industry and the universities do research together - of making young brains use their capacity to do research in death instead of general science.

The militarization of the EU goes on. The unpredictable US president Trump wishes to start a new arms race with medium range ballistic missiles. They are targeted at Russia and particularly at China. A cold war is at our doorstep, and a lethal hot war looms ahead. The communist parties in Denmark, Norway and Sweden cooperate closely, but they are small, and this fact is reflected in the size of our

peace movements. As Nordic communists we take 83 part in the Arctic Meetings where Russia and Finland also participate. We do what we can to raise a peace movement, both within the trade unions and among young people.

Recently we have campaigned against the 100 billion military research program of the EU, comparing it to a nationwide fundraising to benefit cancer research. In such ways we can expose the science priorities of our political parties. Peace research creates jobs as well as life!

In other contexts we have had the environment as a theme, focusing on war environments. ”You can’t grow organic crops on land polluted by war.”

Fight imperialism - it fights you!

Out of NATO - out of the EU!

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Communist Party of Denmark

In recent years – at least since Donald Trump’s elec- 85 tion as US president – the international situation has been characterized by the breaking up of old alliances of imperialism. Since a year or so it has become evident that we are witnessing a turnaround in the strategic orientation of US foreign policy. The president has cast doubt on the ”relevance” of NATO, and lately the seemingly unbreakable alliance between the US and Turkey, this pillar of US Middle East strategy, has started to crumble. At the samte time, disintegration of the EU continues.

While up until recently the Soviet Union, later Russia, was the big enemy, which the US sought to contain by allying with her neighbours in Europe and Asia, now this role of the enemy to be contained has fallen to China. For this reason we see Trump acting in a conciliatory way towards Russia as well as North Korea. The Pacific region is moving towards the centre of US attention, and correspondingly the partners in the Atlantic Region, i.e. NATO and the EU, are losing interest.

This summer’s NATO summit reacted to this by complying to Trump’s demand for increased military expenditure in Europe. However, only a few months later, Jean-Claude Juncker, chairman of the EU Commission, in his yearly report on the state of the Union, said that the EU should ”take its fate in its own hands and act as a force shaping the world”. An obvious challenge to US supremacy.

Not all EU countries agree with this. It is only a few days ago that the Danish prime minister flatly turned down the proposal of an EU army. It is not that the Danish government questions the EU, but it insists on preserving a tight alliance with the USA. And there are other signs of a deepening of the disintegration process inside the EU. These tendencies are positive inasmuch as they contrbute to a weakening of the US led imperialist front.

There are other positive tendencies, e.g. the developments in Syria, but also negative trends in Ukraine and in Latin America. Generally, the world continues to be in a volatile state fraud with dangers.

Just as recent years have seen changes in imperialist alliances and conflicts in the international arena, so political patterns are breaking up inside the individual countries too – at least in Europe. In France we witnessed the almost total collapse of the Socialist Party – a change foreboded some years ago by the collapse of the PASOK here in Greece. Now the same thing seems to threaten Social Democratic parties across Europe – Italy, Germany, even Sweden. Instead, a new political force is making its appearance and gaining strength: What you might call

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the New Nationalists or National Populists – parties like the French Front National and the German Alternative für Deutschland. Although they attract elements of the far right, they are not Fascists; they are not like Golden Dawn of Greece or the Right Sector of Ukraine. They are not violent, but they are nationalist; they are hostile to immigrants, and they are EU sceptics. Their roots are in the petty bourgeois strata of the countryside and smaller towns. Their EU scepticism stems from the narrow outlook of these strata, and for the same reason they are of no interest to European monopoly capital, whose vehicle is exactly the EU. Instead, they constitute an independent centristic force of petty bourgeois backwardness and narrowmindedness.

As a matter of fact, the representative of this current in my own country, the Danish People’s Party, is quite close to the Social Democrats, who are seeking a new ally in their struggle for office, in which they have been deserted by the Radical former small peasants’ party, as I explained it five years ago in Lisbon. We are witnessing a somewhat surprising rapprochement of the old labour party with these petty bourgeois new nationalists – perhaps a new class alliance between working class and intermediate strata?

In 1976 the Communist Party of Denmark issued a new programme, in which we advocated just such an alliance under the heading of Anti-Monopolist Democracy. We had considerable success with this in creating the People’s Movement Against the EU, which embodied exactly this alliance, but apart from that we have not been able to put this strategy into practice. Now it would seem that our idea has been taken over by others. But alas, this alliance of Social Democrats and new nationalists is not going to launch the new revolutionary surge foreseen by us 42 years ago; instead, it will be based on the most backward and narrowminded layers of working class and petty bourgeoisie. It will mark yet another reactionary trend.

Next year, on the 9th of November, our party will complete its first century. This takes place in a situation calling for new, progressive, even revolutionary alliances like the one we foresaw 42 years ago. Obviously, we failed. So how is this alliance to be accomplished in this era of disintegration of old alliances?

What classes and strata have to be united and on what political foundation? This is the question facing us in our centennial year. This is the question we are currently discussing in our party.

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Force of the Revolution, Dominican Republic

Camaradas, hemos venido desde una lejana isla a compartir con ustedes las experiencias y visiones que sobre los procesos históricos ha desarrollado la Clase Obrera mundial y los Partidos Comunistas..

Nuestro interés no es teorizar o hacer academia, es básicamente práctico, se trata de encontrar caminos para saldar cuentas con el capitalismo y su insaciable acción depredadora contra los creadores de riquezaː La Clase Obrera.

Un partido comunista es un partido político que basa su ideología y prácticas políticas en la teoría marxista en cualquiera de sus modalidades o escuelas y la implementación de una sociedad comunista.

El Partido Comunista surge en la primera mitad del siglo XX como resultado de la I Guerra Mundial (19141918), con la Revolución bolchevique (1917) y, sobre todo, por la creación de la Internacional Comunista.

Es el resultado de la división de los partidos integrantes de la Segunda Internacional que se oponen a la guerra, apoyan la revolución bolchevique y se consideran revolucionarios y contrarios a las llamadas tácticas nacionalistas y revisionistas que enfatizaron en defensa de las naciones y condujeron al martirio a ejércitos de obreros reclutados para librar guerras interburguesas.

Para nadie es desconocido que Lenin, en vibrantes, audaces y creativos ensayos, como el ¿Qué hacer? , Un paso adelante, dos pasos atrás, fundamentó las tareas y un modelo del partido comunista, adaptado a la realidad de la Rusia Zarista, pero sobre leyes dialécticas universalizables. Según Lenin, el partido es el destacamento de vanguardia de la clase obrera y sus principales funciones son incorporar al movimiento obrero el conocimiento político marxista y dirigir la lucha anti-capitalista en todos sus aspectos.

Una de las características esenciales del partido de vanguardia leninista, es que está conformado por revolucionarios conscientes procedentes del proletariado. Otra característica esencial de un partido comunista es el unir el socialismo científico con el movimiento obrero, es decir, un partido comunista solo es vanguardia cuando es reconocido como tal por las masas a las que en teoría representa y las guía.

Mucho tiempo después, vino el derrumbe, y provocó un ataque cuya diana era insistir en la decadencia de la clase obrera como sujeto histórico en condiciones de ofrecer una alternativa revolucionaria para la transformación de la sociedad. Algunos llegan tan lejos como para negar la propia existencia de los trabajadores como clase. YA NO HAY CLASE OBRERA. (???)

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Es sabido que el pragmatismo norteamericano y capitalista en general rinde culto a la espontaneidad, cuestión característica de la ideología burguesa, en su corta visión histórica; el empirismo burgués, es un mirar de corto vuelo. El marxismo, en cambio, es una visión de la historia en su amplia extensión.

No se deja obnubilar por derrotas ni por los giros coyunturales de los acontecimientos sino que toma en cuenta los procesos que se desarrollan en medio y largos plazos, atentos al discurrir de sus contradicciones internas que se desarrollan sin ser notoriamente percibidas. La fortaleza del método de análisis del marxismo está cimentadaen un estudio científico consistente de la sociedad burguesa, de las condiciones que la hicieron surgir, desarrollarse, pero también declinar.

Para los comunistas, solo la lucha ideológica puede dar sostén y consistencia integral a la lucha económica de la clase obrera por mejores condiciones de vida, y a su lucha política por los derechos democráticos y el socialismo.

A propósito de momentos difíciles, de retrocesos incluso, un revolucionario ruso anotó: “En estas condiciones la tarea de la vanguardia consiste, ante todo, en no dejarse sugestionar por el reflujo general: es necesario avanzar contra la corriente. Si las desfavorables relaciones de fuerzas no permiten conservar las antiguas posiciones políticas, por lo menos hay que conservar las posiciones ideológicas, pues la experiencia tan valiosa del pasado se ha concentrado en ellas. Ante los ojos de los mentecatos, tal política aparece como ‘sectaria’. En realidad no hace más que preparar un salto gigantesco hacia adelante impulsada por la oleada ascendente del nuevo período histórico”. (Trostky) “Al reproducirse el capital, siempre lo hace también su instrumento, la fuerza de trabajo. El término acumulación del capital equivale al de aumento del proletariado” (Marx) Conscientes de estos vaivenes de la lucha de clases, la FR hará los esfuerzos que son necesarios y posibles para que la construcción de una hegemonía colectiva, termine concretándose en una expresión consciente y organizada del sujeto clasista, popular y transformador. Esto exige amplitud de miras, un espíritu amplio, ni sectario ni dogmático, objetivo y realista.

Ratificamos, que se necesita de un instrumento para la conducción de la lucha de clases, y ese es el Partido, para profundizar en conquistas democráticas, participativas, producir la justicia social, concluir el proceso de liberación nacional y la construcción de un Poder Popular que viabilice procesualmente el tránsito al socialismo y el comunismo en un proceso

89 ininterrumpido de la revolución.

Como nuestra denominación no es la de Partido Comunista, ya que éste se refundió con otras fuerzas del país, acentuamos nuestro carácter marxista-leninista con nuestro lemaː POPULAR, CAAMAÑISTA Y COMUNISTA. Y con nuestro himno, LA INTERNACIONAL COMUNISTA. Advertimos a ustedes, camaradas de tantos y diferentes países y regiones aquí presentes, que en América Latina se desata desde hace varios lustros una ofensiva contrarevolucionaria del imperialismo norteamericano y las burguesías de muchos países, que debe serenfrentada con la firmeza ideológica de la clase obrera y los comunistas, pero también con la multiplicidad de clases, estratos y capas que han venido construyendo en sus luchas, caminos progresistas y antiimperialistas, porque no hay salidas ni soluciones, si la clase objetivamente precondicionada y mayoritariaː los trabajadores, no son capaces de contraponer a la tragedia actual, la sociedad socialista, expresión insustituible de la solución a los problemas existenciales de la humanidad.

La judicialización de la política es un arma de quinta generación que ha dado muchos beneficios al plan desestabilizador de los Estados Unidos, veamos los ejemplos de Argentina, Brasil, Paraguay, Honduras, y otros países. Debemos tratar con pinzas este tema, que si bien tiene implicaciones éticas reconocibles, quienes menos moral tienen para manejarlo son precisamente los que chorreando sangre por sus poros han hecho la acumulación de capital,despojando, robando a los trabajadores las riquezas por ellos producidas.

Muchas gracias.

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Communist Party of Ecuador

91 Estimados camaradas del Presídium Estimados camaradas asistentes al XX Encuentro Internacional de los Partidos Comunistas y Obreros del Mundo.

En nombre del PARTIDO COMUNISTA DEL ECUADOR manifestamos a todos y cada uno de los Partidos asistentes a este XX Encuentro nuestro respeto y solidaridad con las luchas revolucionarias, que basadas en las ideas y practicas marxistas – leninistas tiene consagradas por los intereses de la clase obrera, los campesinos y todas las fuerzas populares que defienden la independencia antiimperialista, el desarrollo social en la causa del socialismo y el comunismo.

Compartimos con alegría, la realización del XX Encuentro en el histórico marco del Centenario del Partido Comunista de Grecia, cuyo ejemplo de valentía y tesón revolucionario ha servido de guía al pueblo Griego y a la causa del socialismo y el comunismo en el mundo entero.

Las celebraciones de los cien años del Partido Comunista de Grecia ha constituido un pronunciamiento del pueblo Griego por la lucha clasista y revolucionaria del Partido, toda su militancia, desde los albores del 4 de noviembre de su fundación se han visto glorificado por los mas difíciles momentos históricos en que la entrega de la vida por la causa revolucionaria pendía de las chaquetas comunistas griegas.

La defensa permanente del Marxismo – Leninismo, su apego a la defensa de la Unión Soviética y su partido forjo el crisol en que se forjaron los jóvenes comunistas Griegos y su disposición de mas temprano que tarde se incorporen a las filas de su partido.

La guerra, el fascismo ni la arremetida del Imperialismo y sus títeres nacionales, bajo las peores condiciones pudieron quebrar la organización del Partido de la Clase obrera Griega que hoy con todos los honores nos recibe en el XX Encuentro de los Partido Comunistas y Obreros del Mundo, organización que se constituyó gracias a su importante iniciativa.

Los 19 encuentros anteriores al presente, han sido motivos de gran discusión política internacional de los comunistas de todo el mundo. Las coincidencias y diferencias han sido profundamente analizadas por nuestros Partidos, logrando con ello coincidencias fundamentales en la lucha contra el capitalismo y el Imperialismo.

Las fuerzas democráticas y progresistas, con particulares características y posiciones de sus países y pueblos han logrado avanzar en la toma del poder político, muchas de ellas con el apoyo político de nuestros Partidos, con importantes avances sociales

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y políticas que al no llegar a definitivas posiciones revolucionarias hemos sido rebasados por la derecha recalcitrante para mantener el poder o mayor influencia política sobre nuestro pueblos.

La Fuerzas democráticas y progresistas, actuantes y algún momento histórico, no han elegido con severidad sus unidades o aliados, cediendo posiciones a sus enemigos de clase los mismos que con el apoyo de la inteligencia imperialista, CIA, logran acceder al poder, quebrar a sus oponentes de izquierda,, formular acciones judiciales que les permitió encarcelar a lideres políticos progresistas y de izquierda.

Nuestra solidaridad con el pueblo brasileño y argentino es hoy más que nunca de apoyo a sus pueblos que sufren la arremetida fascistoide en sus actuales gobiernos, denunciando actos ilegales de sus funcionarios judiciales que crean expediente y sanciones o penas sin pruebas suficientes y valederas.

La falta de protagonismo político, suficientes de la clase obrera, el campesinado y demás fuerzas populares permiten el avance de sus enemigos de clase, quienes no se detienen ante nada y apuestan a organizar acciones de carácter fascistas a fin de detener a los pueblos en sus luchas, mas la agresión imperialista que financian y organizan grupos criminales en contra de los pueblos en sus luchas como ocurre con Nicaragua, El Salvador, Colombia y la reciente acción criminal contra los compañeros Venezolano LUIS FAJARDO Y JAVIER ALDAMA, miembros del Partido Comunista de Venezuela.

La lucha contra el imperialismo, en todo el mundo es un imperativo de los comunistas y las fuerzas democráticas y revolucionarias en defensa de los pueblos del medio oriente, el llamado tercer mundo, en particular de los contantes crímenes contra el pueblo palestino, la migración que en si, constituye la mayor responsabilidad del sistema capitalista y el imperialismo.

En el Ecuador, las fuerzas progresistas, democráticas y revolucionarias, se aprestan a continuar con una dura lucha contra el gobierno reaccionario y entreguista del Lcdo. Moreno, quien ha cedido a las ordenes del imperialismo norteamericano, quebrando los principios doctrinario de nuestra Constitución Política, ajustando los principios legales a la persecución de dirigentes políticos y sociales, utilizando para ello la Contraloría General del Estado, la Fiscalía y los Jueces impuestos por el régimen.

Facciones oportunistas del movimiento sindical se han unido a la práctica derechista del actual gobierno del Lcdo. Moreno permitiendo el despido intempestivo de centenares de empleados y trabajadores que entran en la desocupación forzada, consiguien-

do con ello una política de revisión incontrolable e ilegal de los sueldos y salarios apoyándose en la migración de fuerza de trabajo extranjera que se resigna a salarios de miseria.

La Política Agraria plantea la reversión de la tierras a sus antiguos propietario, amenazando con el desalojo de los campesinos y sus organizaciones de esas tierras. El apoyo a los pequeños y medianos productores ha desaparecido y la lucha de los campesinos sin tierras se vuelve sin esperanzas. En este contexto la economía nacional se inclina a favor de las importaciones y de las trasnacionales que apuntan un Tratado de Libre Comercio, TLC, en detrimento de la economía nacional que se somete a los programas y decisiones del Fondo Monetario Internacional, FMI, y los intereses de las trasnacionales.

En estas condiciones, el gobierno nacional, presenta un presupuesto a ser aprobado por una Asamblea Nacional, dependiente políticamente de la derecha ecuatoriana, que elimina los subsidios populares, el apoyo a la economía popular y solidaria, a las clases populares, a la salud, donde se ha mermado importantes rubros de su presupuesto y hasta pretenden no renovar los acuerdo de salud con el hermano pueblo y gobierno de Cuba que ha colaborado con la salud e incluso salvado la vida de miles de ecuatorianos, a la universidad publica se merman millones de dólares en perjuicio del crecimiento estudiantil, la academia y la ciencia así como la restricción del sistema de becas. Por el contrario, se abre paso a la eliminación de los impuestos y cargas tributarias en el sector privado, quienes envalentonados exigen y presentan mas canonjías a su favor como la eliminación de los impuestos para los capitales que sacan del país, todo esto en detrimento de las clase populares y el país.

La toma del poder, ocurrida tras la amañada “CONSULTA POPULAR” que forjó un Consejo de Participación Ciudadana y Control, transitorio, que bajo nombramientos a voluntad de los gobernantes ha nombrado los funcionarios representantes y miembros de las cámaras oligárquicas y los partidos políticos de la derecha ecuatoriana como efectivamente acaba de ocurrir con el Consejo Nacional Electoral, continuando con una selección de funcionarios, previamente seleccionados, agregándose la acefalia de la Corte Constitucional.

El pasado 15 de noviembre, tuvo lugar el recordatorio de la matanza de obreros y trabajadores ocurrida en 1922, cita emblemática donde se concentraron miles de representantes de la clase obrera, organizaciones campesinas y pueblo en general, quienes al unisonó denunciaban la actual política antiobrera y IB 2019

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antipopular del gobierno y convocando a la unidad mas amplia de las fuerzas democráticas progresistas y revolucionarias en el combate contra el capitalismo, el neoliberalismo y el imperialismo, especialmente el norteamericano causante de todos los males de la humanidad.

Nuestra presencia y participación en este XX Encuentro de los Partidos Comunistas y obreros en Grecia cobra particular importancia por ser este territorio cuna de las artes y las ciencias así como de un pueblo que con valentía defendió su territorio de invasiones imperiales y de todo tipo en defensa del carácter histórico de su cultura y legado para la humanidad. El ejemplo de su pueblo goza del respeto de los comunistas a nivel mundial y las mejores causas históricas de su pueblo constituyen parte de su glorioso PARTIDO COMUNISTA DE GRECIA. VIVA EL INTERNACIONALISMO PROLETARIO VIVA EL MARXISMO – LENINISMO VIVA EL CENTENARIIO DEL PARTIDO COMUNISTA DE GRECIA

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Communist Party of Estonia

Уроки революции 1905-7 годов в Эстонии 95 и задачи по усилению международной пролетарской солидарности Дорогие товарищи, рад приветствовать на столь представительном форуме своих единомышленников. Шлю Вам горячий привет и пожелание успешной работы от Эстонского рабочего класса. Рабочее движение в Эстонии имеет славную боевую историю и много героических имен. Находясь в авангарде российского рабочего класса именно рабочие Кренгольмской мануфактуры из города Нарва впервые в истории всей Российской империи зажгли факел революционной борьбы за права человека труда. Тогда, ценой героического сопротивления удалось добиться небольшой, но очень важной победы, тем самым указав остальным рабочим необъятной России путь по которому надо идти. Кренгольмская стачка стала отправным пунктом развернувшихся в империи классовых битв, а ее опыт тщательно изучался и анализировался ведущими марксистко-ленинскими теоретиками. В годы революции 1905-7 годов эстонский пролетариат вновь на острие борьбы. Борьба эстонцев за национальное и социальное освобождение шла рука об руку с рабочими всех национальностей, подтвердив тезис о том, что у пролетариата есть свои коренные интересы. Именно здесь начиналась деятельность выдающегося пролетарского революционера Михаила Ивановича Калинина, ставшего впоследствии официальным главой Советского Государства. И именно здесь накал классовой борьбы против полуфеодальной системы социальных отношений, установленной в пользу привилегированного остзейского дворянства достиг наивысшего апогея. В декабре 1905 года , в основном, в Северной Эстонии отряды городских рабочих и примкнувших к ним крестьян-беднянов за одну неделю (12-20 декабря) разрушили, подожгли или ограбили 160 поместий остзейцев (т.е. каждую пятую мызу) и 40 винокуренных заводов. Тем самым была подорвана экономическая база национального и социального угнетения со стороны преимущественно немецкой полуфеодальной верхушки. Для подавления революции в Прибалтике царское правительство использовало войска общая численность которых в регионе составила 19 000 человек. Специальные карательные отряды, которым придавались для помощи

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местные немецкие остзейские помещики, без суда и следствия расстреляли в 1906 г. более 300 человек, кроме того, военные суды приговорили к смерти ещё примерно 200 человек, телесным наказаниям подверглись примерно 600, сотни были посажены в тюрьмы и отправлены в Сибирь. На долю Эстонии и Латвии приходится более половины от общего числа убитых карательными отрядами во всей Российской империи. Опасаясь репрессий, большая часть эстонских политических деятелей бежала за границу, власти запретили деятельность левых партий и организаций, закрыли профсоюзы и газеты, являвшиеся сторонниками преобразований. Размах революционных событий в Прибалтике и жестокое их подавление привлекли внимание прогрессивной общественности всей Европы, и многие европейские левые политики стали яснее представлять себе положение и проблемы трудящихся прибалтийских губерний. Несмотря на последующее десятилетие реакции, эстляндскому городскому и сельскому пролетариату ценой многочисленных жертв и героических усилий тогда все же удалось вырвать у правительства ощутимые для себя экономические и политические преференции. Значительно возросла заработная плата, улучшились условия труда, расширилась сфера применения эстонского языка и многое другое Ощутимые успехи, достигнутые в революционной борьбе эстонскими трудящимися были бы не мыслимы без их тесной кооперации и солидарности с рабочим классом всей Российской Империи. Редкая, даже для нашего времени пролетарская солидарность вызывает и сегодня искреннее уважение и восхищение. Так, Революция, начавшаяся в Петербурге 9 января Кровавым воскресеньем, спровоцировалав Эстонии первые демонстрации и забастовки всего три дня спустя. В акциях протеста участвовали преимущественно рабочие, а в сельской местности – работники поместий и батраки хуторов. Акции разного масштаба и продолжительности шли всю весну и лето, крупнейшее политическое выступление состоялось в Эстонии 1 мая 1905 года. Популярность в обществе социальных идей, сплоченные и единодушные действия пролетариата всех национальностей в революции 1905-7 годов не на шутку встревожили национальную эстонскую буржуазию и реакционеров всех мастей. Им

стало ясно, что только разделив рабочий класс Эстонии по национальному признаку им станет возможно продолжать его ограбление и угнетение. Правящая верхушка Российской Империи в тесном союзе с эстонской буржуазией взяла курс на культивирование в среде эстонского пролетариата мелкобуржуазных националистических настроений, ставя тем самым задачу по его расколу. Осуществление и плоды этой политики мы ощущаем до сих пор. Специфика современной буржуазной Эстонии состоит в том, что наряду с общекапиталистической эксплуатацией трудового населения активно применяется эксплуатация по национальному признаку. Курс на дискриминацию русскоязычного населения был взят с самого начала учреждения «второй независимости». Дискриминация в отношении языка (только эстонский имеет права государственного), в отношении образования– сокращается число школ с преподаванием на русском языке, в отношении возможности занимать государственные должности и участвовать в выборах. Эстонская буржуазия ввела понятие «неграждане» и отнесла в данную категорию, в основном, русскоязычных. Дискриминация по национальному признаку требуется правящему классу, чтобы осуществлять давний девиз всех эксплуататоров – «разделяй и властвуй!». Второй «независимости» Эстонии менее 30 лет, но и этого срока более чем достаточно, чтобы оценить глубину падения, который принёс народу воскрешённый капитализм. Настоящий погром в экономике с уничтожением наиболее развитых предприятий. Показательна судьба вышеупомянутой знаменитой Кренгольмской мануфактуры в Нарве. В советское время на этом ведущем предприятии лёгкой промышленности трудилось свыше 11 тысяч человек, ныне на развалинах в буквальном смысле слова уничтоженного шведскими владельцами промышленного гиганта – ООО с …52 работниками. Всё это сопровождается массовой безработицей, полным произволом работодателей. Достаточно сказать, что если в советское время профсоюзы объединяли 90% всех работающих, то ныне не более 5,5-6,5%. Таков результат откровенного IB 2019

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противодействия любым формам объединения рабочих со стороны приватизаторов и их правительства. А в обществе на место образования и культуры капитализм поставил пьянство, наркоманию, проституцию. Насадил и поощряет межнациональную вражду и военную истерию. Таким образом, именно в результате раскола рабочего движения Эстонии по национальному признаку, оказались возможными все те чудовищные последствия от временной реставрации капитализма, осуществленные в Прибалтики в весьма жесткой даже для стран Восточной Европы форме Это сопровождается ростом поощряемого властями неонацизма. Общие для капитализма фашистские тенденции приняли в буржуазной Эстонии характер возвеличения «героев СС», т.е. эстонцев, воевавших на стороне гитлеровских фашистов. Регулярный характер носят встречи и марши этих гитлеровских вояк. При клевете на освободительный подвиг Красной Армии, именуемой оккупационной. То есть речь идёт о прямой ревизии итогов и уроков Второй мировой войны, что выражается в практической политике эстонских властей. Вот слова из обращения группы общественных организаций Нарвы к министру внутренних дел Эстонской республики от 24 мая 2017 года: - Просим разъяснить, почему сотрудники полиции в городе Нарва 9 мая (День Победы) запрещали символику этого дня: копию знамени Победы и российские флаги? Уже из этого вопроса следует вывод, что всякая коммунистическая и советская идеология в буржуазной Эстонии под фактическим запретом. И именно такое направление политики властей составляет основу благосклонного отношения к ним Запада, хотя оно и близко не лежит к тем «демократическим ценностям», что декларирует Евросоюз. (Эстония входит в ЕС и НАТО). Для Запада главное – эстонский антикоммунизм и возможность использовать эстонскую территорию, куда введены натовские войска, в межимпериалистических противоречиях с Россией. Таким образом, для общественной атмосферы в сегодняшней Эстонии характерны оголтелый антикоммунизм и антисоветизм. Прямо выразить и заявить о себе коммунисты пока не могут. Сил крайне мало. Они действуют через общественные организации, в первую очередь, Союз российских граждан, через работу в

97 профсоюзах. Много делал в этом направлении лидер КПЭ Юрий Мишин. Созданный им Союз российских граждан Нарвы вырос в общереспубликанскую организацию и сумел решить ряд конкретных задач. Отстоял право российских граждан, проживающих в Эстонии, на российские пенсии; дал возможность ученикам школ с обучением на русском языке получать высшее образование в России; защищал сами эти школы в Эстонии. С гибелью Мишина в 2011-м году мы много потеряли. Но работа продолжается. В частности, силами Союза российских граждан добились сохранения больницы в Нарве, которую власти намеревались закрыть. Мы прекрасно понимаем, что победы и достижения в своём развитии, которые имела Эстония, проистекают из успехов дела Великого Октября. А нынешнее незавидное положение буржуазной Эстонии идёт от временного поражения дела Великого Октября. Поэтому свои надежды связываем с объективно неизбежным ростом комунистического и рабочего движения, как ступеньки, ведущей к новой социалистической революции. Работаем в тесном контакте с РКРП и её Кингисеппской организацией. Участвовали в августовской конференции коммунистических и рабочих партий в Ленинграде. Подписали декларацию «Октябрь-100». Придерживаемся позиций ортодоксального марксизма и с революционного пути не свернем. Да здравствует дело Великого Октября! Будем бороться! Сегодня как никогда стоит задача по укреплению международной координации коммунистического и рабочего движения, как необходимого условия для отстаивания прав человека труда. Не дать растащить пролетариат по «национальным квартирам» значит многократно усилить его решающую роль авангарда за социальный прогресс, за дело мира и срыв замыслов очередных зачинщиков глобального межимпериалистического военного противостояния

Сегодняшняя встреча, организованная КПГ уже в 20-й раз является важной площадкой по такой тесной координации. Позвольте еще раз поблагодарить организаторов за возможность выступления и поздравить их со славным 100-летним юбилеем

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Communist Party of Finland

99 Dear comrades, we have entered to time of crisis. Capitalism is trying to continue on it´s route and is desperately looking for a salvation from the dead end it created. Unfortunately it is ready to risk everything to survive.

Climate change is a result of fossil capitalism, which in its need for profits is totally dependent on the lowest possible oil price. With cheap oil, it is possible to keep on harmful farming, shipping goods around the globe, and above all producing huge quantities of disposable goods that turn immediately to be problematic waste.

In order to resolve this huge crisis of capitalism we need to talk about global and local fair and equitable solutions. Rich people and countries have created their wealth by using developing countries as a resorse for cheap raw material, cheap work and cheap repository of waste. It is time to pay this debt back, but it is not resposability of the poor people living in the rich countries. This problem was created by the rich and now they have to pay the bill. This is why we need a change in system level if we are going to save mankind.

Right wing, bourgeois hegemony and market dictatorship are the worst enemy of the proletariat.

The working class have only one direction and that is forward. Successful steps to better future have to be based on the idea of a real collaboration with the progressive parties, communist and workerÕ parties, the left and ecologically progressive parties and with the political parties and the civil societies functionaries, NGOÕs, mass movements, peace-movements, syndicates, LGTBI-sexual minorities networks, workers unions, artists, intellectuals and all the variety of the ones and many unsatisfied with political elite, shovist politics, the patriarcat, market dictatorship and capitalism.

Right wing parties speak about responsibility of the environment, but it was them who have driven the policy that has caused the current environmental crisis and they have collected all the profit.

It’s been the bourgeoisie who have been most eager to make the decisions that harm the environment by increasing use of natural resources. The bourgeoisie also decide on the job and its terms. For them, cheap labour force is absolutely nesessary for gaining profit and they don´t hesitate to exploit workers who dependent on their working places.

The working class does not object to keeping the planet viable. They want to create better world for their children. But at the moment they are still tied to employers and their payroll. When someone has to take care of the next meal on the table it is more

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acute problem than the increase in carbon dioxide in the atmosphere. Hunger of your child at this very moment seems more concrete than something that might happen one day.

We must strengthen the ability of societies to share wealth more smoothly. The requirements of adequate social security are steps in this direction. We must be able to reduce people’s dependence on employers, and therefore strengthening social security is also work for the environment and towards more powerfull workers.

We have to create more models and alternatives to take control of companies to workers. There are several systems already. Traditional cooperative models are no longer the only way of doing this. Also many purely capitalist companies are starting to understand the administrative capacity of workers and they have seen that it is a good idea to use workers instead of traditional corporate governments. The workers have a better view of the company’s practical activities and that is why they are cabaple to make better decicions.

We must support these changes in society towards more confident workers. This is very effective way to make them to know their real force and to finally co to the question ”Why we would need these bosses and owners when we are more efficient and capable to organize by ourselves?”

Communist Party of Finland would like invite you to Helsinki in november 2019 to Shorter Working Day - Helsinki Seminar to discuss about these new democratic models of work, labor movement and trade unions future, models of social security and shorter workingdays.

Communist Party of Finland will also host at summer 2019 next meeting of the communist parties of North with Communist Party of Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Finland and Russian Federation.

In these meetings we will be trying to find answers that rightwing parties now deny. They tell that there is no alternative. We must show to people that there is always a choice. We can give them hope for a better world, and when we do so, we can also get them along with us to the journey towards socialism.

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French Communist Party

Cher-e-s camarades, Permettez-moi tout d’abord de remercier le Parti communiste de Grèce pour l’organisation de notre rencontre internationale au moment de la célébration du 100e anniversaire de la naissance de leur parti. Nous n’oublions pas à quel point l’histoire contemporaine de la Grèce a été marquée par cette contribution décisive à la victoire contre le fascisme et pour la libération nationale du peuple de Grèce.

Je veux aussi transmettre à toutes et tous ici le salut fraternel de notre secrétaire national, Pierre Laurent, et des membres de notre parti.

Vous devrez par ailleurs m’excuser mais je dois demain matin rejoindre ma délégation à Paris puisque nous tenons aujourd’hui même et jusqu’à dimanche un congrès extraordinaire en région parisienne. La direction du PCF attachée au développement de la solidarité internationale tenait toutefois à être représentée au plus haut niveau à notre rencontre internationale ici à Athènes, et c’est un honneur pour moi que de la représenter à nouveau, après la rencontre d’Hanoï.

L’heure est grave, très grave ; pour les peuples du monde entier qui subissent les impacts de l’accentuation de la crise systémique du capitalisme.

Cette crise provoque une aggravation considérable des inégalités mondiales et dans chacun de nos pays par le renforcement de l’exploitation et de la précarisation du salariat. Elle attise une guerre économique et une nouvelle offensive des forces impérialistes, sous suprématie des Etats-Unis, qui se concrétise par le prélèvement de gigantesques rentes néocoloniales sur les peuples, des conflits et tensions ainsi que des risques multipliés d’affrontements armés.

Il devient donc impératif que les forces de progrès et, en premier lieu, les communistes contribuent à trouver les chemins d’une rupture fondamentale avec ce système oppresseur et les réponses de progrès social et démocratique, de paix, de sécurité humaine collective, pour contrer cette nouvelle offensive.

Les immenses possibilités d’émancipation humaine et sociale, et de mise en commun des richesses et ressources ouvrent, selon nous, la voie à un communisme de notre temps, le XXie siècle, c’est-à-dire à un processus de transformation révolutionnaire et démocratique que nous devons faire vivre au cœur des luttes sociales et des batailles politiques et idéologiques.

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at capitaliste vers une société sans classes qui est à présent à nouveau à l’ordre du jour malgré les trente dernières années d’une prétendue « fin de l’histoire »..

Pour notre part, nous concevons le communisme comme le chemin de lutte et de transformation s’appuyant constamment sur la mise en mouvement du plus grand nombre, favorisant l’élévation du niveau des consciences, donnant place aux aspirations et expériences populaires qui se développent et traduisent une volonté, déjà prégnante dans notre société, de dépassement de toutes les formes de dominations et d’exploitation.

Cela suppose aussi une révolution politique qui, à chaque étape, arrache au capital les leviers du pouvoir, ceux de l’Etat comme ceux de l’entreprise ou de la construction européenne.

Notre stratégie allie débats idéologiques, luttes sociales, fronts politiques pour faire reculer la classe dominante. Ces mouvements doivent préparer partout des changements de majorité politique visant ce même objectif et nous nous donnons pour tâche de mener ces luttes à toutes les échelles : locales, nationale, européenne et mondiale.

En France, dix ans de gouvernement de droite et cinq ans de gouvernement socialiste ont enfoncé notre pays dans l’austérité et la régression sociale.

Avec l’arrivée au pouvoir, d’Emmanuel Macron, la recomposition politique s’accélère, avec la mise en œuvre d’une politique toujours plus autoritaire et toujours plus orientée vers la défense des grands intérêts capitalistes.

La remise en cause d’une protection sociale de haut niveau, dont la sécurité sociale et les services publics, qui constituent des conquêtes majeures du mouvement ouvrier et populaire de notre pays, conquêtes arrachées par le combat de classe, témoignent bien de cette volonté des forces capitalistes de pousser toujours plus loin l’adaptation de notre pays à une domination capitaliste qui se veut mondialisée.

Les dirigeants successifs et actuels de notre pays portent une très lourde responsabilité dans ce qu’ils nomment le « chaos du monde » : par leur politique au service des groupes multinationaux français dans le pillage des ressources des pays du Sud, et par leur choix d’engager les forces armées du pays dans la nouvelle offensive néo-impérialiste guerrière au Proche-Orient et en Afrique. Ces dirigeants portent une lourde responsabilité dans la multiplication des conflits qui accentuent les déplacements forcés de populations entières.

Malgré la violence de la guerre sociale engagée contre les travailleurs et exploités de notre pays, notre

peuple cherche à résister à l’offensive de démoli- 103 tion sociale par des luttes incessantes dans tout le pays. Cependant, malgré l’impopularité croissante du pouvoir et la colère sociale, nous sommes encore loin du compte en France d’une possible et nécessaire alternative politique de justice et progrès social, et démocratique.

En Europe, l’actuelle crise politique, démocratique, sociale et économique que l’on ne peut réduire aux seuls pays membres de l’Union européenne favorise aujourd’hui l’émergence d’une droite autoritaire et ultralibérale doublée de forces d’’extrême-droite fascisante, ultranationaliste et xénophobe.

La crise de l’accueil des réfugiés et migrants donne lieu à une surenchère de violation des droits humains, de répression et de politiques d’exclusion alimentant les poussées de l’extrême droite dans chacun de nos pays.

Cette crise met d’autant plus en lumière l’impasse dans laquelle se trouvent les dirigeants actuels de l’UE. En imposant aux peuples européens hyper austérité, régression sociale et un militarisme accentué sous la tutelle de l’OTAN, en contribuant aux politiques néo-impérialistes et guerrières notamment au Moyen-Orient et sur le continent africain, ils entraînent les peuples d’Europe vers de nouveaux reculs de civilisation.

Face à cette situation qui peut se révéler désastreuse pour les peuples européens et de toutes les régions du monde déstabilisées par l’offensive néo-impérialiste, nous affirmons quant à nous de fortes exigences pour notre pays et notre peuple.

Premièrement, nous refusons la soumission de notre pays aux diktats imposés par l’ Union européenne qui a conduit à de graves reculs sociaux et démocratiques mettant en cause des pans entiers de la souveraineté de nos pays. Il est urgent de rompre le corset autoritaire et austéritaire qui étrangle les peuples et les nations d’Europe.

Deuxièmement, nous refusons la soumission de notre pays aux contraintes d’un marché unique euro-atlantique et aux traités de libre échange qui en découlent, aux conséquences désastreuses pour les peuples du continent européen et ceux du monde entier.

Troisièmement, nous refusons la voie militariste dans laquelle l’UE est de plus en plus engagée en Europe et dans le monde. Nous nous prononçons pour que notre pays sorte de l’OTAN, pour que cette organisation soit dissoute afin d’ouvrir la voie à la création d’un nouveau cadre paneuropéen de sécurité collective, d’un espace de coopération et de partenariat, notamment avec la Russie, dégagé

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des contraintes néolibérales et de l’OTAN. Tout cela devrait favoriser un processus de rupture avec les traités actuels de l’UE, condition nécessaire à la vision qui est la nôtre d’une Union de peuples et de nations libre, souveraines et solidaires.

Cher-e-s camarades, Vous le savez, le Parti communiste français a été tout au long de son histoire au cœur des combats pour l’émancipation humaine.

L’internationalisme dont nous nous réclamons s’est construit à travers une multiplicité d’expériences, de convergences entre les communistes et avec d’autres forces de transformation sociale mais partageant la volonté de construire une alternative, au capitalisme entièrement tournée vers la satisfaction des besoins humains et sociaux sur tous les continents.

Nous le faisons aujourd’hui en investissant tous les espaces qui permettent à ces forces de progrès de mettre ensemble leur énergie pour faire converger leurs luttes et aspirations. Nous le faisons notamment en Europe au sein de la Gauche européenne mais aussi dans les différents Forums qui se donnent pour but de réfléchir et de répondre aux grands enjeux et défis de la période. C’est aussi le sens que nous donnons à notre participation aux Rencontres internationales des partis communistes et ouvriers.

Pour le PCF, la solidarité internationaliste a pour objectif de renforcer les capacités émancipatrices des peuples dans leur combat contre les dominations et l’exploitation sans pour autant hiérarchiser entre eux ces combats.

Notre solidarité doit exprimer notamment dans la mise en cause des politiques néolibérales et néocoloniales des puissances impérialistes qui portent de lourdes responsabilités dans l’exacerbation des crises et des conflits actuels. Et, en ce sens je pense particulièrement aux peuples d’Afrique.

Elle doit s’exprimer dans le renforcement des résistances et des luttes pour faire reculer les logiques de guerre, de mise en concurrence entre les peuples.

Pour la Paix, le Désarmement, la Dénucléatisation, le respect du droit international inscrit dans la charte des Nations Unies.

Cette solidarité doit s’exprimer concrètement avec tous les peuples qui luttent dans des conditions difficiles pour faire valoir leur souveraineté et leur exigence de libération nationale. Celle du peuple palestinien pour ses droits et à la reconnaissance de son Etat, celle des Kurdes, celle du peuple sahraoui, celle du peuple de Chypre et celle du peuple cubain qui résiste depuis 50 ans au blocus imposé par les Etats-Unis qui bafoue toutes les règles du droit international.

Notre solidarité est acquise et active aux luttes contre les atteintes aux droits des femmes et aux combats contre le patriarcat et les violences faites aux femmes.

Notre solidarité est acquise et active aux côtés des peuples, des forces communistes et progressistes du continent latino américain qui luttent pour l’exercice de leur pleine souveraineté et de la démocratie.

Notre solidarité est acquise et active aux côtés des forces antifascistes du monde entier. Et, je tiens à saluer plus particulièrement nos camarades du Brésil, d’Italie, de Hongrie, de Pologne, et nos camarades du Parti communiste d’Ukraine qui luttent dans leurs pays respectifs dans des conditions difficiles.

Cher-e-s camarades, Je voudrais pour terminer, rappeler les mots du grand poète Antonio Machado qui déclarait au moment de la lutte pour défendre la République espagnole contre le fascisme, qu « ’il n’y a pas d’autre chemin, pour celui qui l’emprunte, que celui qui s’ouvre en marchant ».

Malgré les difficultés que nous ne pouvons ni ignorer ni minimiser, les communistes et les forces de transformation sociale et d’émancipation se doivent de faire face aux défis et aux enjeux auxquels ils sont confrontés en se rassemblant, en trouvant les ressources pour ouvrir ensemble la voie à des lendemains libérateurs d’humanité. C’est l’engagement des communistes de France ici devant vous et partout où le combat nous appelle.

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Communist Party of Macedonia

Dear Comrades, On behalf of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Macedonia, its members, as well as on my own behalf, we express our gratitude to the Communist Party of Greece for inviting us to participate in the 20th International Meeting of the Communist and Workers’ Parties I also use this occasion to congratulate the grand jubilee of the 100th anniversary of the KKE, hoping that it will bring its people as soon as possible in the SOCIALISM. I must also point out my conviction that it is high time for such meetings to produce with the highest quality conclusions from which the road signs will be exhausted (the guidelines) to victory over imperialism – capitalism, to socialism.

In order to speak and write on this subject should be make an introduction for capitalist exploitation, imperialist wars and fascism, class struggles, through the analysis of the early class struggle, its pioneer occurring since the time of the French Revolution and later Rosa Luxembourg and Karl Liebknecht representatives of German Communist Party. Of course here we must not ignore either like - minded participants in the October Revolution in Russia led by Lenin and chain appear of this class struggle. Proletarian struggle and internationalism of the occurrence of the October Revolution transmit chain spontaneous organized revolts in Cuba, Spain, Mexico, Austria-Hungary and the area of the former Yugoslavia with the sole purpose of releasing the worker, the villager, and the soldier from the yoke of the defenders of the bourgeoisie. The October Revolution undoubtedly contributes to the world proletariat rise to their feet in a struggle for their rights. Đžnly like this, learning through Luxembourg - Lenin can understand that the proletarian struggle can succeed when run in continuity throughout the world to the ultimate victory, through unselfish internationalism, ie anywhere and always helping struggles against imperialism and bourgeois nationalism.

Imperialism as a world domination of the stronger over the weaker more precisely colonial domination of economic, cultural and territorial relations represents the greatest evil for the proletarian world. Of course it must be noted here that the United States is considered to be the main carrier of imperialism, but must not omit the fact that in conjunction with the United States is the entire Western capitalist bloc. As a conclusion of all this should be taken for example the Libyan War where the leading role had the U.S. But here must not be forgotten and the role in the operation that had the British, the French military and other militaries.

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Imperialism is considered the highest stage of capitalism and everyday we see hour by hour, day by day, year by year, increasing its influence around the world through the so-called “Peaceful democratic way”, and those countries which will oppose and resist, they will be militarily defeated as so-called “non-democratic regimes “.

But imperialism must not unilaterally accept as a historical phenomenon from the point that wars were before, but these wars, these subjugations are precisely defined from the aspect of economic dominance, ie exploitation by imperialist powers through the utilization of energy resources, mineral wealth, a cheap labor force, etc. Also we must not think that these appear have come accidentally. Also we must not believe that these appear come accidentally.

A hundred years ago for such complex phenomena spoke mentioned Rosa Luxemburg, Karl Liebknecht, Lenin, the English liberal John hops in the book Imperialism 1902. These analysts complement Marx’s learning because in the 19th century the industrialization was at lower stage, more precisely at that time dominated small and medium-sized companies that competed locally. However, Marx predicted that the time will come to the concentration and centralization of capital, which is true and at the same time this has been confirmed already in the early 20th century by his students, mentioned in the text. Capital accumulation creates large corporations that centralize thewhole flow of capital, is not very longtime ago, we remember in our ordinary daily necessities we were going to the neighborhood stores, but now are different, eg. Trade is concentrated in large commercial chains so that small colonials are closed and people remains without their jobs.

All economic flows flowing concentrated by big concerts and they are increasingly, but also on the other hand, the same capital is concentrated in a smaller number of heavy billionaire capitalists. All that imperialism has applied through its mechanisms, for and about world domination, the same was applied, and after the collapse of the socialist bloc in Europe and in the Balkans. Since the beginning of the 90s of the last century, world imperialism through various domestic counter revolutionists managed to broke down the socialist countries, turning them into “liberal” economies. “Good positive imperialists”, disassemble the socialist system and created a mechanism for global exploitation as financial and raw and intellectual good. Off record data about the exhaustion of the good from tormented socialist - European bloc with Russia for a period of 20 years’ reaches astounding 10 - 15,000 billion by the

imperialist financial and industrial trusts. Almost all 107 state banks on the territory of Eastern Europe overnight became owned by foreign capitalists. Through the false doctrine that with passing into private property and liberal Monetarism, the finances and economy will experience such growth so that the people from the post-socialist countries would be delighted. But instead of false promise that was given, that average pay - pension will be about a thousand euro’s over seven hundred euro’s, that will increase the number of new jobs, on the territory of Eastern Europe, happened the opposite. Millions of people were left on the street, and the pensioners not to mention, they barely survive every day. But despite the economic dependence, the SEE countries have also become depends military and political and not having opportunities to develop their own defense Forces were drawn by imperialism in military alliances - pacts (e.g. NATO pact). Through mechanisms for identical logistics arming and buying these dependent countries (the arming from the capitalist market), occurred completely pumping of financial goods which were negative. To be sure and under control, the imperialist interests install and NATO bases in the different regions of Europe and the world and thereby they gain the entire control in regions i.e. Eastern bloc countries. To be safe from any appearance of dissatisfaction, the western imperialism through its installed mechanisms (such as.

International courts, etc.), are making pressure i.e. suspend any possibility for expressing any dissatisfaction. Having in their own hands the world’s largest information funds, they sell unseen propagandas, fake frauds, fakes truths, etc.

Such imperialism has used its biggest joker in the conquest of world domination, and it is a social-democratic so-called Left, taking advantage as a modern European “Left” to mitigate the proletarian labor protests and movements Those same social democrats are making single entries into the rows of the communist parties, for in certain times of crisis to soften the sharpness of class antagonisms between monopoly capital and the employee. The same put in coupling and union leadership, and act through them in the area of mitigating their reactions, i.e. through empty verbalism as supposedly they are on the side of the worker.

From the above and looking at the current exposure situation, the following conclusion follows, more and more capitalists - imperialists constrict the hoops for greater exploitation of small countries and their working man. Events are not random as in parts of Asia, Africa, South America, Middle East, etc. All

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these events encourage the need to strengthen the communist and workers’ parties and movements.

Especially true today and now should be put into operation the communist experience of the past in defending its countries from internal opposition, the liberal - social democratic political action, on the one hand, as well as on the other side, the national-right parties, which mutually basically oppress their people and who are in conjunction with the imperialist clamps and subjugation of peoples.

The ideological struggle of the Communist movement is of particular vital importance for the defense of socialism. Destruction of capitalism and the construction of socialism is imperative that the working man. Only socialism and socialist movements can contribute to the reduction and extermination of wars and the phenomena of nationalism, unemployment, hunger and misery. All communist and labor forces in the world should be mobilized to win the undecided masses in their ranks in the struggle until the final victory of the world’s largest evil capitalism – imperialism. The future of the common man, the worker, in the world belongs to Socialism Communism.

I am convinced that in the fastest time, the world communist movement will come to a final solution for the collapse of capitalism - imperialism and the big-return of socialism - communism.

I absolutely think that from the regularity of the communist ideology as the vanguard of the workers’ movement, it must not be left.

The road to the freedom from imperialism - with all the rights of equality of the people from all countries around the world, is the right path to socialism and is the only way for the freedom of the worker.

Down with capitalism - imperialism Long live socialism – communism

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Unified Communist Party of Georgia

Дорогие товарищи, В Грузии вновь разразился политический кризис. События развиваются стремительно. Первый тур президентских выборов не выявил победителя, что стало полной неожиданностью для правящей верхушки. Во второй тур вышел представитель крайне правой оппозиции, что одновременно представляет профашистскую власть, правящей Грузией с 2003-го по 2012 год. Второй тур выборов, который назначен 27 ноября, может дать убедительную фору крайне правим буржуазным политическим силам, если в выборах победит их представитель. Грузия парламентская страна. Парламент назначает правительство, но и у президента есть достаточных полномочий для влияния на политические процессы. Через 2 года предстоят очередные парламентские выборы и к моменту этих выборов у крайне правой оппозиции будет значительный морально-политический перевес. Более того, названная оппозиция не исключает силовой исход с целью завладения властью уже сейчас, не дожидаясь парламентских выборов 2020 года. На фоне пассивности большого количества избирателей (по официальным данным примерно 40 процентов избирателей не пришли в избирательные участки в первом туре) вполне может произойти реванш и восстановление открытой профашистской диктатуры. Нынешняя правящая верхушка в общем продолжила ту внешнюю и внутреннюю политику, которую проводила прежняя власть. Разница была только в том, что эти не занимались физическим уничтожением и явными репрессиями против политических оппонентов. Также они отказались от войнствующей антироссийской риторики. Более того, во внешней политике усилилась военно-политическое сотрудничество с США и НАТО. Соответственно, Грузия не смогла достичь никакого прогресса в отношениях с РФ и в вопросах урегулирования конфликта с сепаратными республиками Абхазия и Южная Осетия. С другой стороны, несмотря на обещания, за время пребывания во власти в течение 6 лет, не был свернут неолиберальный социальноэкономический курс. Никаких принципиально новых подходов с целью улучшения тяжелого IB 2019

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социального положения населения не наблюдалось. Безработица по прежнему остается крайне высокой. Примерно 70-75 процента трудоспособного населения Грузии или сидят дома, или мигрируют в другие страны в поисках работы. Инфляция съедает реальный доход тех, кто работает. Например, средний доход педагога, врача, банковского служащего или полицейского в Грузии составляет примерно 170-200 долларов США, а пенсия – меньше чем 90 долларов. Экономическая политика правительства Грузии вновь соответствовало интересам исключительно правящей олигархической элиты. Более того, на фоне углубления социальноэкономической ситуации в стране, в последние два года наблюдается резкое урезание демократических прав, которые были достигнуты в результате падения прежнего фашистского режима. Вновь усилилась давление на левую оппозицию, вновь появилась антикоммунистическая, антисоветская и русофобская риторика. Усиливается милитаризация страны. Действие закона под названием «Хартия Свободы», запрещающий коммунистическую символику и идеологию не было преостановлено. Наоборот, Единая Коммунистическая партия Грузии регулярно получает предупреждение от Службы Безопасности Грузии о недопустимости советской пропаганды и применения советской символики с целью этой пропаганды. Предупреждение получаем в том числе и в письменном виде. Левые, социалистические силы практически не имеют свободу политической деятельности, а ЕКП Грузии вообще загнано в подпольное, нелегальное положение. Особенно активно репрессивные меры устрашения против коммунистов применяются после парламентских выборов 2016 года, когда ЕКПГ провела достаточно яркую предвыборную кампанию, разоблачающую антинародную суть политики властей. Существует еще одна причина постепенного усиления реакционной сути нынешнего режима. Оно не смогла выкинуть из политического поля крайне правых партий. Последние получили огромную моральную и финансовую поддержку со стороны США и Европейского Союза. Поэтому нынешняя власть постоянно находилась под

прессингом продолжая, как мы уже говорили, ту 111 же по сути политику, что прежний режим. Это стал немаловажным фактором постепенного отхода от «демократических» методов правления и реставрации крайне правых элементов и методов управления государством и обществом. В силу всего вышесказанного, о правах рабочих и всего трудового населения Грузии не приходится говорить по причине того, что левым силам, в том числе и Единой Компартии Грузии ныне вновь приходится вести борьбу за элементарные демократические условия политической борьбы. Дорогие товарищи, мы предлагаем Вашему вниманию проект заявления участников международной встречи, где констатируется усиление давления на левых сил Грузии, ущемление прав свободно высказать политическую позицию и фактический запрет политической деятельности Единой Компартии Грузии. В проекте заявления предлагается осудить нынешнюю власть за резкое усиление давления на левую оппозицию, что привело к реальной возможности профашистского реванша в Грузии. Спасибо за внимание!

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German Communist Party

113 Dear comrades, Let me first express our gratitude to the organizers of the 20th International Meeting of the CPs and Workers’ Parties (IMCWP) for their kind invitation: the Communist Party of Greece. A party that has shown over the hundred years of its existence that it is able to keep its organization alive and powerful. Our congratulations to the Communist Party of Greece – we are looking forward to another hundred years!

Comrades, The struggle for peace is urgent, but it cannot be separated from the struggle for socialism. We assume that NATO’s openly aggressive policy (military, political, and propagandistic maneuvers) is aimed at encircling the Russian Federation. And this policy is therefore a reaction to the decisive action of Russia against the war that NATO countries, Saudi Arabia, and Israel are leading against Syria. The military cooperation of the Syrian government with the Russian Federation has prevented the attempt to overthrow the legitimate government of that country. Russia, of course, also pursues interests, but the greatest – and most legitimate – is that of its own defense, security, and integrity. We all know that the integrity of states and the sovereignty of nations are inalienable rights enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. In this stage of an imminent imperialist world war, one of our common tasks is to defend the UN Charter and its contents.

As part of this policy, the German Communist Party held a conference in Kiel earlier this month, in the city from which the November Revolution started in 1918. We had CPs from the countries bordering the Baltic Sea as guests at this conference under the title “Baltic Sea – Sea of Peace”. Over the next few years, Germany intends to almost double its arms budget to seventy billion euros a year. The peace movement is trying to develop resistance against this plan with the campaign “Disarm instead of rearm”. The much larger Russian Federation currently spends 69 billion euros annually on defense; this means that the NATO states invest seventeen times as much as Russia in the military. Moreover, this inequality is underlined by the termination of the INF Treaty in an attempt to launch a new arms race.

Whoever prepares the war must first eliminate the internal enemy; therefore, the attempt to illegalize Communist parties in the Baltic states, Poland, and Ukraine is further proof of these preparations for aggression.

When we talk so much about Russia here, we must certainly stress that we have well understood that it

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is now a capitalist country. It is a class society with enormous differences between rich and poor, but according to our analysis, it is not an imperialist country. In the case of Syria and Ukraine/Donbass, foreign policy is even objectively anti-imperialist.

Based on Lenin’s criteria about the imperialist state, we cannot leave aside the fact that in the RF capital export is not more important than commodity export. According to Lenin, the predominance of capital exports is a characteristic of the imperialist state.

To this assessment comes the special and unprecedented situation of a country that continues to be a former socialist power that has kept its defense and international contacts intact or renewed. After the government had slowed down the excesses of the oligarchs and returned to a sovereign policy on natural resources, it now notices how the importance of foreign policy is increasing – in the case of Syria also in political agreement with the People’s Republic of China. There are also renewed political and commercial relations with Cuba and Vietnam, and there is a priority for multilateralism as far as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) are concerned.

There are tactical moments in defending those parts of the world order which are defined in the UN Charter (sovereignty, self-government, non-interference, freedom to choose a social order). This dialectical search for a strategy is based on the analysis that not all capitalist states are automatically imperialist states. The recently deceased Marxist philosopher Domenico Losurdo affirmed that he is not the best anti-imperialist whose list of imperialist states is the longest.

We know that there are different opinions among the communist and workers’ parties regarding this subject. Therefore, it is important to discuss it with respect for each other, because for the communist world movement, the question of strategy – better still: a common strategy – is a task of the first order.

At the same time, we underline the independence of each party and its responsibility for the politics in its country, and towards its working class. We therefore reject interference or the idea of a center, and defend the fact that dialectically generated doubt is as much a part of our philosophy as the recognition that the world is recognizable and changeable.

Dear comrades, Another subject of this 20th meeting is – besides the imperialist wars and the rights of the peoples – the exploitation and the workers’ rights as tasks of the Communist Party, being the vanguard of the working class. The vanguard is by no means self-ev-

ident – it must be won in the struggles. In the face of a very aggressive class struggle on the part of the wealthy, in the face of mass media at their service, in the face of the accused by all sides (the immigrants), and in the face of anti-communism, which today is anti-Enlightenment, obscurantist, and prejudiced, we are quite far from being class avant-garde.

So let’s talk about what is going on in one of the wealthiest and most developed countries in the world.

Germany has recently seen strikes in the health sector, especially in hospitals. The overburdening situation for hospital workers – nurses as well as doctors – is no longer reasonable. Long strikes have meant that for the first time, the staff councils have to be heard when it comes to the number of employees. Germany, as Europe’s leading economic power, comes last in the ratio of nurses to sick people: on average, a nurse in Germany takes care of 10.3 sick people; in Greece, for example, that figure is 9, in Ireland 6, and in Norway 3.8. The DKP actively participated in these protests, more than any other party did.

Another issue is the housing situation. Rents are rising; paying rent means a risk of poverty, especially in the big cities. Half of the tenants pay a third of their net income for the rental costs, even half of it among the poorer classes. The people most affected are single parents, pensioners, and immigrants. More and more people can no longer afford to pay their rent, and are losing their homes. In Berlin alone, there are eighty evictions every day. 30,000 people are homeless in Berlin; in Germany, there are 800,000. There is resistance to evictions with the participation of our party. Alliances have been formed against this policy in favor of banks and corporations, with demonstrations by thousands of people. The German Communist Party demands the construction of council housing with payable rents, a limit for rents, and a ban on forced evictions.

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Hungarian Workers’ Party

The capitalist system is not undefeatable The Hungarian Workers’ Party’s evaluation about the state of the world and Hungary Capitalism is in crisis all over the world. One of its consequences is that the fight between capitalist countries to re-distribute the markets and areas of influence has accentuated, and the fight between the capital and the working masses has also become more heated. For the first time since the Second World War, the world is realising that the capitalist system can collapse, the revolution of the workers and the working people can triumph, the world can take the path to socialism.

The capitalist system is in an economic, social and intellectual crisis. The capital has been leading a neoliberal economic policy for the last decades. It let the market to decide what’s good and what’s bad.

It didn’t matter what the people want, only what brings profit to the capital. The financial capital has overcome the productivecapital. Huge amounts of unsecured money poured into the economy.

The crisis caused serious social conflicts. Debts have to be paid one day. The working masses are forced to repay the debts created by the capital. Social and healthcare spendings are cut everywhere, working-time and retirement ageare raised.

Today even the citizens of rich countries feel they live worse than they used to. The working people of the poor countries, the Greeks, the Portuguese have reached a point where the possibility of a social explosion is a direct threat.

The forces of the capital – in order to avoid the socialist revolution – started to restructure capitalist institutions and methods. In Greece they created and put into power the Syriza, temporarily stabilising the Greek capitalism. In Ukraine they banned the communist party. They have done what they still don’t dare to do in the EU: gave power to openly nationalist and fascist forces. In individual cases insome of the countries the capital is looking for the best political solution but it doesn’t want to overcome the traditional methods yet, it hasn’t used the method of the extreme right of fascism.

The capitalist crisis has appeared intellectually too.

The capital has no interest in raising the literacy of people. The capital provides high-level knowledge only to the capitalist class. They use the media to manipulate and dull people.

The capital uses every method to distract people from the class struggle against the capital. They turn the society’s interest towards topics like migration, non-traditional sexual behaviours, absolutisation of the respect for diversity. The depolitization of the IB 2019

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people and the propagation of religions is taking place.

There’s a merciless fight for the redistribution of the markets and areas of influence. The current policy of the USA has brought a shift to the capitalist world.

According to Trump, only a strong USA can save the capitalist order, and onlywhen the USA is ruling.

The USA thinks the development of the arms industry is one of the main methods of overcoming the crisis. Incitement to war is taking place, and the arms raceintencifies. The USA has created new alliances, tries to align its allies against Russia, China and others. They are installing significant American forces in Eastern Europe, increasing military tension and the risk of a European war.

The leading circles of the EU want to solve the crisis by seizing new markets. The EU wants to acquire Ukraine and the Balkans. In both regions they collide with Russia representing the interests of the Russian capital.

A debate has started in the EU about its future. There are two main ideas. The German and the French capital wants to increase the integration which can lead to a united states of Europe. The Hungarian and the Polish capital says the solution is the alliance of nation states. The division of the EU is not on the agenda, but its gradual disintegration is not impossible. The UK’s exit from the EU has shown that there are fundamental problems in the EU. The fight between the USA, the EU and Russia has increased. The Russian capital has became stronger in the recent years, Russia doesn’t want to play a subservient role in the world. In 2014 two provincesof Ukraine declared their independence and Crimea returned to Russia by a referendum.

Socialism is an existing force The capitalist propaganda wants to hide the fact that there are socialist countries in the world and they are becoming stronger.

The current socialist countries want to ensure the existence of socialism by detaching from the previous models of socialism and trying to find their own solutions by taking the national attributes into consideration.

Politically a common attribute of today’s socialist countries is that the political power is in the hands of the working classes, the communist parties have the leading role. To a different extent, but they are all using capitalist methods in economy, including the intensive presence of private property. Socially capitalist groups and classes are present.

China’s goal is to build the Chinese way of socialism.

Social differences are significant, but everyone can 117 say that they are living better than yesterday, and tomorrow they will be living better than today.

China is increasing its economic, political and cultural presence in the world, including Europe. European and American capitalist circles consider China a necessary partner and an opponent to defeat at the same time.

Vietnam is building socialism. It has reached significant successes in raising the living standards. Younger generations took the place of the revolutionary generation in Cuba. They are reforming the building of socialism. The DPRK and Laos are building new models.

The forces of global capitalism try to divert the reform processes of socialist countries and provoke a capitalist shift.

The Hungarian capitalism in crisis The Hungarian capitalist class is aware that the universal crisis of capitalism can weaken the Hungarian capitalist system too. Two ways have been created to prevent it.

The liberal side thingksthat all obstacles in the way of the capital must becompletely destroyed, state intervention in the economy must be stopped, we must let the markets to guide the country’s development. The creation of the German-French lead centralised EU must be supported, we have to make a step towards the creation of the united states of Europe where the completely free rule of the capital is ensured.

According to the conservative side, methods of the liberal economy policy can’t be used among Hungarian conditions, because it causes massive dissatisfaction and can undermine the Hungarian capitalist system. The conservative side things that the capitalist state must deliberately intervene in the economic and social processes. The capital must temporarily be restricted and they should give money to the broad masses. In the meantime, workers’ rights have to be restricted to prevent any movements against the system. The conservative side wants to keep the EU, but wants bigger freedom for the Hungarian capital and to have a say in EU affairs.

Since 2010 Fidesz is establishing this policy. It took the strategic sectors into state ownership. Created a centralised governance. Taxed some segments of the big capital and by raising the minimal wage and widening social benefits it created a better life for many social groups. They haven’t given anyone as much as they need, but given something to everyone in order to temporarily soothe social tensions.

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Fidesz stabilised the rule of the capital in Hungary.

Fidesz hasn’t created a new system - as the liberal and social-democratic forces claim -, but used state capitalist methods to save capitalism.

In order to prevent anti-capitalist movements, it introduced a strict labour code and strike law. It has won some of the trade unions to its own side and made the others surrender. It pushed out all anti-capitalist forces from the media. Nationalism, anti-communist and religious brainwashing is going on in the education and the propaganda.

The status quo of the two sides of the capitalist class, the liberals and the conservatives, have significantly changed in the last years. With its two-thirds majority, the conservative group has almost completely pushed the other side out of power. Since 2010, the liberal and social-democratic forces have made several attempts to regain power but without success.

They have neither a concept nor a charismatic leader.

What happens tomorrow?

In Hungary the crisis of the capitalist system hasn’t yet lead to a revolutionary situation. The ruling class is able to control the developments and the working people doesn’t want to overthrow capitalism in masses. But negative international changes can undermine this political stability, the political frameworks of the capitalist order. We have to be prepared to act in the changing national and international environment.

Despite the stabilisation the Hungarian capitalism is vulnerable. First, in depends on EU funds, American and German investments.

Second, an unexpected international shift, the EU’s collapse, a European war, the flood of migrants from Turkey or something else can undermine the Hungarian capitalism.

Third, after years of giving to the people, the capitalist government started to take back what it had given in many areas. Prices are rising, taxes are not going down, the situation of many social groups is still hopeless. The increasing poverty, the widening social gaps, the state of the health care and several other factors can significantly increase social conflicts.

Fourth, fights inside the capitalist class can increase.

Debates and conflicts inside the ruling party can become more heated. After a while the liberals can regain their strength, find new programmes, new characters.

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Communist Party of India [Marxist]

Dear Comrades, This is the twentieth time we are meeting in this form – the International Meeting of the Communist and Workers’ Parties. On behalf of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), we thank the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) for taking the initiative in organising these meetings without any interruption all these years. We also take this opportunity to greet the KKE on its birth centenary – 100 years, which includes heroic struggle against fascism, dictatorship and all sorts of reactionary attacks. The splendid arrangements made by the KKE in organising this 20th Meeting is a reflection of its strength and experience gained through all these twists and turns in its history. We congratulate the KKE for making excellent arrangements that enable us to discuss such a serious topic in this 20th Meeting, as the challenges confronting the working class and its political vanguard – the communist and workers’ parties are immense.

As we have been noting since 2008, the Global Economic Crisis, which is now into its eleventh year, has exposed the limitations of the capitalist system.

However hard the ruling classes are trying, they are unable to wriggle out of the present morass they find themselves in. Even the imperialist financial institutions like the IMF in its World Economic Report, October 2018 accepts this fact.

The Report covering the economies of 180 countries says that the majority of the countries are yet to reach the pre-2008 crisis output levels. It has also pointed out the alarming increase in income inequalities testifying to the fact that profit maximization is being undertaken through intensified exploitation. Confirming our assessment, the banking and financial systems in particular, are in the midst of a continued crisis. The IMF Report says that “government debt-GDP ratio stands at 52 percent, up from 36 percent before the crisis; central bank balance sheets, particularly in advanced economies, are several multiples of the size they were before the crisis”.

The Report points out that employment has fallen as investment levels in the majority of the countries was 25 per cent below the pre-crisis levels. But profits are rising despite growing unemployment due to increase in the levels of productivity. Though capitalism prevents the full realization of human potential due to its production relations that fetter growth of productive forces, this is temporarily being achieved through the replacement of human labour with technology, particularly the adoption of artificial intelligence in the production process. This is a tendency that is likely to increase further in the future, IB 2019

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but it is unsustainable.

Karl Marx has pointed to the capitalist tendency to pit technology against workers, 150 years ago, in his seminal work, Das Capital. “But machinery not only acts as a competitor who gets the better of the workman, and is constantly on the point of making him superfluous. It is also a power inimical to him, and as such capital proclaims it from the roof tops and as such makes use of it. It is the most powerful weapon for repressing strikes, those periodical revolts of the working-class against the autocracy of capital....It would be possible to write quite a history of the inventions, made since 1830, for the sole purpose of supplying capital with weapons against the revolts of the working-class”. Though, he talks about strikes and how advancement in machinery is used to break strikes and working class unity, he also makes the point about how the capitalist class substitutes workers with technology in order to increase their profits. “The immediate result of machinery is to augment surplus-value and the mass of products in which surplus-value is embodied”.

McKinsey Global Institute’s report, Jobs Lost, Jobs Gained: Workforce Transitions In A Time Of Automation, assesses that in about 60 percent of occupations, at least one-third of the constituent activities could be automated, implying substantial workplace transformations and changes for all workers. Activities most susceptible to automation include operating machinery, preparing fast food, collecting and processing data, etc. This could displace large amounts of workers, which could be on a scale not seen since the transition of the labour force out of agriculture in the early 1900s in today’s developed countries. According to their estimate, between 400 million to 800 million individuals could be displaced by automation and need to find new jobs by 2030 around the world. This is what Marx had said: “The instrument of labour, when it takes the form of a machine, immediately becomes a competitor of the workman himself. The self-expansion of capital by means of machinery is thence-forward directly proportional to the number of the work people, whose means of livelihood have been destroyed by that machinery. The whole system of capitalist production is based on the fact that the workman sells his labour-power as a commodity....When machinery seizes on an industry by degrees, it produces chronic misery among the operatives who compete with it.

Where the transition is rapid, the effect is acute and felt by great masses”.

Capital, in order to ensure its profit rates, is wreaking havoc in the lives of working people all over the

world. The World Bank itself accepts this fact in its 121 World Development Report 2019, stating that “a dvanced economies have shed industrial jobs”, just as Marx had pointed out: “the rate of surplus-value, cannot be increased, except by diminishing the number of workmen”.

These job losses are adding to the numbers of the unemployed and resulting in high unemployment rates. Technology is also put to use to increase precarious work relations. Globally, it is estimated that two billion people are working in the informal economy, where so many lack any protection. In India, more than 90 percent of the workers are in the informal sector. Social insurance is virtually nonexistent in low-income countries, and even in upper-middle-income countries it reaches only 28 percent of the poorest people.

Governments of many countries, those agencies of capitalist State, are acting at the behest of Capital and are weakening several protections that working class has won through its prolonged struggles. Labour reforms is on the top of the agenda, with an aim to further increase the precariousness of work and deprive the workers’ their right to associate and protest. The World Bank, in its report, Doing Business 2018, approvingly states that “between June 2, 2017, and May 1 this year, 128 governments introduced a record 314 reforms” and labour reform is important among these reforms. They want the governments to remove all legal barriers in ensuring that workers work night-shifts, overtime and on holidays without demanding any additional benefits. In the name of ‘gig economy’, they want to do away with even the minimum employment guarantees that exist. Capital, together with automation is eager to ‘reduce to a minimum the resistance offered by that repellent yet elastic natural barrier, man’. And hence this attack on trade unions. Indian Situation In the current stage of capitalist development in India there is an expansion rather than contraction of the working class. Though the bulk of this increase is not in organised industrial sector, wage-employment in production and mainly in non-agricultural activities (including construction and services) has risen in the last two decades. There has been an increase in organised private sector employment in non-manufacturing activities though only a small part of this is of high salaried white collared employees. Within the unorganised sector too, excluding the construction sector, there are over 38 million workers who work inunincorporated non-agricultural ‘establishments’ and 27 million of them are hired workers.

Then there is the category of ‘home-based’ work-

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ers who are not in the real sense self-employed but work for employers. The most significant expansion of wage employment (in both the organised as well as unorganised components) however, has taken place in construction and related activities which now employ nearly 11 per cent of India’s work-force (50 million). The working class army in India is therefore large – larger than the working populations of most countries in the world. The situation and characteristics of this working class reflect both the historically limited nature of capitalist development in India as well as the effects of globalisation.

Since the advent of neoliberal policy regime in 1991, regular employment in the public sector has shrunk by more than 2 million, most significantly in industrial activities. On the other hand, the increase in regular employment in the private sector was only around 4 million, mainly in non manufacturing activities.

The recent Report published by the Labour Ministry shows that since 2014 net employment generation, including job losses owing to closures, has turned negative. In the past one year, Indian economy lost more than 9 million jobs. The large reserve army has enabled depression of real wages and intensified exploitation of the working class inproduction activities. The access to sophisticated technologies has facilitated this by enabling sharp rises in productivity even as wages stagnated. This in turn has enabled a drastic redistribution of incomes in favour of profits and other surplus incomes. The squeezing of the wage share has allowed this, despite the fact that there has been a rising trend in the salaries of white collar employees with higher levels of education in the private corporate sector.

Labour law amendments to make labour ‘flexible’ and provide freedom to the employers to ‘hire and fire’ workers has been an important component of neoliberal policies, even though in practice only a miniscule section of workers is covered by them. Attempts to amend important labour laws like the Industrial Disputes Act, Trade Unions Act and Contract Labour (Regulation and Abolition) Act etc have recently gained momentum. Despite the existence of labour laws that provided job security to the workers, directly employed permanent workers are being substituted by workers with informal and precarious work relations. Between 2003-04 and 2009-10, the employment of directly employed workers grew by only 5.1 percent while that of the contract workers grew by 12.4 percent. The share of contract workers in total organised employment has increased from 10.5 percent in 1995-96 to 25.7 percent by 200910, while the share of directly employed workers has

declined from 68.3 percent to 52.4 percent in the same period. Significantly, the practice of employing more contract workers increased in the larger companies, employing more than 50 workers, by the end of the 2000s compared to earlier. By 2009-10, nearly half of the total workers employed by companies with more than 5000 workers were contract workers.

New methods of recruitment like appointing ‘apprentices’ in place of ‘workers’, in order toensure that Labour Laws are not implemented and the policy of ‘hire and fire’ can be easily implemented are now being designed. All these measures are intended to further increase the precariousness of employment and is detrimental to the interests of the working class.

The profile of employment relations has vastly changed under neoliberal policies. There is no clearly defined and identifiable employer employee relationship for vast sections of workers, not only in the private sector but also in the public and government sectors. The proportion of workers in the unorganised segment of the organised sector, i.e. workers with precarious working conditions, with no job security, no income security, no social security and no legal protection has increased under the neoliberal regime. According to a study, in 2011-12, 77.5 percent of the total workforce in the organised manufacturing sector had no written contract; another 2.43 percent had a written contract for only less than a year. Only 17.41 percent of the total workers had a written contract for more than three years. More than 70 percent of all regular salaried workers in the organised sector had no written contract. The condition of women workers was worse. 91 percent had no written contract in 2011-12; only 6.3 percent had written contract for more than three years.

60 percent of the regular workers were not eligible for social security benefits like provident fund, pension, health care, etc., with women workers being in a worse condition than male workers. Unorganised sector workers have very little legal protection related to their wages or working conditions and whatever legislations exist, are not effectively implemented. It was found that in 2011-12, 93 percent of the casual workers were not eligible for social security benefits and there has been deterioration in their conditions.

Organising workers, particularly in the private organised industries has become a serious challenge for the trade unions under the neoliberal regime. Registration of trade unions has become difficult. Mostly victimisation and occasionally allurements are used as tactics by the employers to prevent workers from IB 2019

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joining unions. The labour enforcement machinery is consciously made ineffective by the State. It was found that only one-third of the workers in the organised sector have access to a union at their work place. In 2004-05, 36.2 percent of total workers knew of a union at their work place; this number fell further to 31.5 percent by 2011-12. Even among the regular workers, only 34.5 percent were aware of a union at their work place in 2011-12. And even among the workers who were aware of the presence of a union at their work place, in 2004-05 only 76 percent were members of any trade union; this has further come down to 66.3 percent in 2011-12.

Wage depression, irregularity of employment, the need to often move locations for such employment, and the cuts/restrictions in social welfare provided by the State, have made it difficult to sustain working class households. Increases in expenditures resulting from some of these, combined with low wage incomes, have made it necessary for members of working class households to earn additional incomes through different means including the unpaid work by women. In this way, all kinds of unpaid employment, the issues of livelihood and of social welfare in general have also become concerns of the working class. All these concerns have to be addressed by the trade unions while organising different sections of the working class, though some of them might be in a domain different from the production enterprise in which they may be wage-workers.

There is another challenge that the Indian working class movement is facing. The conditions of the working class provide a fertile ground for the growth of many reactionary ideological and cultural tendencies within the class and the reinforcement of such elements that are already part of their consciousness. The corporate controlled visual media has been promoting such reactionary ideologies and cultural practices and has been able to influence large sections of the working class. Conscious attempts are being made in the media to glorify isolated cases of individual successes and deride collective efforts, creating illusions among sections of the working class. The influence of caste, religion and such identity based organisations has also increased among the working class which is adversely impacting class based unity. With the right-wing BJP assuming office at the central level, there is an increase in the polarisation of the people on religious lines, attempting to break class unity of the toiling sections, particularly, the working class.

In this background, the task of organising trade unions is challenging, as never before. Though there

are many changes that are taking place in the pro- 123 cess of production, production per se does not cease to exist. As long as goods and commodities are produced, however intense might be the level of automation, the role of human being in the process of production cannot be completely dispensed with. Only the instruments with which human beings work, change; but work, they continue to do. The nature of capital, as Marx had made explicitly clear, is to extract surplus, even if it is only one person employed in the production process. Thus capitalist system cannot get rid of exploitation and as long as exploitation exists, the contradiction between capital and labour remains. In order to resolve this contradiction, organisations and unions become a necessity.

Explaining how the exploited life of workers compel them to form associations, Marx writes: “Competition divides their interests. But the maintenance of wages, this common interest which they have against their boss, unites them in a common thought of resistance – combination....Combinations, at first isolated, constitute themselves into groups....and in face of always united capital, the maintenance of the association becomes more necessary to them (i.e., the workers) than that of wages....In this struggle – a veritable civil war – all the elements necessary for a coming battle unite and develop. Once it has reached this point, association takes on a political character”. ( Karl Marx, The Poverty of Philosophy) Marx’s advice and guidance for the trade union movement, is relevant even to this day: “Apart from their original purposes, they must now learn to act deliberately as organising centers of the working class in the broad interest of its complete emancipation. They must aid every social and political movement leading in that direction. Considering themselves and acting as the champions and representatives of the whole working class, they cannot fail to enlist the non-society men into their ranks.

They must look carefully after the interests of the worst paid trades, such as the agricultural workers rendered powerless by exceptional circumstances.

They must convince the world at large that their efforts, far from being narrow and selfish, aim at the emancipation of downtrodden millions”. (Karl Marx, Selected Works, Volume 2) Lenin taught us that socialist consciousness, the consciousness to realise socialist revolution, cannot come directly out of trade union experience. The Party as the highest form of class organisation has to create it uniting the experiences of the class, and carrying on the work of agitation, propaganda and

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theoretical education on the class. Arguing for closer relations between the Party and the trade unions and against ‘neutrality’, Lenin states: “Today activity in the trade unions undoubtedly assumes tremendous importance. In contrast to the neutralism of the Mensheviks we must conduct this activity on the lines of closer alignment of the unions with the Party, of the development of socialist consciousness and an understanding of the revolutionary tasks of the proletariat” (VI Lenin, Preface to the Pamphlet By Voinov (AV Lunacharsky) On the Attitude of the Party Towards The Trade Unions, Collected Works,Volume 13).

CPI(M) understands the need for ‘politicising’ the working-class. Due to the peculiar character of capitalist development in the country, the Party has to prioritise struggle to instill democratic consciousness among the workers to counter the prevalence of all kinds of reactionary ideologies like caste and religion among them. Lenin had stated in his pamphlet, ‘The Tasks ofRussian Social Democrats (1898)’: “The objective of the practical activities of the social democrats is, lead the class struggles of the proletariat and to organise that struggle in both its manifestations – socialist and democratic. These two forms of agitation are inseparably bound up with each other in the activities of the social democrats like the two sides of a medal”.

The Party is also set to struggle against economism, which is a dominant trend in the Indian trade union movement, by maintaining correct relationship between the Party and the trade unions, never forgetting the mass character of the trade union, nor the guiding role of the Party.

The Party also notes its responsibility to raise the working class consciousness to a higher level – the level of socialist consciousness. It stresses this task and calls for more propaganda work among the workers, and not to be satisfied with more agitation.

While not overstepping the existing consciousness of the mass of workers and other organisations, the unions under the guidance of the Party, work in the direction of raising this consciousness. In particular they work for the growing intervention and participation in movement on democratic issues and struggles, for defence of the interests of the peasantry and the people. CPI(M) and Trade Unions The Party has discussed and adopted a document on the ‘ Tasks in Trade Union (1983)’, where it was stated: “For the Marxist-Leninist Party the tasks on the trade union front do not comprise only the tactical line of running the trade unions as organs of daily struggle for the effective defence of the economic

interests of the working class under given conditions, while defending the daily interests, they aim at organising a disciplined working class with revolutionary consciousness, drawing it nearer the Party, with its best elements joining the Party in hundreds enabling the class as a whole to play its historic role in the revolutionary struggle”.

The revolutionary role of the working class, who its allies are and the role of the Party in today’s context is clearly stated in the Programme of the CPI(M).

According to our Party, in India, capitalism was super-imposed on the pre-capitalist society. So Indian society is a ‘peculiar combination of monopoly capitalist domination with caste, communal and tribal institutions’. In such a situation, it becomes the task of the Indian working class and its vanguard Party to bring together all those progressive forces interested in destroying the pre-capitalist society. The working class and the Party also has the task of consolidating the revolutionary forces, complete the democratic revolution and lay the ground for the transition to socialism. So, essentially, the nature of our revolution in the present stage is anti-feudal, anti- imperialist, anti-monopoly and democratic and hence is characterised by its opposition to landlordism, foreign monopoly capital and the big bourgeoisie, which is leading the State and pursuing policies of compromise and collaboration with finance capital, in alliance with landlordism.

Marxism teaches us that it is the stage of our revolution that determines the role of various classes in the struggle to achieve social transformation. In this stage, it is the task of the proletariat to lead the democratic revolution as a necessary step in its march to the establishment of a socialist society. We believe that in the realisation of these tasks, a People’s Democratic Front, consisting of all the class allies of the proletariat, under the leadership of the working class is necessary. The core and basis of the People’s Democratic Front is the firm alliance of the working class and the peasantry. It is on the strength and stability of the worker-peasant alliance that the role of the other classes in carrying out the revolution, crucially depends. Agricultural workers, poor peasants, middle-peasants are the reliable allies of the proletariat in this stage, while the urban and rural middle-classes will also join this alliance.

The role of the rich peasantry, non-big bourgeoisie which is non-monopolistic, depends on a number of concrete conditions – on changes in the correlation of class forces, on the sharpness of the contradiction between imperialism, landlordism and the people, on the depth of the contradictions between the big IB 2019

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bourgeois-led State and the remaining sections of the bourgeoisie.

The CPI(M) understands that the struggle to realise the aims of the people’s democratic revolution is complicated and protracted and needs to be waged in varying conditions, in varying phases. Different classes, different strata within the same class, are bound to take different positions in these distinct phases of the development of the revolutionary movement.

Only a strong Communist Party which develops the mass movements and utilises appropriate united front tactics to achieve the strategic objective can make use of these shifts and draw into its ranks these sections.

This, we believe, is the correct application of Marxist-Leninist theory. Lenin states: “There is no other way to social democracy than through democracy, through political freedom. He strives, therefore, for the complete and consistent realisation of democracy for the sake of attaining the ultimate goal socialism. Why are conditions of the struggle for democracy and of the struggle for socialism not alike?

Because the workers are bound to have different allies in the two struggles. The democratic struggle is waged by the workers together with part of the bourgeoisie, particularly the petty bourgeoisie. The socialist struggle is waged by the workers against the whole bourgeoisie”. (VI Lenin, Socialism, Petty-Bourgeois and Proletarian,Collected Works Volume 9) In our efforts to implement our understanding, efforts are being made to build worker-peasant alliance, the core of the People’s Democratic Front, through joint struggles of these organisations on issues confronting these classes. An important development in this period has been the united actions of the working class and the peasantry. Over five lakh peasants and workers participated in the picketing and court arrests across the country on August 9. This struggle was conducted jointly by the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) and Centre for Indian Trade Unions (CITU). This was followed by the September 5 Mazdoor-Kisan Sangharsh Rally called jointly by the CITU, AIKS and All India Agricultural Workers Union (AIAWU). The demands charter of the rally encompassed the major demands of all the three basic classes. The big mobilization with more than one and a half lakh people participating was a significant step in the efforts to forge worker-peasant unity. The ‘Worker-Peasant Struggle Rally’ on 5th September has created great enthusiasm among not only all those who participated in it but also among all sections of toiling people, Left supporters

and progressive people. It has created confidence 125 among the toiling people who are struggling against the impact of the BJP government’s policies and enhanced their determination to defeat it. This rally had an impact on other trade unions in the country, with all of them shedding their earlier vacillations and agreeing to our request for jointly intensifying the struggle in defence of working-class rights.

All the central trade unions except the one affiliated to the ruling party have joined forces together and have called for a two-day general strike in January 2019. Similarly, more than hundred peasant organisations have come together in their struggle for land, minimum support price, loan waiver and other such demands. The Peasant Long March organised by our peasant’s organisation in Maharashtra, one of the provinces in the country, had inspired all the toiling people in the country. With the response witnessed from the above mentioned activities, the possibilities to take the struggle against the anti-worker, anti-people and anti-national policies of the government at the centre has entered a new phase with altogether a new dimension. This is for the first time in the history of the country’s democratic movement that such a joint worker-peasant joint actions could be organised at district and even lower levels in several states, culminating in the massive national rally.

In our effort to further broaden this unity, a platform of various class and mass organizations has been formed to take up the class and mass issues and lead the masses into struggles. Many programmes were conducted by this Platform and many more are lined up for the future. The Party feels that it is through the course of our struggles on class and mass issues that we can build the unity of the toiling classes as desired in the People’s Democratic Front and utilise the objective conditions for ensuring a societal transformation.

Conclusion The development of a progressive working class movement will certainly have to face the challenges posed by the pervasiveness of reactionary tendencies. However, it must also be kept in mind that the only effective counter to such tendencies is also the development of a strong working class movement.

The basis for such movement also lies in those very same conditions. Whatever expressions it takes in the consciousness of the working class, the underlying objective reality is one of intensification of oppression and exploitation of the working class and a relentless struggle for survival. Even if the conditions are promoting a growth of aspirations within the working class, it is also impeding their ability to

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meet those aspirations.

These contradictions must mean a growth of an animosity within the members of that class towards the conditions created by the tyranny of capital.

Capitalist tyranny might, for sometime, be able to prevent this animosity from overtly expressing itself or might be successful in misdirecting such expressions. However, in the process, class oppression and the basis for generating class unity and resistance are also bound to develop. It is this challenge that the CPI(M) undertakes in its quest to build a world free of exploitation, oppression, discrimination – a world of lasting peace, a world of socialism. And we believe that we are going to succeed and we have before us – A World To Win.

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Communist Party of India

Dear comrades, Let me at the very outset thank the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Greece for hosting such an important meeting of the Communist and Workers’ Parties of the world. On behalf of the National Council of the Communist Party of India, I convey revolutionary greetings to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Greece and the leaders of the world Communist Parties and Workers’ Parties present here. The Communist Party of Greece deserves our revolutionary greetings as it is celebrating the centenary year of its foundation.

On behalf of the National Council of the CPI and all present here I wish the Communist Party of Greece success in all its endeavours.

Dear Comrades, This important meeting is taking place in the background of a very complex international situation.

The situation is marked by deepening economic crisis, US and NATO’s aggressions in different countries in all continents, whipping up of anti-Russian sentiments, new alliance between Israel and Saudi Arabia to implement “Greater Middle East Project” as well as plan to create an Asia’s NATO like alliance and the increasing stationing of US army in the South Pacific, the Indian Ocean, the Golf and South China Sea. As a result of this, a number of regional conflicts are persistently exacerbating the situation in the region as in the cases of the Korean peninsula, Afghanistan, Iran, the Indian Sub-continent, the Gulf and the Middle East. Along with this is the aggressive role of finance capital that is not only jeopardising the social, political, democratic rights of the common people but also peace and stability the world over.

In the present international context, the responsibilities of the working class and it alliances under the leadership of the Communist and Workers parties call for playing a vanguard role in the struggle against exploitation and imperialist war as well as for peace and socialism.

Our discussion in this regard unfolds an undulating complexity that has to be perfectly and politically comprehended. Analysis of the contemporary working class and its alliance needs necessarily be discussed together with the emergence of the neo liberal dogma combined with understanding the contemporary capitalism as imperialism, the higheest stage of capitalism. Our discussion should be based on the premise, “Without revolutionary theory there cannot be revolutionary movement”. It focuses on the need to analyse the proletarian and revolutionary character of the Communist and workers parties as the revolutionary vanguards for transIB 2019

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formation, their ability to provide dynamism and perspective to class struggle. This exercise indeed opens up tough terrains of introspection about our understanding and the globally prevailing conflicts of perception that influence the workers movements and trade unions. The international meeting is timely and the most imperative step in the sense that the cry to prepare for a transformative struggle has definitively risen. History has established that it is the working class which alone can wage a successful war spearheaded by the political vanguard – the communist parties - to re establish the political order of socialism.

Comrade Rosa Luxemburg in her speech at the foundation of the German Communist Party said, “Socialism will not and cannot be created by decrees; nor can it be established by any government, however socialist. Socialism must be created by the masses, by every proletarian. Where the chains of capitalism are forged, there they must be broken.

Only that is socialism, and only thus can socialism be created” .This was in the year 1918. Hundred years have passed. The world experiences an era of new barbarism, a barbarism with sophistication of the 21st century. But while bringing about this atrocious world order, capitalism has begun to see its unending crisis. It has created its own grave diggers, the workers.

Dear Comrades, After overthrowing feudalism, capitalism spread and expanded across the globe for few hundred years creating the working class as its grave digger. Capitalism went through cyclical crisis. Capitalism entered the stage of imperialism in the 20th century. Finance capital is today exploiting not only workers and peasants but also the mass of petty, small and medium producers. The global financial crisis of 2008, unlike the earlier crises is proved to be distinctly different from the earlier cyclic crises. It has assumed the most brutal incarnation that spells gloom over the entire economy. As Walden Bello, a senior research fellow at the Center for South East Asian studies in Kyoto had said, “the current global downturn, the worst since the great depression 70 years ago, pounded the last nail into the coffin of globalization”.

The depth and magnitude of this crisis suggests that the accumulation of capital has reached new levels.

This leads to fall in the rate of profits, lack of surplus value relative to the overall mass of capital, under production of surplus value and over accumulation of capital.

The crisis was the worst of its kind after World War 2 and the recovery process was the weakest and

the most debt ridden. World is in the midst of a 129 long depression. Global debts are on a record high.

Accumulation crisis intensifies competition over profit, trade and assets. This development forces confrontation between the ruling classes of the world imperialist powers. As a result trade wars and devastating global conflicts loom large threatening to engulf the world into one of gloom and instability. Global debt has risen to record heights of 237 trillion USD in the fourth quarter of 2017 more than 70 trillion USD in 2007. As per the IMF report global debt has hit a new height of 225% of GDP exceeding the record of 213% in 2009. The all time high accumulation of capital has been hoarded into tax havens, speculative ventures, crypto currencies and subprime mortgages, making the economies unstable and volatile. Lowering of interest rates to stimulate lending of idle capital has resulted in negative interest rates in the global market increasing the sovereign debts to record high of 11.7 trillion as per the ratings of the credit agency Flitch.

Economic globalization has done the worst of damage to the world, its ecology, natural resources and to everything that matters for a life worth living. Dismal levels of increasing poverty stare at the face. Global inequality has intensified. Even when the global economy grew at the rate of 380% between 1980 and 2015, number of people living in poverty with less than 5USD per day increased by 1.1 billion making the growth indices a mockery of sorts. Plummeting values of currencies, falling interest rates, falling growth rates of the developed countries as expressed by the GDP figures etc, definitely prove the deep crisis of Capitalism.

That capitalism should be overthrown and replaced by socialism is the Marxian dictum. The working class is destined to do it. Capital while trying to bail itself out of this crisis fuelled a more noxious debt ridden economic recovery that had played a beastly havoc on the workers of the world, both that of the developed and the developing countries.

For this, the contemporary working class has to be understood in the background of the political economy that has dominated through the 21st century. The character and culture of the 21st century ‘proletariat’ may not appear to be one like the homogenous revolutionary group of the 20th Century France or Russia. But it is the new working class defined variously by scholars, yet the same ‘proletariat’ that Karl Marx has defined as the ‘grave diggers’ of capitalism.

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Working class has expanded, developed and processes unfolding within the working masses more grown as the single largest social group in the directly and immediately affect the course, the pace, globe. Marx’s call of “Workers of the world unite” and the outcome of the national and world revoluhas become the most relevant today like never be- tion. Once the objective material preconditions for fore in history. Workers responses resisting against revolutionary activity by the workers have reached the policy of economic globalization indicate that a certain point of maturity, their will and consciouslabour is still a social force which is central to the ness, expressed through the intervention of the ordevelopment of political economy and interna- ganised vanguard, can become the key component tional relations. The global protests against the in determining the outcome of the class struggle. disastrous impact of globalization have made it The revolutionising of the proletariat and opeasier to question the dominant model of capital- pressed people in general is a complex, proism given that it had led the world into such grave longed, and contradictory affair. The vanguard catastrophe. But the sporadic, yet strong protests party should aim at all times to reach, move, and across the world have not assumed the shape of win the broadest masses. Marxism teaches that political battles, not even appear to be politically the revolution against capitalism and the socialcontentious. This is a challenge to the communists ist reconstruction of the old world can be accomand workers parties. It therefore becomes essen- plished only through conscious, collective action tial to understand the 21st century working class by the workers themselves. The vanguard party is to give the movement a clear and sharp class ori- the highest expression and irreplaceable instruentation. ment of that class consciousness at all stages of Dear Comrades, the world revolutionary process.

The Working class in different countries is com- In this respect all communist and workers parties ing together. Expansion and growth of the World should provide dynamism and orientation to the Federation of Trade Unions, the only class orient- trade unions to politicize the workers. Politicaled trade union existing in 132 countries is a tes- isation of the workers is a big challenge staring timony to international trade union expansion. at the face of the communist movement. The reConvergence between employment conditions sponsibility is not taken with the due seriousness in different parts of the world made it easier for either by the trade unions or by the communist workers from widely different backgrounds to parties. This attitude should be change. identify with one another, potentially making Dear Comrades, global solidarity an achievable goal. Technologies Now coming to India the economic globalization that were created to facilitate mobility of capital has had a profound impact on Indian sub contiprovided workers with a means of spreading and nent. By virtue of being a developing economy with sharing their activities across the world at a rapid the largest section of population considered as the speed. Today workers organizations have anoth- middle class, Indian market is devoured by the profit er task to formulate global strategy for labour. hungry corporate. Globalisation, did open up new Global solidarity in this sense has become a con- avenues for newer kind of jobs. But increasing indition for survival and it demands greater knowl- formalisation of the formal economy has produced edge of developments in other countries. It also only precarious jobs. demands fundamental change in the strategic This is because the political economy of the ruling orientation of unions which have hitherto been parties in India has reduced the sovereign India to centered on the nation state. Politics of global- surrender at the altar of capitalist barbarism. Polices ization constitutes the terrain that can and must in India are made to fit the designs of the corporate be contested by workers and unions if the world greed. ‘Flexibility’ of labour, ‘ease of doing businesshas to be transformed into an egalitarian society. es the driving catch phrases to attract foreign capital.

A correct appreciation of the vanguard party and Labour laws are sought to be amended according its indispensable role depends upon understand- to the wants of business. Crony capitalism rules the ing the crucial importance of the subjective factors roost. Workers are left to the mercy or no mercy of in the proletarian revolution. On a broad historical the employers. Precarious work with no fixed wages scale, and in the final accounting, economic condi- or working conditions has made the Indian working tions are decisive in shaping the development of class of around 500 million in the lurch. The present society. This truth of historical materialism does not government of Bharathiya Janata Party with Narnegate the fact that the political and psychological endra Modi as Prime Minister has in the real sense IB 2019

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turned India into a land of corporate brutality.

The silver lining in the otherwise gloomy picture is the unprecedented unity of all the Central Trade Unions and the major industry level trade unions.

This united platform representing more than 50% of the work force in India have been consistently protesting against the anti worker policies of the government. The government is adamant and hardly heeds to the cry of the workers. But the unity of the trade unions is amazing and unfettered. The united struggle intensifies undeterred. This united platform has vowed to oust the present government in the forthcoming elections in the early half of 2019.

CTUs are preparing for two days’ strike on 8th & 9th January 2019 while preparing for which the trade unions are determined to reach out to the masses to awaken them to the political task. Communist parties in India and all the other democratic forces have extended their support to the strike.

We also wish to mention here the upsurge of the nationwide peasant’s movement is in India. The millions of peasants along with the vast numbers of Tribal people are in the streets against the present government’s anti-farmer, pro-corporate agricultural policies demanding remuneration price of their products, against rising cost of production, waiver of loans, tribal people rights for land and forest and against the corporatization of agriculture.

Also the growing urban middle classes and small entrepreneurs are fast getting disillusioned with the rightwing reactionary policies of the government, such as on demonetization, GST, health, education, etc. The educated and uneducated youth are angry about lack of education facilities and unemployment.

All these movements are now converging into a mighty mass movement of all sections of Indian people. It will have very positive impact in our struggle for change in upcoming parliamentary election 2019.

Dear Comrades, Indian communists and especially the Communist Party of India are in the forefront unleashing mass struggles to defeat the designs of imperialist circles and their henchmen in our country. The general public and the working masses no doubt have created history in the developing countries including ours to arrest the accelerated onward march of those anti-people, anti-democratic forces. In our country the ruling clique is using all divisive tactics so that the people’s attention from the real socio-economic issues can be diverted.

Our 23rd Party congress has stated that “the victory

of BJP on 2014 Lok sabha election was not a dem- 131 ocratic change of government of one bourgeois outfit by another. It marked a definite right-ward shift in politics. As the corporate capital has staked everything for the victory of Narendra Modi led NDA alliance that was actively and aggressively backed by RSS and its entire Parivar, the new government clearly represents the combination of the interests of Corporate and Financa Capital, right wing ideology coupled with the worst form of majoritarianism and communalism with fascistic tendencies”. The present government is posing serious threat to the secular-democratic set-up of our country.

As the right wing forces devise covert and overt means to win over the masses and thereafter implement their anti-democratic and anti-people hidden agenda, the ideological issues become more significant. A determined offensive on the ideological front needs to be re-launched with added vigour against the pernicious influence of reformism making earnest attempts to disseminate among the masses the dynamic laws of social advancement, democratic freedom and scientific socialism.

The CPI is also in the forefront in struggle against imperialism for peace. We believe that our struggle for emancipation cannot be achieved without linking our mass and class struggle for peace and social justice.

Dear Comrades, Last one year we have celebrated the 100th anniversary of the October Socialist Revolution in dignified manner highlighting the scientific theory of Marxism-Leninism. Marxism-Leninism is a great integral revolutionary doctrine, the lodestar of the working class and working people of the whole world at all stages of their great battle for peace, freedom and a better life, for the establishment of the most just society.

In the light of above understanding our entire struggle particularly class struggle should be to strengthen to achieve peace and radical changes in our respective societies for Socialism.

Once again let me congratulate the comrades of Communist Party of Greece for organizing this important meeting.

Thank you.

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Tudeh Party of Iran

133 Dear Comrades May I take this opportunity, on behalf of our Party’s Central Committee, to thank our fraternal Communist Party of Greece for facilitating the 20th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties.

I also would like to take this opportunity to congratulate our Greek comrades on the 100th anniversary of the KKE and wish them success in their struggle.

Also allow me to thank all fraternal parties for their solidarity with the people of Iran in their struggle for peace, democracy and social justice.

The 20th IMCWP coincides with the bicentenary of the birth of Karl Marx, whose teachings still guide and influence our analyses of events and struggle to change the world in the interest of the exploited. Ever since its foundation, our party has been guided by Marx’s principles, Leninism and scientific outlook and has based its analysis on the objective conditions of Iranian society as it develops, ensuring that our policies adhere to and facilitate its transition through the historical stages towards socialism.

The ongoing struggle of the TPI is aimed at securing strategically important national-democratic transformations in Iran that will enable the working class to successfully move towards the next stage of this transition.

The 20th IMCWP is also taking place at a time whenprogressive forces globally face very serious and complex challenges. The rise of the ultra-right and neo-fascism, emboldened by Trump and his nationalist brand, presents a serious challenge for communist and workers parties throughout the world.

While the world media pays attention to the vulgar nature of Trump and his brand of presidency, its reality can best be described as a massive drive toward militarism and ultra-right anti-people policies.

The US Senate voted in June this year to give the US military $716 billion for 2019 - one of the biggest defence budgets in modern American history. This decisive move towards aggressive militarism is also combined with a new brand of gunboat diplomacy; threatening other countries and even international organisations to obey US diktat or face the consequences. Even the US’ European allies are being told to tow the line and follow Washington’s policy.

Clearly, the drive by the Trump administration, on behalf of US monopoly capital - and especially the military-industrial complexes - to brutally impose US hegemony globally will bring about political instability, military tension and turmoil internationally. The Communist and Workers Parties have a significant challenge to build a broad anti-imperialist alliance to combat such serious threats to the future devel-

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opment of our planet.

Dear Comrades On 5 November, the Trump administration re-imposed far reaching economic sanctions against our country, which will have serious consequences for the ordinary people of Iran. The US leaders have made it clear that their ultimate intention is to bring the country to its knees and facilitate “regime change”. Let me make our Party’s position very clear here. The destiny of Iran and its people and their struggle against the dictatorial regime can be determined by the Iranian people alone. No progressive and democratic force in our country will tolerate or support any foreign intervention in Iran. The Tudeh Party of Iran has strongly condemned the imposition of these inhumane sanctions and, alongside other progressive forces, will strongly oppose any future intervention in Iran’s internal affairs.

Comrades, The Iranian regime, despite its rhetoric is a capitalist regime, whose neoliberal policies over the past three decades - fully supported and indeed praised by the World Bank and IMF - have pushed millions of Iranians into poverty a life of hardship un-paralleled in our recent history. Rampant inflation, especially the rise in the price of basic commodities; massive unemployment, particularly amongst the youth (as high as 50% in some provinces according to official estimates); and the continued suppression of the peoples’ democratic rights and freedom, have pushed our country to the point of social explosion in anger against the rule of political Islam. In January 2018, we witnessed massive protests in 80 cities across Iran and despite its brutal suppression peoples protests and particularly workers’ protests in various industries and cities continue across the country.

In recent weeks we have been witnessing significant workers’ and teachers’ protests across Iran. In the “Hafttabeh” Industrial Complex in the south of Iran, the workers’ strike is at the end of its third week, with workers protesting months of delayed wages and a worsening economic situation. In recent days industrial workers from “Navard Ahvaz” and other parts of the country have joined in strikes to show their solidarity. Prior to this, teachers held sit-ins and strikes across the country. In every case, workers’ and teachers’ protests have been met with brute force and the arrest of many activists.

Comrades, In the TPI’s view, to effectively safeguard Iran from external interference and the imposition of a pro-US regime, the progressive forces must unite and form

a broad anti-dictatorial front. Our party believes it is the working class and its allies that can and should play a leading role in determining Iran’s future.

Finally, Comrades, In August 2018, we marked the 30th anniversary of the massacre of 5000 political prisoners, which took place on the direct orders of Khomeini in the summer of 1988.The perpetrators of this crime murdered hundreds of the leaders, cadres, members, and sympathisers of our party, who were deemed a danger to the future of the regime. Almost the entire Politburo and the Central Committee of the Party, prominent political prisoners under the Shah’s regime for 25 years, intellectuals, academics, authors, translators, artists, trade unionists, workers representatives, and military officers, were amongst those executed.

Our Party believes that today, the best commemoration and tribute to the unparalleled and heroic sacrifices of those martyrs is to step up the joint struggle of all progressive forces of the nation to put an end to the rule of tyranny and to establish a democratic state in its place.

In this struggle, as always, we rely on the unswerving support and solidarity of the communist and workers parties around the world.

Victory to the struggle of working class and toilers for Peace, Social Justice and Socialism!

Long Live Proletarian Internationalism!

Thank you

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Iraqi Communist Party

Dear Comrades, I convey to you the wholehearted greetings of Iraqi Communists, and their best wishes for the success of the 20th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties, so as to contribute to developing the role of our movement in building a global front against neo-liberal globalisation and imperialism, for peace, democracy, social progress and socialism.

We express our thanks to the fraternal Communist Party of Greece for hosting this International Meeting. We also seize this opportunity to send our warmest comradely greetings on the special occasion of the 100th anniversary of the founding of the KKE, wishing it further successes along the path of defending the interests of the Greek people and working class, for peace and socialism.

We hope that this International Meeting will provide an opportunity for strengthening the relations between Communist and Workers’ parties, exchanging views and valuable experience of struggle in very diverse conditions in various parts of the world. It is also important to discuss how we can develop these international meetings into a more effective platform for developing initiatives for joint action.

We also seize this opportunity to express, from this international forum, our gratitude to all the fraternal parties that have continued to extend international solidarity to our Iraqi people, democratic forces and Communist Party in the ongoing struggle against sectarian politics and anti-democratic policies, to defeat terrorism, reactionary forces and external interference undermining national unity, and to build an independent and unified democratic and federal Iraq.

Dear Comrades, Our International Meeting is taking place in a world climate that is still suffering the consequences of the deep crisis of globalized capitalism, economic stagnation, increased unemployment and poverty, the imposition of austerity measures in many countries, and the stirring up of xenophobia and hate against immigrants. Imperialist powers, led by US imperialism under the Trump administration, are attempting to push the world back to the climate of Cold War and arms race, employing economic and political sanctions on a large scale and exporting arms, especially to the regions that are witnessing military conflicts.

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and ultra-reactionary terrorist movements, gravely threatening world peace.

The external imperialist interference and intense competition among reactionary regional powers in the Middle East to impose their hegemony over the region have contributed to deepening conflicts on a sectarian and ethnic basis and internal fragmentation. The peoples of the region are paying a heavy a price for these policies, as demonstrated by the war in Yemen, instigated by the Saudi regime, that is continuing with catastrophic consequences for innocent people and civilians.

It is important to draw attention here to the continuing efforts by the Trump administration to push ahead with building what is tentatively known as the Middle East Strategic Alliance (MESA), a so-called “Arab NATO”, which is a new security and political alliance in the Middle East with Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states, Egypt and Jordan under the pretext of countering Iran’s expansion in the region.

In this volatile climate, the US has decided to re-impose economic sanctions on Iran unilaterally and without international legal cover. This action follows its decision to withdraw from the Iran nuclear agreement. As the two sides exchange threats, international and regional parties express their concern that the situation could degenerate into a devastating military conflict. This would add new burdens to the peoples of the region who are already suffering the nightmare of the war against terrorism in Syria, the senseless bloody war in Yemen and the instability in several other countries.

The peoples of the region, including the Iranian people, are looking for stable conditions in which they can utilize their resources and wealth for their well-being and to build their own countries. It is the right of these peoples to enjoy freedom, democracy and a decent life, and to choose their own political systems according to their will, without wars, economic sanctions and siege.

Meanwhile, the Israeli occupiers are continuing their crimes against the Palestinian people, with blatant support by the US, including the its recent military aggression on Gaza. We reiterate our full support for the Palestinian people and their right to return and to self-determination; to set up their independent national state on their homeland with its capital in East Jerusalem.

We also call for international solidarity with the struggles of peoples in the Middle East against dictatorial and reactionary regimes, including popular protests and strikes, for freedoms and dignified life.

The struggle for peace and against imperialist inter-

vention is closely interconnected with the fight for 137 democracy and human rights. Our party condemns all repressive measures against the patriotic and democratic forces, and against the forces of the Left, progress, socialism and communism.

Dear Comrades, Our party is continuing its struggle, in difficult and complex conditions, to put an end to the sectarian-ethnic quota system that was installed after the US war, invasion and occupation of Iraq 15 years ago. Since then our country has been facing challenging times. A significant military victory has been achieved against “Daesh” (the so-called “ISIS”), but it does not mean a final defeat of terrorism. Achieving this aim requires an integrated approach and policies on political, military-security, economic and cultural levels. In addition, Iraq is still suffering the consequences of an ongoing deep structural political crisis.

Our party members and supporters have been active participants in the mass protest movement that has continued since 2015 against corruption and sectarian politics. A new wave of protests erupted last July in Basra, in southern Iraq, against rampant corruption, high unemployment especially among young people, poverty and poor services. Despite vicious repression by the security forces and armed groups that led to more than 20 peaceful protesters killed and hundreds wounded, the protests shook the foundations of the sectarian-ethnic quota system. But putting an end to this political system is a big challenge. Our party firmly believes that the legitimate demands of the people for real political reform and change can only be achieved through developing and intensifying popular pressure and mass campaigns, in order to bring about a change in the balance of forces to achieve a democratic alternative in a free unified federal democratic Iraq.

The outcome of the parliamentary elections last May, despite blatant interference by the ruling blocs and their manipulation of the electoral process, demonstrated the people’s strong desire to break the monopoly of political power and open up the path for change. Our party and the electoral coalition and alliance of “Sairoun” [i.e. Marching Towards Reform], consisting of Communists, the Sadrist movement and its supporters, and civil and liberal forces, achieved significant results. It won more than 16% of the seats in the new parliament. This alliance has stressed the importance of the new government adopting a national program that can be implemented according to specific time limits. The aim of this program is to achieve serious reform in the polit-

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ical system, to abandon the sectarian-ethnic quota system and work towards establishing a state based on the principle of citizenship, true democracy and social justice. It is a state of institutions, law and freedoms, that would provide services to the citizens, combating corruption, ensuring the return of millions of internally displaced people to their homes and the reconstruction of cities and towns destroyed in the battle against Daesh. It would ensure the diversification of the sources of the national income and pursuing a path of sustainable development.

Arms would be put under the control of the state. It would ensure Iraq’s independence and establishing relations based on equality with the countries of the region and the world.

In this difficult struggle and under the current complex conditions, we look forward to wider support and international solidarity with the Iraqi people and their democratic forces, including our Communist Party, in the fight to defeat terrorism and political sectarianism, achieve national unity, and build a civil democratic state based on social justice.

Dear Comrades, We thank once again our Greek comrades for hosting this International Meeting and for their efforts to ensure its success. The Iraqi Communist Party reaffirms its determination to continue its efforts to strengthen internationalist ties and relations with fraternal Communist and Workers’ parties, and with all peace loving, progressive and democratic movements in the world, in the joint struggle for freedom, democracy, social progress, and socialism.

Long live International Solidarity!

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‫اﳌﺪاﺧﻠﺔ اﻟﺸﻔﻮﻳﺔ‬ ‫اﱃ اﻟﺮﻓﻴﻘﺎت واﻟﺮﻓﺎق ﰲ اﻟﻠﻘﺎء اﻷﻣﻤﻲ اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ ﻟﻼﺣﺰاب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﻌامﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎت اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ وأزﻣﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬واﻟﴫاع ﺑني أﻗﻄﺎﺑﻬﺎ واﻟﴫاﻋﺎت ﺑني‬ ‫اﻟﺪول اﻻﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺠﻤﻞ ﺗﻄﻮرات اﻷوﺿﺎع ﰲ اﻟﴩق اﻻوﺳﻂ وﺷامل‬ ‫أﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ‪ ،‬وﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ أﺳﻮأ ﺗﺪاﻋﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﰲ اﺳﺘﻤﺮار اﻟﺤﺮوب ﰲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ وﺗﺪﻫﻮر اﻟﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺮاق‪ ،‬و وﻟﺘﻄﻮرات اﻟﺠﺎرﻳﺔ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﻮردﺳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ أﺟﺰاء‬ ‫ﻛﻮردﺳﺘﺎن‪ ،‬واﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻮرﻳﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﰲ اﻟﻴﻤﻦ وﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ‪ ،‬واﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﻔﴚ‬ ‫اﻻرﻫﺎب ﰲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎزدواﺟﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻘﻮى اﻻرﻫﺎﺑﻴﺔ وﻓﻖ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﺪول‬ ‫‪.‬اﻻﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﺪول اﻻﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ومل ﺗﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻘﻮى اﻻﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ اﻟﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﰲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻟﻮﻻ وﺟﻮد أﻧﻈﻤﺔ‬ ‫دﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮرﻳﺔ ﻗﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻟﺸﻌﻮﺑﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻇﻞ اﺳﺘﻤﺮارﻳﺔ اﺷﻜﺎﻟﻴﺎت ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ أزﻣﺔ اﻻﻧﻈﻤﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ واﻻزﻣﺔ اﻟﻬﻴﻜﻠﻴﺔ واﻟﺒﻨﻴﻮﻳﺔ اﳌﺰﻣﻨﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻴﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ ﰲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻨﻬﺎ أزﻣﺔ‬ ‫‪.‬اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺮاق‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﺗﻄﻮرات ﻛﺒرية ﺧﻼل اﻟﻌﺎﻣني اﳌﻨﴫﻣني ﰲ ﻛﻮردﺳﺘﺎن وﻋﻤﻮم اﻟﻌﺮاق‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻔﻲ ﰲ اﻟﺨﺎﻣﺲ واﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺒﺘﻤﱪ‪ 2017‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ ﰲ ﻛﻮردﺳﺘﺎن اﻟﻌﺮاق‬ ‫ﻻﺟﺮاء اﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء ﻋﺎم ﺗﻌﺒريا ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻪ ﰲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﳌﺼري‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ أن ﺗﺨﻠﺖ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﻌﺮاق ﻋﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ اﳌﻮاﺛﻴﻖ واﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ اﺑﺮﻣﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻗﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻮردﺳﺘﺎن‪ ،‬ﰲ وﻗﺖ ﺳﺎﻫﻢ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻜﻮردﺳﺘﺎين ﰲ دﺣﺮ اﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮرﻳﺔ وﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎء‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮاق ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻘﻮط اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮري ﻋﺎم ‪ .2003‬ورﻏﻢ ﻣﺮور اﻛرث‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪ 13‬ﻋﺎم ﻋﲆ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر اﻟﻌﺮاﻗﻲ اﻟﺬي ﺳﺎﻫﻢ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻜﻮردﺳﺘﺎين ﺑﺎﻧﺠﺎﺣﻪ‪ ،‬اﻻ‬ ‫أن أﻛرث ﻣﻦ ‪ 55‬ﻣﺎدة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ وﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ مل‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺤﻘﻖ‪ ،‬ﰲ وﻗﺖ ﻳﻨﺺ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر ﺑﺎن ﺑﻘﺎء اﻟﻌﺮاق ﻣﻮﺣﺪا ﺷﻌﺒﺎ وارﺿﺎ وﺳﻴﺎدة رﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر‪ ،‬اﺿﺎﻓﺔ اﱃ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﺮت ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺑني‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﻮردﺳﺘﺎن واﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻴﺰاﻧﻴﺔ اﻻﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎم ‪ 2014‬وﻋﺪم دﻓﻊ رواﺗﺐ اﳌﻮﻇﻔني‪،‬اﺿﺎﻓﺔ اﱃ ﻋﺪم دﻓﻊ رواﺗﺐ اﻟﻘﻮات اﳌﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻜﻮردﺳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺔ )اﻟﺒﻴﺸﻤﺮﻛﺔ( ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم ‪ 2005‬اﳌﻌﱰف ﺑﻬﺎ وﻓﻖ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر اﻟﻌﺮاﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﰲ‬ ‫وﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﺗﺒﻌﺚ اﻟﺮواﺗﺐ اﱃ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺘﻲ وﻗﻌﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻴﻄﺮة‬ ‫دوﻟﺔ اﻟﺨﻼﻓﺔ اﻻﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ )داﻋﺶ(‪ .‬ورﻏﻢ ﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻗﻮات اﻟﺒﻴﺸﻤﺮﻛﺔ ﰲ اﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﻮردﺳﺘﺎن‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﺘﺼﺪي ﻟﻼرﻫﺎب ودﺣﺮه وﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺘﻪ ﰲ اﻟﺠﻬﻮد اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳌﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﻻرﻫﺎب واﻟﺘﻌﺎون‬ ‫ﻣﻊ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ و اﻳﻮاء ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎرب ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻧني ﻣﻦ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨني اﻟﻨﺎزﺣني ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫اﻻرﻫﺎب اﺿﺎﻓﺔ اﱃ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣني ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﺤﺮب اﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﺎرﻳﺔ ﰲ اﺟﺰاء ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة ﰲ‬ ‫وﺳﻂ وﺟﻨﻮب اﻟﻌﺮاق‪ ،‬ﻓﺎن اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﺗﻨﺼﻠﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت وﺑﺪأت‬ ‫‪.‬ﺗﻔﺮض ﺣﺼﺎرا ﻋﲆ اﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﻮردﺳﺘﺎن ﺑﺪﻋﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول اﻻﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ دﻋﻢ ﺣﺰﺑﻨﺎ اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﻜﻮردﺳﺘﺎين ﻗﺮار اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء ﰲ اﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﻮردﺳﺘﺎن ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎره‬ ‫ﻋﻮدة اﱃ ارادة اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻜﻮردﺳﺘﺎين ﺑﺸﻜﻞ دميﻘﺮاﻃﻲ ﻣﺪين ﺳﻠﻤﻲ وﺗﻌﺒريا ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﳌﺼري‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ أن ﻓﺸﻠﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﺠﻬﻮد اﳌﺒﺬوﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﻜﻮردﺳﺘﺎين ﻻﻗﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺮاق دميﻘﺮاﻃﻲ ﻣﺪين دﺳﺘﻮري‪ ،‬ﳌﻮاﺟﻬﺔ دوﻟﺔ دﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ أﺳﺎس‬ ‫ﻃﺎﺋﻔﻲ‪ .‬ﺟﺮى اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء ﺑﺸﻜﻞ دميﻘﺮاﻃﻲ ﰲ ﻛﻮردﺳﺘﺎن ــ اﻟﻌﺮاق‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ أن واﺟﻪ ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﻐﻄﺎ ﻛﺒريا ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﻻﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ وﺑﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺎ واﻟﺪول اﻻﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﳌﻨﻊ‬ ‫اﺟﺮاء اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء ﺑﺬراﺋﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬اﺧﺘﻔﺖ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻜﻮردﺳﺘﺎين وﺣﻘﻪ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﳌﺼري ﺣﺴﺐ اﳌﻮاﺛﻴﻖ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ووﻓﻖ اﳌﺒﺪا اﻷﻣﻤﻲ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺤﻖ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﳌﺼري‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺸﻌﻮب‪ .‬ﺷﺎرك ﰲ اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﻼﻳني وﺛﻠﺜامﺋﺔ وﺧﻤﺴﺔ آﻻف وﺗﺴﻌامﺋﺔ وﺧﻤﺲ‬ ‫وﻋﴩﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ . 72%‬وﺻﻮت ﰲ اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء ‪ 92,73%‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪد اﳌﺼﻮﺗني ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫‪.‬اﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼل‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺳﺎﻫﻢ ﺣﺰﺑﻨﺎ ﰲ ﺑﻠﻮرة ﻗﺮار اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء اﳌﺒﻨﻲ ﻋﲆ اميﺎﻧﻨﺎ ﺑﺤﻖ ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ ﰲ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫اﳌﺼري‪ ،‬وﻧﺮى ﺑﺄن اﻟﻨﻀﺎل اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﻟﺤﺰﺑﻨﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻣﻊ ﻧﻀﺎﻟﻨﺎ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﻲ واﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺪؤوب واﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﺎل ﺷﺘﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء وﺑﻌﺪه ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺑﻨﺎء اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ وﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة واﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻜﺎدﺣني ﺗﻌﺒريا‬ ‫‪.‬ﻋﻦ ﺷﻌﺎرﻧﺎ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﴘ ”وﻃﻦ ﺣﺮ وﺷﻌﺐ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ“ اﻟﺬي ميﻬﺪ ﻟﺨﻴﺎرﻧﺎ اﻻﺷﱰايك‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻓﺮض اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﺪوﱄ واﻻﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ارادﺗﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺪ ﻣﻦ ارادة اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬ ‫اﻟﻜﻮردﺳﺘﺎين اﻟﺘﻮاق ﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﺼريه ﰲ اﻃﺎر دوﻟﺔ دميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ ﻋﻠامﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻛﻮردﺳﺘﺎن اﻟﺠﻨﻮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ اﺳﺎس اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺔ اﻟﻜﻮردﺳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬دوﻟﺔ ﺗﻀﻢ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪www.solidnet.org‬‬

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‫‪Communist‬‬ ‫‪Party of‬‬ ‫‪Kurdistan- Iraq‬‬

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‫ﻛﻮردﺳﺘﺎن اﻟﻌﺮاق ﻣﻦ اﻟﻜﺮد واﻟﱰﻛامن واﻟﻌﺮب واﻻﺷﻮرﻳني اﻟﻜﻠﺪان اﻟﴪﻳﺎن واﻷرﻣﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫وﺑﺎﻟﺸﻜﻞ اﻟﺬي ﻳﺤﻔﻆ ﻟﻜﺎﻓﺔ اﳌﻜﻮﻧﺎت اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺴﻠﻤني واﳌﺴﻴﺤﻴني واﻻﻳﺰﻳﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫واﻟﻜﺎﻛﺎﺋﻴﺔ واﻟﺼﺎﺑﺌﺔ اﳌﻨﺪاﺋﻴني واﻟﻴﻬﻮد واﻟﺰرادﺷﺘﻴني ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ وﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎد‬ ‫‪.‬واﻟﺪﻳﻦ واﻟﻀﻤري وﻣامرﺳﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﺎﺋﺮ اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻢ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ ﻗﺮار اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻜﻮردﺳﺘﺎين وﺣﻘﻪ ﰲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﳌﺼري‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﻮم اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮي‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻴﻠﺸﻴﺎ اﻟﺤﺸﺪ اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ واﻟﺠﻴﺶ اﻟﻌﺮاﻗﻲ مبﺴﺎﻋﺪة ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎرﻳني ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳني‬ ‫اﻳﺮاﻧﻴني وﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪات ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺳﺎﻓﺮة ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻳﺮان وﺗﺮﻛﻴﺎ ومبﻮاﻓﻘﺔ ﺿﻤﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫واﺿﺤﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻟﱪﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺳﻜﻮت اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﻻﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ذﻟﻚ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ ﻣﺪن ﻛﺮﻛﻮك وﻃﻮز وﺧﺎﻧﻘني وﺷﻨﻜﺎل اﱃ ﻫﺠﻮم ﻋﺴﻜﺮي ﺳﺎﻓﺮ ﻻﺗﺰال‬ ‫ﺗﺪاﻋﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻟﺤﺪ اﻷن ﰲ ﻇﻞ اﺳﺘﻤﺮار ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﺐ واﻟﺘﻐﻴري اﻟﺪميﻮﻏﺮاﰲ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫‪.‬ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺮاق‬ ‫وﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺠﻬﻮد اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ وﻣﻘﺎوﻣﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻜﻮردﺳﺘﺎين‪ ،‬وﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻳﻘﺎف اﻟﺤﻤﻼت‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺿﺪ ﻛﻮردﺳﺘﺎن‪ ،‬ﺟﺮى ﰲ اﻳﺎر ‪ 2018‬اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻨﻮاب اﻟﻌﺮاﻗﻲ متﻴﺰت‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﻀﺌﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬وﺟﺮى ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت ﺗﺰوﻳﺮ وﺣﺮق ﻟﻠﺼﻨﺎدﻳﻖ واﻻﺟﻬﺰة‪ .‬وأﻓﺮزت‬ ‫‪.‬اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﻨﺖ ﻧﻬﺞ اﳌﺤﺎﺻﺼﺔ اﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺮاق‬ ‫ﺻ ّﻮت ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻨﻮاب اﻟﻌﺮاﻗﻲ اﳌﻨﺒﺜﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﰲ ﺗﴩﻳﻦ اﻷول ﻋﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻟﻌﺮاﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬وﻓﻖ ﺗﻮاﻓﻘﺎت ﺗﺪﺧﻠﺖ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﳌﺮاﺟﻎ اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ وااﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫واﺳﺘﻔﺘﺘﺢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻨﻮاب ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺨﺮق واﺿﺢ ﻟﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮر ﻟﻌﺪم ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪه ﻟﻠﻜﺘﻠﺔ‬ ‫اﻷﻛﱪ‪ .‬وﺟﺴﺪت ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎت اﻷﻣﻮر اﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮار ﻋﲆ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻨﻬﺞ اﻟﺬي ﺗﺸﻜﻠﺖ ﻓﻴﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎت اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺨﻼص ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻔﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﻋﺎم ‪ .2003‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺗﺒﻨﺖ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎت اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻧﻬﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﻮﻟﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺎ وﻓﻖ ﴍوط ﺻﻨﺪوق اﻟﻨﻘﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﺪوﱄ واﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﺨﺼﺨﺼﺔ اﳌﻔﺮﻃﺔ ﻣﻊ اﺳﺘﻤﺮار وﺟﻬﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﺮﻳﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪا‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ واﺿﺤﺔ ﻟﻠﻀامن اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ وﻓﻖ ﻗﻮاﻧني ﻣﺤﺪدة ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﰲ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﺒﴩﻳﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﺪاﻣﺔ‪ .‬وﺗﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺎة اﻟﻜﺎدﺣني ﰲ ﻇﻞ ارﺗﻔﺎع ﺧﻂ اﻟﻔﻘﺮ‬ ‫‪.‬واﻧﻌﺪام اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت وزﻳﺎدة وﺗرية اﻟﻔﺴﺎد اﳌﺴﺘﴩي ﰲ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺟﻮاﻧﺐ ادارة اﻟﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺳﺒﻖ أن ﻧ ّﻮه ﺣﺰﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺄن اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﳌﻘﺒﻠﺔ ﻟﻦ ﺗﻜﻮن ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻋﺎﺑﺮة ﻟﻠﻄﻮاﺋﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻞ ﺗﻜﻮن ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﺋﺘﻼف أﺣﺰاب اﻟﻄﻮاﺋﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻮﻣﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺮﺟﻌﻴﺎت اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻼت اﻻﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ وﺑﺎﻻﺧﺺ اﻳﺮان‪ ،‬واﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ واﻗﺼﺪ اﻻﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻻﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪.‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ وﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ اﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﺜﻼث واﺿﺤﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻴﺎن‬ ‫اﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑني اﳌﺮﻛﺰ ﰲ ﺑﻐﺪاد واﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﻮردﺳﺘﺎن ﻓﺎن ﻛﻞ اﻟﺪﻻﺋﻞ ﺗﺸري اﱃ‬ ‫اﺳﺘﻤﺮار اﻻﺷﻜﺎﻟﻴﺎت دون ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻘﱰﺣﺎت وﺣﻠﻮل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﳌﻮاﺟﻬﺔ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺑﻨﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ اﻟﻜﻮردﺳﺘﺎين ﻋﲆ ﴐورة اﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺨﻄﺎب اﻟﻜﻮردﺳﺘﺎين وﺑﺎﻻﺑﺘﻌﺎد‬ ‫ﻋﻦ اﻻﻗﻄﺎب اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ واﻻﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻻﺗﻔﺎق ﻋﲆ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻣﺸﱰك‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺰاﻣﻦ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺮاﺟﻌﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻮردﺳﺘﺎن واﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ اﻟﺮﻓﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺠامﻫري وﺑﻨﺎء اﺳﺲ‬ ‫‪.‬اﻟﺤﻜﻢ اﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻬﺎم آﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻠﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﻛام ﻧﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﲆ وﺣﺪة اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﻴﺴﺎرﻳﺔ اﻟﻜﻮردﺳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬و ﴐورة اﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﺑني اﻟﻘﻮى‬ ‫اﻟﻴﺴﺎرﻳﺔ واﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ اﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﻜﻮردﺳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﳌﻮاﺟﻬﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻮﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﺘﻴﺎرات اﻻﺳﻼم اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ‪ ،‬وﳌﻮاﺟﻬﺔ اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻼت اﻟﺨﺎرﺟﻴﺔ واﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻻﺑﻌﺎد ﺷﺒﺢ اﻟﺤﺮب‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻨﻀﺎل ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ و اﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻮم اﻟﻌﺮاق وﺿامن ﺣﻖ‬ ‫‪.‬ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ اﻟﻜﻮردﺳﺘﺎين ﰲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﺼريه‬ ‫اﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺘﻄﻠﻊ ﻣﻦ اﻻﺣﺰاب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﻌامﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ واﻻﺣﺰاب اﻟﺘﻘﺪﻣﻴﺔ وﻗﻮى اﻟﻴﺴﺎر‬ ‫أن ﻳﺘﻀﺎﻣﻨﻮا ﻣﻊ ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ ﰲ ﻛﻮردﺳﺘﺎن اﻟﻌﺮاق اﻟﺬي ﻳﺆﻛﺪ دوﻣﺎ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺴﻼم واﻟﺘﻌﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫اﳌﺸﱰك واﻃﻔﺎء ﺑﺆر اﻟﺘﻮﺗﺮ واﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳌﺸﱰك ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻘﺪم اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ‪ .‬وﻟﻨﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﺜﻘﺔ اﻟﺘﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﺎن اﻻﺣﺰاب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﻌامﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ واﻻﺣﺰاب اﻟﺘﻘﺪﻣﻴﺔ ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻧﻮن‬ ‫‪.‬اﻟﺴﻨﺪ اﻟﺪاﺋﻢ ﻟﻨﻀﺎل اﻟﺸﻌﻮب ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﳌﺼري‬ ‫اﻟﺮﻓﻴﻖ ﻛﺎوه ﻣﺤﻤﻮد‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺮﺗري اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ اﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺰب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﻜﻮردﺳﺘﺎين ـــ اﻟﻌﺮاق‬

142

IB 2019

www.solidnet.org

Communist Party of Ireland

143 Comrades.

Imperialism is mired in an ever-deepening crisis. At the global, regional and national levels the system is now enmeshed, through its contradictions, in several interconnected crises—economic, political, environmental, cultural, and moral.

It is the role of communists to bring clarity and understanding to the multiple crises facing workers; mass unemployment, growing poverty, precarious employment, precarious shelter, precarious health and precarious old age.

Communist Parties are, of necessity, involved in the day-to-day immediate struggles of the working class, such as the defence of wages and conditions, and must be the most militant and determined protagonists in these struggles. We have a responsibility to base our activity in the context of our overall revolutionary strategy.

It must be admitted that our movement has not always been consistent in this regard. Historical experience shows us how easy it is to drift into the mire of reformist social democratic thinking when concentrating on short term objectives, like the electoral cycle.

Posing the question “whom do we attempt to build alliances with and what goals we wish to set ourselves?”. The challenges facing the workers movement globally are certainly shaped by the deepening crisis of the capitalist system, a system that requires constant growth in conditions of finite resources. This growing scarcity of resources is forcing it to intensify the exploitation and destruction of the natural environment, worsening global warming and impacting upon the lives of tens of millions of working people. It is becoming ever clearer that there is no capitalist solution to the environmental crisis.

The crisis of the system continues to throw up difficult questions and challenges, adding new urgency to the old question of “reform or revolution.”. We, as communists, are not opposed to reforms but to reformism, which tends to save or even to strengthen capitalism.

Attempts to manage these crises in the interests of state-monopoly capitalism have intensified class conflict, posing four core questions for the communist and workers’ movement around the world: the nature of revolutionary transformation; the defence and deepening of democracy; the protection of a sustainable natural environment; and the promotion of world peace.

The demands posed by the Communist Party of Ireland are those that will lead to a transformation of our society and shift the balance of economic and

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political forces decisively in the interests of the working class, to raise class consciousness. Demands that will strategically open up and allow for the building of the necessary forces to advance to socialism.

State-monopoly capitalism has, of course, its own reforms to pose: the undermining of national democracy, national sovereignty and workers’ rights by means of the centralising of control and power in technocratic institutions, along with the removal of economic decision-making from democratically accountable institutions. These are not merely a strategy but a structural necessity for it to thrive. Keynesianism has outlived its usefulness in this regard and is now viewed as an obstacle to be removed.

The continued centralisation of power in such institutions as the European Union is also reflected in the transnational agreements TTIP and CETA. Even the limited forms of democracy experienced under capitalism have become a hindrance to the needs of state-monopoly capitalism.

These assaults on the limited democracy experienced by the people, coupled with the constant attacks on workers’ rights and living standards, are provoking growing resistance globally, as working people begin to question the mantra of “There is no alternative” (TINA). National governments have increasingly become gatekeepers of the interests of global monopoly capitalism.

We can see the dual role that the EU plays in the protection of class interests at the national and the EU level. The ruling classes at the national level ceded powers to the EU (thereby appearing weak) in order to shield themselves and to damp down national class struggles.

By presenting economic and fiscal policies as a fait accompli, deriving from “our” democratically agreed EU treaty obligations, they are able to argue that economic and fiscal policies are non-political and are mere matters of technical competence—all of this to subtly reinforce the idea that there is no alternative.

This duality of the EU is expressed in: European competition law preventing state aid to national industries.

The single market meaning little more than the rights of corporations to move capital across the EU internal market.

Intensifying economic competition between EU member states creating greater momentum for liberalisation.

What capitalism needs to secure for its own survival, its own objective interests, is the central purpose of the internal market! That is to increase downward

competition within Europe, its very own race to the bottom. The so –called ‘freedoms’ of movement are freedoms for capital to exploit.

This also applies at a global level, we communists, face the challenge of analysing and understanding the deep structural changes necessitated by capitalism itself. The drive for market expansion is approaching the limits of its capacity for growth. Financialisation and monopolization have proved unable to overcome stagnation.

The constant drive to control production, markets and exploit natural resources is already having a devastating impact on the lives of billions of people, as well as causing the destruction and elimination of thousands of species of plants and animals. Irreparable damage has already been done to the bio-diversity of our planet, ultimately threatening human existence.

Growing militarisation is yet another threat to our planet. Programmes such as the European Defence Industrial Development Programme (€500 million), Military Mobility (€6.5 billion) the European Defence Fund (€13 billion) along with Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) all coming into existence in just the last year. The Irish government under PESCO will be obligated to upgrade and develop the Irish armed forced at a cost of an additional €6 billion a year.

The EU security and defence budget is set to increase 22-fold in 2021 to €28 billion. This is not including border control with a budget of €21 billion for an army of 10,000 border guards or the many other hidden billions that will aid in the development of the military industrial complex in Europe.

This armaments industry was already worth more than €97 billion in 2014 and employs over 500,000 people directly and 1.2 million indirectly. It is an untapped goldmine in the eyes of Commission President Jean Claude Juncker and many other EU officials.

France and Germany have some of the biggest arms-making companies in the world and EU arms exports amount to over 27% of the world’s total, just second after the United States which exports 34%.

Forces at the heart of the EU want further fiscal integration, for tighter monetary controls, and a deepening of militarisation. At the same time, we are witnessing a growing alienation among workers across the EU, to the EU itself and the decades long austerity programmes which it has imposed.

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tion? Because it was accompanied by a social promise – sometimes implicitly. There was a belief that economic integration would spill over into neighbouring areas of politics and ultimately bring about Social Europe. This has proven itself patently false!

The growing uniformity of the member states has not prevented economic integration from becoming increasingly radical, but radical in the interests of capital and this ultra-capitalism has permeated into every conceivable area of politics. Yet, still some argue the EU is somehow salvageable! The submission to capitalism is complete and its roots are safely entrenched.

Private providers see European competition law as a god send. It is centred towards even further liberalisation, which is private enterprises ultimate goal.

We know that European economic integration serves to amplify globalisation.

And the working class know that the EU is the problem, but they are unclear why. Workers are reacting to their lived material conditions. We must understand their sense of powerlessness (mistaken) and the attacks on their living standards. We must reframe the discussion around the EU in a way that makes sense of their worsening conditions and growing precarity in life.

An analysis that does not demonise their misgivings but refocuses their anger into challenging the power and control of capital. If we do not speak to them and provide them with this analysis, the Right will do it for us. That is where we can make a strategic intervention, and present clarity where the Right can only sow confusion and division.

The current crisis triggered by the Brexit vote and now with the publication of the terms and conditions of the British state “leaving” the EU, are just another expression of the growing contradictions within capital in Britain itself, within the EU and in the USA. Within the EU the balance of forces are shifting, and each solution presented by the EU accentuate those contradictions.

Both “remainers” within Britain and the EU and “Brexiteers” have been using Britain’s border in Ireland as a means of securing their strategic positions.

The EU and the remainers within the British Conservative Party, with significant support among British Labour Party MPs, are holding on fast to the mantra of “no border in Ireland,” and using the Belfast Agreement (1998) as a stalking-horse for bringing this about, using the Irish national question as a pawn on the chess board.

Meanwhile the Brexiteers of the British establishment are using Unionism to lever May’s government

into taking a harder line with the EU. At the same 145 time the Democratic Unionist Party have been attempting to use the Brexit negotiations to undermine the Belfast Agreement of 1998.

Brexit has brought about a crisis in both the British union and the European Union.

The social democratic left as an organised force continues to decline but that does not mean a weakening of social democratic ideas and illusions within the working class. Reformist forces across the EU are offering the working class more of the same, more EU, and deeper EU integration while the class is looking for more accountable national governments and to have their vote mean something.

The Right appears to be capturing the current mood of the class, capitalising on the general disillusionment with the EU, creating serious problems for our movement. While we fish in the same pool, we offer different solutions to workers, but those solutions can only make sense when they accurately describe workers experiences and are reflective of material conditions. The Right offer easy and emotional answers, steering the class away from concrete solutions that challenge the system itself.

The political demand for national democracy and sovereignty is the ground upon which we can attack both the hard-nationalist right and pro-integrationist EU forces in the ruling class. We must articulate demands that give expression to the real needs of the working class and provide a revolutionary way forward.

Another area that we need to look at is the role of the euro as a mechanism for imposing fiscal controls by the central core countries on behalf of monopoly capitalism. Is this a possible structural weakness that we can attack and so weaken the superstructure of the EU? In Ireland the ruling class maintains itself through an alliance with both the EU political establishment, providing a veneer of sophistication, and international monopoly capital, providing fake GDP growth and some jobs in the economy. The position of our ruling class was exposed in the case of the Apple tax deal as a bankrupt state fights to give billions away and make sure Apple, and others, can continue to use Ireland as a tax haven.

Politically, the State and ruling class have embraced liberalism as a means of providing for ‘democratic’ debate in a space safe for monopoly capital to continue to run roughshod over workers’ rights. Recent popular referenda on marriage equality and abortion, while very welcome and progressive, are afforded far more space than debates about our tax

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regime or public social ownership of water.

Because there is a vacuum left by the collapse of social democracy this does not mean that we should move into that political swamp. Rather, it is a time for greater ideological clarity, greater understanding of our enemy and its growing contradictions.

At a conference like this we understand the common features of our parties and movements - no matter where we are in the world, we all fight for the destruction of capitalism, the overthrow of imperialism. But it is also important that the very real material differences in conditions and the balance of forces in our countries be considered.

We need to re-establish trust and respect between ourselves. Without the unity of communist forces, we could miss making a decisive contribution to the advancement of our class. This does not mean a unity of polite silence but a unity of respectful exchange of experiences and discussion of our differences, with an understanding of them.

It is through the challenging of each other in debate that we can all grow and develop our ideology. This challenging does not lead to the abandonment our revolutionary ideology but to a sharpening it, for use in class warfare. A war where solidarity will be key.

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Workers’ Party of Ireland

Comrades, The Workers Party of Ireland extends greetings to the parties present in Greece for the 20th International Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties and extends its thanks the Communist Party of Greece for hosting this meeting and providing the facilities for our work. I also bring congratulations from the Central Executive Committee of the WPI to the KKE on the 100th anniversary of its founding and to the Greek Communist Youth, KNE, celebrating50 years since it was founded in the struggle against the dictatorship.

This year we have celebrated the birth of Karl Marx.

The transformative impact of his ideas has been felt not only in politics, economics, history, philosophy and revolutionary theory and practice but also in sociology, geography, anthropology and literature. He has been the subject of thousands of books and papers and he has inspired revolutions which he had described as “the locomotives of history”.

One year ago we celebrated the 100th anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution, one of the greatest events in human history, an occasion of historic global significance,the impact of which reverberated around the world.

Lenin made a colossal contribution to Marxist thought, developing and enriching the theory and practice of socialist revolution. He insisted on the necessity of class struggle and workers’ power but he also recognised the importance of social alliances as an essential part of the revolutionary struggle and integrating the day-to-day struggles of the working class with revolutionary strategy. Within the framework of the struggle against the monopolies, the working class, led by their vanguard party, fights to defend the gains and achievements of the working class. In contemporary capitalism the everyday demands of the working class must be integrated with and directed against the capitalist system and the bourgeois state. Lenin stressed the importance for communists of creating unbreakable ties with the mass of the workers, the capacity to agitate unceasingly among them and the vital need to respond to their demands while maintaining and promoting a consistently revolutionary and openly Marxist programme.

It was in the context of building this relationship with the masses and winning over the majority of the workers that he elucidated the errors of refusing to participate in bourgeois parliaments or work in trade unions.Both Marx and Engels were active participants in the labour movement of their time. Marx, particularly in his attack on Proudhon in 1847, beIB 2019

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rated those who disparaged the gains of the labour movement and his instructions for the delegates of the General Council for the Geneva Congress emphasise the importance of the role of trade unions and the struggle of the labour movement.

Addressing himself to the German “Lefts” Lenin stated: “We cannot but regard as equally ridiculous and childish nonsense the pompous, very learned, and frightfully revolutionary disquisitions of the German Lefts to the effect that Communists cannot and should not work in reactionary trade unions, that it is permissible to turn down such work …”

The task of the communists within the trade union movement and in the bourgeois parliaments is to use every opportunity to raise class consciousness, to enable workers to develop a sense of their power as a class, to underline and emphasise the nature, basis and importance of class struggle, facilitating the organisation of mass campaigns and simultaneously demanding measures to improve conditions for working people and defending the labour movement’s achievements and gains.

Today the international communist movement is faced with many problems and challenges. Those problems and challenges can only be confronted through the work of a genuinely revolutionary party, a party imbued with an unshakeable ideological orientation,with the correct political theory, strategy and tactics and sustained and enduring connection with the broadest masses of the working people.

The revolutionary party must stand with working people in their day-to-day struggles to defend their hard-won rights and freedoms and to secure better working and living conditions, including permanent and stable work, with full social insurance, working and wage protection, full occupational, health and safety measures and full trade union rights; social protection for the sick, disabled, pensioners and the unemployed; obligatory public, universal social protection; the satisfaction of health, education, welfare and housing needs, including a quality public, universal and free system of health and medical care; free, compulsory public, secular education; a reduction in the retirement age (while abolishing a default retirement age), the payment of adequate pensions; democratic rights and trade union freedoms; an end to privatisation of public assets; the maintenance of strategic sectors of the economy by the state including energy, communications, education, transportation etc.; environmental protection etc.

However, it is the task of the communists to set each struggle in its political context which exposes the class character of society, raises class consciousness

and articulates in a concrete and understandable 149 way that socialism is the alternative.

Across Ireland workers face constant attacks on their rights, including the bogus designation of workers as “self-employed” to deprive them of their rights.

There is a serious housing crisis. The cost of housing in Ireland takes up an increasing amount of workers’’ income from 12% of average weekly household expenditure in 2004-2005 to 19.6% in 2015-2016.

Precarious work and low pay is pervasive. There has been a 25% increase in the number of workers who are in temporary employment between 2008 and 2016. The destruction of the manufacturing industry in Northern Ireland has led to the loss of thousands of skilled jobs in Gallahers, Michelin and Bombardier with the announcement of a further job loss of 490 jobs in Bombardier in recent days. The failure to address pressing social issues has resulted in increased levels of poverty, including an increase in fuel poverty, and a growing crisis in housing, education, health and social care. Despite serious concerns in Britain around the misery caused by Universal Credit, the roll-out process of Universal Credit in Northern Ireland has commenced with no action taken to suspend it. Public infrastructure projects have not been delivered. Meanwhile suicide rates in Northern Ireland more than doubled between 2005 and 2013.

The history of imperialism demonstrates that intervention, the subjugation of peoples and nations and the exploitation of their resources has profound consequences and exists for no other purpose than the dominance of the monopolies and the preservation of the capitalist system. Delivering humanity and the world from the threat of war, exploitation and oppression has always been and remains both an integral objective and vital task for communists.

The Soviet Union and the socialist states, before the capitalist restoration, had been a powerful force for liberation and social progress. NATO’s wars in Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria and Libya have left hundreds of thousands dead and injured; destroyed these countries’ infrastructure and destroyed the lives of millions of ordinary working people.The arms race continues with devastating consequences and lives, health, the environment, flora and fauna are despoiled and destroyed.

In recent days French President, Emmanuel Macron, and German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, reiterated the call for a “European Army”. In November 2016 Jean-Claude Juncker, the President of the European Commission, demanded closer military and security cooperation between EU member states.

In June 2017, within days of revealing a multi-bil-

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lion-euro plan to help fund European defence research, Juncker said it was time to integrate militaries and defence industries. In September 2017 he set out his plans for an EU-wide army. These plans to explicitly create a European army follow a long strategy for the militarisation of the EU. Article 42(3) of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) mandates member states to militarise and invest more funds into military spending: “Member States shall make civilian and military capabilities available to the Union for the implementation of the common security and defence policy, to contribute to the objectives defined by the Council … Member States shall undertake progressively to improve their military capabilities.”

In 2017 the Council of Ministers established Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) under Arts.42 and 46 TEU. These commit the participating Member States to” the principle of a single set of forces;” to increasing their military spending to reach specific monitored target levels, and to providing troops for EU combat missions.

NATO’s 2018 Summit Declaration characterises the EU as a “unique and essential partner for NATO,” and describes a “strategic partnership” between the two organisations while agreeing that capabilities developed under PESCO be available to NATO and be “complementary and interoperable”. These are dangerous developments for world peace demanding the attention and joint action of the international communist movement. Last weekend, in Dublin, Ireland, many international peace organisations, including the World Peace Council and Ireland’s Peace and Neutrality Alliance (which hosted the Conference) participated in the First International Conference Against US/NATO Military Bases. The struggle for peace and against capitalist exploitation and imperialist war remains a central task.

Under current conditions the working class in many countries is confronted with the rise in bourgeois nationalism which is utilised to divide workers on ethnic, national or religious grounds, weaken the workers’ movement, distract workers from the class struggle and obstruct and delay the advance towards socialism. These dangers must be confronted. Lenin made clear that bourgeois ideology must never be permitted to obscure proletarian consciousness and made clear that the working class should be the last to make a fetish of the national question and that, in place of all forms of nationalism, Marxism advances internationalism. The unity of the working class and the question of raising class consciousness so that workers identify with their class interests rather than

sectional or communal concerns are essential prerequisites for successful class struggle and socialism.

The task of the communist and workers’ parties, through all their activities and reinforced by the principles of Marxism-Leninism,is to engage fully in the struggle of the working class, to raise class consciousness and to create a strategy for anti-monopoly/anti-capitalist struggle in preparation for a rupture with the capitalist system, to end exploitation and oppression and to advance towards the construction of socialism and communism.

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Communist Party of Israel

Dear comrades, At the outset, allow me to extend a warm comradely greeting to the hosting party, comrades of the Communist Party of Greece, for hosting this important meeting of our Communist and Workers’ parties.

And to extend to you the warmest greetings on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of this veteran party - a memory that is a milestone in the life, ambition and struggle of the Greek people for peace and Greece’s full political and economic independence.

Dear comrades, This year, our annual conference being held while major changes occurin the world and the region.

Trump’s administration in the White House, however reckless and insane, in fact reflects the inability of American imperialism to continue govern the world in the same unipolar system that prevailed in the last three decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union. We do not claim that the American imperialism, its instruments and allies are “paper tigers”, we rather capture its danger, bloodthirst and defiance to International Law and peoples’ rights; we also acknowledge that the failure of its projects in our region specifically, announces the collapse of this bygone regime, and the crystallization of a new order in which the powers will rearrange their regional and global and alliances.

Trump’s alliance with the fascist and settler rightwing government in Israel, with the bloody reactionary regimes in the Gulf, with the racist anti-Semitic and anti-Islam in Europe - all reflect the aggressive, structural nature of the imperialist capitalist system and emphasize the need to confront it in every square.

In our country, the Netanyahu government seeks to liquidate the Palestinian cause, and to completely eliminate the right to self-determination of the ArabPalestinian people within the framework of the so-called “Deal of the Century”, which through the liquidation of the refugees’ issue; ending the issue of Jerusalem through the transfer of the American Embassy to it and recognizing it as the capital of Israel; the fragmentation of the West Bank and the separation of its north from its south through the continued deepening of settlements, specifically through the displacement and destruction of Khan al-Ahmar; and the imposition of the economically, politically, socially and humanitarian siege on the Gaza Strip to limit the Palestinian cause in the Gaza Strip only and turn it into a “small land”-without the West Bank. Last, imposing the national law on the Palestinian Arab citizens in the State of Israel

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The other side of this policy is the spread of fascism in Israeli society, the violation of freedom of expression, the press, academia, culture and the arts, on the systematic work and rights and achievements of the working class in Israel, and the escalation of hatred and racism towards Arab citizens and all marginalized groups in Israeli society.

Therefore, we deplore and condemn the political and military economic cooperation between the governments of Israel and Greece, which includes joint military exercises, allowing Israeli air forces to train in Greek airspace, extending gas pipelines between Israel, Cyprus, Greece and more, perhaps from what we do not know! We call for an end to this cooperation and pressure on the extreme rightwing government in Israel to solve the Palestinian issue fairly. The continuation of this cooperation in the context of Israeli intransigence and the continued denial of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, the deepening of settlements and the policy of aggression and the practice of a policy of racial discrimination against the Palestinian Arab minority in Israel does not serve the cause of peace and stability in the Middle East.

Dear comrades, The American brutality and the policy of enslavement of peoples in the war of aggression against Syria and the Syrian people have been closely coordinated with the Arab reactionary and Israel. A war aimed at eliminating Syria as a political entity with a clear political position, a position hostile to imperialism and supportive of the Axis of Resistance. The Syrian people succeeded in thwarting this conspiracy and in maintaining its unity, territorial integrity and national independence thanks to its great sacrifices, the convoys of the martyrs and the standing of all the good forces in the world alongside it. Since the first day of the aggression, our party, the Communist Party of Israel, has had a clear position that the Syrian people have the right, the sole and the legitimate, to choose its leadership and to formulate its political position; and that any external interference is a blatant aggression against the Syrian people and its national independence and territorial integrity . It is the right of the Syrian people and all the peoples of the world to enjoy a life dominated by democracy and social justice.

The war on Yemen by the Arab reaction led by Saudi Arabia, which falls into the colonial context and an attempt to limit the people’s desire for liberation and true national independence, is considered a criminal aggression against the Yemeni people and the continuation of this war is a crime against all hu-

manity, especially in light of the worsening humani- 153 tarian crisis.

Dear comrades, Our party is engaged in daily struggles, political and social, against racism and fascism, against the occupation and for the rights of the Arab Palestinian population in Israel.

Our party, less than a month ago, ran in the Municipal elections in more than 70 local authorities, where we succeeded in increasing our representation in the Arab local authorities and in the mixed cities and we won the presidency in about ten local Arab authorities. This is a great success in the attack on the left and the Arab population and their representatives .

Our party emphasizes the historic and immediate importance of building the widest possible Arab-Jewish front to unify all active forces in Israel against occupation and Apartheid. We want this broad front to fight for democracy and to repel fascism – and to serve the true interests of the two peoples in this country. We want this front to work on liberating Israeli society from the impact of Zionist brainwashing on the importance and legitimacy of this occupation.

Dear comrades, Our party is fighting hard against the increase in work accidents, especially in the construction sector, where more than 39 workers have lost there lives as a result of negligence in this sectordue to greedy money whales and contractors and the authorities’ reluctance in enforcing the laws of protection and safety in the workplace. This is a class issue, but it is also national, since the vast majority of the construction workers are Arabs, so the majority of the victims are Arabs. Thanks to the struggle of our comrades in the unions and the threat of public strike in all branches of the economy, the government has had to respond to the majority of demands to provide safety and protection for workers in this branch. .Our party, and its popular and parliamentary activism, have a central position in this struggle against the racist Nation-State law, which is rightly considered one of the manifestations of the fascist incursion into Israeli society. This law is an apartheid law with a distinction that states that there is no equality between citizens of the state, and that 20% of the citizens are citizens of the second degree, recognizes discrimination on a national basis, and eliminates the status of the Arabic language. We say that this homeland is the homeland of the Arab Palestinian population, which have no other homeland, and that their rights in their homeland derive from their

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belonging to it and form their right to self-determination. Here we will live and struggle for full equality of rights - national and civic equality. No less!

Our party notes the tight connection between the legislations aiming at consolidating the occupation and the attacks on the remaining fragile democratic margin in the country. The right-wing government recognizes that the implementation of its plans requires the final elimination of any source of demanding accountability and therefore it wages its war on the media and the judiciary system-it thus continues to slide towards real fascism.

The continued occupation in our country is the basis of the scourge. We therefore call upon all fraternal parties to step up their struggle in support of the right of the Palestinian Arab people to self-determination and to establish their independent state within the borders of June 4th, 1967 with East Jerusalem as its capital and the return of refugees in accordance with the resolutions of international legitimacy. This is the only true guarantee for the security and future of the two peoples in our country and for all the peoples of the region.

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Communist Party (Italy)

Queridos Camaradas, el Partido Comunista (Italia) saluda a los delegados de los partidos hermanos presentes en este encuentro internacional y en particular agradece al Partido Comunista de Grecia – KKE, por la organización de este importante evento.

El tema que se está debatiendo es muy exigente y precisa un esfuerzo analítico que claramente no puede quedarse limitado a esta reunión. Creemos que los Partidos Comunistas deben profundizar de manera científica y sistemática en el análisis de lo que es hoy en día la clase obrera y de cuál es su situación real dentro del capitalismo monopolista. Con demasiada frecuencia se oye hablar de todo eso de forma abstracta, estrictamente referencial, sin tener en cuenta las transformaciones que la clase ha sufrido, no sólo en términos cuantitativos sino también desde un punto de vista de la conciencia de clase.

A veces, sobre todo desde posiciones oportunistas, se oye hablar de la cuestión de manera expeditiva, como una especie en extinción, frente al supuesto surgir de “nuevo sujetos”, identificados en función del género o la orientación sexual, sin ningún planteamiento de clase. El análisis científico de la realidad obrera exige que se aborde, con un esfuerzo de estudio colectivo, el problema de las dificultades para cuantificar las categorías marxistas utilizando los datos oficiales de la contabilidad nacional y de los institutos de estadística, que usan criterios no marxistas de clasificación y tratamiento de datos.

A pesar de la sustitución tecnológica y de las deslocalizaciones hacia el extranjero, en Italia la clase obrera (casi 9 millones de asalariados en los tres macro sectores), sigue siendo la clase social más considerable, constituyendo casi el cincuenta por ciento de los trabajadores dependientes y, desde el dosmil once, muestra una tendencia estable al crecimiento (sube el once,cuarenta y tres por ciento en comparación con el dosmil once). Sin embargo, la fuerza potencial constituida por el número es compensada por la baja concentración, que representa un grave factor de debilidad. Solo el veintidos, ceroseis por ciento de la fuerza laboral se utiliza en empresas con más de doscientos cincuenta trabajadores, mientras el cuarentacinco, treintacinco por ciento se usa en las pequeñas y micro empresas con menos de diez trabajadores. Este es un grave factor de debilidad. La dispersión laboral hace que los trabajadores sean más débiles frente a la patronal y más fácilmente chantajeables, incluso teniendo en cuenta el hecho de que, en las empresas con menos de quince dependientes, se rompe la protección jurídica del Estatuto de los Trabajadores. Además, IB 2019

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la baja concentración de la fuerza laboral tiende a sustituir el sentido de pertenencia a la clase con el sentido de pertenencia geográfico (como demuestra el voto popular a la Lega Nord y episodios de contraposición de localismos entre trabajadores del mismo sector o incluso de establecimientos diferentes de la misma empresa). La fragmentación y la dispersión territorial generan graves dificultades en la organización de la actividad del Partido dentro de la clase obrera en la construcción de un combativo sindicato de clase.

Nuestro Partido, de todas formas, cree que es indispensable construir células comunistas, sobre todo en las fábricas, y más en general en los lugares de trabajo, trabajando para la recomposición y el fortalecimiento de la conciencia de clase, para la intensificación de la conflictividad y la elevación del nivel político de las luchas.

Desde un punto de vista retributivo, los salarios han sufrido una sensible reducción, agravada por la crisis, pero debida a la tendencia, endémica del capitalismo, a la compresión del salario. La debilidad política y organizativa de la clase obrera y la connivencia de los sindicatos reformistas con el empresariado, explican la disminución, igual a uno,cuarenta y dos por ciento, según los datos del OCSE, incluso de los salarios nominales en el periodo dosmil quince-dosmil diecisiete. Aún más fuerte ha sido la disminución de los salarios reales, cuya variacón anual se ha mantenido constante debajo del tipo de inflación real, con exclusión del periodo dosmilquatorce-dosmil dieciseis. El salario relativo, también, ha disminuido en el mismo plazo, como muestran nuestras elaboraciones estadísticas oficiales. De hecho, el capital respondió a la crisis aumentando la productividad, es decir la explotación de la fuerza laboral. El capital se ha apropriado casi enteramente del valor añadido (categoría de la economía burguesa que más se acerca a la de plusvalía), producido por el aumento de la productividad. En efecto, en el periodo dosmilcinco-dosmildiecisiete, la proporción de valor añadido destinada a los salarios ha sufrido una disminución igual a menos de cuatro, cuarenta y cuatro por ciento, mientras la destinada a los beneficios ha subido hasta el ocho, trenta y seis por ciento. Podemos decir, entonces, que ha aumentado la brecha social entre la clase obrera, que se ha empobrecido, y los capitalistas, que se han enriquecido a pesar de la crisis.

La crisis capitalista, sin embargo, ha golpeado de manera aún más fuerte – en proporción – a amplios sectores de la pequeña burguesia: los datos confirman una caída vertical de la retribución de

empleados, cuadros y ejecutivos, de los salarios de 157 artesanos, pequeños emprendedores y de algunas categorias de profesionales liberales, confirmando la previsión científica marxiana sobre la proletarización de las clases medias.

La devastación social, creada por el capitalismo decadente, abre espacios enormes al trabajo de los comunistas para la agregación alrededor de la clase obrera de un bloque social alternativo al que domina hoy, que se plantee el objetivo de la supresión revolucionaria de los ordenamientos actuales del poder burgués y del modo de producción capitalista. Nuestro Partido debe saber hablar también a los estratos populares, que no son proletarios o que están en vía de proletarización, víctimas no sólo de la crisis capitalista ,sino también de la renovación y de la “pequeña recuperación” capitalista.

Como vanguardia de la clase obrera tenemos que ser capaces de formular líneas políticas y propuestas que estén en condición de agregar y organizar estas clases, conquistando su consenso, haciéndoles entender la universalidad de los intereses de la clase obrera, convirtiéndolas en su aliados en el proceso revolucionario de supresión del capitalismo y de la siguiente construcción del estado proletario y de la economía socialista. En este sentido, nuestro Partido contribuye a la creación de organizaciones de masas, orientadas en dirección anti-capitalista, que pueda agregar estos estratos sociales, sustrayéndolos a la nefasta influencia de la derecha racista, xenofoba y fascista.

Queremos señalar que hablamos aquí de las alianzas sociales de la clase obrera, mientras rechazamos con toda firmeza cualquier alianza política entre los partidos, sea con fines electorales o sea – peor aún – en apoyo de supuestos gobiernos de izquierda, pero aún así burgueses. El movimiento obrero italiano ha pagado duramente estas líneas de colaboración y compromiso con partidos reformistas, ya fueran de orientación cristiana o socialdemócrata.

El eurocomunismo, que en su variante italiana podríamos llamar “berlinguerismo”, una de las peores degeneraciones revisionistas y oportunistas, basada sobre trastornos y falsificaciones del pensamiento de Gramsci, renegando el marxismo-leninismo, ratificó la desnaturalización del P.C.I., llevándolo antes a un abierto apoyo al gobierno burgués con la unidad nacional en los años Setenta, luego a la aceptación de la OTAN y de la naciente CEE, a la ruptura con el Movimiento Comunista Internacional y, al final, a su auto disolución. El final sin gloria del que había sido el mayor partido comunista del mundo capitalista debería hacer reflexionar a todos, también a aquel-

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los partidos que en nuestro País, han buscado recoger formalmente la herencia del P.C.I., sin un adecuado análisis crítico y autocrítico de los daños del compromiso eurocomunista con el Estado burgués.

También en su caso, la participación, interna y externa, en los gobiernos burgueses y en las coaliciones de centro-izquierda, les convirtió en cómplices de la aprobación de las peores medidas antipopulares, odiados por las masas y, finalmente, privados desde hace años de su apoyo y, es decir, de la representación parlamentaria. Allá, donde el eurocomunismo había arraigado, los partidos comunistas – pese a su fuerza – desaparecieron. A los mismos resultados han llegado los intentos de otros partidos comunistas de crear coaliciones “de izquierda”, en nombre de este o aquel objetivo contingente, o de la “emergencia nacional”. Creemos que estas posiciones son una manifestación de la teoria oportunista de las “etapas progresivas”, intermedias entre el capitalismo y el socialismo y que, de todas formas, llevan a la derrota y a la desaparición de los partidos proletarios de la escena política.

Con la misma firmeza, siempre basándonos sobre la experiencia histórica, rechazamos las teorias del “socialismo de mercado”, recordando como la decadencia que llevó a la victoria transitoria de la contrarrevolución en URSS y en los paises socialistas se determinó por la introducción de elementos de capitalismo, que devolvieron al mercado el papel de regulador de la economía en detrimento de la planificación centralizada. Hablamos de la privatización de los medios de producción en agricultura, transferidos desde el Estado a los kolkhoz en milnovecientocincuenta y ocho, de la concesión de autonomía a regiones y empresas, de la introducción del concepto de rentabilidad basado en el intercambio en vez del uso, del refuerzo del intercambio mercantil-monetario. Hablamos, esencialmente, de las reformas contrarrevolucionarias iniciadas por Khruschev durante el Vigésimo Congreso del PCUS y continuadas por Kosygin en los años siguientes. “¿Qué produjo esta inversión de tendencia? , deberían preguntarse aquellos partidos que hoy en día miran con favor al “socialismo de mercado”. Produjo la restauración del capitalismo, la contrarrevolución, el claro empeoramiento de las condiciones de vida de las masas trabajadoras.

El Partido Comunista (Italia), basándose en el análisis de las experiencias negativas mencionadas anteriormente, descarta con firmeza cualquier alianza partidista, cualquier participación en coaliciones electorales “de izquierda”, cualquier apoyo a gobiernos burgueses y, mientras trabaja para desarrollar

al máximo las alianzas sociales de la clase obrera de la cual es vanguardia, eleva con orgullo la bandera roja con la hoz y el martillo, bajo la que convoca a la lucha a todos los comunistas italianos, para la supresión del capitalismo en nuestro País, la instauración de la dictadura proletaria, la construcción del socialismo-comunismo. ¡VIVA EL MOVIMIENTO COMUNISTA INTERNACIONAL! ¡PROLETARIOS DE TODOS LOS PAÍSES, UNÍOS!

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Italian Communist Party

Dear comrades, firstly we would like to thank KKE for organising and hosting the 20th IMCWP. These meetings couldn’t exist without the pioneering role played by CP of Greece in organising this kind of meeting that allow all of us to share experience and ideas and fight together. These meeting is also a good way to celebrate the hundred anniversary of the foundation of the vanguard of the Greek working class, the Communist Party of Greece.

Dear comrades, 200 years after the birth of Karl Marx and 170 years from the publication of the Communist Manifesto, “the ghost of communism” still hovers around Europe and the world, thanks to the strengthening of socialist experiences (China, Korea, Cuba, Vietnam) and to the struggle of the world proletariat and the working class, even in the countries with advanced capitalist system and thanks to the role that the communist and workers’ parties play, each in its own unique national context. At the same time the anti-imperialist processes, that have changed the international balance of power in the world, have been strengthened, reducing the hegemony that USA has reached after the defeat of the USSR. The sharpening of US and NATO military aggression is a response - in terms of military hegemony - to this change in the international relation of forces, often driven by new and vast alliances and international cooperation of forces and countries (such as the movement of non-aligned countries, the BRICS or the country member of Shanghai Cooperation Organization) that play a decisive role of counterweight to US domination.

The communist and worker’s forces are called upon to do their part to avoid new military escalation leaded by imperialist forces and we’re called to be the most conscious and consistent player of the anti-imperialist struggle. The construction of a new and great movement against war and against NATO is the main urgent goal of the world communist and revolutionary movement and this task is linked, according to the characteristics of each national condition, to the defence of the working class’s right and to the struggle for socialism.

Italy is under an imperialist military occupation: about 120 NATO and US bases are placed in our country, equipped with at least 70 nuclear bombs; furthermore, about 50 thousand soldiers and North American officers are based in those military bases. They constitute a real anti-democratic “counter-power” that in the past was used to balance the power of working class’ struggles and today they still represent a daily interference in the domestic policies. While the people’s condition is getting the IB 2019

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worst day by day, our country spends about 80-million-euro par day for military expenses and to be Nato member. The Italian Communist Party is fighting for the exit of our country from NATO, for the closure of the military foreign bases and the withdrawal of Italy from military missions and to ban the illegal nuclear weapon stored in foreign bases and out of the control of Italian Parliament. Nevertheless, we are against the constitution of the European army, as recently proposed, once again, from Germany and France.

In this international scenario we evaluate the anti-people and regressive nature of the EU that is openly showing its real nature, representing the unity of the great European transnational capital, whose process has been accelerated since the collapse of the USSR. The founding Treaties of the EU reveal its neoliberal and militaristic nature and allow the reduction of salaries, rights and welfare in the continent, eroding the achievements of the workers’ struggles after the Second World War. In our country the anti-EU struggles are taking important steps in the consciousness of the people and on political level with specific initiative that call popular mobilisation for a referendum against the Constitutional reform made by former governments that has subordinate the country’s interest to the EU diktat.

In this framework, characterised by the impossibility to reform the EU, we consider necessary the break of EU’s cage and to dismantle its Treaties. Furthermore,under this conditions will be inevitable to overcome from Eurozone. Our political horizon is based on the relations of the European countries based on mutual cooperation and solidarity in the framework of a new European project that embrace all European continent, “from Portugal to Russia”, as a community of independent and sovereign countries, that shows solidarity each others, aimed by the spirit of peace, cooperation and solidarity with the other world countries and open to the cooperation with new international anti-imperialist blocks.

The titanic and hegemonic propaganda that imperialism extends to Western capitalist societies aims to remove its historical crisis and important tendencies are hidden from media system. The first one is the tendency - that has great historical significance - to the concentration of economic power, to the point that 1% of the world’s population has a wealth equal to that of the remaining 99%; the second is that, instead of disappearing as the capitalist propaganda has told for years, the world working class is booming and, it shows us the centrality of the class strug-

161 gle and of the absolute actuality of socialism.

The developments in the international and domestic situation demand a truly alternative path that continues to be postponed in our country by the choices made by the ruling classes, but the evolution of the national path, in recent years, confirms the decisive and irreplaceable role and need of the struggle of the workers, the role of the anti-monopoly and social sectors, with the aim to defence, restore and conquest new rights, and as a decisive condition for the construction of the left-wing alternative that can open a new stage in the road for socialism in our country.

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Jordanian Communist Party

I’d like to start by extending comradely greetings to 163 all the participating delegates of the communist and workers parties in this important meeting. Special greetings and salutes to the leadership and cadres of the fraternal Greek Communist Party for convening this conference and for the centenary of the Greek Communist Party. This Party has always been at the front lines bravely struggling for the vital interests of the working class to face the capitalist monopolist policies and that of the international financial institutions, especially the World Bank and the IFM. The successive and periodic meetings of the Communist and Workers Parties are essential to follow up on the analysis of the real situation and bring forth a unified intellectual front based on the creative Marxist Leninist theory and its dialectical materialistic approach enriched with the new scientific and technical progress. The precious revolutionary experiences of the global communist and leftist movements are here to help. These meetings provide an opportunity to exchange opinions over the current developments worldwide based on the evaluation of the fraternal communist and workers parties involved in these developments.

On behalf of the Jordanian Communist Party (JCP), allow me to express solidarity with the struggle of the communists worldwide against imperialism and the growing fascist and populist extremism in several countries. JCP appreciates what the Parties have done and wishes for more successes and achievements that benefit the working class and the other toiling classes to assist the vulnerable and the poor in their countries.

Dear Comrades, Our Party, which was established in 1952, is leading a continuous and multi-level struggle. At the political level, JCPadopts the priority to call for the democratization of the political and the public life and ending the rule of the conservative forces. This priority is also in the political agenda as well as in the agenda of our partners from among the progressive and democratic parties. For the implementation of this priority, our party marches on to get rid of the aftermath of the “Marshal Law” period that dominated our country from 1957 till 1989. JCP puts the widest popular and political pressure on the ruling coalition, which is formed by representatives of the comprador bourgeoisie as well as by the high level Beaurocratic Bourgeoisie, in order to change laws & regulations that overrule political life in Jordan. This includes changing the laws that overrule the political life including the Election Law, Political Parties Law, Civil Society Law, Media Law and the General Gath-

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erings Law. A new democratic perspectiveis needed to build a civil and democratic State. There is an immediate need for a State trustworthy to provide freedoms to all regardless of origin, class, sex or political views and which respects the diversity of intellectuals and political parties and those who express different opinions to the government’sdirectives.

At the economic level, the Jordanian ruling coalition is committed to the Neo-Liberal economic approach and to the policies and instructions imposed by the capitalist financial institutions like the World Bank, IMF and WTO. JCP is leading a sever confrontation, side by side with a wide range of other parties, democratic forces and progressive social figures, against the implemented economic policies that negatively affect the middle class and the lower strata of toiling groups, the vulnerable and the poor. Presently, such an economic policy is widening and deepening poverty and unemployment. JCP is organizing diversified activities to confront the Neo-Liberal oppressive economic policies out of commitment to the interests of the working class and the workers in the cities and in the countryside. Continuously,JCP leads confronting activities by issuing general statements and petitions, addressing the Parliament and the Cabinet to stand up to the interests of the people not to the interests of the ruling coalition and its dictate. Massive confrontations were organized in the first week of last June, when Amman and several other cities revolted against the new anti-middle class Income Tax Law. Consequently, the government had to leave and the new law had temporarily being stopped.

Dear Comrades, Alongside the political, economic and social challenges facing the Jordanian liberation movement, there is a new challenge of a different type and different nature. It is the challenge of terrorism and extreme religious violence. Jordan was able to avoid the big fire extinguished by the terrorist and extremist groups fed by the imperialist and reactionary circles in the region, in Syria & Iraq. Sparks of this fire came to Jordan in the form of terrorist operations executed by the dormant cells affected by the ideas of ISIS, which resulted in causalities among the security forces, the army and among civilians.

JCP keeps denouncing the beliefs and ideas exposed by the terrorist and extremist groups as well as the political and religious terrorism which return, in its roots, culture and ideology, to the medieval era, which had witnessed the ugliest forms of intellectual and political despotism, whereby terrorists commonly kill who differ in opinion in the most brutal

methods.

Here and now, JCP is calling for a broad front encompassing all enlightened forces that reject violence in all its forms and manifestations to open up a rational dialogue to support political and intellectual pluralism based on respect of the other opinions. JCP emphasizes that the confrontation with the forces of terrorism, extremism and violence in all its manifestations should not be confined to the security dimension, but must also include the intellectual dimension. Through the cultural and educational debate, Jordan needs to redraft the spiritual values and ethics to be guided by democracy, critical thinking and tolerance.

Dear Comrades, I take this opportunity to declareour solidarity with the fraternal Communist Parties in the Arab countries struggling against authoritarian regimes and undemocratic policies that follow the imperialist powers, especially the US imperialism.

I also take this opportunity, to express JCPs willingness to strengthen relationships with your Parties and to assure you of our solidarity with your brave struggle for the triumph of our common cause of popular democracy, dignity and social justice.

Salute to the peoples who are struggling to be back on the path to socialism declared by Marx and Engels and Lenin and to the new thinkers, who adhere to Marx, Engels and Lenin while developing new approaches according to the new conditions.

Dear Comrades, With due respect and appreciation to the Greek Communist Party and to all of you, I express again my thanks.

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Socialist Movement of Kazakhstan

Мы правильно оценивали тенденции развития политических процессов в Казахстане, когда говорили, что режим откажется от внешних одежд декларативного либерализма и пойдет по пути формирования откровенной диктатуры. Доказательством этому служат«конституционные реформы» по созданию суперпрезидентской республики и ликвидация в 2015-м году Коммунистической партии Казахстана, последней легальной оппозиционной партии в стране. Это сопровождается массированной кампанией подекоммунизации и дерусификации, разрушением памятников советским деятелям, введением латиницы вместо кирилицы, переименованием населенных пунктов и улиц, возвеличиванием националистов, боровшихся против большевиков и лиц, сотрудничавших с нацистской Германией. Кроме этого в стране происходит дальнейшей удушение свободы слова, сопровождающееся закрытием последних независимых изданий и блокировкой популярных интернет порталов. Еще год назад приняты новые нормы, дающие право ведомствам и прокуратуре без решения суда ограничивать доступ к веб сайтам, пропагандирующим «экстремизм». В результате в Казахстане ликвидированы практически все оппозиционные печатные и интернет издания, в том числе закрыт в течение четырех лет доступ и к нашему партийному ресурсу. В результате принятого в 2014-м году закона «О профсоюзах» уничтожаются и все неподконтрольные независимые профсоюзы. Только через суды ликвидировано свыше шестисот профсоюзов, которые не вошли в государственную Федерацию Профсоюзов Казахстана (ФПРК). В стране принудительно вводится монополия на профсоюзном поле и выстраивается жесткая вертикальная централизованная структура во главе с бывшим государственным чиновником. Трудящиеся полностью лишены права на создание собственных объединений. Но помимо принятых Уголовного, Административного Кодексов, где введена уголовная ответственность за организацию и участие в незаконных забастовках, за проведение митингов, за создание незарегистрированных профсоюзов и партий, правительство и парламент в 2015 году приняли и новый Трудовой Кодекс, который полностью низводит рабочих до положения рабов.

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Новый Трудовой Кодекс призван удешевить стоимость рабочей силы в стране, максимально облегчить капиталистам увольнение работников, бесконтрольно повышать нормы эксплуатации, увеличивать продолжительность рабочего дня и понижать заработную плату. Делается это в угоду горнодобывающих компаний, с целью увеличения прибыли. Принятие этого Кодекса вызвало недовольство даже многих официальных отраслевых профсоюзов, так как это приведет к неминуемому сокращению членской базы и к ликвидации многих профкомов. Такими мерами режим и крупный капитал пытается обезопасить себя от надвигающихся массовых протестов, и заранее узаконивает будущие массовые расправы, аресты, ликвидацию изданий, а также запрещает формирование независимых профсоюзов и оппозиционных политических организаций. Вся общественная деятельность фактически объявляется вне закона и загоняется в подполье. Консервирование всех политических процессов, полная информационная изоляция общества, подавление любых протестных выступлений и проявлений – вот к чему семимильными шагами движется режим. Год назад ряд партий списка Солиднет собрали подписи под нашим заявлением «Забастовка и профсоюзная деятельность не преступление!», когда власти осудили деятелей профсоюза нефтяников на два года тюрьмы за «призывы к проведению забастовки», а на самом деле за то, что они поддержали массовую голодовку протеста рабочих по факту ликвидации в суде Конфедерации Независимых Профсоюзов Казахстана. В итоге лидеры этой конфедерации также были осуждены по сфабрикованным делам, а касса, печати и документация была изъята следователями во время обысков. Репрессии и нападения на активистов профсоюзов продолжаются и в этом году, как и ликвидация профсоюзов. В этой ситуации Социалистическое Движение Казахстана пытается выработать новые формы деятельности и, особенно в рабочем движении. Это ставит вопрос и о дальнейших задачах и перспективах развития рабочего профсоюза «Жанарту», которому отказано в регистрации. Сейчас СДК должен инициировать и принять участие в широком фронте профсоюзов, общественных организаций и групп граждан, против принятия этих законов и норм, против

наступления реакции и усиления репрессий, 167 удушения свободы слова и уничтожения всех мыслимых гражданских и политических прав. Это единственный правильный шаг, как и категорический отказ от какого-либо «объединения» и блокирования с любой буржуазной оппозицией. Казахстанский режим, установлен в интересах транснациональных корпораций и не смог бы добиться укрепления своих позиций без поддержки западного и глобального капитала без поддержки транснациональных корпораций, заинтересованных в жесткой диктатуре, в целях создания благоприятных условий для грабежа ресурсов, эксплуатации дешевой рабочей силы и получения сверхприбылей. Именно для этих целей они уничтожали и уничтожают профсоюзы, а также пытались внедрить чуждые рабочему классу либеральную и даже правую идеологию при активном участии Американской Федерации Профсоюзов, Международной Конфедерации Профсоюзов и европейских профсоюзов. В течение многих лет, начиная с начала 90-х годов, в Казахстане действовали различные фонды, которые подкупали деятелей профсоюзов и пытались политически разоружить рабочее движение с целью поддержки рыночных реформ, массовой приватизации и даже слома солидарной пенсионной системы и введения накопительной по чилийскому образцу. И сейчас фонд Эберта от социал-демократической партии Германии поддерживает и выделяет гранты наиболее реакционным и провластным организациям, поддерживая нынешний политический режим в Казахстане. В любых крупных трудовых конфликтах проявляется отрицательная роль тех или иных партий, называющих себя «левыми» и даже отраслевых глобальных профсоюзов, входящих в Международную Конфедерацию Профсоюзов (МКП), которые на деле служат интересам как местного капитала, так и транснациональных корпораций, то есть выступают инструментами империализма. Так во время забастовки нефтяников в 2011 году, которая длилась восемь месяцев и охватывала несколько десятков тысяч рабочих Западного Казахстана, руководство Глобального отраслевого профсоюза химической промышленности, чтобы не допустить развитие международной кампании солидарности, заявило о том, что

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это выступление рабочих якобы вовсе не профсоюзная борьба, а бунт маоистов и политических экстремистов. Под «политическим экстремизмом» видимо имелось ввиду требование бастующих о национализации всей добывающей и крупной промышленности под контролем трудовых коллективов, а также призывы о проведение всеобщей политической забастовки, создание своей рабочей партии и федерации классовых профсоюзов. Что интересно, но даже и после расстрела мирного митинга рабочих 16 декабря 2011 года, где погибло более 70ти человек, а свыше 500 были ранены, когда против бастующих были брошены помимо полиции бронетранспортеры и танки бригады морской пехоты, вооруженной и оснащенной американским оружием, Международная Конфедерация Профсоюзов выпустила заявление, где призвала нефтяников и власти прекратить насилие в отношении друг друга. То есть эта конфедерация уравняла безоружных рабочих и армию с танками. Отреагировали в таком же роде не только глобальные профсоюзы, но и некоторые коммунистические партии в странах СНГ, которые открыто в своей прессе поддержали это подавление в крови бастовавших рабочих, мотивировав это тем, что интересы единого рынка, экономического союза и «отечественных производителей» превыше забастовок, которые дестабилизируют обстановку.Мы думаем, что у этих партий уже давно нет классового подхода в вопросах и оценках событий, когда они расценивают тот или иной режим с точки зрения интересов «отечественного производителя», то есть капитала, хотя забастовка нефтяников затронула в основном предприятия добывающей промышленности с участием иностранного капитала. Этого говорит о том, что глобальный характер капитализма проявляет себя во всем, в том числе и в вопросах крупных трудовых конфликтов, как это произошло на примере расстрелянных нефтяников Казахстана и уничтоженных казахстанских профсоюзов в угоду транснациональных корпораций. Соответственно и сопротивление рабочего движения наступлению капитала может быть тоже только на международном уровне. И то что сейчас проходит эта встреча коммунистических и рабочих партий по такому важнейшему вопросу уже позитивное явление.

И коммунистические партии, если они себя считают авангардом рабочего класса и всех трудящихся должны организовывать эту международную борьбу и сопротивление и переводить её на антикапиталистические рельсы, показывая социалистическую альтернативу. То есть на практике в своей деятельности постоянно должен поддерживаться и провозглашаться постулат о том, что социальное и политическое освобождение трудящихся неотделимо от необходимости слома существующей системы и завоевания власти с целью обобществления производства. Как и сто лет назад должна показываться революционная повестка и программа коммунистического движения, а не встраивания в парламентскую буржуазную систему, где уже сместились и перемешались все политические спектры. Особенно это актуально сейчас в момент опасности разрастания, как и в 1914-м году новой мировой империалистической войны, когда коммунистические и рабочие партии должны не успокаивать рабочих или мобилизовать их в интересах защиты своего «отечества», то есть действовать в интересах тех или иных империалистических блоков, а формировать свою самостоятельную политическую линию. И тут снова и снова встает практический вопрос политического и идеологического завоевания коммунистами рабочего движения, преодоления того разрыва между партиями и профсоюзами, который сложился в ряде стран. Со своей стороны, мы пытаемся выстроить новые структуры рабочего движения в странах СНГ. Так в августе этого года в Москве прошла конференция«Традиции классового профсоюзного движения и вызовы современности», в которой деятельное участие приняли представители коммунистических и рабочих партий России, принимающих участие в сегодняшней встрече, а также из Казахстана, Белорусии, Украины, Молдовы и Таджикистана. В итоге было образовано Евразийское региональное бюро Всемирной Федерации Профсоюзов и Информационный Центр рабочего движения стран СНГ. Это дает определенные перспективы для появления и развития классовых профсоюзов, пропаганды идей строительства объединений по типу Всегреческого боевого рабочего фронта ПАМЕ, которое примером боевой организации рабочих.

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Workers’ Party of Korea

Esteemed Comrade Chairman, Dear Party representatives from different countries, I would like to begin my speech with warm congratulations on the 20th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties that has opened in Athens, a cradle of human civilization and city with a time-honored history, for the purpose of advancing the cause of socialism, the ideal and future of humankind.

I also take this opportunity to extend my heartfelt congratulations to the Communist Party of Greece on the centenary of its founding and convey militant greetings of the members of the Workers’ Party of Korea (WPK) and the Korean people to the members of the KKE and the working people of Greece.

My warm comradely greetings go to all the delegations and representatives of communist and workers’ parties present here.

Comrades, Today, we came together in this place to discuss the tasks of the communist and workers’ parties in the struggle to safeguard peace and socialism and to champion the rights of working masses in light of the vicious reactionary offensive of imperialists against socialism and world progressive people.

As the ruling party of a socialist country, the WPK assumes theimportant mission of defending peace and security on the Koreanpeninsula from imperialist aggression and threats of war whilesuccessfully carrying out socialist construction in the country.

Defending peace and socialism and protecting the popular masses from imperialist aggression and threats is not a question raised yesterday, but a protracted and arduous struggle the WPK had to wage for more than 70 years since the very day of its foundation.

The socialist construction is accompanied by constant war threats of imperialists and the anti-imperialist struggle is in itself the course of building socialism—these are the special characteristics and arduous nature of the Korean revolution.

Last year on the stage of the 19th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties held in Russia, the Workers’ Party of Korea expressed its unwavering resolve and firm determination to root out the nuclear war threats of the US imperialists and to safeguard the Korean-style socialism and the peace of the Korean peninsula and the region.

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the Korean peninsula and reliably ensure the peace and security of the region and the world.

Comrades, A year ago our Party solemnly declared to the world that we had accomplished war deterrence capable of defending the security of the state and people in a reliable manner, thus equipping itself with a powerful treasured sword for defending peace.

This is truly a great victory for the Korean people that put anend to the history of imperialist threats of aggression and nuclear war on the Korean peninsula, an event of great historical significance that fundamentally changed the power dynamics on the Korean peninsula and in the region.

This miraculous turn of events surrounding the Korean peninsula was made possible only because the Workers’ Party of Korea and the Korean people secured a mighty strength at a costly price with a do-or-die spirit, the strength so powerful that no one would dare challenge; this reality also explicitly shows that one should defend peace and socialism with one’s own strength.

As we all know, Comrade Chairman of the Workers’ Party of Korea energetically conducted bold summit diplomacy, thereby bringing about a dramatic easing of tension on the Korean peninsula and in the region that only a year ago had been driven to the brink of war and successfully opening up a new era of peace and prosperity.

Changes that were unimaginable in the past have been made in inter-Korean and DPRK-US relations and the relations of friendship and cooperation with our neighbouring countries were revitalized, creating a favourable environment for Korean reunification and initiating a process of removing the danger of armed conflicts and nuclear war on the Korean peninsula.

Countries that remained hostile toward the DPRK for decades are now stepping forward for dialogue with us one after another and this is by no means due to some sort of “change in our stand” but because they could not but acknowledge the hard fact that nothing could undermine the strategic status of our state and so have to reformulate their policies toward the DPRK. The new phase of situation created on the Korean peninsula thanks to our proactive actions and efforts is of great significance.

With the arrival of calm on the Korean peninsula and in the region, our Party and people are now able to vigorously push ahead with the socialist construction in a more peaceful environment, and the imperialists are left with fewer excuses for war provocation

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The inter-Korean relations have greeted a new era of peace and prosperity, opening up a prospect for the Korean people to realize their long-cherished desire for reunification and national liberation and advance the building of an independent world where the sovereignty and equality of all countries and nations are ensured and where there is no domination and subjugation.

The successes achieved by the WPK and the Korean people in their struggle to frustrate the threats of aggression and war by the imperialists and ensure peace and security on the Korean peninsula and in the region are a common victory for all the revolutionary parties and progressive peoples of the world who have fought for socialism under the banner of independence against imperialism.

The essential factor in this great victory is not elsewhere.

The Central Committee of the WPK has put forward grand and correct policies and strategic and tactical lines to accelerate the overall upsurge of the Korean revolution in accordance with the prevailing situation and the requirements of the revolution, and organized and mobilized all the Party members and people in the struggle for their implementation.

Herein lies the key to all victories won.

In the historic April plenary meeting of the Party CentralCommittee Comrade Chairman of the Workers’ Party of Korea put forward a new strategic line of concentrating all the efforts of the Party and the state on building the socialist economy now that our revolution has entered a new stage.

The new strategic line is taken by our Party on its own initiative under current circumstances in which the DPRK has risen to the solid position as a global politico-ideological power and military power. It is a correct and realistic line which scientifically reflects our people’s aspirations and whose feasibility is fully guaranteed.

Now that we have fostered our strength to the level that we require and we can firmly guarantee the security of our state and people, it became possible for us to channel all efforts into economic construction and the improvement of people’s livelihood.

Despite vicious sanctions and blockade by the imperialists, the WPK and the Korean people are performing unprecedented miracles and innovations in the economic construction and in the efforts to improve the people’s livelihood, relying on science and technology under the banner of self-reliance and self-sufficiency.

The grand celebrations which were held recently

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on the 70th founding anniversary of the DPRK amid great interests of the international society marked a significant occasion through which the politico-ideological might and economic and military strength of Korean-style socialism as well as the high international prestige of the WPK and the DPRK were fully demonstrated.

Despite its economic difficulties, our country is invariably implementing social policies such as free education and free medical care and channelling all efforts into promoting the well-being of the people.

This testifies to the superiority of Korean-style socialismcentred on popular masses that never loses the original nature of genuine socialism under any circumstances.

Although what our Party and people have achieved is tremendous, we are never satisfied with it and there are still hurdles and challenges to overcome in the way forward of our revolution.

The WPK will invariably adhere to the socialist and revolutionary principles in the revolution and construction and successfully accomplish the cause of building a powerful socialist country relying on our own efforts under the unfurled banner of independence against imperialism.

Comrades, Global independence has always been the goal of WPK’s foreign policy and it is a common aspiration of humankind.

Socialism constitutes the core of anti-imperialist forces and acts as the decisive factor of promoting the struggle to repel the moves of war and aggression by the imperialists and realize global independence.

Socialist countries should strengthen mutual support and solidarity through the struggle to frustrate the aggression and arbitrary practices of the imperialists under the banner of socialism and anti-imperialism. All the countries and peoples of the world defending independence should support and encourage the cause of socialism and staunchly fight against the anti-socialist moves of imperialists and reactionaries.

The communist and workers’ parties and progressive peoples should unite and cooperate to stand up against the crafty moves of the imperialists trying to divide and disintegrate the global socialist movement and direct the spearhead of their struggle at theircommon enemy, the imperialists.

The WPK will continue to set store by the traditional relations of friendship and cooperation with all parties and peoples of socialist countries including Cuba which is building socialism in direct con-

frontation with the US imperialists and constantly strengthen and develop these relations.

We hereby reaffirm our solidarity with the Communist Party of Greece and all other communist and workers’ parties who are vigorously fighting against capitalist exploitation and for the rights of the working class and popular masses.

We also extend our firm solidarity to all progressive peoples of the world including peoples of Syria, Palestine and Venezuela who are fighting for justice and peace opposing imperialist aggression and intervention.

I wish to once again express my sincere thanks to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Greece for kindly inviting the WPK and for hosting such a successful meeting as well as to the communist and workers’ parties from around the world for their consistent support and encouragement extended to the just cause of the WPK and the Korean people.

The WPK, in the future too, will stand in the van of the struggle for the ultimate victory of the cause of socialism, the ideal and future of humankind, and fully commits itself to the joint struggle with all revolutionary parties of the world to this end.

Thank you.

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Party of Communists of Kirgizia

Товарищи! Позвольте от имени Центрального Комитета Партии коммунистов Кыргызстана и лично от Председателя Исхака Абсаматовича Масалиева поприветствовать участников и гостей 20-го Международного совещания коммунистических и рабочих партий! С каждым годом усиливается роль и значение международных встреч коммунистических и рабочих партий. Данная площадка позволяет нам обмениваться информацией и опытом борьбы против господства капитала. Ставшая славной традицией международные встречи коммунистических и рабочих партий доказала свою жизнеспособность и историческую своевременность в период развития монополистического капитализма. Несомненно, данный формат встреч стала играть передовую роль в мировом коммунистическом движении. Товарищи, друзья! Знаменательно, что встреча наших братских партий проходит в дни 100-летия со дня основания Коммунистической партии Греции. С первых дней своего существования КПГ вела борьбу за освобождения трудящихся от гнета национальной и иностранной буржуазии. В период Второй Мировой Войны КПГ став ядром и духовным лидером народа Греции, стала движущей силой национальноосвободительного движения. Несмотря на колоссальное давление со стороны национальной реакционной буржуазии, КПГ не прекращала вести вооруженную борьбу против немецко-итальянских захватчиков и английских интервентов. Вмешательство английских, а в последствии американских войск в политические дела Греции вызвали гражданскую войну в стране. КПГ вновь была объявлена вне закона, 40 тысяч коммунистов оказались в заключении либо ссылке. Однако, коммунисты Греции выстояли, не испугались трудностей и добились успехов. То же самое можно сказать о сегодняшней борьбе КПГ. В виду того, что капитализм серьезным образом видоизменился, а буржуазия стала себе позволять либеральничать, тем самым зарабатывая себе популярность в народе, методы борьбы в современных условиях жизни тоже изменились. В наш информационный век парламентские формы борьбы стали актуальными как никогда. Успехи КПГ на парламентских выборах с 2009 по 2012 гг. тому верное подтверждение. Внушает уважение тот факт, что КПГ в 2012 году четко IB 2019

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и аргументировано, отказалась от участия в буржуазном правительстве. Это дает понять, что парламентские формы борьбы должны в нужный момент комбинироваться более жесткими и радикальными методами борьбы. С уверенностью можно заявить, что КПГ за десятилетия борьбы, и особенно в период руководства партией Никосом Захариадисом, а с 2013 года Димитрисом Куцумбасом показала пример стальной воли и мужества, пример твердой убежденности в правоте своего дела. В период развития монополистического капитализма и начальной стадии империализма, коммунистические и рабочие партии мира нуждаются в видоизменении и разработке новых теоретических основ марксизма-ленинизма с учетом объективной действительности. Как известно Партия коммунистов Кыргызстана именно, так и поступает. Умело используя, парламентские формы борьбы ПКК добилась, немало успехов на парламентских выборах с 2000 по 2010 гг. В период с 2001 по 2005 годы ПКК была самой крупной партией в парламенте страны. Несмотря на беспрецедентный нажим со стороны официальных властей, сопровождающийся «оголтелой очернительской» компанией в СМИ ПКК добилась высоких показателей доверия народа. Однако, с 2010 года наша партия находится в осадном положении. На сегодняшний день, Партия коммунистов Кыргызстана представлена в парламенте страны пока лишь одним коммунистом, в лице Председателя Центрального Комитета Партии коммунистов Кыргызстана Масалиева Исхака Абсаматовича. Отрадно, что мы имеем тесные идеологические и исторические связи между нашими партиями. На фоне новых угроз и вызовов возникающихся из-за океана, взаимоподдержка и выполнение интернационального долга становится актуальными как никогда. Товарищи! Позвольте мне как самое справедливое выражение моих чувств выразить благодарность и пожелать успехов нашим братским партиям! Да здравствует пролетарский интернационализм! Да здравствует дружба между нашими народами! Да здравствуют наши братские партии!

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Socialist Party of Latvia

177 Уважаемые товарищи! После трагедии распада СССР и образования на его обломках формально самостоятельных и независимых государств прошло уже 27 лет. Одним из возникших таким образом государств стала Латвийская Республика. К моменту этого исторического катаклизма в советской Латвиипроживали 2млн.681тыс. человек. По численности населения это былапредпоследняя среди всех республик Советского Союза. Однако экономикаЛатвии была в то же время третьей в Союзе, после Москвы и Ленинграда. В сложившейся ситуации распада многонационального государства онаоказалась в исключительно благоприятных стартовых возможностях для дальнейшей самостоятельной жизни. Однако, богатое наследство, доставшееся от советского периода, было использовано для насыщения аппетитов стремительнобогатевшей местной буржуазии, а также в качестве призового фонда многочисленным западным консультантам по построению в Латвиилиберальной модели экономики.Результат к настоящему времени оказался более, чем плачевным. За прошедшие 27 лет Латвия утратила 51% своего ВВП и почти 800 тысяч населения без войн, эпидемий и стихийных бедствий. Захватившие власть силы реставрировали в республике буржуазно-националистический режим, провозгласили в экономике курс безудержного либерализма, во внешнеполитической сфере решительно встали на сторону стран западного сообщества, активно демонстрируя с тех пор ярко выраженную антироссийскую позицию. Во внутренней политике все эти годы поддерживается высокая степень нетерпимости к советскому периоду истории Латвии, коммунистической идеологии и её сторонникам. В уголовное законодательство введены нормы, предусматривающие ответственность запубличное прославление достижений советского периода, а использование советской и коммунистической символики при проведении публичных мероприятий наказывается административной ответственностью. Все крупные промышленные предприятия прекратили существование, их оборудование за бесценок продано западным компаниям. Многочисленные когда-то трудовые коллективы распались. Люди оказались поставлены

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перед проблемой добывания средств для выживания своих семей. Власти активно проводят политику разобщения и расслоения общества, насаждая приоритет личного интереса над общественным. Организация структур политических партий в трудовых и учебных коллективах запрещена законом. Повальное банкротство промышленных предприятий в девяностых годах нанесло сокрушительный удар профсоюзному движению в республике. Массовые увольнения, страх остаться без работы и средств к существованию, правовая незащищённость трудящихся породили в их среде глубокий пессимизм.Первый же премьер-министр, восстановившей независимость Латвии, лишил профсоюзы возможностипользоваться Социальным фондом, передав его в ведение министерства благосостояния. Действующий Трудовой закон, претерпевая многочисленные изменения, становился всё более лояльным для работодателей, ухудшая положение наёмных работников. В большей степени, чем в других отраслях, удалось сохраниться профсоюзам работников бюджетной сферы (врачи, учителя, работники государственных учреждений и самоуправлений). С ними власть хотя бы демонстрирует видимость готовности к диалогу и желанию быть посредникомв отношениях с работодателями. Но и в этой ситуации легко усматривается стремление поддерживать напряжение в отношениях двух основных языковых общин Латвии, поскольку в бюджетной сфере традиционно заняты,в основном, представители латышской части населения. В латвийском обществе властями осуществляется неприкрытая политика национального протекционизма по отношению к латышской части населения и всё усиливающихся ограничений национальнокультурных интересов остальныхжителей республики. Выборы в представительные органы высшей и местной власти постоянно проходят под лозунгами противопоставления интересов латышских и русскоязычныхизбирателей. Жёсткая поляризация насаждается в обществе по отношению к оценке событий Второй мировой и Великой Отечественной войны. К настоящему времени буржуазные власти Латвии уже выполнили все важнейшие стратегические задачи, ставившиеся западными

наставниками: Латвия стала полноправным членом Евросоюза, вошла в Еврозону, является активным членом военного блока НАТО, наконец, сумела стать членом элитного экономического клуба европейских стран OECD. Скорейшее и безусловное выполнение этих задач объяснялось населению как необходимое условие будущего процветания нашей страны. Однако, выполнив поставленные задачи, Латвия за неполные тридцать лет лишилась крупнейших предприятий своей промышленности и сельского хозяйства, утратила многие тысячи рабочих мест для квалифицированных рабочих, технологов и инженеров. Высшие учебные заведения, колледжи и профессиональные школы резко сократили либо вообще прекратили обучение ставшим уже ненужными в Латвии специальностям. Сотни тысяч латвийцев, не найдя возможностидля получения перспективного образования, дальнейшей трудовой занятости, обеспечения достойной жизни своим семьям, оказались вынужденными покинуть родину и отправиться на поиски лучшей жизни в другие страны. По оценкам экспертов, ежегодно страну покидают порядка 18 тысяч её жителей, это означает, что каждый час в вынужденную эмиграцию отправляются два человека. Численность населения страны стремительно и необратимо сократилась, поскольку смертность также стабильно превышает рождаемость. Нарастает и обостряется материальное расслоение общества, продолжает углубляться межнациональный раскол. Все эти годы у власти в Латвии, временами сменяя друг друга, находятся буржуазные партии, различающиеся только принадлежностью своих спонсоров. Одни, в большей степени, опираются на местный капитал, другие – на международный. Но всех их объединяет острая ненависть к советскому прошлому и махровый национализм. Осознание того, что результаты их правления вызывают все большее недовольство населения Латвии, заставляет правящих активнее искать способы отвлечения внимания недовольных. Так, на состоявшихся в октябре парламентских выборах, большинство партий, в том числе, объединяющих политиков, не однажды входивших в правящую коалицию, вышли к избирателям с обещанием круто изменить проводимую в стране политику.Ради сохранения в своих руках власти, буржуазия IB 2019

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способна на любые ухищрения. Доверия к таким маневрам у избирателей остаётся с каждым разом всё меньше.Количество голосующих постоянно сокращается. На этот раз их стало ещё на 5% меньше, чем в прошлые выборы четыре года назад. Но выборы, в которых приняли участие чуть более половины из имевших право голоса латвийцев, состоялись. Однако, как и следовало этого ожидать, дававшиеся избирателям громкие обещания, после выборов сразу стали разменной монетой торга между партиями за министерские портфели в правящей коалиции. Спектакль буржуазной демократии в очередной раз завершился закономерным финалом. Понимая, что игра с народом в демократию однажды может и не получиться, правящий режим заблаговременно готовится к силовому варианту действий. Для демонстрации своей решимости по отношению к недовольным, власти применяют репрессии даже к активистам, выступающим против реформ в системе образования, лишающим детей, принадлежащих к нацменьшинствам, возможности получать среднее образование хотя бы частично на родном языке. На случай, когда и запугивание станет недостаточным, власти создают в четырёх регионах республики дополнительные подразделения по борьбе с массовыми беспорядками. К выполнению этой задачи готовятся и военные контингенты западных стран, расположенные на латвийской территории. Они участвуют в соответствующих учениях вместе с местными силовиками. Исходя из конкретных условий в стране, Социалистическая партия Латвии в настоящее время концентрируется на двух основных направления работы. Первое – наращивание и укрепление наших рядов. Второе – активное разоблачение политики правящих партий. С этой целью мы стараемся больше организовывать публичные мероприятия – митинги, пикеты, агитационные поездки, - на которых выражаем свою позицию, отражающую интересы трудящихся республики. Большие возможности для агитации среди населения дают нам избирательные кампании, даже несмотря на то, что они проходят по правилам буржуазной демократии. Убедительно это доказывал и В.И.Ленин, например, в статье «Платформа реформистов и платформа революционных социал-демократов», он писал: «Для социалдемократии выборы - не особая политическая

операция, ловля мандатов ценой каких угодно 179 обещаний или заявлений, а лишь особый повод агитации за основные требования и за основы политического миросозерцания сознательного пролетариата». (В.И.Ленин, ПСС, т.22, стр.168). Для нашей партии в этой ленинской мысли заключен очень важный ориентир, не позволяющий увлечься тем, чтобы участие в выборах превратилось лишь в охоту за голосами избирателей любой ценой, тогда как должно стать, прежде всего, широкой кампанией по пропаганде среди трудящихся классового подхода к оценке щедрых предвыборных обещаний кандидатов буржуазных партий. Уважаемые товарищи! Содержание деятельности наших партий сегодня диктуется не только объективной противоположностью интересов правящих буржуазных сил и трудящихся наших стран, но и постоянно растущей напряжённостью в мировой политике, вызванной очередным кризисом в империалистическом лагере. Дальнейшее развитие этого кризиса неминуемо приведёт к значительным изменениям в политическом устройстве не только мировой системы, но и в целом ряде отдельных стран. Крайне необходимой в таких условиях становится товарищеская солидарность между нашими партиями. В этой связи я обращаюсь к участникам встречи с просьбой направить приветствия в адрес XXII съезда Социалистической партии Латвии, который состоится 15 декабря. Это будет очень сильной товарищеской поддержкой нашей партии в дальнейшей работе. В заключение я выражаю глубокую признательность руководству греческой компартии за многолетние большие усилия по сплочению международного коммунистического и рабочего движения. Всех греческих коммунистов сердечно поздравляю со 100-летним юбилеем партии, уверенно идущей в авангарде борьбы за завоевание политической власти рабочим классом.

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Lao People’s Revolutionary Party

First of all, I am very pleased and honored to lead the 181 delegation of the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party to attend the 20th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties (IMCWP), which is held in this beautiful city of Athens. I would like to express my sincere thanks and gratitude to the Communist Party of Greece for the warmest welcome and the excellent arrangements made for this gathering.

The 20th IMCWP coincides with the marking of the centenary of the foundation of the Communist Party of Greece, which is of historical importance for the Party’s political and social life. Throughout its development course, the Communist Party of Greece, which is the political organization of the Greek workers, continues to enhance its leadership role and consolidate its outstanding historical feats in the country, hence recording successive achievements in various areas. The Party also plays an active role in the international arena, in particular in the framework of the IMCWP. On this auspicious occasion, on behalf of the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party I would like to whole-heartedly congratulate the Communist Party of Greece and wish it a greater success in leading the Party’s noble cause.

The theme of the meeting is relevant as it reflects the political tasks of the communist and workers’ parties in the struggle for fulfilling the proletariat and workers’ cause to liberate themselves, fight against exploitation and imperialist wars in all forms for the protection of rights and legitimate interests of the workers and people, for global peace and socialism.

Distinguished delegates, This year is a remarkable year for the communists and workers worldwide as they commemorate the Bicentenary of Karl Marx, the greatest thinker and founder of communism. The communists and workers across the world organized various seminars, discussions, lectures and other related activities in a substantive and meaningful manner so as to highlight Karl Marx’s scientific theoretical thought, which is held as the greatest one in the world and in the history of humankind, and reaffirm the continued relevance of Karl Marx’s theory and concepts in the present times.

As far as the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party (Lao PRP) is concerned, since its inception on 22ndMarch 1955 the Lao PRP consistently uphold Marxism-Leninism as the Party’s fundamental ideological theory and appropriately apply it, particularly in the areas of politics and theories, Party building, society and economy as well as national defense and security in accordance with the realities of the country in each period, being it, in the course of struggle for national

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liberation and of national safeguarding and development.

During the period of colonization by foreigners, the Lao people under the leadership of the Lao PRP were united to up-rise against feudalist and foreign imperialist, thus eventually scoring full victory and proclaim the foundation of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic on 2 December 1975.

After the country’s independence, the Lao PRP continues to lead the Lao people to undertake recovery works, healthe wounds caused by the war, and to carry on the implementation of the national defense and construction tasks towards socialism.

In particular, the 4th Congress of the Lao PRP held in 1986 outlined the landmark policy reform called “Comprehensive Renovation Policy”based on the six principles of the Party as follows: First, to uphold socialist path.

Second, to uphold Marxism- Leninism and apply them in a creative manner and in accordance with the country’s characteristics.

Third, to uphold the Party’s leadership and strengthen the cohesive solidarity within the Party based on the principle of democratic centralism and the Party’s lines.

Fourth, to enhance democracy and the sense of ownership of the Lao multi-ethnic people; build the solidarity force of all masses as well as the resolved unity and integrity of the Lao nation.

Fifth, to reinforce the rigor of the people’s democratic system and power, rely on people’s force and do the utmost for the benefits of the people, and fight against all forms of authoritarianism.

Sixth, to hold high the spirit of independence and self-ownership, and to combine the national strength with the one of modern area.

So far, the Lao PDR has been able to maintain firm political stability. Social order and security have been guaranteed. The Lao PDR has enjoyed a constant economic growth with an average GDP of 6,9% for the period 2017-2018 and the income per capita of US$ 2609. Poverty rate has been gradually reduced and Lao people’s livelihood improved. The role of the Lao PDR has been increasingly raisedin the regional and international arena. Currently, the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party is implementing the Resolution of its 10th Congress, which outlined, among others, the Ten-Year Socio-Economic Development Strategy (2016-2025) and the Eighth FiveYear National Socio-Economic Development Plan (2016-2020) with the aim to striving for graduating the Lao PDR from the Least Developed Countries list in the coming years and further leading the country’s

development in the direction of knowledge-based economy as well as green and sustainable economy by 2030. In addition, the Lao PRP continues to strive for the fruitful realization of the Sustainable Development Goals set by the United Nations.

In order to achieve the above-mentioned objectives, the Lao PRP which is the ruling party, continues to consistently enhance the leadership capacity, leadership approach and forefront role of the Party; strive for improvements within the Party so as to build a transparent, strong and firm Party, thus ensuring the Party’s inherent virtue as the vanguard of the working class and protector of the interests of the workers and the entire Lao people.

Distinguished Delegates, The regional and international situation continues to undergo rapid and complex changes, offering both opportunities and challenges for the development of nations in regions of the world. The capitalism and neo-liberalism have adjusted themselves and pursued a much trickier strategy and machinationaiming at intensifying their exploitation of the workers and dismantling communist and workers’ movements.

Against such backdrops, the Lao PRP continues to consistently pursue a foreign policy of peace, friendship and cooperation; takes ownership and proactively engages in regional and international integration; expands external relations with neighboring countries, countries in the Association of the Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), friendly countries in the world, international organizations and political parties. Party and state cooperation is promoted in multi-directional, multi-lateral and multi-level forms.

The Lao PRP actively promotes party relations and currently has relations with 136 political parties and progressive movements in the world. The party cooperation will contribute to the creation of favorable external environment for realizing the national safeguarding and development tasks as well as the promotion of peace, stability, prosperity and common development of all nations in the world.

Finally, taking this opportunity I would like to express my sincere thanks to the communists and workers’ parties, left-wing parties and progressive movements in the regions of the world for their support and assistance extended to the Lao PDRthus far.

I would like to wish the Presidium, delegates and organizing committee a good health, happiness and success in your noble tasks.

May I wish this meeting a brilliant success.

I thank you!

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‫‪،‬اﻳﻬﺎ اﻟﺮﻓﺎق‬ ‫ﻋﲆ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣام أﺻﺎب اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺎمل إﺛﺮ اﻧﻬﻴﺎر اﳌﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ ﺑﻘﻴﺎدة‬ ‫اﻻﺗﺤﺎد اﻟﺴﻮﻓﻴﺎيت‪ ،‬وﺗﻔﻜﻚ أﺣﺰاب ﻛﺒرية واﻧﺰﻳﺎح ﻛﺘﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ وازﻧﺔ ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﻴﻤني‪،‬‬ ‫واﻟﻨﺸﻮة اﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﺷﺘﻬﺎ اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﻘﻴﺎدة اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﻷﻣريﻛﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ًة أﻧّﻬﺎ ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻣﺖ ﺧﺼﻤﻬﺎ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﻲ إﱃ اﻷﺑﺪ‪ ،‬وأﻧّﻬﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻛﺘﺒﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﻧﺘﺼﺎر اﳌﺴﺘ ِﻐﻠني ﻋﲆ‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺘﻐَﻠني‪ ،‬واﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﲆ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻨﻜﺴﺎت‪ ،‬مل ﻧﻴﺄس ومل‬ ‫ﻧﱰاﺟﻊ ومل ﻧﺴﺘﺴﻠﻢ ﻻ ﻓﻜﺮﻳﺎً وﻻ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎً‪ .‬وﻋﲆ اﻟﻌﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ورﻏﻢ اﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑﺎت‪ ،‬اﺳﺘﻤﺮت‬ ‫اﻷﺣﺰاب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ واﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻀﺎﻟﻬﺎ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ ﻷﻧّﻬﺎ اﺳﺘﴩﻓﺖ اﻷزﻣﺎت اﻟﻘﺎدﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺣﺘﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﴫاع ﺿﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﺘﺤﺮر اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ وﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﺨﻼص ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺎم اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل‪ .‬وﺧﻼل ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻋﻘﻮد‪ ،‬أﺛﺒﺘﺖ اﻷﺣﺪاث ﺻﺤﺔ رؤﻳﺘﻨﺎ‬ ‫اﳌﺸﱰﻛﺔ ﺣﻮل ﴐورة اﺳﺘﻤﺮار اﳌﻮاﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬وﺣﻮل إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻫﺰميﺔ اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺣﻮل أنّ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ مل ﻳﻨﺘﻬﻲ‪ ،‬إذ ﻣﺎ ﻟﺒﺜﺖ اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔأن ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ ﻷزﻣﺎت ﺷﺪﻳﺪة ﻛﺎن أﻗﻮاﻫﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ،2008‬وﻫﻲ أﻋﻤﻖ أزﻣﺔ رأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ اﻟﻜﺴﺎد اﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻋﺎم ‪ ،1929‬وﻣﺎ زﻟﻨﺎ ﻧﻌﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬ ‫ارﺗﺪاداﺗﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ اﻟﻴﻮم‪ .‬إن اﻷزﻣﺔ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺮة ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻮﺻﻔﻬﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﱪ ﻋﻨﻌﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﻏري ﻣﺴﺒﻮﻗﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮاﺣﻞ ﺗﻌﺎﻗﺐ دورات اﻟﻨﻤﻮ اﻟﺮأﺳامﱄ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻬﺎ أﻳﻀﺎً ّ‬ ‫اﻷزﻣﺔ اﻟﻄﻮﻳﻠﺔ اﻷﻣﺪ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺮأﺳامﱄ‪ .‬أوﻻً‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﺘﺠﲆ ﰲ اﺳﺘﻨﻔﺎد ”ﺣﻞ اﻟﻜﻴﻨﺰﻳﺔ“ اذ‬ ‫ان ﺗﺰاﻳﺪ اﳌﺪﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ واﻧﻔﻼش ﻣﻴﺰاﻧﻴﺎت اﻟﺒﻨﻮك اﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ وﺗﻔﺎﻗﻢ اﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺎت ﻳﻘﺾ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﺟﻊ ﺻﻨﺎع اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺪول اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ وﻳﺸﻞ أدوات ”إﻧﻘﺎذ اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ“‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﺦ اﻟﺮﻛﻮد اﻟﻄﻮﻳﻞ اﻷﻣﺪ وﰲ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ أﻳﺔ أزﻣﺔ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻄﺮأ ﰲ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‬ ‫‪.‬ﰲ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ ّ‬ ‫ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ اﳌﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ اﻻﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﻨﺘﴫة ﺑﺎﻧﺘﻬﺎء اﻟﺤﺮب اﻟﺒﺎردة وﺑﺘﻜﺮﻳﺲ ﻋﺎمل أﺣﺎدي‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻄﺐ ﺑﻘﻴﺎدة اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﻷﻣريﻛﻴﺔ ‪ -‬وﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﺣﻠﻔﺎء ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻮن ﰲ اﻻﺗﺤﺎد اﻷورويب‬ ‫واﻟﻴﺎﺑﺎن ودول اﻟﻨﺎﺗﻮ ‪ -‬ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎت ﺟﺪﻳّﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺼﻌﻮد اﻟﴪﻳﻊ ﻷﻗﻄﺎب دوﻟﻴﺔ أﺧﺮى‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ وذات ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺪول اﻻﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ‪ .‬وﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﻫﺬه اﻷﻗﻄﺎب‪،‬‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﰲ ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻬﺎ دوﻻ او أﻗﻄﺎﺑﺎ اﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﱃ ﻗﻴﺎم ﻧﻈﺎم ﻋﺎﳌﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺪد‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻄﺒﻴﺔ وﺳﻂ ﴏاع ﻳﺤﺘﺪم اﻟﻴﻮم ﺑﺄﺷﻜﺎل وﺻﻴﻎ ﺷ ّﺘﻰ ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻫﺬا‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻌﻮد اﻟﺬي ﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ رﺋﻴﴘ ﰲ ﻗﻮﺗني دوﻟﻴﺘني ﻫام اﻟﺼني ﺑﻘﻴﺎدة اﻟﺤﺰب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬وإﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻬﺎ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﺠﺒﺎرة‪ ،‬وروﺳﻴﺎ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺘﻌﻴﺪ اﻟﻴﻮم ﻗﻮﺗﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ‪ -‬إﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﱃ ﻗﻮى إﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ آﺳﻴﺎ وأﻣريﻛﺎ اﻟﻼﺗﻴﻨﻴﺔ وأﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ واﱃ اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻌامﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﻴﺴﺎرﻳﺔ ‪ -‬ﺑﺪأ ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎً ﻓﻌﻠﻴﺎً راﻫﻨﺎ ﳌﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ اﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻣام ﻋ ّﻤﻖ أزﻣﺔ دول اﳌﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﺮأﺳامﱄ اﻟﺘﻲ مل ﺗﻌﺪ‬ ‫اﻷﺣﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻜﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻋﻘﻮد‪ّ ،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻞ أزﻣﺎﺗﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪.‬ﻗﺎدرة ﻋﲆ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﻊ اﻟﻌﺎمل‪ ،‬ﺑﻜﻞ دوﻟﻪ وﺷﻌﻮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛام ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻔﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ّ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺬه اﻷﺳﺒﺎب‪ ،‬وﻛام ﰲ اﻷزﻣﺎت اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ ،‬اﺗّﺠﻬﺖ اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺗﺼﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﻮﻣﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺷﻌﻮب اﻟﻌﺎمل ﰲ داﺧﻞ دول اﳌﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﺮأﺳامﱄ ﻛام ﰲ اﻷﻃﺮاف‪ .‬إذ ﺷﻬﺪت‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻷﺧرية ﺻﻌﻮداً ﻛﺒرياً ﻟﻘﻮى ذات ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ميﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﺑﻞ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﺻﻌﺪت ﻇﻮاﻫﺮ اﻟﻴﻤني اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻮي ﰲ دول أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬وﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪاً‬ ‫ﻣﻊ وﺻﻮل ﺗﺮاﻣﺐ إﱃ رﺋﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﻷﻣريﻛﻴﺔ‪ .‬إذ ﻋﻤﺪت دول اﻻﺗﺤﺎد‬ ‫اﻷورويب إﱃ اﻻﻧﻘﻀﺎض ﻋﲆ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌامل ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺧﻔﺾ اﻟﺘﻘﺪميﺎت اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫وﺗﴪﻳﺢ اﳌﻮﻇﻔني ﰲ اﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﻟﻌﺎم وﺑﻴﻊ اﻷﻣﻼك اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ وﺗﺮﺳﻴﺦ اﻟﺘﻘﺸّ ﻒ‪ ،‬وإﺧﻀﺎع‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻬﺎ اﻟﻨﻘﺪﻳﺔ واﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺿﺦ اﻷﻣﻮال ﺑﺤ ّﺠﺔ إﻧﻘﺎذ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﱪى ﻋﲆ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎب ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻨﺎس واﻟﻌامل واﻟﻔﺌﺎت اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ودﻓﻌﺖ ﺷﻌﻮب أوروﺑﺎ‪ ،‬وﻋﲆ رأﺳﻬﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎين‪ ،‬مثﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ رﺋﻴﴘ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺤﺎد اﻷورويب وﺻﻨﺪوق اﻟﻨﻘﺪ اﻟﺪوﱄ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ اﱃ ﺟﺰء‬ ‫‪.‬ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻮرﺟﻮازﻳﺔ اﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ اﻟﺬي ﺗﻮرط ﰲ ﺗﻬﺮﻳﺐ اﻷﻣﻮال اﱃ اﻟﺨﺎرج‬ ‫وﻋﲆ اﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺮيب‪ ،‬ﺻ ّﻌﺪت اﻟﺪول اﻻﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮوﺑﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺘﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮان ﻣﴩوع اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ ورﻛﻴﺰﺗﻪ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻤﺜّﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺻﻔﻘﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺮن‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺪف اﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة ﻋﲆ ﻣﺮاﻛﺰ اﻧﺘﺎج اﻟﻨﻔﻂ واﻟﻐﺎز واﳌﻤ ّﺮات اﳌﺎﺋﻴﺔ وﻃﺮق اﻹﻣﺪاد‬ ‫وﺷﺒﻜﺎت اﻷﻧﺎﺑﻴﺐ‪ ،‬وﺻﻮﻻ اﱃ ﺿﺒﻂ اﻟﺪول اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻄﺎﻣﺤﺔ إﱃ ﻟﻌﺐ دور ﻣﺸﺎرك‬ ‫ﰲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪،‬وإﱃ ﻗﻄﻊ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺪول اﻟﺼﺎﻋﺪة‪ .‬وﰲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺴﻴﺎق ﺳﺎرﻋﺖ‬ ‫اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة إﱃ دﻋﻢ اﻟﺜﻮرات اﳌﻀﺎدة ﺿﺪ اﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺎت اﻟﺸﻌﻮب اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻄﺎﻣﺤﺔ‬ ‫إﱃ اﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ واﳌﺴﺎواة واﻟﺘﺤﺮر اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل دﻋﻤﻬﺎﻟﻠﺘﻴﺎرات اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻠﻔﻴﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﻈﻼﻣﻴﺔ واﻟﺠﻴﻮش واﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺮﺟﻌﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺑﻐﻴﺔ اﻹﻣﺴﺎك ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻛام ﺣﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ وﻣﴫ‪ .‬ﻛام دﻋﻤﺖ اﻟﺠامﻋﺎت اﻹﺟﺮاﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ داﻋﺶ واﻟﻨﴫة ﻣﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪة‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻋﻴﻞ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﻨﻴﻮﻟﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ اﻋﺘﻤﺪﺗﻬﺎ اﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﳌامﻧﻌﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ أدّت اﱃ‬ ‫‪www.solidnet.org‬‬

‫‪IB 2019‬‬

‫‪Lebanese‬‬ ‫‪Communist‬‬ ‫‪Party‬‬

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‫‪ 185‬ﻋﺎش ﻛﻔﺎح اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ واﻟﺸﻌﻮب اﳌﻀﻄﻬﺪة‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﺖ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﺖ اﻷﺣﺰاب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﻌامﻟﻴﺔ‬

‫اﻓﻘﺎر ﺷﻌﻮﺑﻬﺎ وﻗﻤﻌﻬﺎ‪،‬وﺳ ّﻬﻠﺖ ﺗﺄﺟﻴﺞ اﻻﻧﻘﺴﺎﻣﺎت اﳌﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ واﻟﺪﻓﻊ مبﺸﺎرﻳﻊ اﻟﺘﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫واﻟﺘﻔﺘﻴﺖ واﻟﺘﺠﺰﺋﺔ ﻛام ﺣﺼﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺳﻮرﻳﺎ‪ .‬وﰲ إﻃﺎر ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻣﴩوع ﺻﻔﻘﺔ اﻟﻘﺮن‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬أﻃﻠﻘﺖ اﻟﺴﻌﻮدﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻨﺎن ﻟﺤﺮوﺑﻬﺎ ﰲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ ،‬مبﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﺑﻬﺎ اﻷﺟﺮاﻣﻴﺔ ﺿﺪّ‬ ‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻴﻤﻨﻲ ﻹﻣﺴﺎك اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﻓﺎً ﻣﻦ أﻳﺔ اﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺎت ﻣﻨﺎوﺋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ذﻟﻚ أدى اﱃ‬ ‫‪.‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺪﻣري ﻫﺎﺋﻠﺔ واﱃ ﺗﻬﺠري وﻧﺰوح اﳌﻼﻳني ﻣﻦ ﺷﻌﻮﺑﻨﺎ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺤﺜﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻜﺎن آﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻛام ارﺗﻜﺰت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻻﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻣﻮاﺻﻠﺔ اﻟﺪﻋﻢ اﻟﻼﻣﺘﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﻟﻠﻜﻴﺎن اﻟﺼﻬﻴﻮين‬ ‫ﻟﺘﺼﻔﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺣﺴﺎب اﻟﺤﻘﻮق اﳌﴩوﻋﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻌﺮيب اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫وﻛﻞ ﺷﻌﻮب اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺗﻔﻮﻗﻪ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮي اﳌﻬﺪد ﺑﻔﻌﻞ اﻟﻬﺰاﺋﻢ اﳌﺘﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﺪواﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن وﻏﺰة ﻣﺆﺧﺮا ‪ ،‬وﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰا ﻟﻘﺪراﺗﻪ ﻋﲆ اﺳﺘﻤﺮار اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﻛﻮﻛﻴﻞ ﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ اﻟﺪول‬ ‫اﻻﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﴐب أي ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻴﺔ أو ﺗﺤﺮرﻳﺔ ﻋﲆ اﻣﺘﺪاد ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﺪت أﻳﻀﺎً إﱃ ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻛﻞ أﺷﻜﺎل اﻟﺘﺠﺰﺋﺔ واﻟﺘﻔﺘﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺜﺒ ّﺘﺖ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ اﻟﺴﻮدان‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻨﻮات ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻻﻗﺘﺘﺎل‪ ،‬وأرﺳﺖ ﻓﺪراﻟﻴﺔ ﻫﺸّ ﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺮاق‪ ،‬وﺗﻮاﺻﻞ اﻟﻴﻮم‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻫﺬا اﻻﺗﺠﺎه ﻓﻴﻠﺒﻨﺎن وﺳﻮرﻳﺎ ﻟﻔﺮض أﻣﺮ واﻗﻊ ﻳﺨﺪم ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻬﺎ اﻻﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫‪.‬ﻣﻔﺎوﺿﺎت اﻟﺤﻞ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ‬ ‫وﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻧﺸري اﱃ أن ﻫﺬه اﻟﻬﺠﻤﺔ متﺘﺪّ أﻳﻀﺎ ﻋﲆ أوروﺑﺎ اﻟﴩﻗﻴﺔ وأوﻛﺮاﻧﻴﺎ ﻛام ﻋﲆ‬ ‫أﻣريﻛﺎ اﻟﻼﺗﻴﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺪأت ﺗﻌﻮد إﱃ ﻋﴫ اﻟﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎت اﻷﺳﻮد ﻣﻊ اﻻﻧﻘﻼب اﻷﺑﻴﺾ اﻟﺬي‬ ‫ﺣﺪث ﰲ اﻟﱪازﻳﻞ واﻻﻛﻮادور وﻣﺎ ﻳﺤﺎك ﺿﺪ ﻓﻨﺰوﻳﻼ وﻏريﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻫﻴﻚ ﻋﻦ ﻋﺴﻜﺮة اﳌﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺘﻒ اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻬﺎدئ وﻧﻘﻞ اﻷﺳﺎﻃﻴﻞ اﻷﻣريﻛﻴﺔ إﱃ ﻫﻨﺎك ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﴏة اﻟﺼني‪ .‬ومل‬ ‫اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﺑﻬﺬا اﻟﻬﺠﻮم اﻟﻮاﺳﻊ ﺿﺪ ﺷﻌﻮب اﻟﻌﺎمل‪ ،‬إذ ﻟﺠﺄت ﻣﻌﻪ إﱃ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﻌﻘﻮﺑﺎت‬ ‫اﻷﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻟﻘﻴﻮد واﻟﺮﺳﻮم اﻟﺠﻤﺮﻛﻴﺔ وﺗﻮاﺑﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﺪأت ﺑﻔﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ واﺳﻊ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫روﺳﻴﺎ واﻟﺼني‪ ،‬وﺗﺮاﺟﻌﺖ ﻋﻦ اﻻﺗﻔﺎق اﻟﻨﻮوي ﻣﻊ إﻳﺮان وأﻋﺎدت اﻟﻌﻘﻮﺑﺎت اﻟﻘﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ .‬وﺑﺪأت ﺗﻨﻔّﺬ ﻋﻘﻮﺑﺎت ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﺗﻄﺎل ﻟﺒﻨﺎن واﻗﺘﺼﺎده وﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ اﳌﻘﺎوﻣﺔ‬ ‫‪،‬اﻳﻬﺎ اﻟﺮﻓﺎق‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻦ ﻧﻌﻴﺶ ﰲ ”أرض ﺧﺮاب اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ“ واﳌﻬﺎم اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ اﻷﺣﺰاب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﻌامﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻋﺪﻳﺪة‪ .‬وﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺮور ﻣﺎﺋﺔ وﻋﺎم ﻋﻠﯩﺜﻮرة أﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻦ ﺑﺤﺎﺟﺔ إﱃ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺮاﻣﺠﻨﺎ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺄﺧﺬ ﺑﻌني اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر‬ ‫اﻟﻈﺮوف اﳌﺎدﻳﺔ اﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺒﺎرزة أﻣﺎﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻳﻦ إﱃ اﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ اﳌﺎرﻛﺴﻴﺔ اﻟﻠﻴﻨﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫واﱃ ﻛﻞ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرب اﻟﺜﻮرﻳﺔ واﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮة ﰲ اﻟﻌﺎمل واﻟﺼﺎﻣﺪة ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎرﻋﺘﻬﺎ اﻟﻴﻮم‬ ‫متﺴﻜﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﺠﺎح ﺗﺠﺎرﺑﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺑﻨﺎء اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪ .‬ﻟﻼﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪،‬وﰲ ّ‬ ‫‪،‬اﻳﻬﺎ اﻟﺮﻓﺎق‬ ‫ان اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﻘﺪم ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮة ﻣﻮﺣﺪة ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ وﻓﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻠﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ ﻛام ﰲ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ اﻟﻴﻤني واﻟﺘﻄﺮف اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ واﻟﺮﺟﻌﻴﺎت‬ ‫واﻟﻘﻮى اﳌﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ وأﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪاد اﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﺮﻋﺘﻠﱰث اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻬﺎ ﻓﺸﻞ ﻣﴩوع‬ ‫‪.‬اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻨﻴﻮﻟﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻦ ﰲ اﻟﺤﺰب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎين ﻧﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﻋﻦ ﻛﺜﺐ وﺑﺎﻫﺘامم ﻛﺒري اﳌﺴﺎرات اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان‪ .‬ان ﻫﺬه اﳌﺴﺎرات ﺑﻜﻞ إﻧﺠﺎزاﺗﻬﺎ اﻟﻜﺒرية‪ ،‬ومبﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻄﻮي ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮ وﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎت ﻛﺎﻣﻨﺔ‪ ،‬متﺜﻞ اﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎت داﺧﻞ اﻟﻮﺣﺪة‪ ،‬وﻫﺬه اﻟﻮﺣﺪة‬ ‫ﻫﻲ وﺣﺪة ﻫﺪف ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺘﺤﻞ ﻣﺤﻞ اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ وﺗﻨﻬﻲ ﻗﺮوﻧﺎً ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻬﺮ واﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل اﻟﻄﺒﻘﻲ‪ .‬وﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻮﺣﺪة ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى ﻋﻼﻗﺎت‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ وﻣﺘﺴﺎوﻳﺔ وأﺧﻮﻳﺔ ﺑني اﻷﺣﺰاب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﻌامﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺎمل‪ .‬ﻛام ﻳﺠﺐ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ‬ ‫اﺟﺘامع اﻷﺣﺰاب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﻌامﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺟﻌﻠﻪ أﻛرث ﻣﺮوﻧﺔ وأﻛرث ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وإﺿﻔﺎء‬ ‫اﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ اﳌﺆﺳﴘ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ .‬وﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬا ﻟﻬﺬه اﳌﻬﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﺤﻤﻞ اﻷﺣﺰاب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ‬ ‫وﻣﺎ ميﻜﻦ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮاﻛﺰ اﻟﺠﺎذﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺎمل ﻣﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﱃ‬ ‫‪.‬اﳌﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﺤﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺰب ﻣﻨﺎ‬ ‫وﻧﺤﻦ ﰲ اﻟﺤﺰب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎين ﻧﻌﺪﻛﻤﺒﺎﻧﻨﺎ ﺳﻨﻜ ّﺮس ﻛﻞ اﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﺬه اﳌﻬﻤﺔ اﻟﺤﺎﺳﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﱪ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺠﻨﺎ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ واﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ اﳌﺴﺘﻨﺪ إﱃ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﴩوع اﻻﻣﱪﻳﺎﱄ وﻛﻴﺎﻧﻪ اﻟﺼﻬﻴﻮين واﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺮﺟﻌﻴﺔ واﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪادﻳﺔ اﻟﺤﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻟﻪ وﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻨﺎ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ اﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﻲ وﻗﻮى اﻟﻴﻤني ورأس اﳌﺎل اﻟﻜﺒري وأدواﺗﻬﺎ اﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﻴﺔ‬ ‫واﳌﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﱪ ﻣﻘﺎوﻣﺔ وﻃﻨﻴﺔ وﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ وﺑﻜﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺼﻔﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺗﺤﺮر وﻃﻨﻲ وﻋﺮيب ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮع ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻘﻮم ﻋﲆ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ وﻗﻴﺎدة اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﻴﺴﺎرﻳﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﻮ اﻟﺘﺤﺪي اﳌﻄﺮوح اﻣﺎم اﻟﻴﺴﺎر‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮيب ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎم ﺑﺪوره اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻲ ﰲ ﺑﻨﺎء دول وﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠامﻧﻴﺔ ودميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ ﰲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬ ‫‪.‬ﻋﲆ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺎﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ‬

186

IB 2019

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Communist Party of Luxembourg

187 Dear comrades, Allow me to transmit the greetings on behalf of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Luxembourg and each of its members to you, the delegates of our sister parties, who gathered here in Athens, the city where 20 years ago our Greek comrades took the initiative for a new beginning of cooperation of the communists of the world, in the interest of our common struggle for socialism.

I would like to take this opportunity to speak to you about a concrete form of cooperation, which we regard as one of the results of that meeting 20 years ago.

Around 13 years ago, the Workers’ Party of Belgium, the German Communist Party, the Communist Party of Luxembourg and the New Communist Party of the Netherlands took a decision on a closer co-operation of our four parties. Since then a new framework of co-operation has been developed which is not a new communist International, not an organisation with statutes and rules of procedure, but a frame for the exchange of information, experience and opinion, a place for consulting recent developments and evaluations of the current situation in our countries, in Europe and in the world.

Our opinions and evaluations are not always the same, sometimes we had different points of view on political issues, like for example about the so-called European Left Party. But even existing disagreements have never been a reason for interrupting our co-operation or banning a party from our framework. This is because we have the same understanding about – in our view – the most important points: . on the basic question of the tasks and the work of communist parties, . on the understanding of the works of Marx, Engels and Lenin, . on proletarian internationalism, . on the positive as well as the negative experiences in the construction of socialist societies in the Soviet Union and in the other socialist countries of Europe, . and mainly in our common aim: to work for the abolition of exploitation of men by men and create the conditions for the construction of a new society, that in our common point of view can only be socialism.

Today, we can look back at a big number of results, but the most important is the permanent exchange of opinions and of experiences. We know that none of our parties would be strong enough to do all this alone. United we became much stronger.

On the occasion of our annual conference this spring in Luxembourg, we discussed current problems of the development of our parties, as well as for ex-

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ample the health system and the housing situation in our countries and the possibilities of the struggle to improve them. For our party, KPL, this was at the same time a valuable opportunity to exchange views on concrete demands, which later became part of our electoral programme for the national elections last October.

In our electoral campaign, we have included a big number of demands and proposals with the aim to improve the living conditions of the Luxembourg people, mainly of the workers, the unemployed, the youth and the pensioners. Concrete demands are made to increase the minimum wages, the pensions, expenses for housing and for health, to improve the education system and the public transport – all this under the existing conditions of the capitalist society.

At the same time we explained openly to the people, that these can be only partial measures, because for a decisive change and an effective improvement of the living conditions of the vast majority of the people we have to change the relations of property of the most important means of production.

One of the important points in our electoral programme was the question of peace. We are of the opinion that the danger of a new war is the biggest danger our world is faced today. The member countries of NATO and of the European Union are heavily increasing their military expenditures. The military budget of Luxembourg is much higher than in the darkest times of the Cold War. Our country is purchasing a military air transporter, military helicopters and vehicles, Luxembourg maintains a military satellite and participates in the formation of new NATO contingents near the borders of Russia.

For these reasons we demand to stop the purchase and the use of all this military equipment, to return the soldiers from foreign territories and to reform the Luxembourg army into a non-military formation. We demand to sign the United Nations Organisations’ contract on the ban of all nuclear weapons and to declare Luxembourg a nuclear weapon free zone.

We demand the retreat of Luxembourg from NATO and the dissolution of that pact of war. And we insist on our demand of a complete worldwide disarmament and the ban of all nuclear weapons, no matter which country is in the possession of those weapons.

Unfortunately, the results of the elections turned out not very positive for our party. We could not reach our main aim to be represented in the national parliament again after more than 20 years. But I can promise that our party will not give up. We will continue to fight for our ideals, the ideals that unite us with all of the parties present here in this meeting.

We will continue to discuss and to evaluate our activities with our comrades in Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands, with the aim to even closer exchange our opinions and experiences and to improve our political actions.

The KPL remains on its position, that this kind of regional and international co-operation is urgently needed on a broader level, based on common points of view in all basic issues. We are ready to work for this – together with all of you.

Allow me to express our gratitude to our Greek comrades for organising again this important international meeting, and to extend our greetings and congratulations to KKE on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of its foundation.

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Party of the Congress for the Independence of Madagascar [AKFM]

Chers camarades, Nos premiers mots sont les mots de remerciement au Parti Communiste de Grèce pour cet accueil chaleureux, ainsi que nos sincères félicitations à l’occasion du 100è anniversaire de ce Parti. Il n’est pas à démontrer que ce parti séculaire a résisté contre vents et marées dans sa lutte internationaliste. Aussi, lui souhaitons-nous encore plus de dynamisme et d’autorité dans ses entreprises.

Ceci étant, nous enchaînons sur notre prise de parole en disant que: s’exprimer devant vous, pour parler de notre action solidaire en matière de lutte pour le bien de l’humanité, pour la liberté de l’homme, pour le bien-être des travailleurs ne peut se faire qu’avec beaucoup d’émotions : en effet, voici déjà la 20è fois, les partis communistes et ouvriers, les partis de gauche du monde entier, issus de tous les continents, conjuguent leurs efforts afin d’atteindre un but noble : faire régner dans le monde la justice et la paix, facteurs de développement social et garant d’un avenir meilleur.

Si l’année dernière nous avons célébré ensemble le 100è anniversaire de la Grande Révolution Socialiste d’Octobre qui a changé les rapports de force entre les opprimants et les opprimés, tous ensemble d’une même voix nous avons évoqué les progrès sociaux engendrés par la victoire de cette lutte populaire juste et équitable, et dont les échos ont gagné le monde entier.

Malheureusement, un siècle plus tard nous nous lamentons encore plus qu’auparavant des actions néfastes, très alarmantes et de beaucoup inquiétantes des puissances impérialistes vis-à-vis non seulement des pays pauvres dont ils spolient les ressources naturelles, mais encore à l’égard de leurs propres travailleurs qu’ils exploitent intensément.

Paradoxalement, en ce 21è siècle, où on prône l’innovation comme la voie vers l’amélioration de la vie, nous constatons que cette innovation, si répandue qu’elle soit dans le monde, ne profite qu’à une infime partie de la population mondiale ; pire encore certaines innovations sont expressément orientées vers l’intensification del’exploitation de la majorité travailleuse. Avec une telle pratique se creuse constamment le fossé qui sépare les riches et les pauvres. Résultat: parallèlement à la croissance démographique mondiale la pauvreté va grandissante.

Réflexion: 1/ cette année 2018 où nous célébrons le bicentenaire de la naissance de Karl Marx, osons clamerhaut et fort que sa théorie sur la plus value est loin d’être désuète, 2/ la lutte contrele système impérialiste dont il a IB 2019

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démontré les méfaits est une lutte permanente tant que l’humanité existe. Il est toujours de notre devoir d’unir nos forces pour vaincre ce fléau mondial qu’est le système capitaliste mué en système impérialiste !

Chers camarades !

Comme la plupart des pays du monde, notre pays, Madagascar, traverse une période instable aggravée par la situation électorale, où des prétendus partis politiques se font voir pour la première fois et présentent des candidats à la magistrature suprême.

Sur les 46 prétendants au poste, la candidature de 36 personnes a été retenue. On se demande, estce un comportement responsable ? D’autre part, la société malgache est marquée par les faits suivants: I- La déception et la frustration de la majorité de la population causée par : l’incompétence du gouvernement instauré en2014, faisant suite à la démission du Président de la République élu, et parti en exil en 2009 après une manifestation sanglante réprimée par la garde présidentielle ; l’impunité des gros bonnets saisis en flagrant délit de corruption, de malversations ou d’entorse à la loi ; la hausse vertigineuse du coût de la vie ; la défaillance sécuritaire dans toutes les régions de l’île ; II- La partialité manifeste de la Haute Cour Constitutionnelle qui favorise le régime actuel : un mois de manifestation populaire conduite par les députés de l’opposition, s’étant nommés « Les députés du changement », et ayant gagné toute l’île,a abouti à la chute du Gouvernement. Néanmoins, la Haute Cour Constitutionnelle composée d’éléments pro-régime, à travers diverses manigances, a réussi à faire conserver plus de 50% des anciens ministres, déjà proscrits par la raison populaire.

III- L’ingérence évidente des forces extérieures au détriment de la population malagasy : Nul n’ignore que l’argent dicte les lois ! L’existence des catégories de pays appelés « en voie de développement » et de « pays les moins avancés » profite aux grands capitaux, essentiellement venus de l’extérieur. C’est bien à juste titre si, actuellement, un grand nombre de ces catégories de pays, où sont installées les usines, les entreprises, les firmes et autres représentants des multinationales se pose la question de coopération mutuellement avantageuse, car ces pays souffrent des contraintes des investisseurs étrangers. Madagascar n’en fait pas exception. La question de pauvreté est étroitement liée aux pratiques malsaines d’ingérence des forces

extérieures dans le développement économique, 191 social, voire culturel des PVD et des PMA. Fidèle aux principes de souveraineté et d’indépendance nationales, qui ont animé et continue d’animer ses 60 ans d’existence combattive, l’AKFM face à ces problèmes, a rappelé les grandes lignes du Manifeste qu’il a publié en 2011, mettant en exergue l’idée que « Lutter pour la Patrie n’est pas un crime ! », tout en incitant les forces progressistes nationales à lui emboîter le pas dans la lutte.

Les problèmes du siècle : Aux problèmes récurrents que nous venons d’évoquer s’ajoutent les problèmes du siècle qui affectent surtout la majorité populaire, souvent victime des actions volontaires néfastes des détenteurs de capitaux enclins à la richesse démesurée. Nous avons nommé : Le problème de l’émigration causé par le chômage, l’insécurité ; Le problème de la malnutrition dans les PVD, alors qu’il existe dans ces pays des potentiels à exploiter avec une approche scientifique et humaniste; Le problème du changement climatique qui est en train de mener le monde vers la catastrophe ; Le problème lié à l’expropriation de la population locale de leurs terres ancestrales au profit des investisseurs influents ; L’exploitation à outrance des ressources du sous-sol, faisant fi du respect de l‘environnement et de l’impact de sa destruction sur la santé publique ; Et la liste des problèmes liés à la survie de l’humanité ne cesse d’augmenter et de virer au pire !

Bref, c’est toujours la classe ouvrière, les pauvres et les moins pauvres qui sont assujettis aux contraintes des nantis : nous avons à l’idée les Etats-Unis qui s’obstinent à s’opposer au COP 21 ; les états capitalistes qui refusent d’accueillir les migrants, victimes du système qu’ils ont instauré ;les éléments manipulateurs de la cybercriminalité qui visent à déstabiliser le monde, et ainsi de suite…

Nous savons que dans nos pays respectifs, nos partis se penchent continuellement sur les résolutions possibles de ces problèmes, quant à notre Parti AKFM, il estime que la lutte principale qui puisse alléger les différents maux sociaux, repose sur la promotion de l’homme à travers l’éducation de la population, en particulier de la jeunesse, suivie de la prise de conscience et de l’engagement politique du peuple, ainsi que de la solidarité de lutte avec les syndicats.

Remarquons qu’en ce troisième millénaire la connaissance et l’éducation, non seulement restentune quasi-exclusivité des riches, mais encore sont façonnées de manière à pérenniser l’idéologie capitaliste.

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C’est pourquoi nous estimons que dans le cadre de notre lutte pour le progrès social, il est de notre devoir de revendiquer une éducation appropriée à la culture et aux besoins de nos pays respectifs en matière de sauvegarde de la souveraineté nationale.

Justement, à ce propos, sans pour autant minimiser les malheurs des autres, nous proposons aux participants à notre 20è rencontre d’examiner particulièrement la situation angoissante des Palestiniens qui, jour et nuit, perdent leurs combattants contre les colonisateurs, agresseurs israéliens soutenus par les puissances impérialistes mondiales.

Nous terminons notre intervention en souhaitant à chacun de notre pays - succès du socialisme, l’unique voie de développement qui garantit la justice sociale et nos nobles aspirations humanistes. Permettez-nous de prononcer de cette tribune le slogan de notre Parti : Que vienne la Liberté !

Merci de votre aimable attention !

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Communist Party of Malta

Comrade Chairperson, Comrades Firstly I would like like to thank the Communist Party of Greece for hosting this Fora which gives us the chance to deliver our address and hear what comrades from others parties have to say on the problems that we are facing today.

Comrades, The working class today is in the dire need of a re-education in class warfere, as it has fallen into a dissaray and has forgotten the lessons that their forefathers have learned through hard struggles . The solidarity that existed between the workers of former the days, prior to the disastrous events of 1989 is gone. Apathy has set in to the dire detriment of the working classes in many countries. Capitalism today, is finding it more easy to impliment new measure of exploitation, and this is being supported by the neo-liberal governments in Europe and elsewhere, amongst them Social-Democratic administrations.

Today, Global Capitalism still has a firm hold over the means of production. The Working classes all over the world, has yet to wrest this control. Since the setback suffered by working classes, with the fall of the Soviet Union and its eastern European allies, Capitalists all over the globe has tightened their fists and have done away with most of the gains that the working class had won by hard struggles in the middle years of the Twenthiet Century.

Third world countries especially those in Africa are robbed of their natural resources by the implemention of brutal corrupt dictators subserviant to imperialism which is their mainstay. They back them militarly if need be, against their own people, who are forced to live in poverty or migrate. This brings about a humanitarian crises that Europe now facies with this forced migration, which in turn is bringing about the resurgence of extreme right wing parties in the European Political Arena. This method is also used in the Latin American countries where democratically elected governments are threathened or overthrown by brutal coups suppurted by the US The US Military and Industrial Complex requires a constant supply of wars, so new markets could be found to sell their lethal products of death and destruction. The Rotschilds who control most of the global finance hold Capitalist countries under their absolute control, with the aid of US imperialism have ushured wars to destroy countries like Iraq, Libya, and Afghanistan.

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great cost. Venezuela suffering from sanctions because people elected a government which the U.S. does not like. The DPRK because it still insists to re-unify the Korean Peninsula into one country, are threatened with military intervention. One point that emeges here, is that thes countries are not financially controlled by the Rotschilds.

Another struggle that has been going on for to long now, is the struggle of the Palestinian people to liberate their homeland from Zionist colonialism imposed on them by US imperialism after the Second World War. The state of Israel which was set up on Palestinian lands is another artificial country like South Korea and Kosovo. South Vietnam another US invention was liberated by the Vietnamese people who gave US imperialism it’s most greatest and sour defeat.

These imperialist creations were set up to offsett people’s aspirations for freedom. In the case of Palestine, US imperialism continued on the path started by French and British imperialism to set up an alternative colonizer when they had to leave, to protect their interests (Petroluem) in the Middle East.

Communists and Workers Parties who are the real vanguard of the working classes must streghnten theselves by exposing the treachery of Social Democratic Parties that have sold out workers interests a long time ago, some even prior World War One. Other Parties nowadays calling themeselves left wing parties are not really Workers Parties as they claim as they support “Free Market Policy ” and claim that there can be no Demcracy without this Free Market. They have forgotten that a free Market is the greatest enemy of the working class.

One example of how like Social Democrats these New Left Wing Parties betray Socialism is; Here in Greece SYRIZA made a pre-electoral promise that if elected they would stop the European Union imposed austerity programe. They held a referendum to stop EU austerity programmes, after they were elected. The referndum result gave a great victory against the implementation of austerity measures but SYRIZA instead of honouring this result, bows its head to the EU diktat, and the Greek Working Class had to undergo a lot of suffering through EU imposed austerity programmes.

The immidiate tasks that we Communists and other progressives is to militate within the ranks of workers to make them aware of these bogus socialists. The solutions to the problems of the working class lies, in the transformation of the liberal society which has capitalistic neo-liberal concept, where profit reigns

supreme. This transformation must be into a Social- 195 ist society where the means of productions are no longer the hands of the bourgeoisie, but taken over by the working class. thus changing the ecconomical structre of society, where the profits would be distributed evenly, in higher wages, funds to better living conditions, to educate their children up to University levels, and to provide free medical care for all.

Only by the correct Marxist-Leninist analysis, constant militantism, and hard work within the working classes itself would bring about the required change.

Socialism would finally put an end to the barabarity of Capitalism Long Live Marxism Leninism.

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Communist Party of Mexico

197 Camaradas: Queremos agradecer a los camaradas del Partido Comunista de Grecia por la preparación de éste 20 Encuentro Internacional de los Partidos Comunistas y Obreros, que nació en Atenas hace dos décadas, por su iniciativa, compromiso y gran esfuerzo, en condiciones de retroceso y confusión del movimiento comunista internacional, y que con gran lealtad al internacionalismo proletario han contribuido a que se convierta en un espacio estable de intercambio de opiniones y articulación de iniciativas comunes para la solidaridad y acción que articulan a los partidos comunistas y obreros del Mundo. Aprovechamos para reiterar nuestro saludo fraterno por los 100 años de vida del Partido Comunista de Grecia.

Camaradas: Para el marxismo-leninismo la clase obrera -el moderno proletariado- es la llamada a derrocar y enterrar al sistema capitalista y construir la sociedad nueva sin explotados ni explotadores, el socialismo-comunismo, lo que está determinado por su lugar en el proceso de la producción, la venta de su fuerza de trabajo y la generación de plusvalía que es lo que valoriza el capital; es decir, la base de la acumulación y ganancia, que sustenta al sistema capitalista es el trabajo no pagado expropiado a la clase obrera, la plusvalía.

La clase obrera enunciada ya desde el Manifiesto del Partido Comunista como la clase llamada a protagonizar las nuevas revoluciones sociales es la portadora de lo nuevo y antagónica a lo caduco; protagónica en la lucha de clases contemporánea tanto en lo económico, político e ideológico, protagónica en la revolución para derrocar el capitalismo, protagónica en la dirección del nuevo Estado para ejercer la dictadura del proletariado y construir el socialismo-comunismo.

Es con la clase obrera que se produce una revolución en la filosofía, y surge la teoría marxista, enriquecida como marxismo-leninismo, llevando el pensamiento a escalones superiores para la acción consciente que ponga fin a toda explotación y ponga fin a la prehistoria de la humanidad; y es con la clase obrera que surgen vínculos que rebasan cualquier frontera en la lucha contra el capital, los poderosos vínculos del internacionalismo proletario.

La clase obrera ha protagonizado ya la epopeya de la Comuna de París, la Gran Revolución Socialista de Octubre y la experiencia de la construcción socialista en varios países del Mundo.

Vista la importancia de la clase obrera, su carácter fundamental en la época en que vivimos, es comprensible que esté sujeta al ataque constante de los

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centros ideológicos del capital.

Desde la acción corrosiva del oportunismo/reformismo de Bernstein y Kautski, el anticomunismo, a la llamada Escuela de Frankfurt y el llamado “marxismo occidental” y demás teorías diversionistas. En los años 60 Marcuse sostuvo que el papel revolucionario correspondía a los estudiantes, porqué la clase obrera se había “aburguesado” y no estaba ya interesada en la lucha revolucionaria y bajo esas tesis antimarxistas surgió la “nueva izquierda” que tanto retrasó la lucha de clases, que tanto perjudicó la acción política de la clase obrera y los partidos comunistas. Y así teorías del fin de la clase obrera, de los sujetos emergentes (indígenas, movimientos sociales, feminismo, “pueblo”, ambientalismo) se suceden una tras otra para golpear el papel revolucionario de la clase obrera e influir negativamente en el accionar de los partidos comunistas, para modificar su centro gravitacional: la acción política para politizar y organizar a la clase obrera.

En nuestro caso venimos de experiencias muy negativas por tales influencias. Próximos a cumplir 100 años de actividad, desde que en 1919 se empezara a organizar la Sección Mexicana de la Internacional Comunista; el primer alejamiento del PCM entre la clase obrera se debió a las alianzas con la burguesía “progresista” de los años 30, el cardenismo, el “nacionalismo revolucionario”, que llevaron a rebajar el frente ideológico contra la “ideología de la Revolución Mexicana” permitiendo que ésta penetrara entre la clase obrera; un segundo error fue cuando en aras de concretizar la línea del frente popular del VII Congreso de la Internacional Comunista el PCM impulsó que la central obrera de la época, la CTM, fundada con el esfuerzo determinante de los comunistas, pasara a ser parte, “sector” del Partido de la Revolución Mexicana, partido burgués, que pocos años después pasó a denominarse Partido Revolucionario Institucional; un nuevo problema en esa dirección fue admitir la influencia del browderismo, que afectó en México y en buena parte de los PC de América Latina, y que llevaron a la disolución de las células de centro de trabajo, modificando la estructura del PCM, como partido proletario organizado en fábricas, sindicatos, ramas de la industria para convertirlo en una organización territorial; en los años 60 por igual se dio prioridad a los estudiantes y a la pequeña burguesía, lo que modificó su naturaleza de clase y junto con factores ideológicos y programáticos se abrió paso a la liquidación en 1981.

El proceso de reorganización del PCM no ha estado exento de esos debates versus esas teorías antio-

breras, como las del zapatismo, Negri y Hardt, Holloway, el altermundismo y también el progresismo, de decisiva influencia en las dos últimas décadas en América Latina. Ratificando el papel revolucionario de la clase obrera y el objetivo estratégico e histórico de la lucha por el socialismo-comunismo, afianzándonos al criterio clasista, en el PCM sacamos lecciones para nuestra intervención entre la clase obrera y el conjunto de los trabajadores y para una política de alianzas en la lucha por el poder.

Lo esencial, según nosotros, en una línea que abarca nuestros IV (2010), V (2014) y VI Congresos, de la actividad de cualquier partido comunista es su intervención y acción entre la clase obrera en los centros de trabajo, epicentros del antagonismo capital/trabajo, por lo que nuestros esfuerzos van ahí. Tanto en el terreno de la intervención de los comunistas para la vida sindical con orientación clasista para las luchas económicas/reivindicativas, como para politizar esas luchas, es decir conectar lo concreto/cotidiano con la lucha estratégica por la revolución socialista.

Tal actividad básica requiere del perfeccionamiento y ajuste constante de la política y acción del PCM, desde el estudio de la estructura de clase, las tendencias de concentración y centralización de los monopolios tanto privados como públicos, la vida de cada sindicato y las tendencias ideológicas que se desenvuelven en el sindicalismo, las condiciones de vida de los trabajadores y el grado de conciencia, el efecto de cada lucha. Es una labor que requiere tanto de la influencia sindical de los comunistas para el fortalecimiento de un movimiento sindical clasista como de la creación de organizaciones de base y organizaciones sectoriales del PCM. En el PCM consideramos que la labor preparativa del proceso revolucionario necesario en México se sustenta estrictamente en este trabajo entre la clase obrera y el movimiento obrero.

También el partido para cumplir su papel de vanguardia debe esclarecer asuntos básicos como la lucha contra el imperialismo y evaluar la construcción socialista. No es correcto blanquear las contradicciones interimperialistas,en términos de ver si un centro imperialista es más agresivo, como por ejemplo quienes consideran que Rusia tiene un rol antimperialista por su antagonismo versus EEUU, olvidando que en todo caso su movilización política, diplomática y militar tiene que ver con el asunto económico de sus monopolios del gas, petróleo, industria militar etc. O el asunto de la guerra arancelaria, comercial, económica entre China y EEUU que es por el dominio de mercados, y no tiene absolutamente nada que ver entre dos mundos en dispuIB 2019

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ta. Es un error muy grave querer colocar a la clase obrera y los pueblos bajo una bandera ajena en esta disputa interimperialista. Lo mismo consideramos de todas las deformaciones sobre el socialismo. Esa llevada y traída cantaleta de las especificidades, de las vías nacionales, de los caminos propios, no puede negar las regularidades las leyes generales del socialismo en su experiencia histórica y que tienen que ver con el poder obrero, el control obrero, la socialización de los medios de producción y la planificación central y de la lucha contante contra las relaciones mercantiles. Cuando se renuncia a alguna de ellas la contrarrevolución capitalista avanza.

No se corresponde con la teoría revolucionaria esa cuestión de socialismo de mercado, socialismo con mercado, o cualquier asunto de mixturar relaciones mercantiles con la construcción socialista.

Pero la lucha de la clase obrera y su vanguardia, el partido comunista, por el derrocamiento del capitalismo y la conquista del poder obrero presupone una política de alianzas. De ninguna manera consideramos correcto las alianzas con la burguesía o la socialdemocracia, ni el apoyo a cualquier gestión del capitalismo. Las experiencias a ese respecto dejan lecciones conclusivas: En una época de transición histórica del capitalismo al socialismo, independientemente de la correlación de fuerzas adversas, la tarea de los partidos comunistas es trabajar para el fortalecimiento de la clase obrera con sus propias demandas programáticas, y luchar contra todo aquello que reste independencia política a la clase obrera, contra toda ideología ajena.

Elegir partido entre una opción burguesa u otra, no ha fortalecido en ninguna parte al movimiento obrero o a los partidos comunistas y en la mayoría de los casos los debilita o hace retroceder.

La imposibilidad de gestionar el capitalismo en favor de la clase obrera abre la puerta a opciones de carácter reaccionario.

Las alianzas con la burguesía imponen un carácter subordinado a la clase obrera.

Lo que nosotros trabajamos es la alianza de la clase obrera con los sectores populares a través de un frente anticapitalista y antimonopolista articulando el polo necesario para la Revolución.

Es bajo esas consideraciones que el PCM se ha separado del Foro de Sao Paulo y mantenido una actitud polémica con el documento conocido como Consenso de Nuestra América. Es nuestra consideración que el FSP es el espacio de articulación de alianzas de la socialdemocracia en América Latina en el que los comunistas juegan un rol subordinado, y que el

Consenso de Nuestra América provee los elementos 199 programáticos que apuntalan tal política.

Actualmente en México enfrentamos el desafío de un gobierno que se presenta como de “izquierda”, que tomará posesión el próximo 1 de Diciembre, pero que ya dio pasos fundamentales para evidenciar su carácter de clase y un rumbo antiobrero y antipopular: En alianza con Trump, López Obrador impulsó la nueva versión del TLCAN, ahora denominado USMCA, benéfico para los monopolios de EEUU, Canadá y México y perjudicial para los trabajadores de los tres países.

Estableció alianzas estratégicas con los grupos monopolistas a los que beneficiará con varios proyectos como el nuevo aeropuerto internacional, el Tren Maya y las Zonas Económicas Especiales.

Mantendrá los compromisos internacionales con el FMI, BM, deuda externa, etc.

Mantendrá la reforma laboral antiobrera aprobada en 2012 Ratificó una política de seguridad nacional que continua la militarización, la represión y la restricción de las libertades y derechos democráticos y una Guardia Nacional con 50 000 elementos tomados de las filas del Ejército.

Desarrolla nuevos métodos de control y corporativización de masas, similares a los del PRI, antidemocráticos, gangsteriles, basados en el asistencialismo.

Lo que se vivirá en México a partir del 1 de Diciembre es una reedición del populismo socialdemócrata que imperó entre 1934 y 1982, y que antaño también fue erróneamente caracterizado como algo progresista, mientras los trabajadores se empobrecieron, mientras hubo represión, hambre, miseria. Sacamos lecciones de la historia, y estamos optimistas de que el horizonte de la lucha de clases nos marca el derrotero de que el capitalismo no es un sistema imperecedero, sino que su caducidad llegó a fin, y que, independientemente de la correlación de fuerzas, el socialismo-comunismo es la opción de los trabajadores de México y del Mundo.

Recientemente concluyó nuestro VI Congreso, y en él evaluamos el rumbo peligroso que imponen las contradicciones interimperialistas, la importancia de seguir trabajando junto al movimiento obrero y sindical y su necesaria alianza con los sectores populares para reconquistar los derechos laborales y sindicales, aquellos que fueron eliminados durante las medidas para la desvalorización del trabajo que se impusieron con la crisis capitalista del 2008, pero también de luchar contra la guerra imperialista, sin tomar partido por ninguno de los centros imperi-

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alistas en disputa, tomando en cuenta que solo un Mundo socialista garantizará para los trabajadores de todos los países la paz y una vida mejor.

Camaradas: Queremos concluir manifestando la convicción de que el Mundo contemporáneo requiere de los partidos comunistas, de que su intervención es el único garante de que la clase obrera en escala nacional e internacional pueda cumplir su objetivo histórico. El próximo año se cumple un Siglo de la creación de la Internacional Comunista, que tuvo un rol positivo.

Lo más importante fue que dotó a los trabajadores de todos los países de una estrategia revolucionaria unificada para confrontar al capitalismo en su fase imperialista, y acelerar la victoria; hoy estamos convencidos de que tal estrategia revolucionaria unificada sigue siendo una faltante en la actividad del movimiento comunista internacional, una carencia que debemos superar, y el PCM dará su contribución en esa dirección.

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Nepal Communist Party

Respected Chair, Distinguished participants Ladies and gentlemen!

On behalf of Nepal Communist Party, people of Nepal, a land of the world’s highest peak- Mount Sagarmatha (Everest), and Lumbini, birthplace of Gautam Buddha, an apostle of universal peace, I would like to extend my felicitations and revolutionary greetings to you all.

The Nepal Communist Party (NCP) congratulates the Communist Party of Greece on its centenary.

We also extend sincere thanks to the Comrades of Greece for the arrangement of such a grand meeting inviting the leaders of Communist and Workers Parties of the world.

Nepal Communist Party (NCP) has come to power in overwhelming majority through multiparty competition gaining victory over the capitalist forces in elections held last year leading to the formation of a stable government under the leadership of our Chairman Comrade K.P. Sharma Oli with the vision of ‘Prosperous Nepal: Happy Nepali’.

The NCP has truly set an example to all Communists of the world that given hard work, determination and commitment to serve the people of the lowest strata of the society, the road to socialism is also possible through ballot and dedication to the principles of constitutional supremacy, rule of law, free judiciary and human rights including assurances of fundamental rights, principle of separation of power, periodic elections as per democratic norms and values and good governance.

We believe in creative use of Marxism. Thus, we yearn for sharing revolutionary experiences in perspective to Nepali characteristics, its development, and objective realities. We believe that Marxism is still relevant and conducive for the cause of emancipation of working class from all kind of exploitations.

Although the form or nature is changed, exploitation, suppression, and repression of the working class continue in basic essence. At the same time, imperialist forces are continuing their tirade against countries not adequate with their selfish interest or ideology. Brutal attack on Palestine and Syria, prolonged state of blockade in Cuba, DPRK, Venezuela, and current trade war with China in pretence of trade deficit are some of the strategies of imperialist forces.

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the working masses, progressive forces, and revolutionary people is quite obligatory today.

Coming back to the specific case of Nepal, we are happy to note that we have deeply internalized and used Marxism-Leninism in Nepal as per Nepali characteristics. This was best exemplified by unification of two major communist parties that had launched joint movement to pack off 240 years-old monarchy to history and establish a federal democratic republic under the constitution that seeks to promote socialism in Nepal.

Nepal underwent a tortuous process of prolonged political transition compounded by complicated peace process and political instability after a decade-long civil war claiming thousands of lives and billions of physical infrastructures. We are heartened to note that communists in Nepal have always taken a vanguard role in safeguarding the cause of working class people and are steadfast in promoting socialism as per our prevailing needs and standards.

Though being a least developed country, Nepal is still trying to establish a modest standard of living through optimum use of resources. Moreover, the Communist movement in Nepal is more adhesive than divisive. The NCP as one of the world’s biggest parties dedicated to the cause of working class, won 175 seats out of 275 in the Lower House of parliament with 63.63 percent representation. In the 59-member Upper House excluding three members nominated by the President, NCP has won 39 seats out of remaining 56 members, and holds 63.81 percent representation.

In seven provinces, out of 550 seats, 351 were bagged by NCP accounting 63.81 in percentage.

Out of 753 local bodies consisting of 35,041 seats of people’s representatives, NCP has bagged 157 mayors, 166 deputies, 243 chairs in rural municipalities, 157 vice-chairs, 20,426 ward chairs, 4,940 women members, 3,710 Dalit women members and 7,414 through open contest accounting a total of 19,540 seats and 55.76 percent. Our party also holds in six out of seven regions with two-thirds majority and as the largest single party in a region where we are a major opposition to a coalition government.

NCP has invincible faith and indomitable trust upon the people. Until the communist party is consolidated, strengthened, and popularized among the vast masses, we can neither promote the common interest of the working class people nor fight against the imperialist forces. We cannot either annihilate the form of internal and external exploitations or contribute from our part in world peace making process and in building socialism.

I would like to express my gratitude to the organiz- 203 ers for grand management of this august gathering in this magnificent Athens, the historic city and heart of Greece, for warm hospitality and for creating a pleasant environment to share our experiences. I wish the conclave all success.

Long live Marxism-Leninism!

Long Live Socialism!

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New Communist Party of the Netherlands

We would like to thank the KKE for hosting the 20th 205 IMCWP. We would also like to congratulate our comrades from the KKE for their 100th anniversary.

We would like to take the opportunity to sketch the economic and political situation in our country. The Netherlands is currently undergoing a phase of capitalist recovery. This recovery was onlypossible because the capitalist class abolished many rights the workers and other layers of the population had previously fought for. For the young working class in particular, the increasing “flexibilisation” of the labour market has reduced their chances to find proper work and has demolished much of the security they had. On the other hand, taxes for large companies are being abolished and companies are strengthened in their ability to increase the rate of exploitation in various ways. The bourgeois government actively promotes the mantra of capitalist economic growth as “good for all”.

This all happens while the contradictions of capitalism are intensifying, and various imperialist blocs compete for whom gets the most profits and who dominates the markets, owns natural resources, transportation routes, and so on. The bourgeois government of the Netherlands actively intervenes to defend the position of the capitalist class, and plays a particularly vicious role in preparing the people for a potential war with its imperialist competitors, particularly capitalist Russia. The Netherlands is high up in the imperialist hierarchy, and plays a big part in the imperialist unions, the European Union and NATO. The attack of the capitalists on the worker’s and people’s rights have guaranteed, for now, the profits for the capitalists, but has increased social unrest, which the bourgeois political system attempts to deflect so that it does not get blamed for the worsened situation the people have found themselves in. New reactionary bourgeois political parties that promote further destruction of workers’ rights and attempt to deflect popular anger at immigrants, at fellow workers with different ethnicities and cultural backgrounds are dressed up as “new” or “rebellious”.

Openly fascist ideas are once again being allowed to flourish in order to defend the system. At the same time, the existence of a “left” social democratic party hinders and impedes the development of our party, and plays a negative role in promoting reformism and what Lenin called “tail politics”, denouncing “ideology” and focusing merely on immediate struggles and following the masses instead of leading them.

Traditional social democracy and a newer “green

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left” party which is promoted as a “left alternative” also muddle the bourgeois political landscape. Politically, the contradiction between imperialist powers can also be seen in the sections of the bourgeoisie which have more to gain by a protectionist line, and those who are more in favour of “free trade”.

The task of the communist party in our country is to avoid “taking sides” in these increasing contradictions amongst the bourgeoisie and amongst imperialist blocs. Our task is to educate our members, strengthen our ideological base and our grasp of Marxism-Leninism, whilst at the same time directing our members to become active in the struggle in their own workplace, in their own environment, to actively espouse the party line and struggle to form it, to enrich it with their practical experiences.

Our main focus is on organizing the workers, fighting alongside them in and outside of the trade unions and mass movement, lead them, and recruit from the working class the best, most steadfast elements for the party.It is the duty of the party to lead the masses and connect with those that sympathise with the party, read our newspaper, and others that join us in the struggle.

Unfortunately, communist activity, the activity of the NCPN in this field, is still lacking. Many of our members fail to act as communists in the trade union movement, are inactive in their daily lives and fail to take part in the struggle. Our main task is currently to change this. Trade union activity in our country is decreasing, but the workers increasingly understand that organizing is the only way out. The increase of clashes between the workers and the bosses in various sectors prompts us to heighten our political activity. The party cannot merely be active in the economic sphere, but must link these with the political and ideological spheres, which are linked firmly. We must organize resistance against the reformist line in the trade union which is spreading apathy and slavish compromises with the capitalists. We must actively defend the line of class struggle. We must develop the struggle against imperialism, against imperialist wars and fight for the only solution: the overthrow of capitalism and the construction of socialism.

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Communist Party of Norway

The Communist Party of Norway appreciates the invitation to the 20th International Meeting of Communist- and Worker’s Parties (IMCWP) – under the theme «The contemporary working class and its alliance, the tasks of its political vanguard – the Communist and Worker’s Parties – in the struggle against exploitation and imperialist wars, for the rights of the workers and of the peoples, for peace and socialism».

The Communist Party of Norway is opposed to Norwegian NATO-membership, and in this context, we would like to express our appreciation for all international support, in the form of activists and speakers who travelled to Norway, having our invitation published on Solidnet, international media coverage and international greetings and appeals, in the context of our nation-wide demonstration against NATO’s military exercise Trident Juncture in Trondheim on October 20th. For a party with few members, being a member of IMCWP is of immense value and significance to us when it really counts. Once again, we sincerely thank you, comrades!

NATO’s largest military exercise since the cold war, an exercise for World War 3, Trident Juncture, is for the most part over. The last soldier participating in the exercise leaves on Christmas eve. But US and British soldiers stationed in permanent bases in northern Norway will remain.

Fortunately, only one soldier lost his life, but many were injured, out of more than 53 000 soldiers from 31 nations. But the destructions are immense, and more than 500 complaints have been received from civilians. The farmers’ fields, the fishermen’s’ ocean, and infrastructure, have been severely damaged.

The pollution is colossal, particularly after the Norwegian frigate hit a tanker and capsized. Children, young and old have been pestered with fear and discord. The military officers made VIP-tribunes, served champagne and canapés, and were entertained by war scenarios. Unpleasant indeed! Cleanup, and the fiest itself, is estimated to cost about 10 billion NOK. A large share of the bill will be paid by the Norwegian working class and the rest of the population through taxes and electricity bills in the time ahead.

The Communist Party of Norway fears the forces that want to keep gears running in the world’s largest industry – the war industry. Those who race to arm themselves, while we see the vital necessity of disarmament. This is why we work against continued Norwegian NATO membership, and against Norway joining Macron’s European army.

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liberalist project called the EU will never guarantee steady economic growth and a socially just society.

The struggle against the EU is about inconsolable conflicts of interest. Norway is not a member of the EU, but we are still subjugated by the EU through the EEA agreement, which incorporates Norway into the EU little by little, surrendering our sovereignty.

This is one of the reasons why we follow the Brexit negotiations enthusiastically, hoping that its side effect in a fragile EU will be that Norway leaves the unsolidaric EEC agreement. Social democracy has become weaker in Norway, and tries desperately to oppose the introduction of an important directive for our country; The Fourth Railway Package. The people’s movement against the EU, where NKP is represented in the national leadership as well as through local representatives, are pushing a lawsuit against the state for violating the constitution in the process of introducing the EU energy union ACER in Norway.

We see that the Brits want to protect their own economy. We see that Trump leaves one deal after another, creating an economic mess through sanctions and tolls, also in order to secure the economic interests of their national capitalists. Major world economies seem to be leaving the project of globalisation, and national capital interests are now national questions once again. Do you also experience it that way? It would be interesting to hear your views regarding this.

Together for workers’ rights, peace and internationalism!

Thank you for your attention!

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Communist Party of Pakistan

211 Dear Comrades!

Communist Party of Pakistan warmly congratulates Communist Party of Greece (KKE) on its immense contributions to the communist movement, a year of its centenary anniversary celebrations, hosting the 20th International meeting of the Communists and Worker’s Parties and with thanks for the excellent hospitality.

For us participation in these international meetings is always a great source of encouragement and strength. Information exchange on experience, political situation in different countries, strategies of the fraternal parties in countering the trickery of imperialism is highly helpful to devise our own strategies.

Dear Comrades!

Pakistan holds a specific position in international and Asian politics, firstly because of its geopolitical importance and secondly of its security establishment which is on top of the list as an integral part and parcel of the imperialist proxy wars. Pakistan adopted this role of security state at the very early days of its inception, for which reason security institutions have to be strengthened and socio-political organizations were grossly ignored in terms of development. From this point, gradually military establishment gained enormous strength and power over political parties and subsequently all civilian governments appeared merely dancing puppets of its own. Now, none of the ruling class parties is able to have eminence without the ratification of the military establishment.

Government cannot remain in power for any minor deception from agreed terms or difference of opinion in policy narrated by the army .

Dear Comrades!

This scenario is for the ruling class parties but situation for left wing and communist party is even worse.

Communist Party of Pakistan faced worst litigation at different times, party and its fronts were banned.

In history of Pakistan first martyr in army torture cell was comrade Hassan Nasir, a Central Committee member of Communist Party of Pakistan. First exiled citizen was comrade Sajjad Zaheer the first Secretary General Communist Party of Pakistan. Party offices, newspapers, periodicals were confiscated and are not returned as yet. At the mean time puppet parties of religious-political, feudal and trader classes were organized to divert the mass opinion from real issues, agitation on racial, religious and linguistic issues were encouraged, and pseudo left groups were chartered. In the current situation they are now openly organizing extremist groups and

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political parties. Different extremist groups are now sweet heart proxy forces which are used to curb internal political upheaval as well as to thwart away international pressure, also. The recent example is the case of Asia Bibi, a victim of fabricated blasphemy case, facing a harsh death sentence. Supreme Court shrewdly used this case to mitigate international pressure for alleged supporting terrorism and extremism. Epic court announced halfheartedly the release of Asia Bibi to show the world the strength of extremist groups.

The country remained hostage to the horrors of these fanatic forces for three days long period. Despite majority of the public unconcerned ,a minority of zealots managed to wheal jam the whole country including airlines operations. This encouraged these forces to an extent that they publically announced to kill those three judges who dared to free Asia bibi.

They even instigated other army generals to rebel against their chief, murder him, remove the prime minister and dissolve the government.

However, the government tendered negotiations with these extremist bodies through mediation of the security agencies, appeased and encouraged them, where they don’t have power that they cannot be contained by the state. On the other hand the behavior of government towards Communist, Democrats and regional political forces remains the most brutal. From all parts of the country political workers are abducted openly in the broad day light and are sent to torture cells. After years, if freed are found mentally disabled but in majority the mutilated dead corpses of the unfortunate victims could be found thrown in abandoned areas. If their release is managed somehow they work as touts for security agencies for the rest of their lives.

Dear Comrades!

Exploitation and loot by the international capitalist and imperialist is very high as a resultant the gap between “Haves and Have Not” is widening and class differences are on the rise. According to recent survey 55-65% rural population of two important provinces, Sindh and Baluchistan cannot manage two meals a day. While these provinces have abundant rich natural resources of Oil, gas, chromate, lithium, gold, copper and silver . In addition to this, the province of Sindh has 15 million acres of fertile agricultural land with excellent produce. All the above minerals are in possession of China and some western imperialist countries. Agriculture in Pakistan is not self-sustaining now due to shortage of water and low prices of agricultural produce, the peasants are

entangled in debt. Big land barons in sitting government are purchasing the land of farmers on meager prices. Chinese companies are also purchasing land in Pakistan for different projects and agriculture.

Local Industry is in crises because of extreme hike in prices of energy. Multiple taxes have also made it impossible to compete for export in international markets. The share of local industry in domestic market is also diminished because of Chinese goods which enjoy a lucrative exemption from all taxes. Industrial units are closing, the process of privatization is on its full swing, and with few exceptions most of the institutions are denationalized. In this scenario working class especially peasantry, is drowned in extreme poverty.

Furthermore the state has relinquished from its basic responsibilities, providing education, health and public security. Individuals and organizations are hiring private security agencies (which are mostly owned by ex-military officers) for their protection.

Drinking water has become a high priced commodity. Communist Party of Pakistan is organizing the struggle of workers and peasants to counter the situation while the state atrocities are on the rise and many political workers are abducted daily. Media institutions are under strict censorship. Journalists cannot talk about security agencies even in their private gatherings. To cover unlawful act of kidnapping courageous and sensible citizens who talk openly about the real issues, security agencies accuse them on blasphemy charges through their touts in religious quarters.

Dear Comrades!

Hand in hand with the fascist’s tactics for its survival, capitalist system is fueling religious, sectarian, racial and linguistic contradictions to divert class contradiction in African and Asian countries. In Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria and Yemen religious war has diverted class struggle into religious and sectarian colour. Likewise Boko Haram in Nigeria, Shabab-eMilli in Somalia and I.S.I.S. in Muslim world is serving the imperialism very well. The Ploy of religio-political organizations in Pakistan is very old. The society has become hostage in the hands of violent religious organizations for the last forty years. A vast network of religious preaching is created with the help of international capital and Pakistani state through sponsorship of Saudi Arabia and Iran. Tablighi Jamat (Preachers Party) is playing the biggest role in spreading the religious bias in Pakistan. Hundreds of Thousands of people are gathered in its biennial meetings. They knock every door to preach the IB 2019

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lust of heaven and fear of hell. The mindset that the world is meaningless and temporary and the prayer for the next life is most important has alienated the common man from society and widens the religious polarization.

Europe is enjoying the lollypop of electoral democratic empowerment. Change of government through vote and revenge from the ruler is the dictate to make the people forget about real change.

Bourgeois media is playing an important role in carving this mind set. Leftists in U.S.A. are still entangled in swamp of bourgeois democracy. In Latin America the tendency of change through vote has weaken the radical movement. Comrades of Venezuela and Brazil have a lot of experience of making government through vote, they can give a better analysis in this regards.

Dear Comrades!

To counter the situation we should turn to Leninism.

We should provide maximum literature to workers, peasants and youth based on up to date analysis of present, fourth generation industrial revolution’s objective realities, which can attract working classes, women and youth. We should enhance our struggle by focusing on economic issues of working classes and general public (we are witnessing the success of the strategies of Indian comrades in this regards).

Our participation in electoral process should not consume our energies; rather we should concentrate on organizing workers, peasants, youth and women. Coordination among radical communist parties should be increased so that we can learn from each other. The U.N.O. and International N.G.O.s celebrate special days to enhance their business. We should plan our action for basic issues like increase in minimum wages, free health care for everyone, education and clean water is a basic right not a favor. We request the forum of communist and worker’s parties to devise a comprehensive action plan in this regards.

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Paraguayan Communist Party

“No debemos ocultar nuestros errores ante el en- 215 emigo. Quien tema esto, no es revolucionario. Por el contrario, si declaramos abiertamente a los obreros: “Sí, hemos cometido errores”, esto significa que en adelante no han de repetirse tales errores y que sabremos elegir mejor el momento. Y si durante la lucha se pasa a nuestro lado la mayoría de los trabajadores - no sólo la mayoría de los obreros, sino la mayoría de los explotados y oprimidos -, entonces venceremos de veras.”(Lenin en su “Discurso en defensa de la táctica de la Internacional Comunista”, del 1 de julio de 1921) De 1921 a esta parte han pasado casi 100 años. El mundo ha cambiado bastante. El desarrollo tecnológico es asombroso, así comolos niveles de disgregación social, las dificultades de relacionamiento entre las personas y la agudización de la violencia y la lucha de clases.

Sin embargo, la vigencia del pensamiento de Lenin y Marx, continúan. En el Tomo I de El Capital, Marx logró identificar la tendencia del capital a la concentración y centralización. Los monopolios imperialistas, expresión del altísimo grado de concentración de los mercados, han crecido exponencialmente, desde 1921 a esta parte. Sin embargo, la articulación e integración de la clase obrera y de sus partidos comunistas y obreros, llamativamente ha disminuido.

La crisis del capitalismo en su fase monopolista-imperialista es estructural, y coloca a la guerra como una realidad y una necesidad. Las tensiones interimperialistas se vienen agudizando, atendiendo a que el propio metabolismo social del capital los oblige a disputarse territorios y mercados para satisfacer sus demandas. Entendemos que la crisis actual ha generado una síntesis política en la clase dominante, que es la dictadura mafiosa. De modo que las mafias instalan formas de relacionamiento para fortalecer sus negocios y ganancias.

En este marco, la operación enemiga, además de continuar desarrollando su despliegue militar, judicial, económico, se concentró en el relevamiento de datos en torno al comportamiento de masas, denominado “Cultura estratégica”, con el objetivo de fortalecer su hegemonía ideológica, logrando un control sobre las mentes y los deseos de las mayorías trabajadoras, forjando una cosmovisión concentrada en el consumismo, el individualismo y la fascinación por la tecnología.

La clase obrera en Paraguay Para caracterizar a la clase obrera en Paraguay, es necesario mirar nuestra historia. Luego de la Guerra civil de 1947, la clase obrera fue diezmada y el PCP

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casi aniquilado, dando comienzo a la hegemonía del Partido Colorado en el movimiento sindical, con el claro objetivo de burocratizarlo, corromperlo, dividirlo y convertirlo en una expresión funcional a los intereses de las patronales. Esta situación ha contribuido a la desmoralización y la pérdida de confianza del proletariado en su herramienta gremial organizada. A esto le sumamos nuestra incapacidad para desarrollar a nuestro Partido como síntesis política en la lucha por el poder de la clase obrera y el campesinado pobre.

La matriz económica del Paraguay es productora y reproductora de exclusión y pobreza. El sector primario exportador es central, sin embargo Paraguay cuenta con una de las peores tasas de distribución de la tierra en el mundo, el 85% de las tierras se encuentran en manos del 3% de la población. También se observa la extranjerización del territorio y la predominancia del cultivo de soja transgénica y la ganadería extensiva. Adicionalmente, la ilegalidad, el contrabando y el narcotráfico constituyen actividades que representaron en el año 2016 el 40% del PIB. Asimismo, la evasión impositiva es de más del 50%, y la presión tributaria extremadamente regresiva y baja. Esta situación se ve agravada por el grado de apertura económica, que en el año 2017 alcanzó el 88%. incluso más que el MERCOSUR o la Alianza del Pacífico. La población se encuentra cada vez más empobrecida, ensanchándose la brecha entre ricos y pobres, el 20% más rico se lleva el 55% de la riqueza generada en el país, y esta cifra es aún más alarmante en el área rural.

Los trabajadores vinculados al sector manufacturero no representan un elevado porcentaje, en comparación con el sector servicios, y el 64% de la población económicamente activa se desenvuelve en el marco de la informalidad.

La proliferación de sindicatos por centros de trabajo y no por rama, la existencia de 8 centrales obreras, la hegemonía de la CSA-CSI como articuladora de sindicatos y centrales obreras, la cooperación internacional con importantes recursos económicos para el desarme ideológico, el deterioro de una cultura sindical y proletaria con sólidas bases éticas y con una concepción del mundo basada en la solidaridad y el trabajo colectivo y complementario, son las principales trabas a superar por el movimiento obrero paraguayo.

Por estos motivos, la autocrítica realizada en el 8° Congreso de nuestro Partido, nos llevó a centrarnos en la cohesión ideológica del Partido Comunista, como requisito para darle profundidad y amplitud a

las luchas de la clase obrera.

Asumimos la tarea de fortalecer la unidad obrera, promover la alianza con el campesinado pobre, con trabajadores informales cuentapropistas, con pequeños productores y con pequeños empresarios e industriales que objetivamente estén interesados en confrontar con los monopolios. Nuestra concentración actualmente está en el trabajo sindical, porque e ntendemos que la hegemonía del proletariado es indispensable para el desarrollo de la alianza social y el fortalecimiento de su síntesis política y revolucionaria.

El rol de los Partidos Comunistas y Obreros Este contexto de crisis nos interpela a las y los comunistas. Exige sacar lecciones y aplicar planes superadores concentrados en recuperar nuestra concepción de mundo, nuestra concepción de sociedadsin explotadores ni explotados. La búsqueda de unidad de los Partidos Comunistas y obreros, en el marco de una estrategia revolucionaria común y multilineal a escala mundial, es el gran desafío para derrocar al capitalismo y construir la paz.

Entonces, luchar por la liberación nacional y el socialismo en estos tiempos, implica fortalecer nuestras organizaciones con múltiples capacidades de desempeño en todos los terrenos de lucha, con formas de integración que eviten el manejo de información acerca de nuestros planes estratégicos por parte del enemigo, intercambiando experiencias que nos permitan construir sólidas bases materiales para la construcción de una fuerza de masas con la suficiente capacidad de disputar poder con posibilidades reales de victoria. ¡Por el internacionalismo proletario y la elaboración de una estrategia revolucionaria común! ¡Organicemos el presente para rebelar el futuro! ¡Socialismo es vida, pan y paz!

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‫‪،‬اﻟﺮﻓﺎق اﻷﻋﺰاء‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻴﺔ ﺛﻮرﻳﺔ ﺑﻮﻟﺸﻔﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺪاﻳ ًﺔ ﻧﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻜﺮ اﻟﺠﺰﻳﻞ ﻟﻠﺮﻓﺎق ﰲ اﻟﺤﺰب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎين ﻋﲆ دﻋﻮة ﺣﺰﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻠﻘﺎء اﻟﻬﺎم‪ ،‬وﻋﲆ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻠﻘﺎء اﻻﻣﻤﻲ‪ ،‬وﻧﺜﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﻮدﻫﻢ ﰲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺎت وﻧﺸﺎﻃﺎت ﻫﺬا اﻟﻠﻘﺎء وﻧﺘﻤﻨﻰ ﻟﻬﻢ ﻣﺰﻳﺪا ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻘﺪم‬ ‫واﻻﻧﺘﺼﺎر ﻟﺤﺰﺑﻬﻢ اﳌﺠﻴﺪ ﰲ ﻛﻔﺎﺣﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎء ﴏح اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺑﻠﺪﻫﻢ اﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪.‬اﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﻛام ﻧﻌﱪ ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻬﻨﺄﺗﻨﺎ ﻟﻠﺮﻓﺎق ﰲ اﻟﺤﺰب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎين مبﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻣﺮور‬ ‫‪ 100.‬ﻋﺎم ﻋﲆ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫إن اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻫﺬه اﻷﻳﺎم ﺗﻌﺎين ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﻬﺮ واﻟﻌﻮز ﺣﻴﺚ اﻧﺨﻔﺾ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﳌﻌﻴﺸﺔ‬ ‫إﱃ ﻣﺎ دون ﺧﻂ اﻟﻔﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛام وﺗﻮاﺟﻪ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ أﺷﻜﺎﻻً ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة ﻣﻦ اﻻﺿﻄﻬﺎد‬ ‫واﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺎمل اﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﺪّ ت ﻣﻦ اﻧﺘﺎج اﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ‬ ‫اﳌﺘﻌﺎرف ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﺮأﺳامﱄ وﺣﻮﻟﺘﻪ إﱃ اﻧﺘﺎج ﺧﺪﻣﺎيت ﻳﻠﻌﺐ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ دوراً‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻘﺪم اﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ واﻟﺘﻜﻨﻠﻮﺟﻲ أﻃﺎح مبﻌﺎدﻟﺔ اﻹﻧﺘﺎج اﻟﺮأﺳامﱄ ” ﻧﻘﺪ‪ -‬ﺑﻀﺎﻋﺔ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ“ ﻣام أدى إﱃ ﺗﻐﻴري ﰲ ﻃﺮق ﺗﺮاﻛﻢ اﻷرﺑﺎح‪ .‬ﻛام أن اﻟﺘﻘﺪم اﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ واﻟﺘﻜﻨﻠﻮﺟﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺬي أﺳﺲ ﻟﻺﻧﺘﺎج اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎيت ﰲ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت أدى إﱃ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺺ ﺣﺠﻢ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫‪.‬ﻫﺬه اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت‬ ‫إن ﻣﻦ أوﱃ اﻫﺘامﻣﺎت رأس اﳌﺎل ﻫﻮ زﻳﺎدة ﺗﺮاﻛﻤﻪ‪ ،‬وأﻣﺎ اﻫﺘامﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻳﺘﺠﺎوز اﻫﺘامﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻵﻻت ﰲ ﻣﺼﻨﻌﻪ واﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﲆ ﻫﺬه اﻵﻻت ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ وﻣﻨﺘﺠﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ إﻻ ﺟﺰ ٌء ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻧﺘﺎﺟﻪ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﺘﺎج ﻟﺼﻴﺎﻧﺔ دورﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎدرة ﻋﲆ اﻹﻧﺘﺎج وﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻜﺎﺛﺮ ﻟﺰﻳﺎدة اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ وﻟﻴﺒﻘﻰ ﻫﻨﺎك ﺟﻴﺶ اﺣﻄﻴﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫‪.‬ﻛﺒري ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌامل ﰲ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ دامئﺎً‬ ‫ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺠﺐ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﻺرﺗﻘﺎء ﺑﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ وﻋﻴﺎً وﻓﻬامً وﺗﻨﻈﻴامً ﻟﺪورﻫﺎ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻫﺬه اﳌﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻊ ﻋﲆ ﻋﺎﺗﻖ اﻷﺣﺰاب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﻌامﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﻄﻠﻴﻌﺔ اﻟﺜﻮرﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﺒﻘﺔ‬ ‫‪.‬اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻔﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺪول اﻧﺘﺰع اﻟﻌامل ﺣﻘﻬﻢ ﰲ اﻻﴐاب واﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎج واﳌﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﺤﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎدﻟﺔ‪ ،‬وﰲ ﺑﻠﺪان أﺧﺮى ﻳﻘﻤﻊ اﻟﻌامل ﰲ ﺣﺎل ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﺄدىن ﺣﻖ ﻟﻬﻢ‪ .‬وﺗﻜﺸﻒ‬ ‫اﻟﱪﺟﻮازﻳﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺑﺴﻠﻄﺔ رأس اﳌﺎل واﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ أﻧﻴﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﰲ اﻟﻜﺜري ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﻠﺪان وﺗﴬب ﺑﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺪﻳﺪ ﺿﺪ أي ﺗﺤﺮك ﻧﻘﺎيب أو ﺳﻴﺎﳼ ﻳﻘﻮم ﺑﻪ اﻟﻌامل ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ‪ .‬وﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺤﺘﺪم اﻟﴫاع إﱃ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺤﺪ ﺑني اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ وﻃﺒﻘﺔ رأس‬ ‫اﳌﺎل اﳌﺘﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺑﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﺮاﻓﻖ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﻜﻮن اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ واﻋﻴﺔ وﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ‬ ‫وﻣﻨﻀﺒﻄﺔ وﻗﻮﻳﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻳﺎً وﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎً وﻫﺬا ﻣﺎ ﻳﺆﻫﻠﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺼﻤﻮد ﰲ وﺟﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻐﻠﻴﻬﻢ وﻣﺠﺎﺑﻬﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮذ رأس اﳌﺎل واﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﺪاﻋﻤﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻫﻲ اﳌﻨﺘﺠﺔ ﻟﻠﺨريات‬ ‫اﳌﺎدﻳﺔ ﰲ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ وﻣﻨﺘﺠﺔ اﻟﻘﻴﻤﺔ اﻟﺰاﺋﺪة اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻘﺘﻨﺼﻬﺎ اﻟﱪﺟﻮازي ﻹﺛﺮاء ﻧﻔﺴﻪ وزﻳﺎدة‬ ‫‪.‬ﺛﺮاﺋﻪ ورأﺳامﻟﻪ وﻫﻲ اﻟﻌﻨﴫ اﻷﺳﺎﳼ ﰲ اﻹﻧﺘﺎج‬ ‫إن ﺗﺤﻮل اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﺮأﺳامﱄ اﻹﻧﺘﺎﺟﻲ اﻟﺬي ﻳﻨﺘﺞ اﻟﺴﻠﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺒﺎدل إﱃ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﺳﺘﻬﻼيك‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮاً ﻟﺘﻄﻮر اﻟﻌﻠﻮم واﻟﺘﻜﻨﻠﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﻗﻠﻞ ﻣﻦ اﺳﺘﻌامل اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻣام أدى إﱃ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺺ ﻋﺪد اﻟﻌامل ﰲ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ وزاد ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﺐ اﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ واﻟﺒﺆس واﻟﺤﺮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻨﺠﺪ اﻟﻜﺜري ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌامل ﰲ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ وﰲ اﳌﺪن اﻟﻜﱪى ﻳﻨﺎﻣﻮن ﰲ اﻟﺸﻮارع‬ ‫‪.‬ﺻﻴﻔﺎ ﺷﺘﺎ ًء ﻟﻌﺪم وﺟﻮد اﳌﺴﻜﻦ ﻟﻬﻢ وﻟﻌﺪم وﺟﻮد ﺿامن اﺟﺘامﻋﻲ وﺗﺄﻣني ﺻﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ أن ﺗﻮﺣﺪ ﺟﻬﻮدﻫﺎ وﺗﺘﻜﺎﺗﻒ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ دﺣﺮ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﱪﺟﻮازﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺘﻐﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛام وﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﺑﺎت ﻋامﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﺪاﻓﻊ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﲆ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻫﺬه اﻟﻨﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ وﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ اﻟﻌامل وﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ وﺗﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻛام ﻫﻮ اﻟﺤﺎل ﰲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ دول اﻟﻌﺎمل اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ وﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻄني‬ ‫‪.‬اﳌﺤﺘﻠﺔ‬ ‫وإن دور اﻷﺣﺰاب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻫﻮ دور ﻃﻠﻴﻌﻲ ﰲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻀﺎل‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻘﻮم اﻷﺣﺰاب‬ ‫اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺑﻘﻴﺎدة ﻧﻀﺎل اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﺎ وﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﺎدﻟﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫وﺗﻘﻮد اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ إﱃ اﻟﻨﴫ ﺿﺪ اﻟﱪﺟﻮازﻳﺔ اﻟﻮﺿﻴﻌﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺘﻐﻠﻬﺎ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ ﻋﻨﺪﻧﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄني ﻓﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻨﻘﺎيب ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﳌﺤﺎﺻﺼﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﻐﻄﺎء ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻜﻤﱪادور اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺣﻘﻮق وﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﻌامل اﻟﻌﺎدﻟﺔ واﳌﻠﺤﺔ‪ ،‬وﺑﻨﺎ ًء ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪم ﻓﺈن اﻟﻬامت اﳌﻠﺤﺔ أﻣﺎم ﺣﺰﺑﻨﺎ اﻟﺤﺰب‬ ‫اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ واﻷﺣﺰاب اﻟﻌامﻟﻴﺔ اﻷﺧﺮى ﰲ ﻓﻠﺴﻄني اﳌﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ إﻋﺎدة ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺑﺎت ﻋامﻟﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺗﺪاﻓﻊ ﻗﻮﻻ وﻓﻌﻼ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌامل وﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﻘﺎﺑﺎت ﺻﻔﺮاء ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻜﻤﱪادور اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ واﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﻢ اﻟﻌﺪاﺋﻴﺔ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬ ‫‪www.solidnet.org‬‬

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‫‪Palestinian‬‬ ‫‪Communist‬‬ ‫‪Party‬‬

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‫‪ 219‬ﻓﺎﺗﻮرة اﺣﺘﻼﻟﻪ وﺟﺮامئﻪ إﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﺴﺠني إﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ إدارة ﻣﺪﻧﻴﺔ رﻓﻀﻬﺎ ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ‬ ‫‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻮد ﻋﺎدت ﺑﻘﻮة اﻟﻔﻌﻞ اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﱄ وﺗﺴﻠﻄﻬﺎ وﺗﺤﻜﻤﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫رﻓﺎﻗﻨﺎ إﻧﻨﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺤﺰب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ رﻏﻢ ﺣﺎﻟﻪ اﻟﺠﺰر اﻟﺬي متﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﺘﻨﺎ ﺳﻨﺒﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺴﻠﺤني ﺑﺈراده ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ اﻟﺼﺎﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﺴﻠﺤني ﺑﻌﺰميﺔ ﺷﻌﺐ ﻳﺄىب اﻟﺨﻨﻮع ﻫﺬا اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﺬي‬ ‫ﻳﺠﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ أﺑﺴﻂ ﺷﺎب ﻓﻴﻪ ﻳﺘﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﺴﻜني ﻟﻴﻮاﺟﻪ ﻗﻮة أﻋﺘﻰ ﺟﻴﺶ ﺻﻬﻴﻮين ﺑﺎﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬ ‫إﻧﻨﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺤﺰب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ أﻳﻬﺎ اﻟﺮﻓﺎق ﻧﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻦ رﻓﺎﻗﻨﺎ اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴني اﻷﺣﺮار‬ ‫دﻋﻢ وﻣﺴﺎﻧﺪة ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ وﺣﺰﺑﻨﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻬﺎﻣﻪ اﻟﻘﺎدﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻀﺎﻟﻪ اﻻﻧﺴﺎين‪ ،‬ﻫﺬه اﳌﻬﺎم اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ اﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﻮازي ﻛﺎﻓﺔ أﺷﻜﺎل اﻟﻨﻀﺎل اﳌﻨﺘﺼﺒﺔ أﻣﺎم ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ ﰲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﺘﻪ واﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻋﲆ اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﺼﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻛﻔﻜﺮ وﻣامرﺳﺔ وﻛﻴﺎن ﻟﻨﺤﻴﺎ ﺑﺄرﺿﻨﺎ ﻛﻞ أرض‬ ‫‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄني اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة اﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﺎﻓﺔ أﺑﻨﺎﺋﻬﺎ‬

‫‪.‬ﰲ ﻓﻠﺴﻄني اﳌﺤﺘﻠﺔ‬ ‫وﻫﻨﺎ ﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﲆ ﴐورة ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺢ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻜﺮ اﳌﺎرﻛﴘ اﻟﻠﻴﻨﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫وﺗﺜﻘﻔﻬﺎ ﻻدارة دﻓﺔ اﻟﴫاع اﻟﻄﺒﻘﻲ ﻟﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﻗﺎدرة ﻋﲆ اﻟﻨﻀﺎل واﻟﻜﻔﺎح ﻟﻠﺘﺼﺪي وﳌﻮاﺟﻬﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺔ رأس اﳌﺎل واﻟﱪﺟﻮازﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎء ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ وﺑﻨﺎء ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﺷﱰايك ﺗﻨﻌﻢ ﻓﻴﻪ اﻟﺒﴩﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ وﻋﺪم اﺳﺘﻐﻼل اﻻﻧﺴﺎن ﻷﺧﻴﻪ اﻻﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وﻟﻠﻮﺻﻮل إﱃ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺜﻴﻒ ﻧﻀﺎل اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ وﰲ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ اﻷﺣﺰاب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ ”اﳌﺎرﻛﺴﻴﺔ اﻟﻠﻴﻨﻴﻨﻴﺔ“ وﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫‪.‬أﻣﻤﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﺗﻀﻢ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻷﺣﺰاب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﻌامﻟﻴﺔ ”اﳌﺎرﻛﺴﻴﺔ اﻟﻠﻴﻨﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫وﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﺎم اﳌﻠﺤﺔ واﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺤﺰﺑﻨﺎ أﻳﻀﺎ ﻣﻘﺎوﻣﺔ اﻻﺣﺘﻼل وذﻳﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺤﻔﺔ وﻣﺬﻟﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﳌﻮاﺟﻬﺔ اﻟﱪﺟﻮازﻳﺔ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻧﺸﺎء ﺟﺒﻬﺔ‬ ‫وﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺮﻳﻀﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﳌﻌﺎدﻳﺔ ﻟﻼﺣﺘﻼل واﺗﻔﺎق أوﺳﻠﻮ اﻟﺬي ﻛﺒﻞ‬ ‫‪.‬اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻘﻴﻮد زادﺗﻪ ﻓﻘﺮا وﻋﻮزا‬ ‫اﻟﺮﻓﺎق اﻻﻋﺰاء‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻠﻖ اﻟﺮوح اﻟﺮﻓﺎﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ووﺣﺪة اﻟﻔﻜﺮ واﻟﻬﺪف ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺤﺰب‬ ‫اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﻨﺤﺎول ﺑﺈﻳﺠﺎز أن ﻧﻀﻊ أﻣﺎﻣﻜﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺮض وﻳﺘﻌﺮض ﻟﻪ ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ وﻗﻀﻴﺘﻪ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬه اﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺟﺰء ﻻ ﻳﺘﺠﺰأ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﻌﺪل‬ ‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎين‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺗﻌﺒري ﻣﻜﺜﻒ ﻋﻦ وﺣﺸﻴﺔ اﺣﺘﻼل ﻧﺎزي ﻷرﺿﻨﺎ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ )اﺣﺘﻼل‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎﱄ( واﻟﺬي ﺷﻜﻞ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺪار اﻟﻌﻘﻮد اﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ اﻻﻧﻴﺎب اﻟﺪاﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﺣﺶ اﻻﻣﱪﻳﺎﱄ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻗﻬﺮ وﻧﻬﺐ ﺷﻌﻮب اﻟﻌﺎمل‪ ،‬ﻫﺬا اﻟﻮﺣﺶ اﻟﺬي ﺗُﺸﻜﻞ دوﻟﺔ اﻟﻜﻴﺎن اﻟﺼﻬﻴﻮين أداﺗﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ وواﺟﺐ اﻟﺘﺼﺪي ﻟﻪ واﻟﻮﻗﻮف ﺑﻮﺟﻬﻪ ﻫﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻛﻞ أﺣﺮار اﻟﻌﺎمل‬ ‫‪.‬ومبﻘﺪﻣﺘﻬﻢ اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴني ﻛﺮأس ﺣﺮﺑﺔ ﰲ وﺟﻪ اﻻﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ وﺗﻐﻮﻟﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‬ ‫إن اﻹﺣﺘﻼل اﻟﺼﻬﻴﻮين اﻟﺬي ميﺎرس أﺑﺸﻊ اﻟﺠﺮاﺋﻢ ﺑﺤﻖ ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻳﻮﻣﻴﺎً واﻟﺬي مل‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺘﻔﻲ ﺑﺘﴩﻳﺪ ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ وإﺣﻼل ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﻋﺼﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻐﺘﺼﺒني‪ ،‬ﻫﺬا اﻹﺣﺘﻼل اﻟﺬي ميﺎرس مبﺎ‬ ‫ميﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ إﻋﻼم‪ .‬أﻛﱪ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺗﺰوﻳﺮ ﻟﻠﺘﺎرﻳﺦ وﺗﻀﻠﻴﻞ ﻟﻠﻌﺎمل مبﺎ ﻳﺪﻋﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﻣﻊ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨني‪ ،‬واﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻫﻲ ان اﻻدراة اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ورﺑﻴﺒﺘﻬﺎ دوﻟﺔ اﻟﻜﻴﺎن اﻟﺼﻬﻴﻮين ﻗﺪ‬ ‫وﺟﺪت ﴍﻳﻜﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎ منﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻋﲆ ﺣﺴﺎب اﻟﺪم اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ وﻣﻌﺎﻧﺎة اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬ ‫‪.‬اﳌﴩد ﻟﻴﻘﺒﻞ ﺑﻠﻌﺐ دور اﻟﴩﻳﻚ اﻟﺬﻟﻴﻞ ﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻻﺣﺘﻼل ﻛﻜﻤﱪادور‬ ‫إن ﻣﺎ ﺣﺪث ﻣﺆﺧﺮا ﰲ اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﺖ اﻟﺼﻬﻴﻮين ﻣﻦ إﺻﺪار ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻨﴫي‪ ،‬اﻟﺬي‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻬﻮدﻳﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻫﻮ ﺗﺤﻮل ﺟﺬري ﰲ ﻣﺴﺎر اﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻳﺴﺘﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺤﻮﻻً‬ ‫ﺟﺬرﻳﺎً ﰲ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﻓﺼﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ واﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺄﻓﺮاده وأﻃﻴﺎﻓﻪ وأﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺗﻮاﺟﺪه ﻛﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬إن ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﻳﻬﻮدﻳﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻟﺬي ﺻﺪر ﻣﺆﺧﺮا‬ ‫وأﺻﺒﺢ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ اﳌﻔﻌﻮل ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ اﻻﺣﺘﻼل‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺸﻒ ﻋام ﺣﺎوﻟﺖ اﻟﺼﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺔ أن ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻪ ﻃﻴﻠﺔ‬ ‫أﻛرث ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﺋﺔ ﻋﺎم ﻣﻦ ﺗﻀﻠﻴﻞ ﻟﻠﺮأي اﻟﻌﺎم اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪ ،‬واﺗﺨﺬت ﻛﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﳌﴩوﻋﺔ‬ ‫وﻏري اﳌﴩوﻋﺔ ﻟﻄﻤﺲ اﻟﺤﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﺎمل وﻋﻦ أﻫﺪاف اﻟﺼﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺔ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻷﻣﺮ اﻟﺬي‬ ‫اﻧﻄﲆ ﻋﲆ أﻛرث دول اﻟﻌﺎمل أو ﺗﻐﺎﺿﺖ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺪول ﻣﺴﺎﻳﺮة ﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ واﴎاﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬إﱃ‬ ‫أن أﻋﻠﻨﺖ دوﻟﺔ اﻟﻜﻴﺎن وﺑﻜﻞ ﺻﻠﻒ أﻧﻬﺎ دوﻟﺔ ﻋﻨﴫﻳﺔ ﺗﺒﻘﻲ أﻫﻞ اﻟﺒﻼد اﻷﺻﻠﻴني ﻏﺮﺑﺎء‬ ‫وأﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻼدﻫﻢ وﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﻬﻢ أﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق ﻛﺤﻘﻮق اﻟﻴﻬﻮدي اﻟﻘﺎدم إﱃ اﻟﺒﻼد ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫‪.‬أﺳﺒﻮع واﺣﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫إن ﻫﺬا اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻳﻘﺮأ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ وﻻ ﻳﺤﺘﺎج اﱃ اﻳﻀﺎح أو ﺗﻐﻴري إﻧﻪ ﻋﺒﺎرة ﻋﻦ دوﻟﺔ‬ ‫أﺑﺎرﺗﻬﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻨﴫﻳﺔ وإﻋﻼن أﻧﻬﺎ دوﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﻴﻬﻮد ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ ﺗﺮاﻓﻖ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﻊ ﻧﻘﻞ اﻟﺴﻔﺎرة‬ ‫اﻻﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ اﱃ اﻟﻘﺪس متﺎﺷﻴﺎً ﻣﻊ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻻﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﻔﺎﺷﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ واﺳﺘﻜﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺮار ﻗﻄﻊ اﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪات اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ وﻛﺎﻟﺔ وﻏﻮث وﺗﺸﻐﻴﻞ اﻟﻼﺟﺌني اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴني ”اﻻﻧﺮو“‬ ‫وذﻟﻚ ﻟﻬﺪف واﺣﺪ وﺣﻴﺪ وﻫﻮ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﴐب أﻫﻢ ﺛﻮاﺑﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪.‬وﻫام ﻗﻀﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﺪس واﻟﻼﺟﺌني وﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎت ﻳﻌﺮف اﻵن ﺑﺼﻔﻘﺔ اﻟﻘﺮن‬ ‫اﻟﺮﻓﺎق اﻷﻋﺰاء‪ ،‬إن ﺣﺰﺑﻨﺎ اﻟﺤﺰب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺎن ﻗﺪ ﺗﻨﺒﺄ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻣﺪة ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺬه اﻻﺟﺮءات واﻟﺨﻄﻮات اﻟﺘﻌﺴﻔﻴﺔ ﺑﺤﻖ أﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄني اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫وﻫﺬا دﻓﻌﻪ اﱃ ﺗﻐﻴري ﻛﺒري ﰲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻪ اﻟﻘﺪميﺔ واﻟﻘﺎمئﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺣﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺘني‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻣﺆمتﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺑﻨﺎ اﻟﺬي ﻋﻘﺪ ﰲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﺒﺎط ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎم ‪ 2016‬أﻗﺮ ﺣﺰﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺠﺎً ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎً ﺟﺪﻳﺪاً ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎً‬ ‫ﻣﻊ اﻻﺣﺪاث واﻟﺘﻄﻮرات وﻫﻮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺣﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﻟﻜﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫أﺑﻨﺎﺋﻬﺎ‪ .‬رﻓﺎﻗﻨﺎ اﻷﻋﺰاء أن ﻣﺎ ﺟﺮى وﻳﺠﺮي ﻋﲆ ﺳﺎﺣﻪ اﻷرض اﳌﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﰲ ﻓﻠﺴﻄني ﻗﺪ ﺟﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﳌﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺣﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺘني وﺑﺎﻋﱰاف اﻟﻘﻴﺎدات اﻟﺼﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺸﺎرﺑﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎك ﺳﻠﻄﺔ مبﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ وﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎك ﺟﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺎ ﻣﺘﻮاﺻﻠﺔ ﻷرض ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ وأﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﻋﺪد اﳌﻐﺘﺼﺒﺎت واﳌﻐﺘﺼﺒني ﻳﻬﺪد ﻓﻌﻠﻴﺎً اﻟﻮﺟﻮد اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ وﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﻠﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ‬ ‫أو ﻗﺮار ﻋﲆ اﻷرض أو اﻟﺠﻮ أو اﳌﻌﺎﺑﺮ‪ ،‬إﻧﻪ إﺣﺘﻼل ﺑﺄﺑﺨﺲ اﻷمثﺎن ﻳﻌﻔﻲ اﳌﺤﺘﻞ ﻣﻦ دﻓﻊ‬

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IB 2019

www.solidnet.org

‫‪ 221‬اﻟﺮﻓﺎق اﻻﻋﺰاء‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﺒﺪاﻳﻪ اﺳﻤﺤﻮا ﱄ ان اﺗﻘﺪم ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻟﻠﺮﻓﺎق ﰲ اﻟﺤﺰب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎين ﻋﲆ‬ ‫اﺳﺘﻀﺎﻓﻪ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻠﻘﺎء اﻟﻬﺎم وان اﻧﻘﻞ ﻟﻬﻢ ﺗﺤﻴﺎت رﻓﺎﻗﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺣﺰب اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫وﺗﻬﺎﻧﻴﻬﻢ اﻟﺤﺎره مبﻨﺎﺳﺒﻪ اﺣﺘﻔﺎﻟﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻛﺮى اﳌﺌﻮﻳﻪ ﻟﺘﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﺰﺑﻬﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺬي ﺗﺮك‬ ‫ﺑﺼﻤﺘﻪ اﳌﻤﻴﺰه ﰲ ﻧﻀﺎل اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎين ﻣﻦ اﺟﻞ اﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼل واﻟﺘﻘﺪم اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ وﺻﻮﻻ‬ ‫‪.‬اﱃ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﻪ اﳌﻨﺸﻮده‬ ‫اﻳﻬﺎ اﻟﺮﻓﺎق‬ ‫اﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﻌﺘﻘﺪ ان اﳌﻮاﻇﺒﻪ ﻋﲆ ﻫﺬه اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﺎت واﻟﺤﻮار وﺗﺒﺎدل اﻻراء واﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت واﻟﺨﱪات‬ ‫ﺑني اﺣﺰاﺑﻨﺎ اﻟﺸﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺒريه ﰲ اﻳﺠﺎد اﻓﺾ اﻟﺴﺒﻞ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ اﳌﺸﱰك وﺻﻮﻻ‬ ‫اﱃ اﻋﲆ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت اﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﺑني اﻻﺣﺰاب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﻪ واﻟﻌامﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫وﻻ ﺷﻚ اﻳﻬﺎ اﻟﺮﻓﺎق اﻧﻜﻢ ﺗﺘﺎﺑﻌﻮن ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﺮض ﻟﻪ ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ وﻃﺒﻘﺘﻪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ واﺿﻄﻬﺎد ‪ ,‬ﺣﻴﺖ ﺗﺘﻌﺮض اﻟﻄﺒﻘﻪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ اﱃ اﺿﻄﻬﺎد ﻣﺰدوج ‪ ,‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﻛﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﻓﺌﺎت‬ ‫وﴍاﺋﺢ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﺘﻌﺮض اﱃ اﺿﻬﺎد اﻟﻘﻮه اﻟﻘﺎمئﻪ اﻻﺣﺘﻼل وﻣﺎ متﺎرﺳﻪ ﻫﺬه‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻮه اﻟﻐﺎﺷﻤﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻤﻊ واﺿﻄﻬﺎد واذﻻل وﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺤﻮاﺟﺰ واﻟﻄﺮﻗﺎت اﳌﺆدﻳﻪ اﱃ‬ ‫اﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻢ ﺣﻴﺚ ﰲ ﻛﺜري ﻣﻦ اﻻﺣﻴﺎن ﻳﺴﻘﻂ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﻨريان ﻗﻮات اﻻﺣﺘﻼل‬ ‫اﻻﴎاﺋﻴﲇ وﺑﺤﺠﺞ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻪ وواﻫﻴﻪ ‪ .‬وﻋﲆ اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ اﻻﺧﺮ ﻳﺴﻘﻂ اﻟﻜﺜري ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺻﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻻﻫامل وﻋﺪم ﺗﻮﻓﺮ اﻟﴩوط اﳌﻼمئﻪ وﺧﺎﺻﻪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠني ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺳﻮق‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻻﴎاﺋﻴﲇ ‪ ,‬اﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﳌﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺿﻮن ﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ متﻴﻴﺰ ﰲ اﻻﺟﻮر واﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ اﻟﻼاﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫‪.‬ﻗﺒﻞ ارﺑﺎب اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻻﴎاﺋﻴﻠﻴني دون ﺗﻮﻓﺮ اﻳﻪ ﺣامﻳﻪ ﻟﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻛام اﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺿﻮن اﻳﻀﺎ ﻻﺿﻄﻬﺎد ﻃﺒﻘﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ارﺑﺎب اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ اﻟﺴﻮق اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻪ‬ ‫واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺠﲆ ﰲ ﻋﺪم اﻻﻟﺘﺰام ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺪ اﻻدىن ﻟﻼﺟﻮر وﴍوط اﻟﺴﻼﻣﻪ اﳌﻬﻨﻴﻪ ‪ ,‬اﻻﻣﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﺬي ﻳﺠﻌﻞ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﻪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻪ وﺧﺎﺻﻪ اﳌﺮاه اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻫﻲ اﻻﻛرث ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻈﻠﻢ ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻘﻮم ﺣﺰﺑﻨﺎ وﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻛﻮادرﻧﺎ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻴﻪ وﻣﻤﺜﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﰲ اﳌﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺘﴩﻳﻌﻲ‬ ‫وﺑﺎﻻﺳﺘﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴني ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﲆ اﻧﺼﺎف اﻟﻄﺒﻘﻪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ‪ .‬وﻣﺎ ﺣﻤﻼت اﻟﺤﺪ اﻻدىن‬ ‫ﻟﻼﺟﻮر واﻻﺟﺮ اﳌﺘﺴﺎوي ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ اﳌﺘﺴﺎوي وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﻟﻨﻀﺎل اﻟﺪؤوب ﻣﻦ اﺟﻞ اﻗﺮار ﻗﺎﻧﻮن‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻀامن اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ اﻟﺬي ﻳﺨﻮﺿﻪ ﺣﺰﺑﻨﺎ وﰲ ﻇﺮوف ﺻﻌﺒﻪ ﺟﺪا اﻻ اﻣﺜﻠﻪ ﻋﲆ اﳌﻬﺎم‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻀﺎﻟﻴﻪ اﳌﺎﺛﻠﻪ اﻣﺎﻣﻨﺎ ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺮﺣﻠﻪ اﺿﺎﻓﻪ اﱃ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﻮم ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺎ ﱃ ﺟﻨﺐ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻘﻮى‬ ‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﻪ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﰲ ﻧﻀﺎل ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ اﺟﻞ اﻧﻬﺎء اﻻﺣﺘﻼل اﻻﴎاﺋﻴﲇ وﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ‬ ‫‪.‬وﻃﺒﻘﺘﻪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬا اﻻﺣﺘﻼل اﻟﻌﻨﴫي‬ ‫ان اﴎاﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺎول ﻓﺮض اﳌﻌﺎﻟﺠﺎت اﻻﻣﻨﻴﻪ ﰲ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ اﻻﻣﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﺬي ﻧﺮﻓﻀﻪ وﻧﻄﺎﻟﺐ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﺪوﱄ ﺑﺮﻓﻀﻪ واﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻘﻀﻴﻪ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﻛﻘﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺐ ﺗﺤﺖ اﺣﺘﻼل ﺑﺠﺐ ان ﻳﻨﺘﻬﻲ‬ ‫اﻳﻬﺎ اﻟﺮﻓﺎق‬ ‫ﺗﺘﻌﺮض اﻟﻘﻀﻴﻪ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺮﺣﻠﻪ اﱃ اﺧﻄﺮ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺤﺎﻟﻒ اﻻﻣﱪﻳﺎﱄ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻬﻴﻮين اﻟﺮﺟﻌﻲ واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﺪف اﱃ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﺘﻬﺎ وﻓﺮض اﻟﺤﻠﻮل اﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺗﻠﺒﻲ اﻟﺤﺪ اﻻدىن‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺤﻘﻮق اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﻪ اﳌﴩوﻋﻪ ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻔﻠﺘﻬﺎ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧني واﻟﴩاﺋﻊ‬ ‫واﻟﻘﺮارات اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﻪ ‪ ,‬وﻗﺪ اﺷﺘﺪت ﻫﺬه اﻻزﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺻﻮل اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻻﻣﺮﻳيك دوﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺮاﻣﺐ‬ ‫اﱃ اﻟﺒﻴﺖ اﻻﺑﻴﺾ ﺣﻴﺚ اﻋﱰف ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺪس ﻋﺎﺻﻤﻪ ﻻﴎاﺋﻞ وﻧﻘﻞ اﻟﺴﻔﺎره اﻻﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﻴﻬﺎ وﻗﻄﻊ اﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪات ﻋﻦ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﻪ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻪ واﻏﻠﻖ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﻪ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﰲ‬ ‫واﺷﻨﻄﻦ وﻗﻄﻊ اﳌﻌﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻦ وﻛﺎﻟﻪ اﻟﻐﻮث وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﺛﺎره اﻟﺠﺪل ﺣﻮل ﻣﻦ ﻫﻮ اﻟﻼﺟﻲء‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣﺴﻌﻰ ﻟﺘﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ اﻟﻼﺟﺌني ‪,‬وﻫﻲ ﻣﻼﻣﺢ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺼﻔﻘﻪ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮاﻣﺐ ﻟﻔﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﻪ وﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻠﻒ اﴎاﺋﻴﲇ رﺟﻌﻲ ﻋﺮيب ﻟﺤﺼﺎر اﻳﺮان متﻬﻴﺪا‬ ‫ﻟﴬﺑﻬﺎ‪ ,‬ﻫﺬا اﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﳌﺎ ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﻪ اﴎاﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ اﺟﺮاءات ﻟﺘﻐﻴري اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ ﻋﲆ اﻻرض ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎء اﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎت وﺟﺪار اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اﻟﻌﻨﴫي واﻟﺘﻄري اﻟﻌﺮﻗﻲ ﻟﺒﻌﺾ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻛام ﻳﺤﺪث‬ ‫ﰲ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ اﻟﺨﺎن اﻻﺣﻤﺮ وﺗﻘﻄﻴﻊ اواﴏ اﻟﻀﻔﻪ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﻪ ‪ ,‬ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬا اﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﺳﺘﻤﺮار‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺼﺎر اﳌﻔﺮوض ﻋﲆ ﻗﻄﺎع ﻏﺰه وﻣﺎ متﺎرﺳﻪ اﴎاﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮوب ﻣﺘﺘﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺿﺪ ﻗﻄﺎع‬ ‫ﻏﺰه وال ﻗﺘﻞ واﻟﺘﺪﻣري اﳌﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﻟﻠﻘﻄﺎع ﺑﺸﺘﻰ اﻟﺤﺠﺞ وﺧﺎﺻﻪ اﺛﻨﺎء ﻣﺴريات اﻟﻌﻮده‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﻪ اﻟﺘﻲ ميﺎرﺳﻬﺎ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﰲ ﻗﻄﺎع ﻏﺰه ‪ ,‬ﻟﺘﺘﻮج ﻫﺬه اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻪ اﳌﻤﻨﻬﺠﻪ‬ ‫واﳌﻨﺴﻘﻪ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪه واﻟﺪول اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﻪ اﻻﺧﺮى ﺑﺎﻗﺮار ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﻪ ﰲ اﴎاﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫‪.‬وﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﻜﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻋﲆ ﻏري اﻟﻴﻬﻮد ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬

‫‪Palestinian‬‬ ‫’‪Peoples‬‬ ‫‪Party‬‬

‫اﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﻌﺘﻘﺪ اﻳﻬﺎ اﻟﺮﻓﺎق‬ ‫ان اي ﺣﻞ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﻴﻪ ﻳﺠﺐ ان ﻳﻠﺒﻲ اﻟﺤﺪ اﻻدىن ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﻘﻮق اﳌﴩوﻋﻪ ﻟﺸﻌﺒﻨﺎ واﳌﺘﻤﺜﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﳌﺼري واﻧﻬﺎء اﻻﺣﺘﻼل واﻗﺎﻣﻪ اﻟﺪوﻟﻪ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﻪ ﰲ ﺣﺪود اﻟﺮاﺑﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺰﻳﺮان‬ ‫‪ 1967‬وﻋﺎﺻﻤﺘﻬﺎ اﻟﻘﺪس اﻟﴩﻗﻴﻪ وﺣﻖ اﻟﻼﺟﺌني ﰲ اﻟﻌﻮده وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﺮار ‪ .194‬واﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺮى‬ ‫ان اﻟﻌﻮده ﻟﻠﺤﻞ اﻟﺸﺎﻣﻞ ﰲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﻪ ودﻣﺞ اﳌﺴﺎرات وﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻻرض اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﻪ‬ ‫اﳌﺤﺘﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﴎاﺋﻴﻞ ﰲ اﻃﺎر ﻣﺆمتﺮ دوﱄ ﻣﺘﻌﺪد اﻻﻃﺮاف وﺑﺮﻋﺎﻳﻪ دوﻟﻴﻪ ﻟﻬﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﻪ اﻻﻣﺜﻞ وان اي ﺣﻠﻮل اﺧﺮى ﻟﻦ ﻳﻜﺘﺐ ﻟﻬﺎ اﻟﻨﺠﺎح وﺳﺘﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻣﺪ اﻟﴫاع ‪,‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ اﺛﺒﺘﺖ اﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﻪ ان اﻟﺤﻠﻮل اﻟﺠﺰﺋﻴﻪ واﻻﻧﻔﺮاد ﺑﻜﻞ ﻃﺮف مل ﺗﺆد اﻻ اﱃ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﺞ اﻟﴫاع‬ ‫وﻓﺴﺢ اﳌﺠﺎل ﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﻪ ورﻗﻪ ﻟﻠﻘﻮى اﻻﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﳌامرﺳﻪ اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ واﻟﺘﺪﻣري ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎدواﺗﻬﺎ اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﻪ وﻏري اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﻪ ‪ ,‬وﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺮض ﻟﻪ اﻟﻌﺮاق وﺑﻌﺪ ذﻟﻚ ﺳﻮرﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮب‬ ‫‪.‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﻪ اﻻ دﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﲆ ذﻟﻚ‬ ‫وﻻ ﺑﺪ اﻳﻀﺎ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻼﺣﻈﻪ ان اﺷﺘﺪاد ﻫﺬه اﻟﻬﺠﻤﻪ واﻧﻌﺪام اﻻﻓﻖ ﻳﻔﺘﺢ اﳌﺠﺎل ﻟﻜﺜري‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول ﰲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﻪ واﻟﻌﺎمل ﻟﻠﺘﻨﺼﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺰاﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﱄ وﺗﺰﻳﺰ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫دوﻟﻪ اﻻﺣﺘﻼل ‪ ,‬وﻣﺎ اﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎن وﻗﱪص وﺑﻌﺾ دول اﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ودول اﺧﺮى ﰲ اﻟﻌﺎمل اﻻ ﻣﺜﺎل‬ ‫‪.‬ﻋﲆ ذﻟﻚ‬ ‫وﻻ ﻳﺴﻌﻨﺎ اﻳﻬﺎ اﻟﺮﻓﺎق ﰲ ﻫﺬا اﳌﺠﺎل اﻻ ان ﻧﻠﺤﻆ وﻧﺤﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﺑﻊ اﻟﻨﻘﺎش اﻟﺬي دار ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻘﻀﻴﻪ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻪ ان اﻟﺖ راﺟﻊ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺘني دون وﺟﻮد‬ ‫اي اﻓﻖ ﳌﺎ ﻫﻮ اﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻻ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﻪ ﻟﻠﺨﺼﻢ ﻟﻴﻨﺼﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻻﻟﺘﺰام اﻟﺪوﱄ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﻞ ﻳﺤﻈﻰ ﺑﺎﺟامع دوﱄ ‪ ,‬ﻛام اﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﻌﺘﻘﺪ ان اﻻﻟﻴﻪ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﻟﺤﺰب واﺣﺪ او ﻋﺪد ﻗﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻻﺣﺰاب ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ اﺟامع ﻋﴩات اﻻﺣﺰاب ﺣﻮل ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ اﻣﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﺤﻖ اﻋﺎده اﻟﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻮاﻓﻖ ﻟﻴﺲ اﺟامع واﻻﻋﱰاض ﻻ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺪ اﻟﻨﻘﺾ ‪ /‬اﻟﻔﻴﺘﻮ ‪ ,‬ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﻣﺮ‬ ‫مبﻮﻗﻒ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻳﺤﻈﻰ ﺑﺎﺟامع دوﱄ وﻣﺪﻋﻢ ﺑﻘﺮارات ﻣﻦ اﻟﴩﻋﻴﻪ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫اﻳﻬﺎ اﻟﺮﻓﺎق‬ ‫ان اﺳﺘﻤﺮار دﻋﻤﻜﻢ وﺗﻀﺎﻣﻨﻜﻢ ﻛﺎﻛرث اﻟﻘﻮى ﻋﲆ اﻟﺴﺎﺣﻪ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﻪ اﻟﺘﺰاﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﻗﻒ اﳌﺒﺪيئ‬ ‫اﻟﺪاﻋﻢ ﻟﺤﻖ اﻟﺸﻌﻮب ﰲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﺼريﻫﺎ ﻟﻬﻮ اﻣﺮ ﰲ ﻏﺎﻳﻪ اﻻﻫﻤﻴﻪ ‪ ,‬اﻻﻣﺮ اﻟﺬي ﻧﺜﻖ اﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻃﺎﳌﺎ اﺳﺘﻤﺮ ﻧﻀﺎل اﻟﺸﻌﻮب ‪ ,‬وﻧﻮؤﻛﺪ ﻟﻜﻢ ان ﺟﺰﺑﻨﺎ وﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﰲ ﻧﻀﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻪ اﳌﴩوﻋﻪ‬ ‫وﰲ اﻟﺨﺘﺎم ﻓﺎﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﻌﺮب ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻨﺎ اﻳﻀﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻀﺎﻣﻨﻨﺎ اﳌﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻊ اﻻﺣﺰاب اﻟﺸﻘﻴﻘﻪ اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻒ ﰲ ﺧﻨﺪق اﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺷﻌﻮﺑﻬﺎ وﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻻﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﰲ اﻻﻧﻌﺘﺎق واﻟﺤﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫واﻟﺘﻘﺪم واﻟﻌﺪاﻟﻪ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﻪ واﻻﺷﱰﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮه اﺧﺮى ﻧﺤﻴﻴﻜﻢ وﻧﺘﻤﻨﻰ ﻟﺤﺰﺑﻜﻢ اﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻘﻢ‬

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Communist Party of Poland

“The contemporary working class and its alliance.

The tasks of its political vanguard - the Communist and Worker’s Parties - in the struggle against exploitation and imperialist wars, for the rights of the workers and of the peoples, for peace, for socialism” Contribution of the Communist Party of Poland The situation of the working class is one of the main questions for the communist and workers parties.

The basic principle of capitalism as a system of exploitation of the working class did not change at all.

It is still based on concentration of the capital and division between those who own the means of production and the exploited. The capitalist system applied various measures to diversify and divide the working people. Outsourcing, temporary work agencies and other changes leading to more flexible form of employment deteriorated the social situation. In factories workers are usually employed in various companies and based on differing contracts.

This tendency is clear in countries such as Poland.

From 2002 to 2015 number of precarious workers doubled. The fastest increase of employment was based on limited period contracts. Despite the fact that in 2017 number of temporary contract employees dropped for 3% it is still high. Over 770 thousand people are employed on a base of temporary contracts. In 2017 in Poland there were over 8300 temporary work agencies and around 2,8 mln of people are forced to self-employ themselves. According to the law they are not treated as workers but are entirely dependent from capitalists.

Temporary workers and self-employed have less rights for example concerning work time. The 8 hour working day in many branches exists only in theory. Poland is already among the European countries with the longest working hours, the capitalists explain it as a result of lack of work efficiency. Also payment conditions were made more flexible. Many contracts allow to bypass laws on minimum wage.

The divisions of the working class and liquidation of the mass employment on stable contracts is accompanied with a capitalist propaganda of the so called middle class. Many people are being convinced that they should strive to become a part of it. According to last year’s data about 70 percent of the population perceived themselves as members of the middle class. However it is very far from the truth. The other aspect is an intensive use of loans including mortgage. This increases control over the working class that strives to be a middle class and becomes financially dependent from the banks. As a result workers are less willing to risk their jobs and accept growing austerity measures.

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Exploitation of workers is always accompanied with imperialism and militarist propaganda. Capitalism promotes violent behavior in the domestic and international policy. Growing power of the capitalist class requires new market and access to dwindling resources by sending troops for the foreign aggressions. The enlargement of the NATO pact and its advance east serves to cement the power of the international monopolies. According to NATO’s demands Poland guarantees 2% of the GDP for the military and there are plans to rise this amount to 3%. At the same time we observe tendency to cut funds on healthcare or education.

Lenin has said that a state becomes a police state when policeman earns more than a teacher. According to this statement Poland and other countries become militaristic states because soldiers earn more than teachers. It is giving huge profits to big multinational arms companies. Militarization of Europe and new arms race is a business, which leads to international tensions and wars.

These tensions and economic crisis result in spread of nationalism and xenophobia. It also caused a change of the domestic laws to give the capitalist states more power to oppress the people. In Poland extraordinary measures for the anti-terrorist services were introduced. They allow the authorities inter alia to use the military in police actions. The populist tendencies in Polish politics are clearly on the rise.

Polish authorities openly demonstrated along with the nationalists on the independence day.

Comrades, The role of the communist party is to overcome bourgeois propaganda and to keep its ideological principles. Communists are the only political force consequently applying class oriented politics. Capitalists use legal measures to destroy the political alternative knowing that in times of crisis people may turn towards communism and gain class consciousness. In Poland the government attempts to illegalise the Communist Party of Poland. For nearly 3 years members of the editorial board of the party’s newspaper “Brzask” are facing persecution under pretext of “promoting totalitarian system”. We appreciate support from our comrades around the world. The Communist Party of Poland will not be intimidated by the capitalists and reactionaries!

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Portuguese Communist Party

We salute the Communist Party of Greece on the 227 occasion of its 100th. anniversary, remembering the heroic struggles of the Communists in defence of the interests of the working class and the Greek people, for freedom, national sovereignty, social progress, peace and socialism.

We also salute the parties participants in this International Meeting.

Comrades, In Portugal, the working class in fact plays a pivotal role in Portuguese political life, and the PCP – a class-oriented party that defines itself as a “political party of the working class and of all workers” – considers it fundamental, for the implementation of its revolutionary programme, the rooting of the Party in enterprises and workplaces and the organisation and mobilisation of the working class and all workers for the struggle. Organisation, in which the unitary trade union movement – the CGTP-IN, historical central trade union of the Portuguese workers, created still at the time of the fascist dictatorship – plays an irreplaceable role. And mobilisation, for its own objectives and in alliance with the other classes and anti-monopolist strata.

The history of the Portuguese revolution – before, during and after April 25, 1974 – confirms that the popular mass movement is the decisive factor of any social transformation and that the other fields of struggle, such as the electoral and institutional ones, are inseparable from the struggle of the working class and all workers, of the masses, in companies, workplaces and on the streets.

It is with this perspective that in the present moment we carry out our struggle.

The political framework in Portugal following the October 2015 legislative elections has its real explanation in this. It was the force of the struggles of the workers and people carried out against the PSD and CDS Government, the rearranging of forces in the Assembly of the Republic [Parliament] resulting from these elections – with PSD and CDS in minority and simultaneously a weakened PS –, and PCP’s initiative, that made it possible to halt the policies of the previous government and to embark on a path of defence, restoration and achievement of rights and incomes previously stolen from the workers and the people. We evaluate positively the advances achieved. At the same time, we consider that they are far below the possibilities and, above all, of the need for a necessary break with the situation created by the blows against national sovereignty and independence, particularly within the framework of the European Union and the Euro, and with the

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restoraition of the domination of monopoly groups that had been destroyed by the April Revolution.

Contrary to wrong misconceptions and interpretations that are disseminated, the PCP has no responsibilities in government, neither exist any “coalition” or “parliamentary agreement” involving the PCP. There is a minority government of the PS, a social democratic party, which remains tied to the interests of big business and imperialism and whose alliances on substantive issues are with the parties of the right – PSD and CDS. PCP’s commitment is with the workers and the Portuguese people, it is not with the PS. That is why we combine the struggle to consolidate and achieve new advances favourable to the workers and people, with the struggle for a break with decades of right-wing policies and Portugal’s submission to the Euro and the impositions of the European Union, for a patriotic and left-wing alternative, for the implementation of our Programme “An Advanced Democracy, the values of April in the future of Portugal”, the current stage and an inseparable and integral part of the struggle for socialism and communism in our country.

Comrades, Since our last Meeting, the international situation, in a context of great instability and uncertainty, has experienced new and dangerous developments, with the advance of the far right and fascists forces and the growing danger of a war of huge proportions.

It is true that, everywhere and under different forms, the anti-imperialist resistance and the liberating struggle of the workers and peoples continues, a fact that is important to valorise; and that the very contradictions of capitalism hold revolutionary potentialities which, whatever the present difficulties, the communists and the revolutionary forces of each country cannot overlook.

However, the more reactionary and aggressive sectors of capitalism are increasingly betting on fascism and war as a “way out” for the deepening of the structural crisis of the system; and the US imperialism, striving at all costs to preserve its world hegemony – in view of the growing international role of the People’s Republic of China and other countries; and also within the imperialist camp itself – multiplies the operations of interference and aggression against countries that affirm their sovereignty and launches into an unprecedented arms race, confirming that it is, with NATO and its allies of the European Union, the greatest threat and the main enemy of the forces of social progress and peace.

The struggle against fascism and against war is thus

an indispensable and urgent task of the communists and progressive forces.

The struggle against fascism, against militarism and war, for disarmament and peace, is inseparable from the more general struggle against capitalist exploitation and for social progress. It is an integral part of the struggle of workers for their class interests and of the struggle of the broad social front built with the mobilisation of the working class and other anti-monopoly classes and strata – whose strengthening is an essential task. A dynamic in which the struggle for concrete and immediate goals constitutes a basic and essential factor of resistance against the ideology of the ruling class and for furthering the revolutionary transformation of society.

A struggle that demands the clarification of the class nature and the social and ideological roots of fascism and war.

A struggle that demands the increase of solidarity with the peoples victims of imperialist interference and aggression.

A struggle where the defence of national sovereignty and independence – namely, fighting for the dissolution of NATO, the end of foreign military bases, against militarisation and the supranational impositions of the EU – is a fundamental aspect of the anti-imperialist combat.

A struggle that demands the broadest unity in action around an unequivocally anti-imperialist basis, vigilant over the duplicity of social democracy and its historical responsibilities in the advance of the most reactionary and warmongering forces.

The tendency towards confrontation and war is engraved in the nature of imperialism, but it is the masses, it is the workers and the peoples who, with their struggle, decide the course of history. War is not inevitable. There are huge social and political forces – including some in power – that, as historical experience shows, can deter and force back the fabricators of confrontation, impose respect for the principles of the United Nations Charter and disarmament, prevent them from launching war. Strengthening the anti-imperialist front and building a broad and combative peace movement is a fundamental task of the present time.

Comrades, The complexity and gravity of the international situation makes it particularly necessary to strengthen our communist and revolutionary movement and the reinforcement of its unity, an objective in which the IMCWP, without emptying the vast relations between communist parties, are called upon to play a particularly relevant role.

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The overwhelming variety of situations, phases and stages of struggle for the achievement of the revolutionary objectives of the working class in each country is a reason for enriching the revolutionary experience of each and every one of our parties and must not be seen as an obstacle to the necessary unity of action against the common enemy.

Based on the observation of the basic principles of relationship between communist parties – independence, equality, mutual respect, non-interference in the internal affairs of other parties – and valorising all that unites us, it is not only possible to advance on the path of unity in action, but also to deepen the knowledge and mutual understanding, to fraternally examine natural differences of opinion and even divergences, and bring closer political and ideological positions.

On its part, the PCP will do everything in its power to follow this path, which is the only one to enable to overcome persisting delays and weaknesses and globally recover the authority and prestige of the communist ideal and project in the world.

An ideal and project whose validity and topicality are reaffirmed – when we celebrate the second centenary of the birth of Karl Marx – by the deepening of the structural crisis of capitalism, which highlights its exploitative, oppressive, aggressive and predatory nature.

Comrades, In accordance with the axes of common or convergent action defined by the 19th IMCWP, held in Russia in 2017, the PCP has carried out multiple and diversified initiatives throughout the country during the last year, such as the commemorations of the Centennial of the October Revolution – under the motto «Socialism, necessary today and for the future» –, of the Second Centenary of the birth of Karl Marx – under the motto «Legacy, intervention, struggle. Transforming the world» – and of the 170th anniversary of the “Manifesto of the Communist Party”.

The PCP carried out multiple and diversified solidarity initiatives with Communist parties facing persecution – as in India, Poland, Sudan, Ukraine or Turkey; solidarity initiatives with countries and peoples that are the victims of interference, blockade and aggression by imperialism and colonialism – as Cuba, Palestine, Syria, Venezuela or Western Sahara; and with the struggle of the peoples defending their rights – as in Brazil, Colombia or Honduras.

The PCP also carried out multiple and diversified initiatives against militarism and the aggressions of imperialism, for the dissolution of NATO and against

the EU militarization; actions in defence of peace 229 and disarmament – including for the end of nuclear weapons –, and for the peaceful and just solution of international conflicts based on the principles of UN Charter, against USA’s intervention in the Korean Peninsula and for the peaceful reunification of Korea.

Finally, we could not fail to mention the «Avante!»

Festival as an annual moment of affirmation of internationalist solidarity, with the participation of dozens of communist parties and progressive forces from the four corners of the world, to whom we thank for their important solidarity participation.

Comrades, Through differentiated paths and stages, in a more or less prolonged historical period, through the struggle for the social and national emancipation of workers and peoples, it is the replacement of capitalism by socialism which, in the 21st Century, remains inscribed as a real possibility and as the most solid prospect for Humankind’s development.

It is to this process of struggle and construction that the Portuguese Communists commit themselves with unwavering determination.

Grounded on the firm commitment to the workers and the Portuguese people, affirming its Communist identity, honouring its nature and history as a patriotic and internationalist Party, the PCP will remain steadfast in the struggle for a democratic, developed and sovereign Portugal, for an advanced democracy, with the values of the April Revolution, for socialism and communism.

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Romanian Socialist Party

231 Situation in Romania In Romania there are about 5.5 millions of employees, 1.2 millions paid by state: teachers, medics, lawyers, police army, administration. The unemployment rate is about 4.2%. The increasing rate of GDP will be about 4.2% this year. One could say that it is better than in other countries of EU. However it is not so . The situation of the working class is difficult. After entering the European Union in 2007 it decreased quickly both numerically and, worse, qualitatively. And that is the main problem.

Actually the working class has begun to decrease even before entering EU: the bankrupt privatizations that have led to the country’s de-industrialization started ten years earlier, in 1997. About 3,5 millions of Romanians are working outside, in other countries of European Union and not only; half of million are working in USA, Canada, UK and even Australia.

That means almost parity: for every Romanian worker inside the country one Romanian worker outside the country. Another consequence of entering EU is the destroying of trade-unions. The law of trade unions in private sector makes them very volatile.

According to the declarations of their leaders all the trade unions have about 2 million members; a very exaggerated number. A more realistic estimation the public sector trade-unions have 0.5 mil members and in the private sector another half of million. And the leaders of trade-unions are in general corrupt and useless to protect their members, with some tiny exceptions. The anti-communist policy of the government makes difficult the political work among the trade-union members.

As other countries from EU, Romania has given up big branches of its sovereignty. Unlike in the big remaining three (Germany, France, Italy) the capitalism in Romania capitalism is a periphery one. Romania has a double subordination: both to European Commission and to USA. Thus the working people suffer a double exploitation: from the local bourgeoisie and from the great multinational companies.

The power comes not from the people, but from the outside masters from Brussels and Washington.

Of course the political forces fight in the Parliament among themselves, but they do not care about people. They care about their masters.

Basically in Romania there are two blocks. The govern is made from Social Democrat Party and the liberals from ALDE. They claim to be a center-left government. It is true that they have increased the net minimum wage from 170 to 250 euro/month – and they are very hated for that by the hardcore rightists from National Party, Union for Saving Romania and

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others. But they have kept the flat tax system (even decreasing it from 16% to 10%), they give money to the Royal House, they have moved the contributions from the employer to the employee and they have paid 4 bn dollars to acquire rockets from USA. The foreign policy is the same both at the govern and at the opposition: toadying to NATO, obeying to anti-Russian, anti – Chinese and in general anti all that could challenge the world domination of imperialist powers.

Shortly: the government is reactionary but the opposition is even worse.

There were presidential elections in 2015 which put in power the President Klaus Iohanis. At that time the prime minister was Victor Ponta, from the social democrats. A tragedy was used (a big fire in Bucharest which caused about 60 victims) to change him with a clerk from Brussels, Dacian Cioloș, a “technocrat” whose only quality was his blind submission to the orders from Iohanis, Brussels and Washington. In 2016 there were parliamentary elections won again by social democrats with a big majority. Iohanis used the anticorruption mantra to boycott all the good initiatives of the new government. He himself is accused of corruption. The anticorruption has become a slogan good to use against the political opponents. Actually the real struggle is geopolitical: for the Romanian resources and for using Romanians as cannon fodder against Russia. Romania has not only fertile land, but it also has oil and gas in the Black Sea. The idea is that these resources are not for Romanians, but for all EU citizens…

The activity of Romanian Socialist Party Romanian Socialist Party (RSP) is a Marxist democratic and patriotic party. Its president is Constantin Rotaru. We try to make an anti-capitalist coalition.

It is true that our results are rather modest: it is not easy to find militants from the working class. However, some of our members are very active in tradeunion movement. Corneliu Riegler is the leader of the “Trade Union of the Young Teachers from Romania”; Simion Șomîcu is in the board of the “National Federation of Labour” affiliated to WFTU; Liviu Sandu is in the board of “Trade Union of Romania Long Way Drivers” and we have also organizations of retired persons. We have a class approach to the evolutions in Romanian society.

Our party openly advocates the dismantling of NATO and points out the insecurity generated by remaining in this imperialist organization. We have created friendship associations with countries that are demonized by the imperialism: with Venezuela, Cuba, Russia. We are among the few organizations

critically with respect to EU. We do not advocate an exit from EU but we advocate for another EU, a democratic union of peoples, not of big corporations. We fight against the anti-communist propaganda and try to create an agglutination of different Communist and Left tendencies. We had a Congress in 2010 which has decided the change of the name of our party in Romanian Communist Party. The decision was rejected by the Court and we are still waiting the decision of ECHR. Right now, the Romanian Communists are split in several parties: ours (RSP), The Communitarian Party (its leader Petre Ignatencu sends his solidarity and best wishes to this international meeting), The Party of the Communists, The Romanian Communist Party of the 21th Century. We try to arrive at an unity in action not only with them but also with other progressive forces: with DIEM25, DEMOS and with several left wing cultural organizations. We think that building a kind of unity of the leftist and the anti-imperialist forces is a historical task, especially now when the fascist danger is approaching.

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Communist Party of the Russian Federation

Dear comrades, First of all, on behalf of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Chairman of the CC Gennady Zyuganov and all the Russian communists I congratulate the Communist Party of Greece on its centenary.

For a hundred years the Communist Party of Greece has been demonstrating to the whole progressive humanity an example of staunchness and faith in victory, and proving its right to be considered the vanguard of the country’s working people, defending their interests and calling them to fight for their rights.

There are many glorious pages in the history of the Communist Party of Greece. Many of the best sons and daughters of Greece gave their lives for their people, for their country. Let us be worthy of their memory.

Comrades, In 2018 we marked the 170th anniversary of the publication of The Communist Manifesto, the epoch-making text which proclaimed that the capitalist system would be overthrown and that it would be done by the working class. Since then the ideological mercenaries of the bourgeoisie have made countless attempts to deny the thesis on the revolutionary role of the proletariat. In recent decades they have been claiming that the working class is dying away. This year sees 45 years since Daniel Bell, one of the favorite “prophets” of modern capitalism, declared the advent of post-industrial society in which industrial production would play an insignificant role and the proletariat would practically disappear. But let us see what is happening in reality. Since Bell’s high-profile “prophecy” industrial output in the world has registered a staggering growth. Steel making rose by 2.5 times, oil production by 1.5 times, coal mining by two and a half times and power generation by more than four times. It is already obvious that computers and the internet have not “canceled” the industrial era.

The size of the working class is growing along with industry. The drop in the number of workers in the old capitalist countries has been more than made up for by the growth of their numbers in Asia, Africa and Latin America. There have never been more workers on Earth than there are today. According to the World Bank, the number of workers engaged in industry, construction and utilities rose from some 500 million in the 1990s to about 750 million today.

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supreme authority? But, defying the statistics, bourgeois propaganda keeps telling us that we live either in a “post-industrial society” or in an “information society” or in “cognitive capitalism” and that there are hardly any workers left. Why are we being told all this? Clearly, in order that we communists give up our work with the huge proletarian masses and the workers cease to think of themselves as a powerful force capable of breaking the neck of capitalism.

We are convinced that a left-wing party that renounces the key role of the working class in the struggle for socialism and the concept of proletarian dictatorship is making a serious mistake. This mistake inevitably leads to the loss of a political identity and influence on society. In time such a party slides into opportunism and betrays the interests of the working people.

The Russian communists today consider that their most important task is to expand its influence in the working class milieu despite a number of objective obstacles in our way. The size of the working class in our country shrank considerably during the years of capitalism. In 1990 Russia had 33 million people working in industry, construction and the utilities sector, today there are only 19 million.

The number of industrial workers proper dropped by half. The reason is that after the collapse of the USSR our economy became a supplier of raw materials for the global capitalist economy. Today, while oil and gas production in Russia is at about the same level as in the Soviet Union, labor-intensive and science-intensive sectors, especially machine-building, have been destroyed. For example, the production of machine-tools, tractors, and harvester combines dropped by more than ten times during the capitalist years. Deindustrialization brought about major changes in society’s social structure. In addition, because of the destruction of many industrial giants much of the working class is now scattered among small and very small enterprises, which of course, has a negative impact on the level of class consciousness. The majority of Russian trade unions are bureaucratic structures allied to the United Russia, the ruling bourgeois party.

Even so, there are still many more workers in Russia today than in 1917 when the proletariat carried out a socialist revolution under the leadership of the Bolshevik party. Meanwhile the position of the working class today is much worse than during the Soviet era.

The average workers’ wage today is a mere 20,00025,000 roubles a month (that is, 300-400 dollars). In terms of purchasing power a skilled worker’s wage today is less than that of an office cleaner in the

USSR in the 1980s. Workers have been deprived of 235 most of their social benefits.

The CPRF has held a Central Committee plenary meeting to discuss ways to increase its influence in the working-class environment. Addressing the Plenum, our party’s leader Gennady Zyuganov said that the CPRF could only bring Russia back to the socialist path of development if it relied on the working class.

Today all our party committees have secretaries for the workers’ movement. The CPRF is actively cooperating with independent trade unions and more of our representatives are members of trade union leading bodies. The Russian law forbids the political parties to form cells at enterprises, so our party structures are based on the territorial principle.

However, today many of our territorial primary cells are responsible for work at specific factories. Having thus established a link with the enterprises, the party systematically upholds the rights of workers in collective bargaining with employers and in law courts, steps in to defend every unlawfully dismissed employee and helps to organize protest actions and strikes. We are increasing the number of proletarians within our party ranks and promoting workers to legislatures of various levels.

Another important area of the CPRF worker policy is People’s Enterprises. Our comrades head up a number of such enterprises which are owned by their workers. People’s Enterprises are veritable islands of economic efficiency and social justice in a sea of Russian capitalism. They pay high wages, have a powerful system of social benefits and take care of the retired veterans. The head of one of the biggest People’s Enterprises, Pavel Grudinin, was our candidate in the 2018 presidential elections. The weight of the whole state propaganda machine was thrown against him. Pavel Grudinin, of course, lost to the incumbent president, Vladimir Putin, but he got more votes than all the other candidates other than Putin. To understand the situation in Russia one has to bear in mind that many Russian workers still entertain illusions generated by their experience in the Soviet Union. The people who lived in the USSR find it hard to believe that the state can be just an instrument in the hands of the exploiting classes and an enemy of the working people. They still expect the state to show equal concern for all the country’s citizens. For many years Russian capitalism has been taking advantage of these sentiments in its own interests. However, this year’s events in the wake of the presidential elections have made millions of Russian workers shed these illusions. After

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the elections the Russian government announced a rise of the pension age. If the reform is implemented the labor market will be joined by up to ten million elderly people. Given the long-drawn-out crisis, Russian capitalism is unable to create that many jobs.

Millions of Russians will be left without pensions and without jobs. And the unemployment benefit in Russia is too small to live on for any length of time.

Thus, the rise of the pension age in our country may turn out to be a real social catastrophe.

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation has resolutely opposed the rise of the retirement age holding mass protest actions and making the repeal of the reform part of its electoral platform. In the regional elections in September of 2018 our average results were more than one and a half times higher than last year. Our party lists and our candidates won top places in a number of regions and cities. In the Oryol region and in the Republic of Khakassia our comrades have been elected top regional executives. We believe this marks the start of a new political era when Russian people will have far fewer illusions and the communists will have far greater popular support. An era which will see a revival of the mass workers’ movement.

In conclusion, dear comrades, I would like to ask you to show international solidarity.

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation has been faced with a flagrant act of victimization of a party member on political grounds.

Two months ago a Russian communist, deputy of the previous Russian parliament, Vladimir Bessonov was sentenced to three years’ and was banned from political activities for a staggering 20 years. The charge against him was that 7 years ago he allegedly beat up two police colonels during a meeting with his constituency. The testimony of the “victims” was the only “proof.” However, both these men had been fired from the police for falsification of criminal cases.

However, the court chose to believe them and not the video shot by 5 cameras and not the testimony of 53 eyewitnesses who argued that our comrade was innocent. We attribute this miscarriage of justice to the fact that Vladimir Bessonov actively supported the interests of the working people in the Rostov region which he represented in the Russian parliament.

Apparently, the relentless persecution of an opposition politician who acted strictly within the law is aimed at diminishing the protest potential in the region and in Russia s a whole.

We Russian Communists call on you to condemn the court decision, to support Communist Bessonov

and to send letters in his support.

Solidarity is our strength, comrades. So let me end with our great slogan,” Proletarians of all lands, unite.”

Thank you.

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Russian Communist Workers’ Party – CPSU

Plan and theses: Dear comrades in arms, let me greet all the participants of the 20th Meeting on behalf of Russian Communist Workers Party. We’d like to express our special gratitude to the host of the meeting – to the heroic Communist Party of Greece. We congratulate Greek comrades on the centennial anniversary of their party! KKE adheres to revolutionary Marxism and for most of communist parties this party serves as an example of the organization of working class struggle. In was exactly on initiative of KKE that our regular meetings started in 1998 and now we have already the 20th meeting. We started in Greece and here we are again in Athens after 20 years. This is a good reason to sum up our deeds and come to some basic conclusions.

It’s clear that for all the complex and scientific descriptions of the theme to discuss, all of us prefer to talk about the subjects that seem to participants to be of greatest importance. The main concern of our party is to discuss the reasons for the defeat of Socialism in USSR and in Eastern Europe, the lessons for the communist movement as a whole and the ways to overcome the mistakes. 20 years ago when making my speech here at our first meeting I answered the question on what were the reasons of the defeat of CPSU and Socialism in USSR as follows: the main reasons for the defeat were internal.

To put it briefly: the power wasn’t Soviet any more, whereas the party wasn’t communist at the times of Gorbachev. CPSU under Gorbachev stopped representing the interests of working class and took the course toward market economy, i.e. to Capitalism and towards political pluralism, i.e. to bourgeois parliamentarianism. Thus, the party had led Soviet people to Capitalism as if to say “under the Red Banner”. We represent the part of CPSU that was against those processes and we are of the opinion that all international communist movement should make corresponding conclusions.

From our current point of view, we all as worldwide workers’ movement have made little progress in analyzing those events and sometimes have even rolled back.

Last year we celebrated the centennial anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution. CPRF was the host of the event then and we met in Leningrad and Moscow. The celebration was carried out basically in the form of extensive festivities, even including attending the cosplay “parade” in the Red Square (though it was the first time in the history of IB 2019

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our meetings that there was not enough time for all the participants to make their reports). We actually didn’t have too many reasons to celebrate as we met the anniversary of the Great October where it took place under conditions of temporary defeat of its cause. That’s why we think that we shouldn’t have allocated so much time to celebrations.

In August 2017 (centennial anniversary of the VI Congress of RSDRP that decided to start preparations for the armed insurrection) our party invited parties that adhere to Marxism-Leninism to take part in a conference held in Leningrad where we together analyzed our own mistakes while keeping in mind the famous expression of Lenin: “Nobody can defeat us but for our own mistakes”.

Forty Marxist orthodox parties presented their analysis and conclusions. In the end there was adopted a joint declaration “CENTENNILA ANNIVERSARY OF THE GREAT OCTOBER SOCIALIST REVOLUTION – LESSONS AND TASKS FOR MODERN COMMUNISTS” – “October-100”.

The proceedings of the conference reflect the basic principle: Communism is science and it should be treated as such. In the declaration adopted at the conference there have been summed up and described both main achievements of the Soviet Power and the main mistakes committed. These mistakes are as follows: - theoretical: rejection of the proletarian dictatorship concept and adoption of the nationwide state; - political: rejection of the Soviet type of power where Soviets are based on objective reality that is common for working people – i.e. their organization in the process of material production, transition to parliament; - economical: rejection of the planned, directly social nature of socialist production and introduction of commodity production, transition to market. All attempts to introduce socialist commoditization will inevitably bring about the destruction of Socialism.

Now this is not only scientifically grounded thesis, unfortunately, this was also proven by history.

These mistakes have been repeated by both oppositional parties, as well as parties in power that bear the name “communist”. That is the crisis of communist movement has not only been overcome, it hasn’t been properly diagnosed. The situation nowadays resembles general transformation and degradation of the old parties at the times of II International.

In many countries of the world imperialists have been banning communist parties’ activities (e.g. Baltic states and Ukraine), making illegal communist

symbols, preventing communists from taking part 239 in elections etc. Anticommunist propaganda of various degree of rabidity has been spread everywhere.

Still, these are not these bans that has come to be the main method adopted by anticommunists, their main tool is leading into false direction, emasculation of programs and goals of communist movement.

RCWP claims that under the influence of bourgeoisie, opportunism and revisionism have changed their nature and turned into a powerful guided weapon of imperialism. The most familiar example of such transformation is the trend of so called eurocommunism that gave birth to the Party of European Left.

The right bias in Russia has also not ended with Gorbachev, the destruction of USSR and CPSU in 1991.

The political course of Gorbachev in Russian Federation has been carried on by parliamentary party with communist name – i.e. by CPRF. It’s quite obvious that such parties don’t pose any threat to bourgeoisie and are in fact supported by the regime. These are our class enemies. Bourgeoisie has come to learn perfectly well how to castrate revolutionary ideas.

Characteristic features of such parties are as follows: - claims that the limits for revolutions have been up; - they not only reject proletarian dictatorship in the period preceding the construction of full communism, they also refuse to organize class struggle now; - in practice they announce that parliamentarianism means the power of people and try to adopt to the system in the role of responsible and constructive opposition. Adherence to the model of market socialism; This is a typical occurrence in communist movement worldwide. Simply put this is the adaptation of parties to capitalism under the guise of presenting themselves as parliamentary defenders of people.

As the result of this right transformation of communist parties masses are withdrawn from real political struggle and the role of working people is limited to this of electorate at the polling stations that give their votes to party leaders. The strategy of such opportunistic parties is limited to promises of success by way of next elections, these promises given to working people, whereas their struggles are limited to the struggle for honest elections. In case of success, opportunists promise some center-left governments or governments of people’s trust etc. Such limiting their activities to parliament only brings the parties a reward in the form of seats in elected bodies and in executive offices (like governors’ posts). More and more often they conclude behind the curtain deals, agree upon candidates or withdraw some of

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them when necessary, they get adequate financing from state budgets. European Left are among the most familiar example, whereas financing of parliamentary parties in Russian Federation from the state budget has increased 328-fold since 2003.

Such parties don’t recognize other forms of extra-parliamentary class struggle, or just pay them lip service while actually hampering them. In fact, they ensure the stability of bourgeois democracy by way of suggesting people the Our program presumes that working people should develop struggle of their own. To reach any goal one has to struggle, begging brings nothing. Providing the struggle reaches certain degree of scope and organization, one can start considering the issue of taking power by working people – i.e. of the Soviet Power.

Meanwhile we have been feeling the most severe pressure of reaction, still we have to keep our resolve and struggle in order to deliver the revolutionary spark to the powder keg of people’s energy on time.

Lenin said: “Whether there will be revolution or not doesn’t depend solely on us. Nevertheless, we shall do what we should and these deeds will never get lost”. The task of Socialism is not in the least limited to only proclaiming power of people, working people should have real practical possibility to exercise this power. From our point of view, all the parties should study and reproduce the experience of Soviets. Soviets represent the most adequate form of realization power of working people, the organizational form of proletarian dictatorship. Working masses should participate in the struggle themselves, and this matters most of all. Initially they should take part in making the decision on taking power, later, under Socialism, they should participate in the implementation of proletarian dictatorship – i.e. universal involvement of working people in the management of the state as Lenin saw it should take place.

It wouldn’t not be possible and just irresponsible to urge people to take part in the struggle, unless we have clear perception of what we are going to construct and how we are going to do this.

We in Russia focus upon creating class trade unions while using the experience of our Greek comrades from PAME, we also try to implement the tactics of alliances and Workers’ Front. To be frank, we cannot tell that we’ve been very much successful in establishing mass movement. Our opponents from parliamentary opposition often ask us gloatingly: where on earth are your proletarian battalions made of steel?

We have to answer that meanwhile workers go to

polling stations as petitioners, in particular, this is due to your politics. Zyganov claims that it was three times when he and CPRF saved the country from crisis and collapse – in 1993 after the massacre of the Supreme Soviet, in 1996 when Zyganov gave up the results of the presidential elections and in 1998 after the default and coming to power of Primakov’s cabinet. It was essentially the regime of Eltsyn that was saved then.

We believe that our task is to retain and develop Marxist-Leninist political theory and practice for the future communist movement in Russia that nobody will be able to put out.

WE lived under Socialism and know for sure that the relations between people used to be much better, much more fair, chaste and honest, much more human. This is worth to struggle for!

One of the crucial theoretical issues pertaining to the development of Socialism is the issue of promotion of post-commodity system that means directly social production that is free from all traces of commoditization. This issue has been not only of great interest, but also a matter of dispute that has been splitting world communist movement. It’s clear that first of all here is meant CPC and the “Chinese type of Socialism”. Our reply to market oriented comrades that urge us to follow the example of Chine is as follows: unless you reach classical Socialism with directly social production, you’ll inevitably find yourself within plain commodity Capitalism. We’d like to avoid seeing in China the implementation of Gorbachev’s dream to move to Capitalism under the Red Banner.

Economic successes of China are indeed impressive and command respect, but they do not necessarily mean success in Socialist construction. As Lenin used to put it – a similar satisfaction can be obtained under Capitalism as well. In the list of countries with the biggest number billionaires China is ranked the second, whereas Russia is the third. It’s clear that both countries are very far away from construction of classless society, i.e. Communism. Chinese Capitalism has been even more increasing its reactionary role worldwide (it’s enough to remember the massacre of workers at Chinese oil drilling enterprises in Zhanaozen, Kazakhstan in 2011, as well as the current struggle of Greek workers and in particular the trade union ENEDEP of dockworkers against privatization of Piraeus by Chinese company COSCO. In Russia there has been observed increasing of tension and opposition to the expansion of foreign companies, esp. Chinese ones in the territories with special economic regime (TOR) in the Far East.

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There the authorities let foreign companies to ruthlessly exploit land and rob natural resources over extended period of time (70 years). All this may lead to direct clashes with local population and naturally causes growth of nationalistic feelings. All this taken into account we believe that it’s too early to tell about the success of Chinese Socialism and one can rather describe the process as expansion of Chinese imperialism).

We think that inclusion of CPC representatives into Working Group will further increase the general right bias.

We believe it’s necessary to mark a special role that modern capitalist Russia and its president, Vladimir Putin have been playing in spreading anticommunism. On the one hand, RF is allegedly the assignee of USSR and is viewed by many people as anti-imperialist force that resists USA and NATO and contributes to the just struggle of people in Syria and Donbass (though we always warn everybody that RF conducts backroom negotiations and may betray).

On the other hand the country has sort of overcome Communism and is in the process of establishing normal life under bourgeois democracy. Russian authorities herewith have been carrying out refined and gradual, but still adamant politics of anti-communism and anti-sovietism. They blacken and distort history, they lie and exaggerate past mistakes and difficulties, still they appropriate past successes and victories and boast of them. Thus, RF portrays herself as the heir to the victors over Fascism, as defender of national-liberation movements and progressive forces all over the world, as the successor of the pioneers of space research. The authorities have even gone so far as to allow recognizing the role of Stalin as constructor of the state and the Supreme Commander.

They present the events of the past so as if the achievements of Socialism had not been the outcome of the socialist social order, but were rather obtained despite and contrary to it and to the horrors of totalitarianism. Russian authorities carry this politics out through the system of education, through mass media and cinema, literature, through introduction of religion. The last World Festival of Youth and Students in Sochi, Russia can demonstrate this tactics well. Dances and festivities, elements of anti-Americanism Putin’s style instead of anti-capitalism and anti-imperialist struggle constitute the essence of the event.

Against this background, the outwardly friendly relations of Putin’s RF and communist Chine, as well as with Cuba, Vietnam and DPRK give the people of

Russia as well as of other countries the impression 241 of regularity and positivity of counterrevolutionary changes. (Example. Chairman of China Xi Jinping in the cause of the BRICS summit held in India in 2016 congratulated Putin on the victory of the party United Russia in parliamentary elections: “Recently there have been successfully completed parliamentary elections to Duma of new convocation. United Russia has won decisively and this ensures stability and good political background for further sustainable development of Russia”. He actually congratulates Putin on the improving of the basis of anti-communism and anti-sovietism and strengthening of Capitalism. No comment.). It’s obvious that international communist movement should resist these lies.

In XX Century the parties that adhered to orthodox, i.e. revolutionary Marxism united themselves into Communist (the third) International, this being a reaction to the prostitute like transformation of the II International parties. In the 21 conditions of admission to Comintern there were described tasks of communist parties, i.e. their responsibilities, whereas the struggle for proletarian dictatorship, for the revolutionary nature of the parties, the struggle against opportunism were listed as the most important. The issue of Comintern’s dissolution needs a special consideration, still one thing is clear: the main outcome of its activities was the defeat of Fascism and creation of world socialist system with the powerful nucleus in the form USSR and the countries of CMEA. Soviet Union saved world civilization by its decisive contribution to the victory over Nazism. What matters even more is the fact that this victory demonstrated benefits of Socialism over Capitalism. On reconstruction of the ruined economy in the shortest possible terms USSR turned into one of the most educated countries of the world and could demonstrate advanced science and technologies. This was the reason why the precedence in space research came naturally. The first man on Earth who went into space on board the cosmic ship “Vostok” was a soviet pilot, a worker, communist Yuri Gagarin.

Soviet Union has influenced greatly the total course of human history. Socialism of USSR and of other socialist countries, its social achievements forced capitalists to give concessions and introduce more extended and concrete social guarantees to working people in their countries.

The main lesson that Lenin gave to all proletarian parties (in its narrow sense) is as follows: Bolsheviks could raise working class and people of Russia to revolution not because they joined all sort of opposition, but first of all because they defeated oppor-

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tunism of Mensheviks in workers’ movement both in the field of theory and organization.

In the world there are still many parties that adhere to revolutionary Marxism. Theoretical thought is still active, the work of scientists who stick to Marxism-Leninism goes on. All this means that the task of integration of Marxists carried out through delimitation with those who distort Marxism is still actual.

Eventually, we’ll have to take this task. Without the solution of this issue, the struggle of working class is doomed to stalemate.

Taking into account the processes of imperialistic globalization of the world economy, we have to go back to the issue of possibility of socialist revolution in one separate country with unique conditions of self-sufficiency as in Russia, this revolution to be assisted by proletariat from other countries. Sure that the revolution in a number of countries would be more advisable. That’s why the topic of proletarian internationalism and the task of revolutionary Marxism victory over opportunism acquire special import.

Our party has unequivocally sorted it out with this issue and we are not going to falter!

Long live Marxism-Leninism!

Long live Socialist Revolution!

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Communist Party of Soviet Union

Дорогие товарищи! От имени советских коммунистов приветствую и поздравляю доблестную Коммунистическую партию Греции со знаменательнымюбилеем – 100-летием создания. Желаю успехов в борьбе за счастье трудового народа, которая обязательно ознаменуется победой! Ваша Партия закалялась в борьбе против капитализма - империализма и фашизма, и сегодня находится на переднем крае борьбы, показывая пример стойкости, самоотверженности, высокой организованности и идейной закалки! Я с большим интересом прослушал доклад ЦК КПГ, который сделал товарищДимитросКуцумбас и доклады товарищей из других коммунистических и рабочих партий. Мы солидарны с положениями доклада. Мы, коммунисты Советского Союза, постоянно задаёмся вопросом о движущих силах и свершителях предстоящей Революции, и понимаем, что эта великая миссия сохраняется за Рабочим классом. Хотя, надо отметить, что не все, даже среди коммунистов видят современный рабочий класс, а отдельные члены партии принимают тезис современной буржуазии, что рабочего класса почти не стало. Не все понимают, что рабочий класс, будучи основной производительной силой общества, никуда не делся, просто в отдельных отраслях, таких как информация и связь, коммуникации изменились его функции. Товарищи! Безусловно, с развитием общества и общественных отношений средства производства стремительно развиваются, что создает новые условия и предъявляет новые требования перед людьми и в частности, перед рабочим классом. К примеру, наемные научные работники или работники сферы информационных технологий тоже являются рабочим классом. Рабочий класс лишён средств производства и вынужден продавать свою рабочую силу классу капиталистов. Задача коммунистов, чтобы рабочий класс осознал себя и превратился из «вещи в себе» в «вещь для нас» (Иммануил Кант), то есть в вещь для себя и во имя себя, во имя трудящегося народа. При наличии организованной, идейно-зрелой и боевой партии, за этим вновь может последовать мощный тектонический революционный взрыв. Но и тогда, когда рабочий класс возьмет власть, нельзя допустить рецидивов, чтобы одна группа людей (прежде всего управленцев из числа партийной номенклатуры и советской IB 2019

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бюрократии) присваивала труд другой группы людей, что вновь приведет к революционным процессам, которыми воспользуется контрреволюция и новая буржуазия, как это произошло в 1991 году в СССР. Хотя в СССР не было частной собственности на средства производства, однако последствия были негативны из-за отсутствия реального контроля со стороны рабочего класса над общенародной собственностью. Этот контроль и управление осуществляла неподконтрольная широким слоям трудящихся номенклатура. В конечном счете, она распределяла полученную прибыль и продукт порой исходя из своих интересов. Начиная с времени Хрущева самым гнилым был аппарат ЦК КПСС и Совмина (Совета министров СССР). Именно здесь зародилось гнездо контрреволюции, а также персонал, не способный жить и работать в интересах трудящихся и социализма. Мы вынесли для себя урок от этого поражения. После запрета в 1991 году партия вновь возродилась и объединяет республиканские партийные комитеты в республиках, которые ранее входили в СССР. Идейно мы сильны, организационно и материально пока в ряде республик слабы. Как слабо и разрознено рабочее и профсоюзное движение в России и других республиках на постсоветском пространстве. Оно оказалось не способно противостоять наступлению капитала, принятию антинародных законов. Большая вина в этом лежит на подкармливаемой парламентской, так называемой, «оппозиции», а по существу части существующей буржуазной системы. Ситуация в России и других республиках СССР становится все более критичной. Гдето, как в России, государственный капитализм, представляющий собой симбиоз олигархии и клептократии еще относительно силен, а где-то, например, на Украине буржуазия удерживает свою власть в опоре на крайне реакционные национал-фашистские силы. В Средней Азии и Закавказье странами правятнационалбуржуазные и даже феодальные, как в Туркмении, кланы («элиты»). Однако, на наших глазах их силы таят, они себя дискредитировали в глазах подавляющей части населения своих республик. В России власть стремительными темпами теряет свой авторитет, который в последние годы подкачивался усилиями в области военной политики и патриотической риторики. Однако буржуазная политика

резкого снижения социальных программ и 245 повышения пенсионного возраста отвернула от власти даже тех, кто совсем недавно голосовал партию «Единая Россия» и ее вождя, представляющих интересы крупного капитала. Сегодня у населения негативное отношение к правительству и ко всем парламентским партиям, входящим в нынешнюю буржуазную систему. В России и других республиках на территории бывшего СССР на фоне роста цен и налогов сокращается заработная плата, ухудшается медицинское обеспечение, осуществляется переход к платному здравоохранению, ограничена профсоюзная деятельность, запрещены забастовки, наблюдается «рабовладельческое» отношение к мигрантам, особенно в строительном секторе. После принятых в последние годы законов продолжает постоянно ухудшаться жизнь рабочего класса, снижается уровень жизни народа. С помощью подконтрольных администрации президента парламентских партий разного окраса, власти удается сбить и заболтать протесты. Капитал навязывает обществу парадигму социального партнерства. На реализацию этого проекта идут огромные финансовые средства, украденные у этого самого общества. В противовес социальному партнерству, мы, коммунисты ставим вопрос о социальном союзе как союзе социальных антикапиталистических сил и движений для сплочения рабочего класса и народных масс в антикапиталистической, антимонополистической борьбе. Это лето в России было накаленным из-за инициатив власти по повышению пенсионного возраста, что вызвало недовольство абсолютного большинства взрослого населения. Казалось бы, власть сама дала удачный повод для усиления протестов, но,увы… начавшаяся борьба трудящихся и коммунистов нашей партии натолкнулась на штрейкбрехерство ряда крупных профсоюзов и парламентских партий. Их соглашательство привело в итоге к затуханию протеста. Оппортунисты увели поднимающийся социальный протест в русло демагогической утопии, требуя провести референдум по вопросу о повышении пенсионного возраста. Между тем, социальные права человека, как и естественное право на жизнь, не подлежат умалению или ухудшению. Сама постановка вопроса о референдуме, где может быть допущено в качестве одного из вариантов

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возможность повышения пенсионного возраста, а значит ухудшение социальных прав трудящихся и их семей, тупа, лицемерна и иезуитски безнравственна. Мы четко заявили, что вопрос об ущемлении прав трудящихся никакими референдумами не решается. Тем более известны случаи фальсификаций всякого рода подобных голосований. Таким образом, силы реформизма в красной упаковке действуют в тандеме с буржуазными властями, они часть прогнившей буржуазной системы. При этом буржуазные СМИ с экранов телевидения называют реформистов «коммунистами». Наша партия старается противостоять и разоблачать навязываемые населению иллюзии относительно того, что путём парламентских реформ, постепенного улучшения результатов на выборах и «левых» буржуазных правительств может произойти переход к социализму. Уважаемые товарищи! Мы высоко ценим ту работу, которую проделала Компартия Греции при подготовке к 20 съезду КПГ и 20 юбилейной Встрече коммунистических и рабочий партий в Афинах, изучаем задачи по изучению и реорганизации рабочего и профсоюзного движения, которые были сформулированы на 20 съезде КПГ, и прежде всего, выработке требований борьбы (по всем вопросам: зарплата, социальное обеспечение, здравоохранение, режим работы и т. д.) и выбор форм организации и союза с народными силами, механизмы и методы манипуляции со стороны буржуазии, изучение тактики работодателей, механизмы эксплуатации и главным образом условия для их упразднения. В заключение, хочу выразить солидарность со всеми борющимися против империализма и неоколониализма народами и коммунистическими партиями. Мы прекрасно понимаем, что борьба за рабочую власть напрямую увязана с борьбой против империалистических войн. Восстановление Советской власти в нашей стране будет гарантом сдерживания агрессивных происков империалистических хищников, даст новый импульс освобождению народов от капитализма.

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New Communist Party of Yugoslavia

Dear comrades, In the name of the New Communist Party of Yugoslavia, I extend our cordial greetings to You and I would like to express special recognition to the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) for organization of such an important meeting as the 20th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ parties.

I would like to use this opportunity to also congratulate brotherly Communist Party of Greece (KKE) on its jubilee – 100 years since its foundation!

Communist Party of Greece is one of the parties that managed to preserve its identity and continuity in spite of walking on turbulent and bloody path in the last ten decades. Second world war, Nazi occupation, civil war, dictatorship, bans, ups and down marked the turbulent history of KKE, but also showed that in spite of everything, even in the most difficult moments the parties with the clear communist line can exit all the historical labyrinths even stronger, carrying high the flag of struggle for socialism / communism.

Comrades, Today’s situation in Balkans, after the geopolitical catastrophe caused by perestroika, doesn’t give great hopes to working class and broad population strata.

The process of privatization of the most important economic entities is almost completely finished in Serbia. Numerous factories have been privatized, as well agricultural lands and sources of drinking water. Working class met these processes completely unprepared, lamented by false promises from politicians and corrupt trade union leaders, it even asked for a faster privatization during many strikes.

What occurred as a consequence of such retrograde processes is more than tragic. Dozens of suicides of fired workers, increasing number of poor and general apathy. Even 60 % of population, including the employed and the pensioners, don’t have monthly income greater than 247 Euros. Rate of poverty is growing day by day.

A quarter of the population of Serbia live in relative poverty with a monthly income of just over 100 Euro. Poverty in Serbia is measured not through the European concept of relative poverty which means they have an income below the level of 60 percent of the national average but through absolute poverty which is defined through the consumer basket which includes the minimum of food needed for survival. Compared to European Union member states and Turkey, Serbia ranks first in terms of relative poverty, in 2016 7.3 percent of the population of Serbia had a monthly income of less than 100 Euro with 1-1.5 percent of the population living in IB 2019

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extreme poverty.

Unemployment is issue is very important in Serbia.

For a long time unemployment rate is on a high level. The biggest problem is unempolyment of young people aged between 15 and 24 and it ammounts to nearly 35%. Serbia has got a good quality working force but there is great problem regarding its employment. It is a problem with consequences for efficiency of economic system. Also, it burdens social system as well. One of the big problems which are caused by unemployment is emigration of all kind of educated people. Majority of people who emigrate decide on Western Europe countries. That way, the system is losing not only resources invested in education of people but also stay losing highly educated people.

When we talk about the situation in Serbia, one of the questions about which we talked frequently and which we will also mention today is the question of Kosovo and Metochy. Talking about this difficult question, we won’t use phrases about national interests, which the bourgeoisie in power uses. We know that during bloody wars in Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, people have been incited to fight with each other, while at the same time the bourgeoisie which has risen from the dead, gained enormous profits on blood of its own people. While the people of former Yugoslavia sunk into the bloody war, the national bourgeoisies cooperated between each other and emerged from the war as war profiteers and as a ruling political elite.

Today’s even among communists, there are split opinions and interpretations when it comes to Kosovo and Metochy. There are the ones that supported bombing of FR Yugoslavia considering that NATO played a progressive role regarding the aggression, while they are forgetting that advocating for the rights of Albanian population in Kosovo and Metochy was just a pretext, while the formal reason for bombing was the refusal of FR Yugoslavia to sign the Rambouillet ultimatum which demanded unlimited freedom of movement of NATO troops around the country, free use of the infrastructure and immunity from criminal persecution. Aggression on FR Yugoslavia in 1999 violated the UN Charter as well as numerous international legal documents, and not only that; NATO occupied the part of Serbia which was a sovereign until that time, it established a criminal regime and created the greatest military base in Europe.

New Communist Party of Yugoslavia doesn’t rule out the right of the Albanian people to live freely in Kosovo and Metochy, but we reject their instrumen-

talization and using them in imperialist frameworks. 249 Dear comrades, We need to criticize, but to take self-criticism as well.

The world communist movement has been for almost three decades in a profound ideological, organizational and material crisis. We are facing the situation of many communist parties which crossed the boarder lines of revisionism and the opportunism.

They have rejected class-struggle and took the other way of conducting so called social dialogue with the governing class. Workers marches and strikes are replaced with comfortable chairs of the representatives and offices. However “Despite any difficulties and temporary failures or counterrevlutionary waves – final victory of proletariat is inevitable“ ( V. I. Lenin) since „workers will inevitably on the one wonderful day take political power in their hands“ (Karl Marx).

And this is possible to be done only with permanent, class-aware struggle. Without the fight, there is no victory. On the last battlefield of the history two death enemies remained: the capitalism and the mankind.

With the hope that these meetings will continue to contribute of strengthening the revolutionary Marxist-Leninist principle’s in our joint action, as well as the activities of the political parties individually, both large and small, and those that are in power and those in the underground, we continue on the fight for the world social justice and progress for world socialism / communism.

Thanks!

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Party of the Communists of Serbia

251 Дорогие товарищи, С огромным удовольствим, от имени партии «Коммунисты Сербии» и нашей делегации, приветствую участников 20-й встречи Коммунистических и рабочих партий. Особенно желаю поблагодарить Коммунистическую партию Греции и товарища Димитрос Куцумбаса за чрезвычайные усилия, вложенные в подготовку настоящей встречи и за всё, что они сделали чтобы мы чувстовали себя хорошо в Афинах. Поздравляю Вас с юбилеем 100 лет со дня основания великой Коммунистической партии Греции! Члены нашей партии питают беспредельно искреннее уважение к многолетней истории ККЕ, особенно к коммунистам, Маркосовим партизанам, которые боролись и погибали за свободу и социализм. Подтверждением факта насколько греческие партизаны были уважаемыми у нас, является общественная организация деревни Булькес, в Югославии. Через Булькес прошло 50000 партизанов, в основном раненных и членов их семей. В деревне в ходу была греческая монета, они имели своё общинное управление, театр, школы и газету, а югославское правительство обеспечивало для них более качественные жизненные условия, чем для своих граждан. Солидарность коммунистов раньше была на гораздо большем уровне, чем сегодня. Тема сегодняшней встречи очень важна для интересов и прав рабочего класса и коммунистов в качестве их авангарда. Она включает и необходимость осуществления революционных, стратегических и тактических действий для осуществления целей и интересов рабочего класса, а именно насильственное разрушение капитализма. Современный рабочий класс, подразумевая свою целостную структуру (рабочих в производстве, транспорте, сельском хозяйстве, образовании, здравоохранении, науке, и т. п.), организован в многочисленные субъекты, которые не вкладывают достаточно усилий для согласовывания деятельностей по осуществлению целей, важных для принадлежащих к рабочему классу. В отличие от них, принадлежащие к капиталистической системе осуществляют высокий единственный уровень сопротивления интересам труда, спокойствия, а в интересах эксплуатации, империализма и против стремлений

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осуществить социалистическое общество и систему. На международной сцене, в интересе капитала, присутствует несоблюдение прав, на которых обосновывается ООН, в результате чего уничтожены когда-то стабильные государства, какими были Ирак, Ливия, Сирия и др, и во имя «демократии» при чём настощие интересы были эксплуатация запасов нефти и источников других богатств, в то время как в Европе совершалось разрушение Югославии, а затем с целью якобы «защиты» прав человека и бомбардировка Сербии без решения Союза безопасности. На политической сцене Сербии существует большое число, так называемых негосударственных организаций, большинство которых в функции иностранного капитала и финансируется за их счёт. Существует и большое, для наших масштабов, число, зарегистрированных, преимущественно буржуазных политических партий, половина из которых партии национальных меньшинств, а это тем более усложняет единство рабочего класса при осуществлении своих интересов. Правительство ради возможного членства в неофашистском ЕС, а с целью выполнения требуемых элементов реализовало отмену статуса предприятий, которе были в государственной собственности (грабительская приватизация) и провело аннулирование прав рабочих, а всё в интересе капитала. Расслоение жителей на очень богатых и очень бедных без существования среднего класса, реализовано также возвращением национализированной собственности. Работодателям, объединённым в единственое содружество, должны парировать объединение рабочих в коммунистические организации с целью осуществления своих прав, так как профсоюзные организации в теперешних условиях подкуплены и не предпринимают координационные деятельности, а это также соответствует интересам капитала. Огромную проблему представляет и информативная блокада касательно опубликования материалов и передач о деятельности нашей партии. Это последствие приватизации средств массовой информации, которые, в большинстве случаев, также действуют согласно прибыльной системе. Ситуацию в наших условиях осложняет и то, что под названием социалистических, коммунистических и рабочих партий действует

и определённое число организаций, которые на службе буржуазии и не имеют желание объединиться. Авангард должен базировать свои деятельности на стратегической цели с исходным положением на основании научного социализма, марксизма и ленинизма, что подразумевает сначала вооружённую революцию, а после того и диктатуру пролетариата. В следующем году мы, вместе с коммунистическими и рабочими партиями, членами Координационного комитета за территорию Югославии, отметим 100-летие со дня основания прославленной Коммунистической Партии Югославии. Только 26 лет с основания, KПЮ с Маршалом Иосип Броз Тито во главе собственными силами нанесла поражение фашистам, разгромила капитализм и начала строительство самого гуманного вида социализма в мире. В революции погибло 50000 членов партии, 70000 комсомольцев и настолько кандидатов в члены партии. Единственным критерием для приёма в члены партии являлось мужество в бою. Те коммунисты – наши образчики. Мы в Сербии уже 28 лет живём в капитализме, но из-за своих недостатков и трудных условий в которых действуем, ни в данный момент, ни в близком будущем, не будем иметь сил повести народ на вооружённую революцию. Поэтому нам стыдно. Междутем, никогда не станем фальсификаторами марксизма-ленинизма и не будем врать народу что на выборах уничтожим капитализм. Все социалистические страны возникли в вооружённых революциях. Вооружённая революция является единственным путём для настоящих коммунистов. Все те, которые не поддерживают этот путь или невежды или трусы, или откровенно работают в интересах буржуазии. Давайте очистить свои ряды от квазикоммунистов! Вспомним положение Ленина из произведения «Государство и революция» о том, что «Смена буржуазного государства пролетарским невозможна без насильственной революции». ДА ЗДРАВСТВУЕТ МИРОВОЕ КОММУНИСТИЧЕСКОЕ ДВИЖЕНИ

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South African Communist Party

“From the standpoint of a higher socio-economic formation, the private property of particular individuals in earth will appear just as absurd as the private property of one man in other men. Even an entire society, a nation, or all simultaneously existing societies taken together, are not the owners of the earth. They are simply its possessors, it’s beneficiaries, and have to bequeath it in an improved state to succeeding generations, as boni partes familias [good heads of households]” Marx in Capital, Volume 3, chapter 46 The South African Communist Party (SACP) joins participants of the 20th International Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties (IMCWP), to express our profound fraternal best wishes to the Greek Communist Party (KKE) on the occasion marking its centenary and also on 20th edition of the International Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties (IMCWP).

It’s by no small measure to attribute this achievement to a solid party, with a commitment to principle and the ideals of a better society - socialism. We salute the leadership, the members and supporters of KKE, it’s allied formations, it’s youth formation KNE and the militant class-orientated trade union PAME. We are adjoined by the theme of this 20th edition of the IMCWP to not only analyze the conjuncture, but also to reflect critically in the workings of our parties in the direction of deepening, advancing and defending the ideals for an alternative society to the rapacious system of capitalism and its variant manifestations of neoliberal financialised globalization.

These tasks are even more important in this period, as has been demonstrated by the adverse international developments recently across the global, occasioned by the deep crisis of system capitalism in its financialised manner. The inevitable boom and busts cycles are a key characteristic of capitalists economies, wherein the subsequent bust the economy shrinks, people lose their jobs, the quality of life of the people declines.

The 14th Congress of the SACP held in 2017 under the theme: ‘Defend, Advance, Deepen the National Democratic Revolution: The Vanguard Role of the SACP’, directed us to and confirmed our strategic posture in this period, that of a radical second phase of the National Democratic Revolution as the most direct route to a socialist South Africa. The 14th Congress also called for provision of leadership in the widest patriotic front in defense of our democracy and our country’s national sovereignty. Delegates of the historic 14th Congress pledged to actively carry forward all the resolutions of congress, such as on the vanguard role in places of work, in our commuIB 2019

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nities, in our places of learning, and in all other key sites of power. Our Party is of the view that we have to win our vanguard role in the trenches of struggle - through active work between and amongst the people and their formations.

SACP has noted that the defense of our democracy against large-scale looting of public resources by a parasitic political-bureaucratic stratum is the first order of the day. There are important lessons elsewhere in the world such as the development of a bureaucratic bourgeoisie in the post-Revolutionary Iran, from which we must learn in order to overcome the immediate challenges that face our revolution.

Samir Amin, who recently passed on, is instructive on this matter. In the final chapter of his recent book, Amin considers the present from the perspective of a lifetime of activism stretching back to the 1940s.

The central thrust of this chapter (appropriately titled “Revolution or decadence?”, provides an important reference points that help to clarify - at least in South Africa, our own situation and help to situate our reality within a wider set of global trends.

He writes, “In the periphery [the geo-political South] the socialist transition is not distinct from national liberation”. Amin proceeds:” It has become clear that the latter [national liberation] is impossible under local bourgeois leadership, and thus becomes a democratic stage in the process of the uninterrupted revolution by stages led by the peasant and workers masses”. Amin correctly, argues that ‘a revolution cannot be advanced only with a vanguard political formation, or state power’. ‘Popular forces’ that are, in his words, “non-alienated” are the critical factor.

In the past period the SACP has been undertaking concrete measures, to both to tackle these challenges but also build alliances, anchored around the broad goals and ideals of the 14th Congress and previous congresses’ Party Programmes, and in the process address the issue of alienation and agency of the broad masses. The SACP is unfolding a process of developing both a broad patriotic and left fronts within the terrain of the socio-economic and political challenges of our country, such as confronting corruption and rampant looting of the public resources. This has also resulted in a debate for a ‘reconfiguration of the Alliance’ with the African National Congress ( ANC) and Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). This debate is important in the post-1994 context where the ANC Alliance are in government.

Finally, we think it will be a critical mistake, if we don’t reflect on the recent developments and emergence of rightwing populist charismatic strongmen

personalities, such as Duterte, Trump, Bolsonaro 255 and Salvini in Italy. Rightwing populism ascendancy today is a symptom of the failure (somewhat) of progressive politics. The roots of this predicament, some argue goes back to the 1980s. Indeed, this is a spectacular failure of neoliberalism!

The rise of rightwing politics has its origins in the decaying of the politics of amongst others, center-parties, and social democracy. These are dangerous times for democracy. In the United States Donald Trump represents the greatest threat to the American constitutional order since Richard Nixon. The hard reality is that Trump was elected by tapping a wellspring of anxieties, frustrations and legitimate grievances to which the mainstream parties have no compelling answer. This means that, for those worried about Trump and about populism, it is not enough to mobilize and protest and resistance, it is also necessary to engage in politics of persuasion that must begin by understanding the discontent that is roiling politics.

As many commentators now note, another economic downturn looms. We know that all the reforms and regulations imposed in the wake of the Great Depression of the 1930s failed to prevent both smaller downturns between 1941 and 2008 and then another big crash in 2008. Capitalism’s instability has, for centuries, resisted all efforts to overcome it with or without government interventions.

Yet mainstream economics mostly evades an honest confrontation with the social costs of such economic instability. Worse, it evades a direct debate with the Marxian critique that links those costs to an argument that system change would be the best and most “efficient” solution.

Therefore, IMCWP must develop appropriate responses towards these set of politics in order to present our people with concrete and realistic responses to the challenges confronting our societies as a direct result of crisis of system of capitalism.

Socialism is the future - build it now!

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Communist Party of Spain

257 Camaradas Nadie puede dudar que se está produciendo, en estos momentos, una ofensiva del imperialismo que se desarrolla en todo el Planeta ante la que es urgente plantearse como responder desde las fuerzas que prendemos construir un mundo mejor.

Esa ofensiva está presente en el Acta de Seguridad Nacional de los EEUU aprobado por Trump el pasado mes de diciembre: El documento, concreta que Estados Unidos “responderá a la creciente competencia política, económica y militar que enfrentamos alrededor del mundo. China y Rusia desafían al poder estadounidense, su influencia y sus intereses, intentando erosionar la seguridad y prosperidad americanas. Exhiben una determinación que busca convertir las economías en menos libres y menos justas, para incrementar fuerzas militares, y para controlar el flujos de información y datos a los efectos de reprimir a sus sociedades y expandir su esfera de influencia”.

De esta manera, no son cuestiones aisladas, la Guerra de Siria, el Golpe de Estado en Ucrania, la guerra económica y activación de la violencia en Venezuela o Nicaragua, el endurecimiento de las medidas de bloqueo contra a Cuba, los conflictos que se planteanpararodear China y permitir la entrada de la flota de los EE.UU. al mar de la China, el incremento del militarismo en Japón, las agresiones a Libia o Chad, el despliegue de tropas de la OTAN en las fronteras occidentales de Rusia, son la aplicación de un Plan por el que el imperialismo pretende recuperar el terreno perdido y evitar que surja un contra poder que impida su intención de dominar el Planeta para poner sus recursos naturales al servicio de una minoría, por ello desde este Encuentro tenemos que mostrar nuestra activa solidaridad con todos los pueblos que hoy luchan contra el imperialismo.

Por lo tanto, el reto que tenemos los Partidos Comunistas y Obreros aquí reunidos es como contribuir a ganar esta batalla y hacerlo junto al resto de fuerzas anti-imperialistas y de liberación desde una eficaz política de alianzas, y uninternacionalismoque sea capaz de aglutinar esfuerzos y potenciar luchas sociales y políticas en todo el Planeta, de forma especial, Ia lucha por La Paz y por el desarrollo de la calidad de vida de los pueblos a nivel mundial.

En esta lucha debemos implicarnos las fuerzas comunistas, obreras y de izquierdas,teniendo en cuenta las distintas realidades que sobre las que tenemos que actuar, pero también tenemos que mirarnos a nuestro propio espejo y desde la autocrítica reconocer que alguna responsabilidad tendremos de nuestra propia debilidad, no toda Ia responsabili-

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dad es del sistema, por muy poderosos que sean los medios que el imperialismo utiliza.

En este sentido, los partidos comunistas y obreros tenemos el reto de responder a la paradoja de cómo es posible que en la mayor crisis capitalista vivida en Europa, desde la segunda guerra mundial,parte de la clase trabajadora está viendo en los grupos fascistas y racistas una referencia contra el sistema para expresar su rechazo a la situación de crisis que sufren.

Para afrontar con éxito esta situación, es necesario realizar un análisis estratégico sobre el momento que nos toca vivir y el papel de la fuerzas transformadoras en este momento de la lucha de clases a nivel planetario, porque la cuestión no esta en asegurar la simple supervivencia de los Partidos Comunistas, esta en conseguir la capacidad y fuerza suficiente para ser fuerzas influyentes frente a esta ofensiva de capitalismo en la actualidad y no vernos reducidos a espacios testimoniales.

No se trata de elaborar recetas para aplicar de forma automática por cada partido, sino de realizar un análisis colectivo que cada organizacion desarrolle con autonomía en cada ámbito de lucha, para ello planteamos un esquema de debate y un método Se trata de ser conscientes del papel histórico que tenemos los partidos comunistas en estos momentos, y de la misma manera que los Frentes Populares impulsados fueron la respuesta al Fascismo en el siglo pasado, en este momento tenemos que implicarnos en la construcción de un gran movimiento mundial en defensa de la humanidad, de la independencia y soberanía de los pueblos,de su derecho de poner los recursos naturales del planeta y sus riquezas al servicio de resolver los problemas de hambre, enfermedades, educación, vivienda, etc. que sufren todavía miles de millones de seres humanos, un movimiento que consiga la más amplia alianza social y política de fuerzas anti-imperialistas, sinpersonalísimosque pueden debilitar la lucha, para ganar la batalla al capital en el terreno de juego real en que hoy se desarrolla Ia lucha de clases.

Las fuerzas de la Extrema Derecha no buscan ganar unas elecciones, lo que están tratando es de alcanzar el Poder y desde allí instaurar su cruel dictadura, nada nuevo en la historia, por ello tenemos que ser conscientes de que en estos momentos nos estamos jugando el futuro de la humanidad

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Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain

Dear Comrades, On behalf of the Central Committee of the PCPE I would like to convey to all the present Parties warm and internationalist greetings. I would also like to take this opportunity to express the gratitude and respect of the Spanish communists to the comrades of the CP of Greece, not only for hosting this 20th International Meeting, but also because in 1998 they decided to devote their efforts to developing this space for the meeting and the discussion between the Communist and Workers’ Parties around the world.

Our Party has been present in practically all the editions of the International Meetings of Communist and Workers’ Parties. Regardless of our situation of greater or lesser organizational capacity, we have always devoted a significant part of our time and resources to participate in the international spaces to which we have been invited. We think that it is through honest and comradely exchange of opinions that we best help the development of our international communist movement.

In some moments our interventions have been more directed at exposing the situation of the working class in our country. At other times, we preferred to intervene on debates or controversies that went beyond our direct field of class struggle, because we thought that our opinion and our own experience could be useful for other fraternal Parties, in the same way as experiences and the history of other parties has helped us immensely over the years.

On this occasion, the PCPE wants to transfer to the set of Parties here present, as well as those who follow the contributions to the Meeting through the Solidnet website, the experience that we have accumulated in recent years in our work towards the working class, trying to recover the organization of the Communist Party in the work centers.We start from the basis that one of our essential tasks today, if we want to honor our condition as the political vanguard of the working class, is to decisively recover the communist organized presence at the heart of the class struggle, in the same place where the exploitation of our class takes place. In the case of Spain, this organized presence of the Communist Party in companies disappeared since the 70s, when Eurocommunism decided to abandon the revolutionary struggle for the overthrow of capitalism and prioritize the electoral struggle over everything else.

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-The Communist Party is a proletarian party whose class character derives from its ideological position, the objectives it pursues, its class composition and its capacity to assume the practical direction of the working class.

-Without an organized presence and a broad influence of the Party within the working class, the revolutionary task becomes impossible.

Thus, in our 10th Congress (2016) we decided to start what we call the “workers’ shift” or “workers’ turn” of the PCPE, whose orientations and objectives were clarified in the 11th (Extraordinary) Congress of 2017, and whose first general assessment will be made in the Labor and Trade Union Movement Conference that we will celebrate in 2020.

With the expression “workers’ shift” or “workers’ turn” we mean the prioritization of the Party’s work towards the working class, overcoming a conception of communist work that, fruit of the difficulties involved in developing a policy specifically directed towards the class, opts in many cases to focus on inter-class struggles that, being also important, they can never become the only ones in which the work of the Party is developed. If this were so continuously, there would be a risk that the Party would subordinate the interests of the working class to those of other social sectors, thus preventing the development of the revolutionary subjective factor.

While other classes and social sectors have clear class consciousness and defined objectives, the Spanish working class is mostly prey to the reformist and petty-bourgeois positions that, today, make it difficult to establish an independent class position. It is in this context that the Party must fight at this time.

Our “workers’ turn” is concretized in three fields: the ideological field (towards the ideological independence of the class), the political field (to reveal the class character of the governmental proposals and the proposals of other political forces), and the organizational field, so that the Party is really present in the work centers and in the main productive sectors.

Therefore, at the organizational level, all the structures of our Party have been analyzing and debating over the past year in which companies and sectors will focus their political work to take the most important step of recent years: the gradual abandonment of an organizational structure built exclusively on a territorial basis towards a productive and territorial base structure. Towards a Party present in the work centers and in the working and popular neighborhoods, capable of intervening in every struggle in defense of the living and working conditions that may occur in them.

Hence, the four priorities of mass work of the PCPE 261 arise. Priorities which have to do with the organization of the struggle within the unions, with the organization of the youth of working and popular extraction and with the organization of the working women, establishing in the neighborhoods where possible the workers’ and popular centers, whose objective is to extend the communist influence in the cities and to structure the popular movement in the view of the social alliance (alliance policy of the working class) that we advocate.

In practical terms, it is necessary to say that we have already passed the phase in which some sectors of the Party were refractory to direct intervention in the work centers, to the planning and development of tasks or to the prioritization of specific sectors or companies. We know perfectly well that to develop the Party organizations in the work centers there are no instruction manuals, but it is necessary to develop a multifaceted task that, in the conditions of our country, implies combining the struggle inside and outside the work centers and the trade union work of our militants. Today, thanks to a trade union policy that allows our members to work in different trade union organizations, we are accumulating an experience that allows us to think about higher levels of intervention but, above all, allows us to have daily contact with thousands of workers. Starting from this reality, our concern now lies in being able to combine adequately, in an organized and planned way, the different intervention routes: the intervention through the trade union and the direct intervention of the party.

Our influence within the trade unions, still very limited, has grown substant ially in the last two years. We try to avoid the struggles between different trade union organizations and prioritize the trade union unity and the unity of the staff in the work centers, whether they are in conflict or not.

This insistence on unity beyond trade union acronyms is due to the union situation in Spain, where in the same company there can be representation of several unions (union sections) and union plurality also in the representative bodies of the entire workforce (workers’ council).

This tactic, which sometimes does not give good results, in other moments is an important step in terms of the knowledge of the Party by the class, which even allows a decisive influence on the direction of the concrete struggle, beyond the proposals that come from the structures of the trade union organizations. The cases of the recent struggles in the companies Vestas and Amazon are good proof of this.

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The workers’ turn is paying off. Today we can say with pride that we have some party base organizations that are exclusively oriented to companies and sectors of a strategic nature and that we already have an organized presence in transport, communications, energy and education companies.

On the other hand, we continue to maintain Workers’ and Popular Centers in three large cities of our country, recently we have opened a fourth one, and two more will be opened at the beginning of 2019, one of them in Madrid.

In what refers to the youth, the Collectives of Young Communists continue to develop their work towards the youth of working and popular extraction, focusing in recent years on the development of a strong student organization that overcomes the dispersion of the student movement in Spain and is present in all territories and at all educational levels. The CJC will celebrate their 10th Congress in March 2019. In their Congress they will evaluate their tasks and set the ways to implement the workers’ turn in their work plans.

All this work, comrades, is complemented in the ideological field with the definitive recovery of the Nuevo Rumbo newspaper, for now of a monthly nature, and with the forthcoming appearance of the PCPE publishing house, which will publish both classic and current texts, also recovering the materials published in the countries that built socialism during the 20th century. We want to arm our class with ideological tools to be able to face the onslaughts of the class enemy and the reformist forces.

Comrades, we are proud to participate in this 20th edition of our International Meetings and we convey to all the fraternal Parties our wishes for success in the struggles they carry out, as well as our desire to deepen bilateral relations with all the participating Parties.

Long live the 20th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties!

Long live proletarian internationalism!

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Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain

Una profunda agudización de la lucha de clases internacional.

Asistimos hoy a una agudización extrema de la lucha de la lucha de clases internacional. Esta agudización no viene del crecimiento y desarrollo de las capacidades de la clase obrera y sus organizaciones, sino que la agudización deriva de la necesidad del capitalismo de tratar de revertir su proceso de decadencia histórica, sus dificultades para el crecimiento del capital, y del agotamiento de las posibilidades de expansión que en épocas pasadas le permitía la conquista de nuevos mercados y de nuevas materias primas.

El capitalismo internacional, actúa en términos de agotamiento de sus habilidades para mantener el ciclo de reproducción ampliada del capital. La caída tendencial de la tasa de ganancia lo determina todo de forma implacable, y los nuevos desarrollos tecnológicos, especialmente la robotización, entran en aguda contradicción con las relaciones de producción.

Todo lleva a una dura pugna interna en clave imperialista: exportación de capitales, gigantesca concentración monopolística del capital, aumento intenso de la tasa de explotación, del ritmo del trabajo y de la sobreexplotación, y deterioro irreversible de las condiciones de vida y de la naturaleza como sistema. Todas las contradicciones internas se agudizan.

En consecuencia, la dictadura del capital se manifiesta de forma más explícita, abandona, por inútiles, las formas democrático-burguesas del siglo pasado, y los estados capitalistas avanzan a formas de control social cada día más absolutos. Recorte de libertades y foment de las pautas sociales más reaccionarias.

La clase obrera lleva, en este contexto, la posición perdedora frente a una burguesía que se sabe necesitada de mayores ejercicios de violencia para mantener su dominación.

Guerra imperialista y carrera de armamentos.

Como siempre, en la historia del vigente sistema de dominación, el capital recurre a la guerra como parte fundamental de su sistema de acumulación en situaciones de crisis extrema. Previo a la guerra declarada se hacen avanzar las posiciones del extremismo burgués, el fascismo.

Los armamentos de nueva generación, producto de la aplicación de los avances científicos y de inversiones multimillonarias, llevan cada día a la ruptura de los equilibrios armados de la etapa de la guerra fría. Hoy, sistemas altamente sofisticados, que las potencias creían darle una sólida posición de ventaja, se convierten rápidamente en viejos sistemas de IB 2019

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chatarra absolutamente inútiles en la confrontación Sobre la base del respeto a la soberanía de cada 265 armada. proyecto, los valores socialistas, la lealtad y la ética La consecuencia es un incremento del parasitario revolucionaria. gasto militar, una nueva carrera de armamentos y la obsolescencia de los tratados de misiles firmados en el siglo XX. También se incrementan los riesgos de conflagración como consecuencia del incremento y de la alta complejidad de los sistemas de armamentos, con tecnologías de vanguardia que tienen una altísima fragilidad en su control por parte de los mismos Estados, y por las mismas estructuras militares, donde los altos mandos poseen un poder casi ilimitado en sus capacidades más letales.

La clase obrera es el futuro de la Humanidad El desarrollo social ha creado las condiciones para que la clase obrera se eleve como una clase superior, poseída de la capacidad de dar una alternativa total al actual estado de cosas.

Las luchas obreras que se desarrollan por todo el planeta, igualmente las de los pueblos originarios, los jóvenes, las mujeres, los pensionistas, las migraciones, las nuevas producciones culturales, los nuevos modelos sociales que emergen, etc., colocan en ebullición un cuestionamiento de las viejas formas de dominación burguesas. Queda cada día más en evidencia la vieja sociedad del capital, decrépita e incapaz de responder a las nuevas demandas surgidas de los grandes desarrollos científicos y materiales.

Los pueblos y las naciones luchan y abren nuevos caminos soberanos que el imperialismo trata de destruir con la mayor violencia. Pero fracasan, aunque alcance victorias coyunturales.

El Movimiento Comunista Internacional tiene que estar a la Vanguardia.

Los Partidos Comunistas y Obreros tenemos que estar a la vanguardia de este proceso histórico. Destruir la lógica de la vieja sociedad burguesa y sus miserias, y convertirnos en paradigma de los valores de la nueva sociedad que vamos a construir.

Una amplia política de alianzas, sobre la base de la construcción del gran Frente Mundial Antiimperialista, y Antifascista, como gigantesco movimiento de masas que arrincone a las minoritarias fuerzas del capital. Completado con una sólida aplicación práctica del Internacionalismo Proletario, que responda a las demandas más urgentes con capacidad de intervenir.

La coordinación internacional revolucionaria, sobre la base de Partidos que compartiendo sólidas bases ideológicas marxistas-leninistas, tengan la capacidad de articular políticas concretas ante los retos fundamentales de la lucha de clases internacional.

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Communist Party of Sri Lanka

267 Comrade Chairman, Dear Comrades.

The Communist Party of Sri Lanka(CPSL) conveys its warm fraternal greetings to all the Communist and Workers parties represented in this august assembly.

We also warmly congratulate the Communist Party of Greece (CPG) on the occasion of the centenary of its foundation and wish it greater success in the ensuing period. Our delegation commends the CPG for hosting the 20th IMCWP and for providing excellent facilities for a successful meeting. It also thanks the CPG forits warm and extensive hospitality.

We are meeting in the background of the stiff resistance of the international community including the working class movement to the attempt by the Trump Administration to undo the achievements of the people the world overin the recent past. These cover vital areas of concern to the people of the world and include safeguarding world peace and détente, arresting climate change in order to secure life on earth as per Paris Agreement of 2015 and the creationof a fair trade regime beneficial to all countries. The trade war launched by the US against China and some other countries by increasing import tariffs and adopting protectionist measures have negatively affected world trade. These represent actions taken in desperation by a regime which is getting increasingly isolatedand unable torecover itsslipping dominance in several spheres including the worldeconomy and trade. Suffice it to point out that in 2017 the EU and China accounted for 36.8% of the world GDP (80 Trillion US$) compared with 24.1% for the US. The need to fight in defence of the achievements in nuclear arms control has arisen with the US withdrawal from the 1972 Anti-ballistic Missiles Agreement in 2012 and the nuclear arms reduction treaty known as the 1987 INF Treaty this year and the possibility of non-renewal of another such treaty - the 1991 START 1 Treaty which lapses in 2021 .

The US is escalating regional wars in the Middle East with military interference in Syria which is fighting to uphold its sovereignty over its territory and fueling the civil war in Yemen. Our solidarity is with the peoples of these countries. The withdrawal of the US under the Trump administration from the Iran Nuclear Deal signed by 5 nations and the UN disturbs the peace and normality in relation to Iran. The US has complicated the solution of the the Israeli Palestinian conflict and the movement for the creation of a Palestinian State by recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of Israel in violation of UN resolutions and failing to oppose the grab of Palestinian land by Isra-

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el. We express our deep solidarity with the people of Iran and staunchly support the struggle of the Palestinian people.

In Sri Lanka the progressive forces have since 2015 have been battling against the government led by the pro-imperialist United National Party (UNP) which was implementing policies detrimental to national interests and anti people policies prejudicial to social interests guided by neo-liberalism prescribed by the IMF. Several valuable national assets were sold to foreign entities, and more were marked for such sales and privatization. Funds contributed to by employees’of the private sector for their terminal benefits including the Rs. 1.4 trillion worth EPF is being planned to be turned over to the private sector for their investments. State banks are set apart for privatization to benefit the private sector. Social welfare expenditure are to be slashed. Subsidies for fertilizer given to peasant farmers was cut. Poor Relief is being politicalized to serve the governing party. The free education system and free health care arebeing gradually pruned to accommodate private sector expansion.

Democratic rights and processeshas come under attack. Of particular importance is the postponement of elections to Provincial Councils and Local Authorities when they became dueinfear of defeat.

In these circumstances the CPSL concluded that a change of government was an urgent necessity to prevent irreparable damage being caused to the national interests and social rights of the people.

In October the party called for an alliance of all anti-UNP forces to move towards a change of government. The party has welcomed the dismissal of the UNP led government and the installation of a government led by the former President MahindaRajapakse who represents the anti-UNP forces. It was followed by the dissolution of parliament by the President in the exercise of the powers vested him under the Constitution. The opposition and its allies have challenged the constitutionality of the dissolution of parliament in the Supreme Court and a decision on the issue is pending before the Court.

As far as the CPSL is concerned the struggle to defend the vital interests of the nation and the social interest of the people continues no matter what the impediments are.

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Communist Party of Swaziland

On behalf of the entire working class and all the oppressed people of Swaziland, the Communist Party of Swaziland greets the delegates to the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties and the entire working class and occupied peoples of the world.

2018 saw increased militancy among workers in Swaziland against the monarchical dictatorship of Swaziland, known as “tinkhundla” system. Teachers, nurses, textile workers, all under the leadership of the Trade Union Congress of Swaziland (TUCOSWA), took to the streets to raise practical people’s demands. They demanded wages and elderly grants increases and an end to colonial-style evictions spearheaded by the monarch, among other demands. Students led by the Swaziland National Union of Students also took part in the struggles, fighting against victimisation and for free quality education.

The people also called for boycott of the tinkhundla sham elections. The elections have no practical value among the people. They only help create a puppet parliament which is answerable only to the absolute monarch.

Always, Mswati’s police responded to peaceful protests with violence, intimidation and victimisation.

Swaziland has been ruled by an absolute monarch since 12 April 1973 after the late king Sobhuza II abrogated the 1968 constitution, banned all political parties and activities, and bestowed all executive, legislative, and judicial powers upon the monarch.

The monarch would from thereon rule Swaziland by decree.

Political parties remain banned. The king is law and does not account to anyone and neither can he and his family be taken to court. While a majority of the people are drowning in poverty, the royal family is living a lavish lifestyle.

About 70 percent of the people survive on less than US$2 a day. The country has the highest HIV prevalence in the world, with 27.4% of adults living with HIV, poverty being one of the main contributors to this prevalence.

Meanwhile, Mswati spent about US$70 million to throw a lavish 50th birthday party for himself in April 2018 – a second self-gifted private jet costing about US$30 million, a US$1.6 million Jacobs & Co Grand Baguette timepiece, a suit beaded in diamonds, and numerous luxurious articles. All this whilst 350 000 of the 1.1 million people of Swaziland were in urgent need of food aid, as admitted by the regime. Mswati has 13 palaces and fleets of top-of-therange BMW and Mercedes cars, all of which drain the economy of Swaziland.

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Tinkhundla system is presented by the royal regime as a unique, indigenous, traditional and truly African system of the people when in fact it is nothing but a dictatorship of the monarch.

Parliament, the executive and the judiciary have no power to question, let alone overrule any decision by the monarch. In 2013, Mswati redefined the system as “monarchical democracy; the marriage between the monarch and the ballot box.” Put differently, tinkhundla system is democracy by the monarch, for the monarch.

There is nothing African about the tinkhundla system. To call it African would mean that it is inherent in African values and principles that the majority of the population should work the hardest in production but the fruits of their labour be enjoyed by one individual and his family – that it is inherent in African values that the majority of the people should languish in poverty whilst one family enjoys the riches of the country.

Swaziland is also not anti-imperialist. The Mswati regime works hand in hand with imperialist forces to preserve its power over the people. Swaziland is a capitalist state with feudalist elements.

The history of the tinkhundla system is partly linked to the apartheid regime and other international forces who were trying to destabilise the South African liberation movement across Africa. Abductions and killings of exiled anti-apartheid revolutionaries who were based in Swaziland occurred with the full cooperation of the tinkhundla regime.

Swaziland is mostly a rural country, with about 77 percent of the people living in rural areas. The small size of the country, however, means that most of these people also work in the cities whilst at the same time keeping homes in the rural areas. Workers and peasants are therefore the motive forces in the struggle against the monarchical dictatorship.

Thus the worker-peasant alliance is indispensable in our struggle for freedom in Swaziland.

The Communist Party of Swaziland aims to overthrow the absolute monarch, root and branch, and lay the ground for a people’s democratic republic.

Towards this, we will work to mobilise the oppressed masses and isolate the monarch. All property controlled by the monarch will be expropriated and democratically handled by the people.

We will also work with the working class of the world for an internationalist mission against imperialism – for freedom of Palestine, Western Sahara and all occupied peoples.

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Communist Party of Sweden

273 The task of the communist parties First of all, the Communist Party of Sweden wishes to thank the Communist Party of Greece for hosting this event and extends its fraternal greetings. The parliamentary elections in Sweden and the role that the communists played in the campaign preceding it has highlighted the role of the communist party, both in relation to the working class, but also to the other political parties.

In our election campaign, we stressed the basic similarity between the other parties participating in the elections, regardless of their position in the political spectra: their support of capitalism joins them together far more than their different political approaches.

In this, we were unique. We were the only party to deliver a critique towards the capitalist system in its entirety. Other parties on the left in one way or another lent their support to the bourgeois parties in parliament, and thus enhanced the illusion of democracy.

This highlights one of the basic tasks of the communist party: to maintain political independence from the bourgeoisie and to maintain a critique of the entire capitalist system, not just its most violent or extreme expressions.

Without this independence, it is not possible to combat the illusions present among the workers concerning capitalism and society – it is not possible for us to reveal the true character of the society, in which we live.

One of these illusions, present not only among certain strata of the workers, but also in the radical movement, is the illusion of unity. Self-proclaimed communists claim that the existence of various groups and parties on the left is a problem and that the unity of the left would strengthen the position of the workers.

This is false and very problematic. The unity of various parties on the left, most of which lack a coherent revolutionary political analysis, would suffocate the revolutionary movement in opportunism and populism.

Instead, we want to highlight another basic task of the communist party: to maintain political and ideological clarity.

Without this clarity, the communists will be unable to criticize opportunism, as well as to put forward their own revolutionary agenda, which ultimately paralyzes the communists and the revolutionary workers, and clears the way for capitalism and imperialism. We must remember that the strength of the communists lies not only in quantity, but in quality

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as well –without a revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement.

Consequently, we reject the analyses that claim that the communists must unite with all the progressive forces to defend democracy or to combat rightwing populism. The alliance with other parties and organizations for goals such as these muddies the role of the communist party and forces it to make concessions on vital ideological standpoints.

Unfortunately, we have examples of this from our own history. The proposition of the Communist Party of Sweden to the Social Democrats in 1944 to form a united Workers’ Party included concessions that would have removed democratic centralism as well as the central role of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Fortunately, this proposition never became reality.

Errors such as this are being committed regularly.

The struggle for unity against various expressions of capitalism contains also the justification of the capitalist system and the creation of illusions concerning it. This is why we reject unity or co-operation on the basis of ”the lesser evil”, which again highlight the central task of the communist party to maintain a critique of the entire capitalist system.

In the co-operation with various other political parties, there are other risks as well. Apart from those already mentioned, there is the risk of appealing only to those already politicized, leaving the great mass of non-politicized workers as they are.

The central task of the communist party to be the party of the most conscious and advanced part of the proletariat is intimately connected to its basis among the workers.

Through the work of communists in the workplaces, in the neighborhoods of the workers, in the schools and the universities, both the support and respect for the communists are established. We must continue to turn, therefore, directly to the workers, and we must turn to them with socialism; with a critique of the entire system that day by day increases the exploitation of the workers.

In order for us to do this, it is important that we find the cracks in capitalism, and that w e fill them with our own content. Capitalism fails people daily, and it is the duty of the communists to point these failures out to people, to at all times break their confidence in both capitalism, as well as its state.

Finding the cracks in the facade of capitalism and organizing around them, gives the communists the possibility to deepen their ties with the people and the working class by injecting their own analysis and organization in the daily lives of the people. From

this process emerges the cadre of the communist party.

Through the building of the people’s power today, we concretize yet another central aspect of the communist party: the establishment of a clear path from today to socialism. Without this link, the dictatorship of the proletariat becomes an empty phrase void of meaning; it becomes something you mention to sport your radicalism.

What we build today must be stepping stones to the future, socialist society and at the same time enlarge the power of the people and the working class. The creation of the peoples’ and workers’ own organizations, in which they struggle against the bourgeoisie become the foundation of the future socialist state – a state with solid pillars among the workers. In these organizations, the communists must play the leading role, gathering the most conscious workers within its rank, realizing its role as the vanguard and pride of the working class.

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Sudanese Commuist Party

Dear Comrades, On behalf of the leadership of our Party, and of the entire membership, we convey our best wishes for the success of the 20th IMCWP. At the same time we warmly greet and congratulate our Greek comrades on the centenary of the Greek Communist Party. It is a fact that the Greek Communist Party has played an important role and has made great contribution to the establishment and further development of our meetings. We express our thanks and gratitude for what they did, and at the same time for recognized efforts of other parties who either helped at the first difficult periods or offered their countries to host our meetings. The international communist movement would not have managed to cover successfully such a distance and would not have become an important element in international politics and the struggle of the people against imperialism for democracy, socialism and peace without the dedication and the sacrifice of the millions of our people, communists, workers, young communists and democrats. In each corner of the world the red flags are again raised.

We have surpassed the initial period of the set back resulting from the defeat of the socialist experience in Europe. With determination and the continued struggle, each party in its country, and collectively on the international level, continues struggling against imperialist wars, exploitation, reactionary conspiracies and military interventions, arms race and destruction of the environment. The international communist movement is gradually responding the basic demands of our people. We do not underestimate the enormous difficulties created by our enemies, and the existing differences between our parties in tackling some of the issues, however, we believe that through our multilateral and bilateral meetings, there will be always a room to advance towards common action and better understanding.

Dear Comrades, Developments in the international situation point towards the continuation of the deepening of the structural crisis of capitalism, the intensification of imperialist offensive, especially military means using war and interventions to subdue the growing struggles of the people. This situation has led to the development of a complex process of global realignment of forces.

Within this context, US imperialism is pursuing economic and geo-strategic offensive. Such as is the case of the results of the policy of “America first� which being implemented in the economic wars against Europe, Russia, China and the rest of the world, the imperialist aggression in the ME, its attempts to liqIB 2019

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uidate the Palestinian just cause, its conspiracies in Latin America to topple the patriotic regime of Venezuela and to continue the illegal blockade of Socialist Cuba. It is strengthening its military presence in Africa and the Far East.

US imperialism is promoting the arms race, deepening the centers of tension and provocations that may lead to the escalation of military confrontation and endanger world peace. Also important is the growing of the far-right and fascist forces in Europe and Latin America.

We avail ourselves of this opportunity to express our solidarity with all the peoples fighting against imperialism and reactionary conspiracies and aggression, namely the peoples of Palestine, Syria, Yemen, Libya and Iran. We salute the achievement of the people of Iraq, Our support goes to the people of Cuba and the revolutionary and democratic forces in Latin America. We greet and support our comrades in South Africa, and salute the struggle of the African people for national and social liberation and against imperialist domination and reactionary rulers.

Dear Comrades For nearly thirty years our country is ruled by the dictatorial regime of the Muslim Brotherhood. As a result of their grip over all aspects of the state apparatus, the country has reached the stage of complete collapse in all fronts and all aspects of life. Suffice to mention that the Sudanese pound has lost 1000% of its purchasing power since 1989.

It is not only the economic bankruptcy of the regime, but also the complete deterioration and collapse of the health, educational and transport systems, and the civil service. During the last few years significant government reshuffles took place. Each new government declared promises of solution to the chronic problems, but all of them were dismissed and the crisis continues to deepen and spread. The reason for the crisis in the Sudan is the regime itself.

Apart from ruining the country, Albashir’s regime continues to rule the country with iron fist. Its mainstay and support are the security apparatus and the militias. It is through repression, intimidation, detention, imprisonment, torture, kidnapping, and killing of their opponents that it maintains its grip over power. It launched military operations against the people in Darfur, Kordufan and the Blue Nile.

The oppression of armless civilians, with shoot to kill approach, as in the cases of uprisings in Port Sudan, Manaseer area and Khartoum September 2013, resulted in death of couple of hundreds!

Being an obedient client of imperialism and regional reaction it implemented fully the orders of the IMF,

sold all the public sector facilities to foreign and local 277 capital. It confiscated land from the population and leased thousands of acres of fertile land to the Gulf States ,Turkey and China. It violated the country’s sovereignty by succumbing to USA pressure to host the largest CIA station outside Europe, be part of Africom, and acts as cat’s paw in sending Sudanese troops to fight in Yemen as part of the Saudi invasion. Despite the continuous repressive policies, our people is resolutely fighting the regime to wrench its rights. Our Party is engaged in mobilizing the masses and building a solid alliance of all the opposition forces who united in the struggle to overthrow the regime.. The recent January uprising did not only expose the weakness of the regime, but also proved the readiness of the masses to fight for their rights.

A major task undertaken by our party is to devote attention to the strengthening of its ranks, making more possible to address the mobilization and organization of the working class and building its alliance with the peasantry. At the same time the party continues to consolidate the role of the revolutionary intelligentsia, the democratic youth and students and the women’s movement with the alliance of the workers and the peasantry. This is the process to build the national democratic front, which would lead the broad alliance of the masses to participate actively in the long path of struggle being culminated by declaring and participating in the general political strike leading to the civil disobedience. In such a way the regime would be paralyzed and toppled, and the democratic people government would pave the completion of the tasks of the national democratic revolution. We avail ourselves of opportunity to once more thank all parties who extended their support and solidarity during the January Uprising, thus helping fetter the hands of the regime and helping release our detained party leaders.

Dear Comrades The SCP has been active in attending a number of the IMCWP meetings. Our absence was always due to financial constrains, especially when the meetings were in Latin America. Whenever the SCP was present we tried to make a positive contribution towards the success of our meetings.

Despite the achievements and successes, still there is a room for further improvement. We think that the 20th IMCWP is an important occasion to make the necessary proposals, exchange new ideas on how to go further and make our meetings more productive, representative and more effective and relevant to the struggles of our peoples in Africa, Asia and Latin

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America,. It goes without saying that Europe is still an important part where the communist and workers parties play a major role in the struggle of their peoples. However this does not negate the importance of the other areas.

During and immediately after the 15th IMCWP our party made a number of proposals in this respect.

Some of them were incorporated, others still need further discussion.

1-The SCP proposes that the international meetings may allow for more concrete discussion on specific issues and topics. Some of the past meetings dealt with specific issues like communists and trade unions etc. It is important to go a step further to allow for exchange of opinions on issues as protection of the environment, arms race among others. We feel that devoting a meeting to the situation in the ME, not from the perspective of solidarity only, but from the point of view of how our movement sees the confrontation taking place and seeks possible broad solution is necessary, as well as the clarification how this situation relates to the contradictions of international character.

The tradition of having very general topics which covers everything does not help the discussion nor a profound exchange of opinions.

2- The communist and workers parties work and struggle under different and difficult conditions.

There is no one yard stick to be used to prove that this or that party can attend our meetings. Instead of accept the veto of one party; it would be more appropriate to settle specific issues by parties coming from the same region.

3- With all the respect to the parties members of the Working Group, the WG is far away from being a true representative of the international movement. First it is dominated by the presence of European parties.

Second in a number of cases there are two parties from one country, while other regions and continents are poorly represented. That is why the SCP calls for addressing and rectifying this unbalance.

This is needed in case of the increased strength of the representation from Africa and the ME. 4- During the previous meetings, at certain point, it was approved to set up a solidarity fund to help parties who cannot afford to attend international meetings whilst with the assistance from the fund they could do so. The SCP hopes a way may be found to address this major problem.

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‫!أﻳﻬﺎ اﻟﺮﻓﺎق اﻷﻋﺰاء‬ ‫ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ‪ ،‬أﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻌﻤﻴﻖ اﻟﺸﻜﺮ إﱃ اﻟﺤﺰب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎين اﻟﺸﻘﻴﻖ ﻋﲆ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﻪ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﺋﻨﺎ‬ ‫اﻷﻣﻤﻲ اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ ﻫﺬا‪ .‬وﻛﺎن ّﱄ اﻟﴩف اﻟﻜﺒري أن أﺷﺎرك ﰲ اﻟﻠﻘﺎء اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ اﻷول ﻟﻸﺣﺰاب‬ ‫اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﻌامﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺬي اﻧﻌﻘﺪ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻮرت اﻟﻌﺰميﺔ ﻟﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻫﺬا اﻹﻃﺎر ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎون‬ ‫واﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﺑني ﻓﺼﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﰲ اﻟﻈﺮوف ﺑﺎﻟﻐﺔ اﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺮت‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻧﻬﻴﺎر اﻻﺗﺤﺎد اﻟﺴﻮﻓﻴﻴﺘﻲ واﳌﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺷﺎرك‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺰب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﺴﻮري ﺑﻬﺬه اﳌﺒﺎدرة اﻟﺤﻤﻴﺪة‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎن ﻟﻠﺤﺰب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎين ﺑﺎع‬ ‫أﺳﺎﳼ ﰲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎً ﻣﻨﺎ ﺑﺄن اﻟﻬﺠﻤﺔ اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﴩﺳﺔ ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ زﻳﺎدة اﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ‬ ‫واﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﺑني أﺣﺰاﺑﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﺘﺼﺪي اﻟﻨﺎﺟﻊ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻟﻬﺠﻤﺔ واﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮار ﰲ اﻟﻨﻀﺎل‬ ‫ﴩف ﻟﻠﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴني ﻋﲆ اﻟﻨﻄﺎق اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﻫﺰميﺔ اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ وﺳﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﺮأﺳامل‬ ‫‪.‬اﳌ ّ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫وﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎً‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﻌﻘﺪ اﻟﻠﻘﺎء اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ ﻷﺣﺰاﺑﻨﺎ ﻳﻌﻴﺶ اﻟﻌﺎمل ﻇﺮوﻓﺎ ﻻ ﺗﻘﻞ ﺧﻄﻮرة ﻋام‬ ‫ﻛﺎن ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﴩﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﺎً‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ رمبﺎ ﻫﻲ أﻛرث ﺧﻄﻮرة ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﺠﺎﻻت‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ مبﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫‪.‬ﺑﺨﻄﺮ ﻧﺸﻮب ﺣﺮوب ﺿﺎرﻳﺔ ﺗﻬﺪد ﺑﻘﺎء اﻟﺒﴩﻳﺔ‬ ‫إذ ﺗﺤﺘﺪم وﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﺼﺎﻋﺪ اﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎت اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪:‬اﻟﻠﻴﻨﻴﻨﻴﺔ مبﺎ ﻳﲇ‬ ‫ـ ‪ 1‬ـ اﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑني اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻟﺮأﺳامل واﻟﺬي ﺗﺒﺪو آﺛﺎره اﻟﻜﺎرﺛﻴﺔ واﺿﺤﺔ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﰲ دول‬ ‫اﻷﻃﺮاف اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛام ﻫﻮ ﻣﻌﺘﺎد ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ وﰲ اﳌﺮاﻛﺰ اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ ذاﺗﻬﺎ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺘﺨﺬ‬ ‫اﻟﻄﻐﻢ اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ متﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﺎك‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﻮات ﻣﺘﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻫﺎدﻓﺔ إﱃ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن‬ ‫ﻳﻌﺮف ﺑـ »اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ«‪ ،‬أي ﺗﺠﺮي ﺗﺼﻔﻴﺔ ﻣﻜﺘﺴﺒﺎت اﻟﻜﺎدﺣني اﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﺼﻠﻮا ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻧﻀﺎل ﻃﻮﻳﻞ وﺑﻔﻀﻞ وﺟﻮد اﳌﻨﺎﻓﺲ اﻻﺷﱰايك اﻟﺬي ﻛﺎن ﻳﻮاﺟﻪ اﳌﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻳﺘﻘﻬﻘﺮ وﺿﻊ ﻋﺪد ﻏﻔري ﻣﻦ اﻟﻜﺎدﺣني ﰲ اﳌﺮاﻛﺰ اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ وﰲ أوﺟﻪ ﻋﺪﻳﺪة‬ ‫‪.‬إﱃ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن ﻋﻠﻴﻪ وﺿﻌﻬﻢ ﰲ اﻟﻨﺼﻒ اﻷول ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ـ ‪ 2‬ـ اﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑني اﳌﺮاﻛﺰ اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ ودول اﻷﻃﺮاف اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻫﻨﺎ ﻧﻼﺣﻆ‬ ‫أﻧﻪ إﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﺳﺘﻤﺮار اﺗﺒﺎع أﺳﻠﻮب اﻟﻨﻬﺐ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي اﻟﺬي أُﻃﻠﻘﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫»اﻟﻜﻮﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة« ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺗﺼﺪﻳﺮ اﻟﺮأﺳامل اﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎري واﻟﺘﺒﺎدل ﻏري اﳌﺘﻜﺎﻓﺊ‬ ‫وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ زﻳﺎدة وﺗرية ﻧﻬﺐ ﺷﻌﻮب دول اﻷﻃﺮاف‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮي اﻟﻌﻮدة إﱃ اﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ اﻟﻜﻮﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺒﺎﴍة أي إﱃ اﻟﻌﺪوان اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮي ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﳌﺮاﻛﺰ اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ واﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻴﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺬه اﳌﺮاﻛﺰ ﻋﲆ ﺑﻠﺪان ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ ﺟﻌﻠﻬﺎ أﺷﺒﺎه ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮات ﺑﻞ وﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮات‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ‪ .‬واﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ اﻟﺼﺎرﺧﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺪواﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻮﺳﻌﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻧﺠﺪﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺎل أﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎن واﻟﻌﺮاق وﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ واﻟﻴﻤﻦ ووﻃﻨﻲ ﺳﻮرﻳﺎ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ أو ﺗﺘﻌﺮض ﻟﻠﻌﺪوان اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮي اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﱄ اﳌﺒﺎﴍ أو ﻋﱪ ﻋﻤﻼء اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻋﻢ ﻣﻜﺸﻮف ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺪول اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛام أﻧﻪ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺘﻨﺎ ﻫﻨﺎك ﻛﻴﺎن ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ وﺟﻮده‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺪواﻧﻴﺔ اﺗﺠﺎه اﻟﺪول اﳌﺠﺎورة وﺑﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﻟﻌﻨﴫي اﳌﻘﺮف‬ ‫‪.‬ﺑﺤﻖ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﻷﺻﻠﻴني وﻫﺬا اﻟﻜﻴﺎن ﻫﻮ إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ اﻟﺼﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫ـ ‪ 3‬ـ اﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑني اﳌﺮاﻛﺰ اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬أي اﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻓﻴام ﺑني اﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎرات اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ متﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﻮزﻳﻊ اﻟﺤﺼﺺ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻬﺐ اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﱄ اﻟﺸﺎﻣﻞ ﻟﻠﻌﺎمل‪ .‬وﻗﺪ أﺿﻴﻔﺖ‬ ‫أﻃﺮاف ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﰲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﴫاع‪ .‬ﻓﺈﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﳌﺮاﻛﺰ اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ أي اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت‬ ‫اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﻷﻣريﻛﻴﺔ وأوروﺑﺎ اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ واﻟﻴﺎﺑﺎن‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺪ أن دوﻻً ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺼني وروﺳﻴﺎ أﺻﺒﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﱰك ﺑﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﴫاع ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ »ﻣﻜﺎن ﺗﺤﺖ اﻟﺸﻤﺲ«‪ ،‬أي أﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﺮي ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎً ﴏاﻋﺎت‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ إﻋﺎدة ﺗﻮزﻳﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻨﻔﻮذ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي وﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺎمل‪.‬‬ ‫‪.‬وﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻮع ﻣﻦ اﻟﴫاع ﻳﺤﻤﻞ ﰲ ﻃﻴﺎﺗﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺸﻮب ﺣﺮب ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬ ‫إن ﻛﻞ اﻟﺘﻘﺪﻣﻴني ﰲ اﻟﻌﺎمل ﻳﺪرﻛﻮن اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﻜﺎرﺛﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻦ ﺣﺮب ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ وﻣﺪﻣﺮة‬ ‫وﻫﻢ ﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮن ﺿﺪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺑﻬﺎ ﺑﺄﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺎ ميﻴﺰ اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴني ﰲ ﻧﻀﺎﻟﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺨﻄﺮ ﻫﻮ أﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﺮﺑﻄﻮن ﻧﻀﺎﻟﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﻨﻀﺎﻟﻬﻢ ﺿﺪ اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.‬ﻓﻄﺎﳌﺎ ﻫﻨﺎك إﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎك ﺧﻄﺮ اﻟﺤﺮب‪ .‬وﻹزاﻟﺔ ﺧﻄﺮ اﻟﺤﺮب ﻳﺠﺐ إﺳﻘﺎط اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫وﻛﻢ ﻫﻲ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﺔ وآﻧﻴﺔ ﻛﻠامت ﻟﻴﻨني اﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ‪» :‬ﻋﲆ اﻟﺒﴩﻳﺔ‬ ‫إﻣﺎ اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎل إﱃ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ‪ ،‬أو أن ﺗﻌﻴﺶ ﺳﻨني أو ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﴩات اﻟﺴﻨني ﰲ ﻇﺮوف اﻟﴫاع‬ ‫اﳌﺴﻠﺢ ﺑني اﻟﺪول »اﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ« ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﺤﻔﺎظ اﳌﺼﻄﻨﻊ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮات واﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎرات واﻻﻣﺘﻴﺎزات واﻻﺿﻄﻬﺎد اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺸﺘﻰ أﻧﻮاﻋﻪ«‪) .‬ﻟﻴﻨني‪،‬‬ ‫اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ واﻟﺤﺮب(‪ .‬ﻛام ﻳﺸري ﻟﻴﻨني ﺑﻨﻔﺲ اﻟﺼﺪد إﱃ أن »ﻋﲆ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴني أن ﻳﺴﺘﻐﻠﻮا‬ ‫‪».‬اﻟﴫاع ﺑني ﻗﻄﺎع اﻟﻄﺮق )اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴني( ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ إﺳﻘﺎﻃﻬﻢ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎً‬ ‫وﻛﻞ ﺗﻄﻮرات اﻷﺣﺪاث اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺸﻬﺪﻫﺎ اﻟﻌﺎمل ﺗﺪل ﺑﻮﺿﻮح ﻋﲆ أن ﺣﺘﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﻮرة اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪.‬ﺗﺄيت ﺑﺎﻟﺪرﺟﺔ اﻷوﱃ ﻛﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺗﻄﻮر ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎت اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪www.solidnet.org‬‬

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‫‪،‬أﻳﻬﺎ اﻟﺮﻓﺎق اﻷﻋﺰاء‬ ‫ﻛام ﺗﺪل اﳌﺘﻐريات ﻋﲆ اﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﲆ زﻳﺎدة دور ﺣﺮﻛﺎت اﻟﺘﺤﺮر اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﺑﺼﻔﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺰء ﻣﻜﻮن ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ وﺟﻬﺖ اﳌﻘﺎوﻣﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺎً ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺎت اﻟﺘﺤﺮر اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐﺾ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ اﻹﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪة ﰲ‬ ‫ﻫﺬا اﻟﻔﺼﻴﻞ أو ذاك‪ ،‬ﴐﺑﺎت ﺟﺪﻳﺔ إﱃ اﻟﻨﺰﻋﺔ اﻟﺘﻮﺳﻌﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ وﻋﻤﻼﺋﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﺬا ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻧﺎه ﰲ اﻟﻌﺮاق اﻟﺬي ﻛﺒﺪت ﻣﻘﺎوﻣﺘﻪ ﺧﺴﺎﺋﺮ ﻣﺆﳌﺔ ﻟﻘﻮات اﻻﺣﺘﻼل اﻷﻣرييك ﰲ اﻟﻌﻘﺪ‬ ‫اﻷول ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻘﺮن‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﻣﺎ ﺟﺮى ﰲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ أﺣﺮزت ﻣﻘﺎوﻣﺘﻪ اﳌﻘﺪاﻣﺔ ﻋﺪدا ً‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻻﻧﺘﺼﺎرات ﻋﲆ ﻗﻮات إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ اﻟﺼﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻐﺎزﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻛام أن ﻣﻘﺎوﻣﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻴﻤﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﻋﺰع وﺿﻊ ﻣامﻟﻚ وإﻣﺎرات ﺷﺒﻪ اﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮة اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﻮاﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻟﻺﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻫﺬا ﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﻌﻠﻪ ﺳﻮرﻳﺎ ﰲ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻬﺎ اﻟﺒﺎﺳﻞ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﻤﺔ اﻟﴩﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻷﻃﻠﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪.‬وﻋﻤﻼﺋﻬﺎ واﻟﻌﺪواﻧﻴﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮة ﻹﴎاﺋﻴﻞ اﻟﺼﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺷﺨﺺ اﻟﺤﺰب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﺴﻮري‪ ،‬وﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ اﻷﺣﺪاث ﰲ ﺳﻮرﻳﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ أﻛرث ﻣﻦ ﺳﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻮات‪ ،‬اﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺨﻮﺿﻬﺎ ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ‪ .‬واﻧﺨﺮط اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﻮن اﻟﺴﻮرﻳﻮن ﰲ‬ ‫اﳌﻌﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﻜﱪى ﰲ اﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ وﻃﻨﻬﻢ‪ ،‬إﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﻷﺧﺮى‪ .‬وﺑﻨﻀﺎﻟﻬﻢ ﻫﺬا‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻮم اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﻮن اﻟﺴﻮرﻳﻮن ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮاﺟﺒﻬﻢ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺑﻮاﺟﺒﻬﻢ اﻷﻣﻤﻲ أﻳﻀﺎً‪ ،‬ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﲆ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺗﻘﻒ ﺑﺎﳌﺮﺻﺎد ﻟﻠﻤﺨﻄﻄﺎت اﻟﺘﻮﺳﻌﻴﺔ اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﺼﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎً‬ ‫ﻳﺮى ﺣﺰﺑﻨﺎ أن أﻫﻢ ﻫﺪف ﻳﻘﻒ أﻣﺎم ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ أراﺿﻴﻪ اﻟﻮاﻗﻌﺔ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧري اﻻﺣﺘﻼل‬ ‫اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﱄ وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﻟﺘﺼﺪي اﻟﺼﺎرم ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎرﻳﻊ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻀﻤﺮﻫﺎ اﻷوﺳﺎط اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﻬﺎدﻓﺔ‬ ‫‪.‬إﱃ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺳﻮرﻳﺎ‬ ‫إن اﳌﺆمتﺮ اﻟﺜﺎين ﻋﴩ ﻟﻠﺤﺰب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﺴﻮري‪ ،‬واﻟﺬي اﻧﻌﻘﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻓﱰة وﺟﻴﺰة‪ ،‬أﻛﺪ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫‪:‬ﺻﺤﺔ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎت اﻟﻨﻀﺎل اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎ ﺣﺰﺑﻨﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫‪.‬ـ ‪ 1‬ـ اﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ اﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼل اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪.‬ـ ‪ 2‬ـ اﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﺎدة اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬ ‫‪.‬ـ ‪ 3‬ـ اﻟﻨﻀﺎل اﻟﻼ ﻫﻮادة ﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﲆ وﺣﺪة اﻟﱰاب اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‬ ‫وﻳﺘﻤﻴﺰ اﻟﺤﺰب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﺴﻮري ﺑﺮﺑﻂ اﻟﻨﻀﺎل اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻨﻀﺎل‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ اﻟﻌﺎم‪ .‬ﻓﺤﺰﺑﻨﺎ اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﺴﻮري ﻳﻨﺎﺿﻞ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﻘﻄﻴﻌﺔ اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎت‬ ‫‪.‬اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ دﻓﺎﻋﺎً ﻋﻦ اﻹﻧﺘﺎج اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ وﻋﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﺠامﻫري اﻟﻜﺎدﺣﺔ‬ ‫إن ﻛﻞ ﻧﻀﺎل ﺣﺰﺑﻨﺎ ﻳﺠﺮي ﺗﺤﺖ اﻟﺸﻌﺎر اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ واﻟﻄﺒﻘﻲ اﻟﻮاﺿﺢ‪» :‬اﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ اﻟﻮﻃﻦ‬ ‫‪!».‬واﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ ﻟﻘﻤﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬ ‫‪،‬أﻳﻬﺎ اﻟﺮﻓﺎق اﻷﻋﺰاء‬ ‫إن ﻇﺮوف اﻟﻬﺠﻤﺔ اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﴩﺳﺔ واﺣﺘﺪام ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎت اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ زﻳﺎدة‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻤﺔ اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﻌامﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ وﺗﻘﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﺑني ﻓﺼﺎﺋﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺼﺪي اﻟﻨﺎﺟﻊ ﻟﻺﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ وﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ إﺳﻘﺎﻃﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻛام أن ﻫﺬه اﻟﻈﺮوف ﺗﺒني ﴐورة ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪.‬ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﻋﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﺣﺪة ﺑني اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﻌامﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﻮرﻳﺔ وﺣﺮﻛﺎت اﻟﺘﺤﺮر اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪:‬ﻣﺮﺷﺪﻧﺎ ﻫﻮ اﻟﺸﻌﺎر اﳌﺎرﻛﴘ ــ اﻟﻠﻴﻨﻴﻨﻲ اﻟﻜﺒري‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻋامل اﻟﻌﺎمل وﻳﺎ أﻳﺘﻬﺎ اﻟﺸﻌﻮب اﳌﻀﻄﻬﺪة اﺗﺤﺪوا‬

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Communist Party of Turkey

How had the Great October Socialist Revolution, 283 whose 100th anniversary we celebrated last year, reached success? We may reverse this question and ask ourselves, “Why have a revolutionary breakthrough not occurred for a long period of time?”

It would not be accurate to provide simple answers to these kinds of questions and explain the phenomenon of such sophisticated historical processes with only a single factor. However, today during a meeting which we discuss the current agenda of the working class movement, we may address a very critical problem which limits the influence of the International Communist Movement.

We are obliged to state that, today, the claim and goal of creating a society without classes or exploitation does not hold a significant place in the perception of toiling masses. Socialism, as a social system, has somewhat greater traces in some countries, whereas in some others the historical traces are completely covered. However, if we make a general evaluation, socialism is not recognized as a tangible alternative in the globe.

This is only an assessment of the current situation.

We do not intend to spread pessimism; on the contrary, we want to point out to the duties of the communist movement in order to eliminate this obstruction.

It has been 170 years since the Communist Manifesto was published. When all this historical period is taken into consideration, if the goal of a “society without classes or exploitation” never had such a limited place in humanity’s agenda as today, we need to reconsider our situation. In this period of time, bourgeoisie lost all of its progressive character, capitalism reached its final and imperialist phase, the capitalist establishment put humanity through 2 world wars and the statement “either socialism or barbarity” was confirmed countless times.

There are several reasons that result in communism not being adequately grasped as a current liberation agenda by the toiling masses. However, if we are going to argue about the role of the communist and workers’ parties, we need to state that, today, this situation is valid also within the ranks of the International Communist Movement. We are living through the years in which the communist and workers parties are most far away from the socialist revolution from a programmatic and strategic perspective in the last 170 years.

We are going through a period in which capitalism cannot even provide false hopes to the people, the sleaziness of bourgeois politics is so apparent, and millions of people are lost in a cycle of desperation.

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It is said that 4 million immigrants live in my country, Turkey. Over 5, 5 million people have migrated from the same country, Turkey, to Europe for a hope to find employment or for political reasons. However, most of these people are miserable in countries like Germany, France, Belgium and Netherlands, some of these people migrate to countries like Australia which is far away from Europe. This means that capitalism, which contaminates the world with wars, crises, ethnic conflicts, and nationalism, causes people to leave their homelands.

At this point the question is: What are we doing?

Does the way to provide a realistic route of liberation or to show a convincing option, go through claiming that capitalism may be less violent or that imperialism and peace can coexist or that democracy and freedom may blossom step by step?

As we continue to tell ourselves that the emphasis on communism is not convincing alternative after 170 years and to try to build a strategy through unrequited demands or goals, we will move away from the goal of a society without classes or exploitation.

I am afraid we are significantly mistaken here. The objective conditions may not be suitable for a revolutionary upheaval; we know that this is independent of our intentions. However, it is apparent that the idea of adopting different programs in revolutionary and non-revolutionary times has been falsified both theoretically and empirically by the substantial experience of 170 years. The idea of overshadowing socialism with phenomena like human rights, democracy, independence, freedom, peace and aiming to make the fatal blow for the power of the working class only when the circumstances have become convenient has no validity.

Especially, it is apparent that, drawing a new road map which will “sell” better and justifying it by saying “people do not credit the goal of socialism” will only result in handing over the toiling masses to the hands of bourgeois parties. People would not prefer the imitations of things when they have the genuine form of it.

We need to be creative; we need to stay away from sectarianism, sloganism and shortcuts. Because our way is long and our task is hard. However, we shall not forget that as communist and workers’ parties our priority mission is to promote among the toiling masses the idea that socialist revolution is timely.

We are a family and this family shall discuss this issue in a transparent, honest, dedicated way as comrades and brothers and sisters. If we take the policy of not intervening to internal affairs of each other’s parties to being totally indifferent to what we do or

say, why are we holding these meetings? We had taken lessons from the past, not a single party would let others to interfere with its internal affairs, and no one would accept the large party-small party differentiation. However, we need to listen and understand each other and voice our thoughts when necessary.

The priority mission of all of us is to raise the struggle in our own countries, but every single struggle is also a part of the world revolutionary process. We interact with each other, a success in the name of the working class in one country sets an example for struggle in another country, and vice versa. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Soviet people paid the biggest price, however, it was the proletariat all around the world who suffered from the counterrevolution.

Can we say that this issue only concerned the Communist Party of Soviet Union?

Yes, we are a family and we are organizing as communist and workers’ parties in order to realize the ideal of communism. All our current struggles and all the prices we pay are related to this final goal in the end.

Fortunately, there are still hundreds of thousands of communists in the world. Regrettably, the necessity and timeliness of socialism have dropped behind humanity’s agenda. Here we are talking about our mission. We believe that our mission is to reinsert the goal of socialist revolution and communism back to people’s agenda. This is the priority mission. That our struggles for freedom, peace, independence are depending on this mission does not incapacitate these struggles, on the contrary, strengthens them.

Why should our daily struggle for bread and employment contradict the struggle for an establishment without hunger and unemployment? One is not prior to the other, both struggles shall be pursued at the same time. This is our approach.

Communist Party of Turkey continues its struggle with this approach. The party has reinforced its roots in the working class with the organizational reform in 2018.

The experience gained through recently reorganized party cells in workplaces and workplace committees shows us that workers approach to struggle for daily demands and goals with greater enthusiasm when these struggles are linked with the goal of socialism.

Our claim to create a new Turkey facilitates the rise of the working class of Turkey on the stage of history, considering the desperation of establishment’s opposition against the perception of invincibility of Erdogan.

With our absolute faith in our future, the future of our movement...

Long live revolution, long live communism, and long live internationalism!

IB 2019

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Labour Party [EMEP] Turkey

Dear comrades, As you know Turkey held an early Presidential and parliamentary elections last June. The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) lost 7 percentage points and could not get the majority in the parliament withoutthe support of the fascist Nationalist Movement Party (MHP). Erdogan was re-elected as president with the 52.5 percent of the vote. Thus, the new executive presidential system of government was in place earlier than planned because of deteriorating economic indicators, and the previously de facto one-man-rule has become official.

Implementing the new Constitution, Erdogan set up his cabinet without consulting the parliament and continued to rule the country with presidential decrees. The majority of his cabinet consists of capitalist businessmen, and he appointed his son-in-law, whois considered to be his “heir”, as the Minister for Finance and the Treasury.

Industrial production in Turkey began to slow down early this year and had a negative growth in the second quarter compared to the same period of the previous year. In almost all economic sectors turnovers shrank, with increasing stocks in the construction industry, which has so far been the driving force of the economy and the regime.

The “monetary”- foreign currency crisis which broke out in early August opened another wound. Turkish lira/US dollar parity rose from 3.75 in January to 6.54 in August, 100% increase in 7 months, 40% of which was within the last month. Lira has lost its value dramatically.

Official statements avoided making a connection between the rise of the value offoreign currency and the economic indicators, and blamed the “US economic war against Turkey” because of Turkey’s refusal to hand over an American pastor under arrest in Istanbul. By fuelling nationalism and manipulatingtheanti-imperialist sentiments of the people the regime is trying to put the burden of the crisis on to the working people.

Yet, it is a crisis of capitalism and is caused by over production. It is deteriorating due to the structural foreign-dependency of Turkish capitalism. The Erdogan-AKP government has been following a rentier economic policy based on borrowing and foreign currency flow, all being diverted to the pro-AKP businesses in the construction industry.

Previously, US Fed and European Central Banks implemented a low interest policy which led the “surplus capital” in the metropolitans to flow into high-profit countries such as Turkey. When the US and others increased their interest rates this flow IB 2019

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was reduced. It has become harder for Turkey even to find foreign debt.

Together with big land owners the monopolies and the Erdogan-AKP government which is ruling the country on their behalf are now trying to take measures in order to put the burden of the crisis on to the working class and the labourers. The interest rates which were kept low were increased by 6.25% to 24%. The actual interest rates in the market are around 30-40%. New taxes are on the way and there are plans to stop the lump sum payments to workers when they retire or leave work. Public service budgets are tightened. The government said there will be no new investments. Annual inflation rate hit 24,52% in September based on the consumer price index (CPI), and an even higher 46,15% in producer price index, which will be reflected on the CPI with a much higher rate in the coming months.

On the workers front, they are still under the strong influence of the AKP, nationalism and religion, and their expectations from Erdogan are still high, but there are signs of a tendency to fight. For instance, the construction workers of the third airport in Istanbul demonstrated last September for better working conditions but this was met with harsh reaction from capital and the government, leading to physical attacks and the detention and arrest of hundreds of workers.Repression and arrests are going on. One of the strongest actions took place in the western city of Izmir. Members of two branches of the General Workers’ Union had a half-day strike and a demonstration with five thousand workers with the slogan “We will not Shoulder the Burden of the Crisis”.

At a time when the Erdogan-AKP government is trying to build a fascist dictatorship, it will not be surprising that all remnants of democratic rights will be gotten rid of under the conditions of an economic crisis to suppress the struggle of the working class.

Although it seemed that Erdogan came out of the elections with partial victory, he is aware of the fact that he could not renew his authority and trust among the people. With the crisis unfolding, there will be a more open and direct confrontation between the monopolies and Erdogan’s one-man governmenton the one side and the workers and labourers on the other.

With this in mind, our party is intensifying its exposure, agitation and propaganda work in accordance with its national organisational plan. The immediate goal of our enlightenment activity is to divert the discontent and the act of questioning among the workers and labourers caused by the crisis towards a united struggle around the main demands, i.e. an

end to the dismissals of workers, better pay, cancel- 287 lation of price rises in consumer goods, an end to the privileges given to the domestic and foreign monopolies, and the cancellation of state guarantees for their debts, etc.

To accompany these immediate demandswe come up with the following main slogans: “We will not pay for the crisis;we want jobs, bread and freedom!”

“Against the monopolies and the one-man rule, let’s unite for a real People’s Power!”

Our party printed initially 200 thousand copies of a leaflet formulating all this and have them circulated in the localities, factories and workplaces together with thousands of other materials voicing more specific issues in those areas. In addition, a centrally produced propaganda booklet is reaching tens of thousands of workers and labourers.

We are also trying to bring together those combative forces in trade unions, though small in numbers at present, especially in the big cities, to achieve a joint action and resistance. Moreover, the conditions for spontaneous protests are ripening and we aim to utilise them effectively to strengthen the class consciousness and the tendency to join the class struggle within the working class and labourers. * The class struggle today makes more visible the historical fact that the working class is the most consistent class in terms of democracy and freedoms.

Without the participation of the working class,a struggle for democracy goes as far as consolidation of the reactionary hegemony of the monopolist bourgeoisie which is trying to weaken democratic rights and freedoms at every opportunity.

As is known, the contradictions born out of capitalism are sharpeningin our country and across the world. This upsets the lives of all classes of bourgeois society except for a handful of financial oligarchs and monopolist bourgeoisie. Nevertheless, wherever the working class is disorganised and its struggle and revolutionary movement is weak, these contradictions generally lead to the advancement of nationalist, racist and fascist forces. Moreover, the liberal-reformist left and reactionary-nationalist bourgeois and petty bourgeois political currents can influence the working class.

The magnitude of the economic and social contradictions at present necessitates the broadest possible alliance of workers and labourers against financial oligarchy and monopolies, and the working class is faced with fulfilling this historical role at a time when it is relatively weak and disorganised. This is

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not an insurmountable impasse, but it requires the communist and workers parties to improve their skills to adopt tactics that are versatile and flexible but which will not lead to disorientation.

There is no doubt that unless the working class improves its unity, organisation, consciousness and movement, new social disasters will become inevitable. Therefore, the present task of communist and workers parties is very crucial. And our party is resolute in fulfilling this task no matter how harsh the present conditions are.

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Communist Party of Ukraine

УВАЖАЕМЫЕ ТОВАРИЩИ, ДРУЗЬЯ!

Позвольте мне от имени коммунистов Украины горячо приветствовать участников 20-й, юбилейной Встречи коммунистических и рабочих партий. Убеждён: эта встреча, посвящённая, без преувеличения, центральной проблеме нашей деятельности - работе в пролетарской среде, придаст импульс совместной борьбе за права и свободы людей труда, будет способствовать выведению этой борьбы на качественно новый уровень. Хотел бы особо отметить, что деловому характеру Встречи способствовала проведённая Рабочей группой, греческими товарищами подготовительная работа, заблаговременная публикация в партийной печати Письменного доклада Центрального Комитета Компартии Греции, который вызвал в братских партиях живой интерес. Поддерживая и разделяя оценки и выводы, содержащиеся в докладе товарища Димитраса Куцумбуса, в выступлениях участников встречи, хотел бы поделиться нашим видением обсуждаемой проблемы. Процессы, происходящие в украинском обществе в ходе капиталистической реставрации, особенно в рабочей среде, постоянно находятся в центре нашего внимания. Учеными Института социологии Национальной Академии наук, в коллективе которого довольно сильны позиции сторонников социализма, регулярно проводятся исследования по этой проблематике . По их результатам в 2017 году подготовлено и опубликовано капитальное академическое издание “ Рабочий класс современной Украины”. Выводы объективных учёных опровергают

псевдонаучные концепции прислужников олигархического капитала “об исчезновении рабочего класса в условиях “постиндустриального” общества”, о “ свободном наемном труде пролетария на капиталиста” как якобы «свободной сделке по найму”. В нашей стране также имеются новоявленные “теоретики” ( в том числе из числа ещё недавно провозглашавших себя « пламенными пропагандистами всепобеждающего марксистско-ленинского учения”), которые ухватились за идею так называемой “ безальтернативной элитарной революции”, утверждают вопреки действительности, что якобы “ приходит конец управленческой вертикали”, “все работники IB 2019

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становятся соучастниками управленческих решений”, понятие “подчиненный” исчезает, вытесняется понятием “партнер”. По их мнению, уходят в прошлое и “измы” при характеристике того или иного общественного строя”. Когда смотришь по телевидению сюжеты о многочисленных демонстрациях десятков и сотен тысяч противников капиталистической эксплуатации в странах так называемого “золотого миллиарда”, невольно возникает вопрос: где видели такие “ теоретики” пропагандируемую ими “ благодать” в отношениях между эксплуататорами и эксплуатиремыми? Это - в странах Запада, которые ещё недавно, до разрушения Советского Союза и реставрации капитализма в образовавшихся на этой территории “независимых” государствах, вынуждены были под влиянием советского приема предоставлять рабочим серьезные социальные гарантии, а сейчас отбирают их. В Украине же, как и в других постсоциалистических странах, в результате грабительской приватизации рабочий класс подвергается жестокой эксплуатации и влачит жалкое существование на обочине общества. Низкий размер зарплаты не позволяет рабочим не только добиваться достойного уровня и качества жизни для себя и своей семьи, но и зачастую лишает возможности удовлетворять самые элементарные человеческие потребности. В условиях господства неолиберализма социальная защита лиц наемного труда рассматривается работодателями как нерациональная статья расходов. Почти половина рабочих, занятых на предприятиях, где нет профсоюзных организаций, отмечают отсутствие на них каких-либо мер, направленные на обеспечение их социальной защиты. Следствием псевдореформаторских процессов явилась деиндустриализация по-украински, которая привела к уничтожению перспективных отраслей экономики, особенно машиностроения и науки, и таким образом способствовала инновационному дефолту Украины, превращению её в сырьевой придаток западных стран. Деиндустриализация соп ровождается примитивизацией экономики, деградацией квалифицированной рабочей силы, ростом социальных патологий, усилением других кризисных явления в украинском обществе. Пролетаризации подверглись не

только рабочий класс и батрачество на селе, но и 291 большинство отрядов интеллигенции, в первую очередь ученые, инженерно-технические работники, преподаватели учебных заведений. Повальное вытеснение промышленных рабочих, инженеров, научных и творческих работников в мелкобуржуазную стихию “купи-продай” ( семьи ведь кормить надо!), массовая трудовая эмиграция и отток мозгов за рубеж (от 7-ми до 10-ти миллионов наших соотечественников ищут заработок за границей), целенаправленное наступление национал-олигархического, по сути фашистского режима на права и свободы граждан, разрушительные процессы в экономике и социальной сфере привели к политической и нравственной деградации значительной части рабочего класса, его трансформации в так называемый прекраториат ( “ ненадёжный класс”) - класс работающих нищих, перебивающихся непостоянными, случайными заработками. Как и рабочие, которые трудятся на началах неформальной, временной, частичной и других форм случайной занятости, они лишены тех преимуществ, которые имеют постоянные работники ( обьединение в профсоюзы, обеспечение медицинской страховкой, отчисления в пенсионный фонд и др.). Несмотря на глобальные изменения в сфере труда, существенное сокращение численности рабочих, и в Украине тезис об исчезновении рабочего класса не подтверждается ни в теоретическом, ни в эмпирическом аспектах. Рабочий класс остаётся основным субъектом производства материальных благ и одним из главных классов капиталистического общества. Как показывают исследования, подавляющее большинство рабочих негативно относятся к приватизации крупных предприятий и земли, считают расслоение общества на богатых и бедных абсолютно несправедливым явлением, выражают недоверие всем ветвям власти , высшим руководителям страны, профсоюзам, банкам, страховым компаниям. Правящий буржуазный режим хорошо усвоил слова К.Маркса о том, что “ Рабочий класс либо революционен, либо он ничто” (К.Маркс, Ф., Энгельс. Соч., т.31, с.64, 376), как и ленинское положение - “ Сила рабочего класса - организация. Без организации масс пролетариат - ничто. Организованный, он все” (Полн.собр.соч, т. 14, с. 125-126). И потому антинародный режим бросает все, чтобы не допустить объединения пролетариев вокруг

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коренных классовых ценностей, вовлечения в организованную борьбу за свои классовые интересы. В ходу - испытанные временем средства и приемы: насаждение оппортунизма , штрейкбрехерство, подкуп профсоюзных лидеров, запрещение на конституционном уровне создавать организации политических партий на государственных предприятиях, в учреждениях и организациях (которое бесцеремонно нарушается провластными партиями). Я уже не говорю о преступном преследовании и продолжающейся более четырех лет судебно-следственной кампании, направленной на запрещение и вытеснение с политического поля Украины нашей партиипоследовательного защитника интересов рабочего класса и всех трудящихся. Классовое воспитание рабочих, представителей других угнетенных, эксплуатируемых классов, сплочение и организация на борьбу с антинародным режимом всех патриотических сил остаётся нашей важнейшей задачей. Объективности ради, следует признать, что уровень этой работы ещё не отвечает требованиям времени. Партия пока ещё не смогла внедриться по- настоящему в профсоюзное движение, тем более возглавить его. Своевременно не было учтено важное обстоятельство: в условиях социалистического строя проблема защищать и отстаивать права и свободы не стояла перед трудящимися так, как сейчас. Их права реально защищали партийные организации, советские органы, профсоюзы, средства массовой информации, органы прокуратуры, суды. Столкнувшись же перед вопиющим беззаконием и произволом в реставрированном буржуазном обществе, к тому же в условиях террора тоталитарного фашистского режима, рабочий класс оказался неподготовленным, в том числе и психологически, неспособным отстаивать и защищать декларированные в буржуазной Конституции права и свободы. Сказывается и воспитанная за годы Советской власти, нередко превратно понимаемая законопослушность. Недостаточно учитывали эти обстоятельства и наши партийные организации. Не позаботились и о продвижении на руководящую работу в профсоюзах, рабочих

организациях надежных, боевых, стойких, авторитетных в рабочей среде организаторов, способных защищать интересы трудящихся. Очень непростой выявилась проблема союзов в условиях господства национал-олигархических режимов, особенно в нашей стране. . Сказывается амбициозность некоторых лиц, претендующих на лидерскую роль. На Украине это выражается в образной форме : «Где два украинца, там три гетмана». Причём чем меньше за такими деятелями реальных сил и конкретных дел, тем они крикливее, тем активнее их нападки на Компартию. Некоторые из таких «союзников» открыто заявляют, что их цель - «отобрать у коммунистов их электорат». Этим пользуются власти, всячески поощряя создание, особенно во время выборных кампаний, различных псевдооппозиционных организаций, засылая свою агентуру. Нам за последнее время пришлось отбить, по крайней мере, три попытки разложить партию изнутри, расколоть её. Все они были отбиты. Но урон партии нанесён большой. С этим тоже приходится считаться. Еще живо и такое объективно вредное явление, как « коммунистическая» псевдомногопартийность. Разобщение сил, отвлечение внимания на бесплодные дискуссии по давно выясненным вопросам вместо разработки с марксистских позиций реальных проблем, действительно требующих решения, наносит немалый вред нашему общему делу. Объединять антикапиталистические силы легче удаётся внизу, где люди повседневно сталкиваются с тем, что Маркс и Ленин называли « мерзостями капитализма». Об этом свидетельствует и опыт боевых коммунистических отрядов в странах Европы, Латинской Америки и других континентов. Избавлению от недостатков, решительному улучшению работы на важнейшем направлении коммунистической деятельности - в пролетарской среде будет способствовать овладение успешным опытом братских партий, о котором докладывают участники нашей Встречи, реализация её рекомендаций. Огромное спасибо за них. Благодарю за внимание.

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Communist Party USA

Comrades, This 20th World Meeting occurs in the middle of a profound crisis of the capitalist system and increasing attempts to solve it along extreme right and fascist lines. The classic definition of fascism was offered

by GeorgiDimitrov at the 7th World Congress of the Comintern in 1935. “Fascism is the open terroristic dictatorship of the most reactionary sections of finance capital.”

Recently control has been taken by these reactionary forces through the legislative process not by force.

This developments require even greater unity among all Communist and Workers Parties. It calls on us to be more vigilant in striving to find common ground and give greater focus on how to build a united front to confront, vote out, expose extreme right and fascist leaders. We need to focus on how we can develop tools that can be used to help the working class of each of our countries to understand their power, not be so easily influenced by rightwing propaganda, to recognize when their ideas are being used against them.

A critical battle ground of today lies in the battle of ideas, that is where, in so many places the right has gained control and manipulated workers to act and vote against their own self-interest. A most urgent question is how do we raise the level of consciousness among working people to fight off these attempts. This is our urgent task as a political vanguard.

The coming to power of political forces promoting unbridled racism, anti-Semitism and right-wing nationalism represents a grave danger throughout the world.

In the United States, Donald Trump leads an extreme right and fascist-minded administration.

It is a government of the most reactionary sections of big business. His White House is pursuing Trump’s agenda with a vengeance no matter what the cost to democracy, labor rights, civil rights, the environment and even human decency.

Their goal within the U.S. is to by means of a coalition of the Republican Party with finance capital, evangelical Christians, and the right-wing media to dismantle the hard fought gains of the labor and civil rights movement. They want to destroy what their ideologues term the “administrative state.” This would be accomplished by eliminating collective bargaining; privatizing government programs, and removing all regulations on big business, particularly with regard to the environment.

Internationally, they seek U.S. imperialist dominance by promoting Europe’s extreme right and redefining the U.S.’s ties to NATO and its relations with other inIB 2019

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ternational bodies, trade agreements and countries.

A key aim is to forge a coalition against China. This is what’s behind Trump’s withdrawal from the treaty governing medium range missiles.

During the midterm elections Trump campaigned on openly racist platform. Immigrants were demonized. Children were separated from their parents and jailed in cages along the U.S./Mexico border. A caravan of Central Americans seeking relief and asylum was called an “invasion” and 5,000 U.S. troops have been sent to intercept them. It was a campaign of fear, hatred, and intimidation.

At stake in these elections was the very character of our nation with democracy itself hanging in the balance. Would the broad working-class public accept Trump’s vilification of the press, the attack on public institutions, and the Republican Party’s attempt to suppress the vote? Would voters ignore Trump’s sexism, his administration’s discrimination against LGBTQ people and attack on African Americans?

Would the electorate close their eyes to the denial of climate change, deregulation of big business and Trump’s tax break to the rich?

The answer given on Election Day was an emphatic no. Trump suffered a significant setback losing close to 40 seats in the U.S. House of Representatives and over 300 in state legislatures across the country. It was biggest electoral defeat of the Republican Party since the Reagan years. The Republican victory in the Senate while important did not make up for these losses.

This democratic victory was fueled by women who won 100 Congressional seats, trade unions who netted over 700 seats throughout the country, people of color and youth. It was the first electoral victory of the resistance born in women’s marches the day after Trump’s inauguration. This resistance grew in airport protests against the Muslim ban and in youth demonstrations against gun violence and mass shootings.

Control of the house by Dems is important because it will slow his attempts to establish fascism, and take control of our country. There are many new members of congress with a different mindset that the more seasoned and sometimes spineless Dems. This will be very important but the people’s movement to refute, resist and stop trump must continue never letting up on this effort.

It is the product of a growing democratic sentiment and radicalization of the American working class and people frustrated by stagnant wages and unfulfilled promises of change.

The structural and financial crisis of U.S. imperial-

ism continues. Despite claims of a booming econ- 295 omy, wages for 90 percent of the workforce remain stagnant with raises in wages in the main occurring among supervisory personnel. Even the low unemployment figures are misleading and are largely due to an increase in part-time workers. Student debt remains astronomical. When those who have give up looking for work are counted, close to one-third of the workforce is jobless.

It is these circumstances that are shaping the class and democratic struggle in the U.S. Democratic and left movements are growing significantly in size and strength. Most significantly there is a growth in support for socialism particularly among young people.

The Communist Party works to build a broad front against the extreme right and fascist danger. In our view, defeating the Trump Agenda is central to social progress in our country. We join with and participate actively in the broader resistance in pursuit of this goal. The CPUSA’s main objective in this effort is promote working-class interests and working-class leadership of this movement.

Fighting for the leading role of our Leninist party means for actively participating in the key day-today struggles for trade union rights, health care, voting rights, and against climate change. We work to build the party in these struggles.

In just a few months we will celebrate the centennial anniversary of our party and hold our 31st national convention. Next year we will celebrate 100 years of uninterrupted class and democratic struggle for socialism in the USA. Our party was born in the battle for labor rights in the aftermath of WW I and the Russian Revolution. We survived the Palmer Raids and got our class struggle footing after the Crash of 29 and in the organization of the mass production industries. U.S. communists fought for the Spanish Republic, for a united front against fascism and in World War 2.

The CPUSA survived the McCarthy persecution and the Cold War rebuilding it forces in the labor and civil rights movement supporting socialist Cuba and against the war in Vietnam. The CP demanded and won freedom for Angela Davis. Our party pushed back against anti-labor offensive of the Reagan and Bush years and for detente with the USSR. We prioritized the demand for comprehensive sanctions against South Africa and for the freedom of Nelson Mandela. The CPUSA fought the neoliberal cutbacks of the 90s emphasizing the rise of right-wing extremism and a united front against it. We drew lessons from the collapse of the USSR proposing a Bill of Rights socialism for our country.

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We saw the financial crisis and Great Recession of 2007 as marking the end of politics as usual in the U.S. and the beginning of new period. Neo-liberal state monopoly capitalism has run its course and something new began to stir. The election of Barack Obama, the Occupy Wall Street movement and more recently the candidacy of Bernie Sanders are reflective of the beginnings of a new direction.

Today we continue the effort to rebuild and grow in the course of fighting right-wing extremism and for the interests of our working class and people. Today we work to prevent the interference of U.S. imperialism in other to countries, to increase our solidarity with Venezuela, to end the blockade of Cuba and the recognition of a Palestinian homeland within the framework of a two-state solution.

All of this and more will be highlighted and celebrated at our Chicago Convention.

We look forward to your greetings and participation

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Communist Party of Venezuela

En el momento, cuando Carlos Marx y Federico Engels escribieron el Manifiesto del Partido Comunista, la clase obrera estaba en nacimiento y la Revolución Industrial se había perfeccionado solamente en Inglaterra y Bélgica. Entonces su importancia no consistía en la cantidad de personas. La mayoría de los oprimidos la componían todavía los campesinos.

Sin embargo, Marx eligió a la clase trabajadora porque decía que es el sujeto de la historia, a consecuencia de encontrarse en una situación colectiva.

Según él, los trabajadores no son un grupo de personas, sino una clase.

La clase obrera venezolana no ha tenido históricamente una alta composición numérica, debido fundamentalmente al tradicional modelo monoproductor y monoexportador de nuestra economía nacional y a las características de atraso industrial de nuestro país, resultado de la condición dependiente y al papel asignado a nuestro país, en el marco de la división internacional del trabajo bajo dirección imperialista, como productor y exportador casi exclusivo de materia prima, específicamente de petróleo crudo.

Si bien entre los años 60 y 70 del siglo XX, surgieron conglomerados industriales de cierta importancia, fundamentalmente de propiedad estatal, como las empresas de la Corporación Venezolana de Guayana (CVG), no obstante en la década de los 80, como efecto de la aplicación de las políticas neoliberales, se inició una acelerada desindustrialización del país.

Esta tendencia fue detenida a partir del año 1999 cuando el gobierno del Presidente Chávez rompió con la política neoliberal, pero diversos factores internos y externos han impedido que se active un proceso de sostenida reindustrialización del país.

Si bien es cierto que la debilidad del tejido productivo ha provocado un decrecimiento numérico relativo del proletariado industrial (por ejemplo, el número de trabajadoras y trabajadores ocupados en la industria manufacturera se ha reducido más de 20% desde 1990), esto no significa un decrecimiento absoluto de la clase trabajadora, puesto que ha habido un aumento de la fuerza de trabajo ocupada en otros sectores, particularmente en la construcción, el comercio y los servicios públicos, incluyendo las telecomunicaciones y la energía eléctrica.

No obstante, los obreros de la industria manufacturera siguen siendo muy importantes desde el punto de vista cualitativo, pese a la notable reducción que han sufrido sus filas. Su número hoy está por debajo de los 500 mil, o un 4 por ciento del total de la fuerza laboral activa del país. Entre ellos destacan los metalúrgicos, concentrados en el complejo inIB 2019

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dustrial guayanés.

Efectivamente se ha experimentado un proceso de disminución del parque industrial, producto del cierre unilateral de empresas por parte de sus propietarios, bien sea por motivos políticos o por razones económicas ligadas a los efectos residuales de las políticas neoliberales que favorecieron las tendencias hacia la concentración y centralización del capital. Así, entre 1996 y 2007, el número total de empresas industriales manufactureras se redujo en casi un 40 por ciento, reducción que afectó especialmente a la pequeña y mediana empresa.

En cuanto al proletariado petrolero venezolano, este no ha registrado históricamente un gran número de efectivos, aunque en las primeras cinco décadas del siglo XX, período de establecimiento y consolidación de la economía petrolera, era el componente más numeroso, organizado y combativo del conjunto de nuestra clase obrera. Experimentó luego una disminución y debilitamiento, resultado de la irrupción del uso de nuevas tecnologías y de la profusión de los mecanismos de tercerización y subcontratación en las relaciones de trabajo, además de la influencia perniciosa y divisionista de las corrientes corrompidas de la socialdemocracia pro-imperialista, que dominaron al sindicalismo petrolero por muchos años.

En cuanto a los aspectos subjetivos que definen el hasta ahora insuficiente protagonismo revolucionario de nuestra clase obrera, están la tradicional división orgánica del movimiento sindical venezolano, su débil organización y el predominio en su dirección de tendencias reformistas y burocráticas, aunque siempre han estado muy activas y combativas las tendencias que reivindican el clasismo en el seno de nuestro movimiento sindical, con destacada participación de las y los militantes comunistas.

El Programa del Partido Comunista de Venezuela (PCV), determina que los comunistas venezolanos luchamos por “(...)una revolución de verdadera independencia y democracia, antimperialista, antimonopólica y en marcha hacia el socialismo.” “La clase obrera es la fuerza principal de esta revolución por su papel fundamental en la producción, (…), por su combatividad y organización, y porque le corresponde históricamente impulsarla hacia las transformaciones socialista”.

Esos criterios programáticos están relacionados con la necesidad de resolver, en un mismo proceso de lucha revolucionaria, la contradicción principal existente históricamente entre el imperialismo y la nación venezolana, y la contradicción fundamental de la sociedad capitalista, entre el capital y

el trabajo. Por ello, el PCV se ha planteado durante 299 años la conformación de un frente amplio nacional patriótico-antimperialista, que aglutine y exprese a las disimiles fuerzas sociales y políticas interesadas en romper la dominación imperialista, conquistar la liberación nacional y abrir cauces al triunfo del socialismo en nuestro país. Un frente amplio de ese carácter solo podrá cumplir tales tareas si lo liderizan las clases y capas explotadas y oprimidas de la sociedad, la clase obrera y las fuerzas del pueblo trabajador de la ciudad y el campo.

Con el objetivo de avanzar hacia la materialización de nuestros objetivos estratégicos, en las actuales condiciones en que se desenvuelve la lucha de clases en el mundo y en nuestro país, los comunistas venezolanos nos trazamos la línea táctica -confirmada en el XV Congreso del PCV- de lograr una consistente acumulación de fuerzas obreras, campesinas, comuneras y populares, para establecer en la sociedad venezolana una correlación de fuerzas favorable a la clase obrera y al pueblo trabajador de la ciudad y el campo.

El PCV aplica sus lineamientos tácticos con un plan de ofensiva ideológica, política, de masas y de reimpulso orgánico, que se despliega confrontando, tanto a las fuerzas de la extrema derecha pro-imperialista, como a las fuerzas del reformismo entreguista que, desde la administración del Estado burgués, engañan a nuestro pueblo con el ofrecimiento de un “socialismo del siglo XXI” que niega la lucha de clases y el papel de la clase obrera como sujeto revolucionario, sirviendo en definitiva a la preservación del sistema capitalista en su modalidad dependiente, rentista y atrasado, que no favorece el desarrollo de las fuerzas productivas ni el despertar de la conciencia revolucionaria de las masas trabajadoras.

La intensa lucha ideológica, política y de masas que asume el PCV para construir y desarrollar una opción de poder revolucionario desde el movimiento obrero y popular, lleva a los comunistas venezolanos a relacionar dialécticamente su indiscutible deslinde con el reformismo pequeñoburgués con la necesidad de una amplia alianza antimperialista. Teniendo claro el enemigo inmediato a derrotar, forjamos la unidad social y política que nos permita enfrentarlo y derrotarlo, pero sosteniendo e incrementando el esfuerzo porque el proletariado venezolano debe ser la vanguardia de esa lucha amplia antimperialista que, en definitiva, es una lucha anticapitalista y, por tanto, para que sea victoriosa, es imprescindible que la clase obrera esté al frente de ella.

Ya en su XIV Congreso -agosto 2011-, el PCV concluyó que el proceso bolivariano solo podría avan-

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zar efectivamente hacia la conquista de la liberación nacional y abrir cauces a la perspectiva socialista “en dependencia de una correlación de fuerzas favorable a la clase obrera”, liderizando un bloque de fuerzas populares revolucionarias que se coloque al frente de la amplia alianza antimperialista. Tal precisión definió la política del PCV y las tareas de los comunistas venezolanos en el movimiento de las y los trabajadores, con diversas adecuaciones tácticas, desde el 2011 y hasta el presente momento.

La actual crisis sistémica del capitalismo, coincide con el desarrollo de procesos progresistas y revolucionarios, fundamentalmente de carácter antiimperialistas y antioligárquicos, particularmente en América Latina, cuyas múltiples contradicciones intrínsecas generan expectativas en diversas direcciones.

Uno de los rasgos comunes en tales procesos políticos, además de su carácter cuestionador de la dominación imperialista estadounidense en la región, la reivindicación de la soberanía nacional y una mejor distribución de la riqueza, atributos que de por sí los hacen merecedores del respaldo de las fuerzas consecuentemente revolucionarias, es que su vanguardia social ha sido asumida por sectores radicalizados de la pequeña burguesía y de capas medias profesionales, incluso con importante protagonismo de la llamada burguesía nacional emergente, no monopolista, interesada en tomar las riendas de la dinámica económica, en contraposición con la estrategia de control hegemónico global de los monopolios transnacionales.

Confrontación interburguesa que tiene particular definición en Venezuela, con su economía petrolera rentista, donde prácticamente toda la dinámica económica y social gira alrededor de los recursos que genera la exportación de crudo, actividad bajo monopolio estatal, por lo que las diversas fracciones burguesas intentan tomar control directa ó indirectamente del aparato estatal y la administración de la renta petrolera.

En tal contexto, ha surgido el planteamiento diversionista del “socialismo del siglo XXI”, con mayor fuerza levantado por el liderazgo de la Revolución Bolivariana en Venezuela, seguido por los gobiernos progresistas de Ecuador, Bolivia y Nicaragua, asumido además por corrientes políticas oportunistas en otros países de América Latina y el Caribe.

Esta circunstancia histórica ha sido cuna del renacer de diversas viejas “teorías” y concepciones, presentadas con apariencia de originales y autóctonas, etiquetadas de endógenas, pero que en definitiva envuelven la negación de la lucha de clases y del

papel revolucionario de la clase obrera, de la desestimación de la teoría científica del proletariado y de la necesidad de su instrumento orgánico, el partido político fundamentado en los principios del marxismo-leninismo.

Tal situación tiene su explicación, en buena medida, en la aun insuficiente fuerza cuantitativa y cualitativa de la clase obrera venezolana, que le ha impedido hasta ahora jugar un papel determinante o relevante en el curso del proceso de cambios que transita la República Bolivariana de Venezuela, aunque hay manifestaciones crecientes e indudables de una cada vez mayor conciencia política de la clase obrera y del pueblo trabajador venezolano, lo que favorece el desarrollo de una línea política para la defensa, consolidación y profundización de los cambios revolucionarios. Algunas de estas manifestaciones positivas, son las acciones de masas por la aprobación de una nueva y revolucionaria Ley Orgánica del Trabajo y la lucha por avanzar en el establecimiento de un nuevo modelo de gestión de las empresas, particularmente las de propiedad estatal, bajo el principio de control obrero, con la constitución de los Consejos Socialistas de Trabajadores y Trabajadoras, como instrumentos para el ejercicio de la dirección colectiva de las y los trabajadores en los procesos productivos, en combate por desmantelar las opresivas relaciones capitalistas de producción y por destruir al Estado burgués, propiciando la formación de una conciencia revolucionaria en la clase obrera.

Los consejos socialistas de trabajadores y trabajadoras, tal y como los concibe el PCV, cumplirán cabalmente su papel revolucionario de clase, en la medida en que las y los trabajadores que asumen su construcción y desarrollo, elevan su conciencia, de clase en sí a clase para sí.

De acuerdo al análisis que hace el Partido Comunista de Venezuela (PCV), los cambios ocurridos en estos años en el marco del proceso político Bolivariano, son hasta el presente momento, el resultado de una práctica social-reformista de tendencia patriótica y progresista, con un determinante protagonismo de sectores de la pequeña burguesía. Tal realidad será trascendida solo mediante una nueva correlación de fuerzas populares y revolucionarias liderada por la clase obrera, que permitirá garantizar la consolidación de la liberación nacional y crear condiciones para avanzar efectivamente hacia el objetivo estratégico de la toma del poder por la clase obrera y avanzar en la construcción del socialismo.

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ro y sindical, así como de todas las organizaciones de masas, frente a la patronal, el Estado y los partidos burgueses y pequeñoburgueses, se coloca en la primera prioridad de las y los trabajadores con conciencia de clase, tanto desde las organizaciones sindicales, como desde el accionar de las y los delegados de prevención (representantes de las y los trabajadores para la defensa de la salud y seguridad en el trabajo) y de los Consejos Socialistas de Trabajadores y Trabajadoras, surgidos como consecuencia de la premisa constitucional de la democracia participativa y protagónica y como instrumentos que reivindican el ejercicio del control obrero en los procesos de producción, administración y distribución de bienes y servicios, desde cada centro de trabajo y en las diversas ramas productivas.

Esta necesidad se pone de relieve ante el hecho cierto de que está en desarrollo una generalizada tendencia a colocar bajo la subordinación del gobierno nacional y de otras instancias del poder estatal, a todas las organizaciones sociales. Pero es particularmente grave en el caso de las organizaciones de la clase trabajadora, puesto que al ejercer la pequeña burguesía la hegemonía de la dirección del proceso y del gobierno nacional, se pretende que las y los trabajadores declinen su independencia de clase, indispensable para demandar sus derechos particulares y para reivindicar sus intereses colectivos, económicos, sociales y políticos que, básicamente, son los mismos intereses de las mayorías populares de la ciudad y el campo, pero que a la vez son intereses contrarios a los sectores que, en lo fundamental, ejercen buena parte del poder político. Tal situación está generando continuos y crecientes conflictos.

La lucha por avanzar hacia la unidad orgánica y programática del movimiento de las y los trabajadores, se inscribe en la lucha por transformar al sindicalismo venezolano, rearmándolo de los principios que deben guiar la acción liberadora de nuestra clase, esencialmente para derrotar al reformismo en su seno y para que este, en sus diversas luchas y realizaciones, sirva a la formación de la conciencia de clase y al ascenso del proletariado, en alianza estratégica con otras clases y capas sociales también explotadas y oprimidas, a la condición de clase dirigente.

El XIII Congreso Extraordinario del PCV (marzo, 2007) afirmó: “…entre las tareas de mayor trascendencia del partido de la revolución, se encuentra el diseño de una política capaz de conquistar el movimiento sindical para adecentarlo, para erradicar los enormes vicios incubados como consecuencia de las tremendas perversiones del reformismo, de las prac-

ticas desarrolladas por los sindicatos patronales, y de 301 los efectos del clientelismo, para romper definitivamente con su atomización, para convertirlo en una fuerza de primera línea en la construcción de una nueva sociedad.”

Es necesaria la existencia y el fortalecimiento del partido de la clase obrera en el marco del proceso político venezolano. Quienes desde el proceso bolivariano consideran que la clase obrera no es el sujeto histórico de la revolución social, ya por desconocimiento de la teoría del socialismo científico, ya por considerar amenazados sus intereses de clase, llegan a la conclusión de que la clase obrera no debe organizarse de manera independiente, como clase. Por tanto, desdeñan y cuestionan la vigencia del partido revolucionario de la clase obrera, tratando de descalificar al Partido Comunista de Venezuela, jugando a su invisibilización, presionando por su liquidación.

A este respecto la Tesis sobre el Partido de la Revolución, emanada del XIII Congreso Extraordinario del PCV, efectuado en marzo del 2007, expresa lo siguiente: “Al referirnos a la participación y protagonismo de las masas, tenemos que hacer un énfasis especial en el esfuerzo orgánico que nos corresponde cumplir con la clase obrera y demás sectores de trabajadores y trabajadoras. Si nos planteamos erradicar el capitalismo, debemos convertirnos en la organización política, en el interprete genuino de los intereses de la clase social que, por su posición en la estructura socioeconómica, no sólo resulta la más directamente afectada por la explotación capitalista y, por lo tanto, objetivamente la más interesada en la supresión de la esclavitud asalariada, sino además la que, con la consecución de esta última meta, libera al resto de la sociedad del régimen de explotación, pues, desprovista como está de los medios de producción, no aspira a conquistarlos para la explotación de otras clases sociales.”

Agrega de seguidas este documento: “… el partido de la revolución deberá ser por su contenido, por su política, por su composición, por su ideología, por los intereses que encarna, el partido de la clase obrera y de todo el pueblo trabajador. Por supuesto, a este partido también entrarán miembros de otras clases y capas de la sociedad, pero a condición de que al hacerlo asuman como propios los intereses que encarnará el partido, que deberán ser los de la clase obrera, si queremos ser consistentes con el objetivo programático de naturaleza estratégica que perseguimos: el socialismo.”

“La definición precisa del contenido clasista del partido de la revolución es una necesidad histórica, y

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no está reñida con el carácter antiimperialista de la revolución bolivariana en la actualidad. Esta fase de nuestra revolución exige, efectivamente, una amplia alianza de clases… en torno a los objetivos de la liberación nacional. Aprovechar todas las contradicciones y divergencias que puedan existir entre sectores de la burguesía grande y pequeña, por un lado, y el imperialismo, por el otro, es una de las tareas primordiales de la alianza antiimperialista; pero esta alianza no debe producirse en el seno del partido de la revolución, especialmente cuando reconocemos que el rumbo de esta revolución apunta al socialismo”.

“El partido de la revolución socialista no podrá cumplir su objetivo histórico si se conforma bajo una concepción policlasista que, en definitiva, subordina al conjunto de las clases, capas y sectores sociales de carácter popular, a los intereses del bloque económico dominante en el seno de la respectiva organización. Las limitaciones de este tipo de partido son ampliamente conocidas en nuestra historia: se diluye el carácter revolucionario del partido, se subordinan los intereses anticapitalistas del pueblo trabajador a los intereses del capital sobre la base de reacomodos, concesiones y dadivas; se suplanta la lucha de clases como mecanismo de transformación por la conciliación de clases con la finalidad de estabilizar el sistema; se sustituye la revolución por la reforma; se desdibuja el horizonte histórico socialista y comunista, con el cual solo la clase obrera está orgánicamente vinculada.”

De tal manera, nuestro partido fijaba posición y hacía aportes para el debate, entonces abierto, en torno al carácter del partido que necesita la revolución venezolana. En este XIII Congreso Extraordinario, el PCV reafirmó su condición de partido revolucionario de la clase obrera, sustentado en la teoría científica del marxismo-leninismo, tal y como lo asumió desde su fundación en 1931 y que, utilizando tal herramienta teórica y metodológica, diseña una línea política basada en la necesidad de resolver la contradicción principal del momento histórico, la que existe entre los intereses hegemónicos del imperialismo y los de la nación venezolana, y la contradicción fundamental e irreconciliable presente en la sociedad capitalista: entre el capital y el trabajo. De allí la necesidad de que la clase obrera, con su partido y su ideología revolucionaria, asuma la vanguardia en la lucha por la liberación nacional y el socialismo, en la perspectiva comunista.

Una línea política dialéctica: alianza antiimperialista y necesidad de una correlación de fuerzas bajo dirección de la clase obrera.

Con base a la caracterización que hace nuestro Partido acerca del proceso revolucionario venezolano y, particularmente de su actual fase, hemos propuesto la necesidad de conformar un Frente Popular Antiimperialista y Antiimperialista, que integre al conjunto de los factores políticos y sociales que coinciden en la necesidad de enfrentar y derrotar la dominación imperialista y conquistar nuestra plena liberación nacional.

Precisamente por ello, simultáneamente propugnamos la conformación de un Bloque Popular Revolucionario (BPR), necesariamente circunscrito a quienes nos proponemos la completa abolición del sistema de explotación y, por lo tanto, no puede incluir absolutamente a ninguna fracción burguesa ni a organización alguna que exprese sus intereses.

Las y los comunistas luchamos para que el Bloque Popular Revolucionario sea liderado por la clase obrera, para que en el contexto de la agudización de la lucha de clases, éste pueda asumir consecuentemente la batalla social y política contra el dominio del capital, y por la instauración de un Estado democrático-popular revolucionario en que inicie la edificación del verdadero socialismo, con la clase obrera en condición de vanguardia. Construir un Bloque Popular Revolucionario es de crucial importancia para la clase obrera en su lucha por el poder, como lo afirmaba el camarada Antonio Gramsci en 1926, consecuente con el pensamiento leninista, de inobjetable actualidad para las y los comunistas venezolanos: “El proletariado puede convertirse en clase dirigente y dominante en la medida en que consigue crear un sistema de alianzas de clase que le permita movilizar contra el capitalismo y el Estado burgués a la mayoría de la población trabajadora”.

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Communist Party of Vietnam

Dear comrades, The Communist Party of Vietnam would like to convey our warmest greetings and solidarity to all comrades from fraternal communist and workers’ parties.

It is of great significance that we, communists from all over the world, gather here this year in the city and the country where our Meeting was initiated twenty years ago. Our sincere thanks go to the Communist Party of Greece for hosting this important event and for providing excellent facilities and warm reception and hospitality to us.

It is also a coincidence, comrades, that this year and this very month marks the 100th Anniversary of the Communist Party of Greece. I, personally and on behalf of the Communist Party of Vietnam, would like to take this precious opportunity to extend heartfelt congratulations to the Communist Party of Greece.

Comrades, The major theme of our 20th Meeting is on the contemporary working class, its alliance and the tasks of the communist and workers’ parties as the political vanguard of the working class. Marx and Lenin stressed on the importance of an alliance between the proletariat and the peasantry as well as the role of the proletariat in the synchronized struggle of the former and later. Reviewing historical realities and experiences, Marx and Lenin pointed out that the working class’ close alliance with the peasantry, and even other working strata in the society, is a critical and prerequisite condition to successfully carry out its revolutionary struggle and keep power. And to fulfill and accomplish the glorious mission of the working class, Marxist theory points out the role of communist party as the organizer and director of the proletarian struggle, because communists are the most pioneering, most determined, and most organized part of the working class.

More than a hundred years has passed on. The great ideological heritage of Marx and Lenin still sheds light on our today struggle.

Comrades, Since its inception, the Communist Party of Vietnam and our beloved President Ho Chi Minh of the Vietnamese people have always taken Marxism-Leninism as the guideline for thoughts and action, applied and developed Marxism-Leninism in the concrete conditions of the Vietnamese revolution.

Our Party are determined that the Vietnamese working class must closely shoulder with peasants and intellectuals and act as the core in the great national unity bloc. The great mission of the Vietnamese working class is to become the leader of the revolution as well as the very core of the workIB 2019

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ing class-peasantry-intelligentsia alliance under the gle ahead. Thank you./. leadership of the Communist Party of Vietnam.

It is stated in the Statue of our Party that the Communist Party of Vietnam is the vanguard of the working class, and at the same time the vanguard of the Vietnamese working people and nation; the loyal representative of the interests of the Vietnamese working class, working people and nation. Advancing to socialism is an aspiration of the Vietnamese people, and a right choice of the Communist Party of Vietnam and President Ho Chi Minh, in conformity with the development trend of the history. In order to assume properly the leadership role in the cause of the Vietnamese working people and nation, our Party has set forth major tasks for years to come. First, our Party should be  strong, politically, ideologically and organizationally; frequently innovate and rectify itself, and strive to improve its intellectual level, political prowess, moral virtues and leadership capacity. Second, we should maintain intra-Party unity, ensure adequate democracy and discipline in Party activities. Third, frequently carry out self-criticism and criticism, combat individualism, opportunism and all practices of division and factionalism; bureaucratism, corruption, wastefulness.

Last but not least, the Party should care for forming a contingent of clean cadres and members with ethics, capacity and high combativeness in keeping with the Ho Chi Minh moral example; pays attention to fostering and training the next generation of successors to the revolutionary cause of the Party and the nation.

Comrades, During our revolutionary career, the Communist Party, the working class and the people of Vietnam have always received enthusiastic, valuable solidarity, support and assistance from communists, working class and progressive people around the world.

The great victories of the Vietnamese nation in their revolution under the leadership of the Communist Party of Vietnam associated with the solidarity and support of the working class and the international communist forces. We would like to extend sincere gratitude of the communists, working class and people of Vietnam to the fraternal communist parties, working class and working people from around the world for the valuable solidarity and support they have given to us during our struggle for our national liberation and reunification in the past as well as our present cause of national construction and defense.

I wish the 20th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties great successes.

I wish comrades strength and successes in the strug-

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Appeal of the 20th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties

The 20th International Meeting of Communist and 307 Workers’ Parties (IMCWP) took place on November 23-25, 2018, in Athens, hosted by the KKE, which celebrates 100 years of its historic course.

At the meeting under the theme of: “The contemporary working class and its alliance. The tasks of its political vanguard - the Communist and Workers’ Parties, in the struggle against exploitation and imperialist wars, for the rights of the workers and the peoples, for peace, for socialism “, 90 Communist and Workers’ parties from 73 countries took part, representing all the continents.

The Parties’ representatives discussed the developments at the international, regional and national level, exchanged thoughts on the experience gained from the struggle of the Communist and Workers’ Parties in their countries, the common and convergent actions developed during the previous period, the class struggles in their countries, their efforts to promote the alliance of the working class with other popular and anti-monopoly strata.

They discussed the tasks for the strengthening of the communists’ struggle, the development of struggles of the working class and the other popular strata for the rights of the workers, of the people, of the youth, in conflict with the monopolies, the power of capital and capitalist exploitation and oppression.

The contributions of the Communist and Workers’ Parties highlighted the exploitative, predatory and inhuman nature of capitalism. It was noted that the contradictions and competition of capitalist states and alliances are sharpening in a multi-faceted way on the terrain of either the crisis or capitalist growth; that the process of realignment of forces is advancing internationally.

Imperialist interference, blockades and interventions are continuing. There are still ongoing wars, such as in Syria, Yemen, Libya, as well as in Azerbaijan. The fratricidal war in Ukraine continues under the responsibility of the anti-people Kiev regime. Military armaments and war preparations are escalating.

The Communist and Workers’ Parties welcome the struggles of the workers and the peoples around the world against the offensive of imperialism, against occupation, against any threats to sovereign rights and national independence, for peace, for the defense and the widening of social and democratic rights. The experience gained in many countries from the struggles against the imperialist plans and political line of the USA, NATO, the EU and their allies is valuable.

The sharpening of the contradictions involves the risk of new imperialist wars, for the control of

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wealth-producing resources, markets and energy pipelines; this risk sets serious tasks for the workers’ movement and the communists for the strengthening of a broad anti-imperialist struggle for peace and disarmament, the intensification of the struggle against the political line of bourgeois governments that serves the profitability of big capital and imperialist aggression and war.

The developments highlight that the struggle for peace, disarmament, respect for popular sovereignty, for the solution of the people’s problems and the satisfaction of the people’s needs is inextricably linked to the struggle for the overthrow of capitalist barbarity, for socialism.

The Communist and Workers’ Parties assessed positively the initiatives taken in 2017 on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the October Socialist Revolution and in 2018 for the 200th anniversary of the birth of Karl Marx, contributing to the defense of the Soviet Union’s contribution, of socialism, which is the only way out of capitalist exploitation.

They reaffirmed their internationalist solidarity with the Syrian, Palestinian, Cypriot peoples; with the peoples of Lebanon, of Sudan, of Socialist Cuba, of Venezuela, of Brazil, of Iran, with all the peoples which face imperialist attacks and threats.

They condemned anticommunism and the attack on democratic rights and freedoms and expressed full support to the communists persecuted in Poland, Ukraine, Sudan, Kazakhstan, Pakistan as well as to the communists facing legal and political processes in Russia, Transnistria and elsewhere.

It was noted that in 2019 there are several important commemorations as the 100th anniversary of the foundation of the Communist International, the 70 years of the Chinese Revolution as well as the 60 years of the Cuban Revolution. These anniversaries could be utilized in order to strengthen proletarian internationalism; to defend the history and contribution of the Communist movement for the popular gains, for the struggle for progress, for the social emancipation of the workers and of the peoples in contrast to the falsification and distortion of the historical truth and the identification of communism with the fascist atrocities.

The Communist and Workers’ parties expressed their solidarity with refugees and immigrants. They condemned racism, the dangerous fascist, far-right forces that arise from the exploitative system and are directed against the peoples.

During the 20th IMCWP, a series of declarations of solidarity with the struggle of the peoples in many parts of the world were issued.

The Communist and Workers’ parties call for the development of common and convergent actions in the next period along these main axes: Against imperialist war, interventions and militarization.

Actions against NATO - whose 70th anniversary is on April 4, 2019 - and the EU, which is being further militarized with PESCO and other mechanisms.

Against nuclear weapons and foreign military bases, utilizing the nuclear holocaust anniversary in Hiroshima - Nagasaki (on August 6 and 9) and the 80 years since the start of the Second World War (on September 1).

To defend the history of the communist movement and the values of proletarian internationalism Multi-faceted events for the 100th anniversary of the Communist International (on March 2), actions against anti-communism, persecutions and bans of Communist and Workers’ Parties. Utilization of the 102nd anniversary of the October Socialist Revolution to highlight the achievements of socialism and deepen the theoretical discussion and practical action against capitalism and its exploitative, oppressive, aggressive, predatory and inhuman nature.

To strengthen Internationalist Solidarity with the struggling peoples, which face occupation, imperialist threats and interventions To strengthen internationalist solidarity and struggle demanding the end of the US blockade against Cuba and the interventions and threats against Bolivarian Venezuela. To support the struggle of Palestinian people for the end of the occupation and self-determination, establishing a national, independent state with East Jerusalem as its capital, in accordance with the UN resolutions, supporting the resistance of the Palestinian people and condemning the criminal policy of Israel. To denounce imperialist interventions in the Korean Peninsula and express solidarity with the Korean people for independent and peaceful reunification. To express solidarity with refugees and with all peoples facing occupation, intervention and blockades by imperialism.

Multi-faceted class solidarity with workers’ struggles for labor, social, trade union rights, against the offensive of capital.

Development of actions of struggle in workplaces and in particular on International Workers’ Day on May 1st, highlighting the vanguard role of the communists.

For Women’s Rights and Emancipation Development of actions of struggle on March 8, International Women’s Day, to defend women’s rights IB 2019

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and their full equality in work and life.

Struggle for political and trade union freedoms and democratic rights against fascist forces, reactionary regimes, racism and xenophobia, religious fanaticism and social oppression.

Development of actions of struggle on the day of the People’s Victory over Fascism-Nazism.

Development of actions to protect the environment The participants thanked the Communist Party of Greece for hosting successfully this Meeting.

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Solidarity Statements

Solidarity Appeal with the 311 struggle of the Sudanese People We, the representatives of the undersigned parties meeting in Athens during the 20th IMCWP express our support to and solidarity with the struggle of the Sudanese people against the dictatorial regime, for democracy, social justice and peace.

- The dictatorial regime has continued to use repressive measures including detention, imprisonment, torture and killing of political leaders and activists.

- It directed its security forces to repress student and youth movements, supress and intimidate women‘s activists, confiscate newspapers, detain journalists and continue its general military offensive against the people of Darfur, Kurdufan and the Blue Nile.

- Furthermore, the dictatorial regime adopted an economic policy under the instructions of the IMF which ruined the country and turned the lives of the overwhelming majority of the population to complete collapse.

- Being an agent of imperialism and regional reaction, it violated the country‘s sovereignty, hosted the largest CIA station, became part of the USAfricom force, and sent troops to be part of the Saudi war of aggression in Yemen.

We salute the role of the SCP in playing a major role in the struggle of its people as exemplified by the recet uprising in January. We support the SCP efforts to build the broadest possible front to topple the dictatorial regime and establish the people‘s government.

Party of Labour of Austria Communist Party of Bangladesh Communist Party of Belgium Brazilian Communist Party New Communist Party of Britain Communist Party of Bulgaria AKEL, Cyprus Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia Communist Party in Denmark Communist Party of Estonia Communist Party of Finland French Communist Party Communist Party of Greece Unified Communist Party of Georgia Hungarian Workers’ Party Tudeh Party of Iran The Worker’s Party of Ireland Socialist Movement of Kazakhstan Party of the Communists of Kyrgyzstan

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Communist Party of Malta Communist Party of Mexico Communist Party of Norway Communist Party of Pakistan Palestinian People’s Party Paraguayan Communist Party Portuguese Communist Party Romanian Socialist Party Communist Party of the Russian Federation Russian Communist Workers’ Party Õ Communist Party of Soviet Union (RCWPÕCPSU) Communist Party of the Soviet Union UCP-CPSU New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Communists of Serbia Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain Communist Party of Sri Lanka Communist Party of Swaziland Sudanese Communist Party Communist Party of Ukraine Communist Party USA

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Resolution on Solidarity with the Communist Party of Poland … Communist and Workers’ Parties that participated in the International Meeting of the Communist and Workers’ Parties in Athens, denounce the escalation of the ongoing anticommunist campaign against the Communist Party of Poland carried out by the authorities of the country.

The anticommunist trial against the CP of Poland continues on December 7th. The Polish authorities, supported by the EU, continue for nearly 3 years the trial against cadres and members of the CP of Poland and the editorial committee of Brzask magazine, proceeding even with investigations in the houses of cadres of the Party. They are threatened with 2 years of imprisonment.

Following a request of the government, the working group of the Polish Parliament suggested the change of the law in order to ban communist symbols, by despicably equalizing them with “fascist symbols”, falsifying the historical truth, offending the memory of the peoples. We highlight that the law in question was modified in 2009 as well, inserting a respective ban of the communist symbols, but because of the reactions it was cancelled in 2011 as it was regarded as unconstitutional.

This dangerous development takes place at the same time when the Constitutional Court of Poland (which is controlled by the Polish government) “is about to investigate” the issue of legality of the existence of the Communist Party of Poland, following a relative request of a specific reactionary organization.

This concerted operation by the Polish government and the EU shows their joint aim to set obstacles to the organized struggle of the communists and the people against capitalist barbarity.

Anticommunism and intimidation of the Polish communists will not pass.

Stop now all the persecutions and bans against the CP of Poland.

We call on to an International Day of Mobilisation and Solidarity with the Polish communists on December 3rd outside of the Polish embassies in our countries.

Communist Party of Albania Algierian Party for Democracy and Socialism Communist Party of Argentina Communist Party of Australia Party of Labour of Austria

313 Democratic Progresive Tribune, Bahrain Communist Party of Bangladesh Communist Party of Belarus Communist Party of Belgium Communist Party of Bolivia Communist Party of Brazil Brazilian Communist Party Communist Party of Britain New Communist Party of Britain Communist Party of Bulgaria Party of the Bulgarian Communists Communist Party of Canada Socialist Workers’ Party of Croatia Communist Party of Cuba Progressive Party of the Working People – AKEL, Cyprus Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia Communist Party in Denmark Force of the Revolution, Dominican Republic Communist Party of Ecuador Communist Party of Estonia Communist Party of Finland French Communist Party Unified Communist Party of Georgia German Communist Party Communist Party of Greece Hungarian Workers’ Party Communist Party of India Communist Party of India (Marxist) Tudeh Party of Iran Communist Party of Iraq Communist Party of Kurdistan – Iraq Communist Party of Ireland Workers Party of Ireland Communist Party of Israel Communist Party, Italy Italian Communist Party Jordanian Communist Party Socialist Movement of Kazakhstan Party of the Communists of Kyrgyzstan Lao’s Peoples’ Revolutionary Party Socialist Party of Latvia Lebanese Communist Party Socialist Party, Lithuania Communist Party of Luxemburg Communist Party of Macedonia Party of the Congress for the Independence of Madagascar Communist Party of Malta Communist Party of Mexico Nepal Communist Party New Communist Party of Netherlands Communist Party of Norway

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Palestinian Communist Party Palestinian Peoples’ Party Communist Party of Pakistan Paraguayan Communist Party Portuguese Communist Party Romanian Socialist Party Communist Party of the Russian Federation Russian Communist Workers Party Communist Party of Soviet Union UCP-CPSU New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Communists of Serbia New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Communist Party of Slovakia South African Communist Party Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain Communist Party of Sri Lanka Sudanese Communist Party Communist Party of Swaziland Communist Party of Sweden Syrian Communist Party Communist Party of Turkey Labour Party (EMEP), Turkey Communist Party of Ukraine Union of Communists of Ukraine Communist Party USA Communist Party of Venezuela

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In Support of Vladimir Bessonov In November this year communist Vladimir Bessonov, then a parliamentarian at the State Duma (CPRF) was convicted by the Court of Rostov-on-Don City on charges of use of violence against authority during his rally with voters organised with participation of three parliamentary opposition parties.

Five minutes before the end of the meeting, the police, under the command of the head of the Rostov region police, organised a provocative action. Specifically, police officers, some of whom were armed, aggressively and illegally cut off and broke up the rally being held by opposition representatives.

In fact the security forces made very serious allegations against Vladimir Bessonov, who was justifiably reacting against the authorities’ illegal attempts to break up the rally and finally he was sentenced to imprisonment.

Defendant’s lawyers rightly believe that the Court has violated the significant articles of the Constitution of the Russian Federation as well as the ones of the European Convention on Human Rights. Moreover, it has disregarded some key evidences like videotapes, expert’s conclusions as well as testimony of of 53 eye-witnesses.

“Bessonov’s case ” confirms that persecution of a prominent, consistent and well-known opposition activist in Russia, is another example of provocation against those who has position different from that of authority’s aspirations. Ultimatly it is aimed at reducing protest and opposition activity in Russia as a whole.

The participants of the 20th International Meeting of Communist and Worker’s Parties strongly condemn that judicial persecution of communist Vladimir Bessonov based on allegations and demand the reverse of his unlawful sentence.

Signed by: Party of Labour of Austria Communist Party of Belgium New Communist Party of Britain AKEL, Cyprus Communist Party of Estonia Unified Communist Party of Georgia Communist Party of Greece Hungarian Workers’ Party Tudeh Party of Iran Communist Party of Malta Communist Party of Mexico Communist Party of Norway Communist Party of Pakistan

Palestinian Communist Party Paraguayan Communist Party Portuguese Communist Party Romanian Socialist Party Communist Party of the Russian Federation UCP-CPSU New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain Communist Party of Sri Lanka Sudanese Communist Party Communist Party of Swaziland

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Joint statement and appeal (PCB and PCdoB) The Brazilian Communist Party - PCB - and the Communist Party of Brazil - PCdoB - greet all the communist and workers’ parties and movements participating in the 20th IMCWP and present the comrades and fellows the following joint appeal: Comrades, The new conjuncture in Brazil after the election of Jair Bolsonaro to the Presidency of the Republic brings concerns and requires that the revolutionary and leftist parties, social movements and progressive forces in general implement organized actions of resistance, solidarity and struggle against the threats of political setbacks, in various areas, intimidation and even aggression against militants and activists, which are characteristics of the fascist and reactionary elements that conform the political bloc supporting the new government. In the Congress, bills are being promoted to persecute the communist parties and ban the defense and dissemination of communism’s ideals and symbols.

It is necessary and urgent to form and consolidate a democratic and anti-fascist front, which was already kickstarted, in public demonstrations held throughout the campaign in the elections’ second round, around the candidacy of Fernando Haddad.

This front shall not only publicly denounce all and any type of aggression and bring the aggressors to justice, but also hold various actions to face the new political framework, on the streets and in the institutional field, promoting the solidarity between the forces that oppose the new government.

This struggle requires, at this point in time, the solidarity and unity of action between the communist forces in Brazil and also the militant solidarity in the international realm. Therefore, the Brazilian Communist Party - PCB - and the Communist Party of Brazil - PCdoB - will act jointly and in solidarity in this struggle and ask that all the communist and workers’ party participating in this 20th International Meeting be vigilant and mobilized for the militant support that the conjuncture demands.

Athens, 24th of November, 2018

New Communist Party of Britain AKEL, Cyprus Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia Communist Party in Denmark Communist Party of Estonia Communist Party of Finland French Communist Party Unified Communist Party of Georgia Hungarian Workers’ Party Tudeh Party of Iran The Worker’s Party of Ireland Socialist Movement of Kazakhstan Communist Party of Malta Communist Party of Norway Communist Party of Pakistan Palestinian Communist Party Palestinian People’s Party Paraguayan Communist Party Portuguese Communist Party Romanian Socialist Party Communist Party of the Russian Federation Russian Communist Workers’ Party - Communist Party of Soviet Union (RCWP-CPSU) Communist Party of the Soviet Union UCP-CPSU New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Communists of Serbia Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain Communist Party of Sri Lanka Communist Party of Swaziland Sudanese Communist Party Communist Party of Ukraine Communist Party USA

Algerian Party for Democracy and Socialism Communist Party of Bangladesh Communist Party of Belgium Brazilian Communist Party - PCB Communist Party of Brazil – PcdoB IB 2019

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Joint Statement of Communist and Workers Parties about Palestine We, participating parties in the 20th IMCWP held in Athens, call to end the ongoing Israeli occupation of all Occupied Palestinian and Arab lands, and the establishment of the Independent Palestinian State on the borders of June 4th 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital, as well as implementing a just solution to the Refugees issue in accordance with the UN resolution 194.

We call for the immediate end of the criminal siege on Gaza, and the Israeli massacre against the civil protesters of the weekly Marches of Return.

We condemn the decisions to destroy the village of Khan Al-Ahmar, a well-exposed plan to continue dismantling the geographical continuity of the future Palestinian state’s sovereign lands. We demand the immediate dismantling of all Israeli illegal settlements and the Apartheid Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and with it all the components of what is called “Deal of the Century” aiming at eliminating the Palestinian issue.

In that context, we condemn Israel’s continuous racist and oppressive policies against the Arab Palestinian citizens in Israel- as it is obvious in the Nation-State Law, which legally consolidates apartheid -the supremacy of one national group over another, thus legitimizing the practices of shrinking the freedoms and the margins of democracy in Israel for the Left and progressive forces.

Communist Party of Argentina Party of Labor of Austria Communist Party of Bangladesh Communist Party of Belgium Communist Party of Brazil Brazilian Communist Party Communist Party of Britain New Communist Party of Britain Communist Party of Bulgaria Party of Bulgarian Communists Communist Party of Canada SWP of Croatia Communist Party of Cuba AKEL, Cyprus Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia Communist Party in Denmark Communist Party of Estonia Communist Party of Finland French Communist Party Communist Party of Macedonia

317 German Communist Party Unified Communist Party of Georgia Communist Party of Greece Hungarian Workers’ Party Tudeh Party of Iran Communist Party of Ireland The Worker’s Party of Ireland Communist Party of Israel Communist Party (Italy) Jordanian Communist Party Socialist Movement of Kazakhstan Workers’ Party of Korea Socialist Party of Latvia Communist Party of Luxembourg Communist Party of Malta Communist Party of Mexico New Communist Party of Netherlands Communist Party of Norway Communist Party of Pakistan Palestinian Communist Party Palestinian People’s Party Paraguayan Communist Party Portuguese Communist Party Communist Party of Romania Romanian Socialist Party Communist Party of the Russian Federation Russian Communist Workers’ Party Õ Communist Party of Soviet Union (RCWPÕCPSU) Communist Party of the Soviet Union UCP-CPSU New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Communists of Serbia New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Communist Party of Slovakia Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain Communist Party of Sri Lanka Communist Party of Swaziland Communist Party of Sweden Sudanese Communist Party Communist Party of Turkey Labor Party (EMEP) Communist Party of Ukraine (KPU) Communist Party USA

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Resolution on opposition to US war on Iran Joint Statement of Communist and Workers’ Parties: We strongly oppose US economic sanctions and interference in Iran! We support the Iranian people’s struggle for peace, democracy and social justice!

We, the undersigned Communist and Workers’ Parties meeting in Athens, Greece, during the 20th International Meeting of the Communist and Workers’ Parties on 23 - 25 November 2018, express our deep concern at the hostile and irresponsible policies announced by the Trump administration against Iran in complete contravention of international law and indifference to world public opinion. Following the US administration’s withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPoA) agreement with Iran on 8 May 2018, President Trump announced crippling economic and banking/monetary sanctions, including an oil embargo, against Iran.

Both the UN and the IAEA have criticised US withdrawal from the JCPoA, while confirming that the Iranian side has fulfilled all its obligations under the Agreement.

John Bolton, the US National Security Advisor, has spearheaded the effort of the US administration aimed at “regime change” in Iran. The actions and policies of the US administration in relation to Iran have been, and continue to be, coordinated with the reactionary governments of Israel and Saudi Arabia.

These measures could have dangerous ramifications in Iran and across the Middle East, significantly increase tensions and have raised the threat of a new devastating conflict in the region. We believe that if the current course of events is not halted and reversed immediately, the consequences will be devastating.

The Communist and Workers’ Parties signing this statement strongly condemn any direct or indirect interference in the internal affairs of Iran, including use of economic sanctions to force the country into submission. We further believe that these actions will have a disastrous impact on the continuing struggle of the Iranian people against dictatorship, for peace, sovereignty and social justice, as well as human and democratic rights.

The future of Iran and its political system should only be determined by the Iranian people and them alone. The Iranian people and its progressive forces

strongly reject any foreign intervention in their country under any pretext.

We call on all forces campaigning for peace and disarmament globally to condemn the position of the US administration and its allies, which is contrary to the UN Charter. We commit our support for all international efforts aimed at securing peace and averting the threat of war against Iran.

PARTIES THAT SIGN THE JOINT STATEMENT: Communist Party of Albania Algerian Party for Democracy and Socialism Communist Party of Argentina Communist Party of Australia Party of Labour of Austria Communist Party of Azerbaijan Communist Party of Bangladesh Communist Party of Belgium Communist Party of Bolivia Brazilian Communist Party Communist Party of Brazil Communist Party of Britain New Communist Party of Britain Communist Party of Bulgaria Party of the Bulgarian Communists Communist Party of Canada Socialist Workers’ Party of Croatia Communist Party of Cuba Progressive Party of the Working People - AKEL Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia Communist Party in Denmark Communist Party of Denmark Force of the Revolution, Dominican Republic Communist Party of Ecuador Communist Party of Estonia Communist Party of Finland French Communist Party Communist Party of Macedonia German Communist Party Unified Communist Party of Georgia Communist Party of Greece Hungarian Workers’ Party Communist Party of India Communist Party of India (Marxist) Tudeh Party of Iran Communist Party of Iraq Communist Party of Kurdistan-Iraq Communist Party of Ireland The Worker’s Party of Ireland Communist Party of Israel Communist Party (Italy) Jordanian Communist Party Socialist Movement of Kazakhstan Party of the Communists of Kyrgyzstan IB 2019

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Lao’s Peoples’ Revolutionary Party Socialist Party of Latvia Lebanese Communist Party Socialist Party, Lithuania Communist Party of Luxembourg Party of the Congress for the Independence of Madagascar (AKFM) Communist Party of Malta Communist Party of Mexico Nepal Communist Party New Communist Party of Netherlands Communist Party of Norway Communist Party of Pakistan Palestinian Communist Party Palestinian People’s Party Paraguayan Communist Party Communist Party of Poland Portuguese Communist Party Romanian Socialist Party Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) Russian Communist Workers’ Party - Communist Party of Soviet Union (RCWP-CPSU) Communist Party of the Soviet Union Union Of Communist Parties-CPSU New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Communists of Serbia New Communist Party Yugoslavia Communist Party of Slovakia South African Communist Party Communist Party of Spain Communist Party of The Peoples of Spain Communist Party of The Peoples of Spain Communist Party of Sri Lanka Sudanese Communist Party Communist Party of Swaziland Communist Party of Sweden Syrian Communist Party Communist Party of Turkey Labour Party (EMEP) Communist Party of Ukraine Communist Party USA Communist Party of Venezuela

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Solidarity Statement with the people of Cyprus “The freedom and reunification of Cyprus is a milestone against imperialist aggression” We assert that the current stalemate with regards to the peace process in Cyprus, must be overcome.

Past failures to reach a comprehensive solution on the agreed basis cannot be the end of all efforts to liberate Cyprus from the illegal occupation of Turkey and reunify the country and its people. We regret that, 44 years after the illegal invasion, the occupation of 37% of Cyprus is ongoing in flagrant violation of international law; and expect that the Cypriot-led process, with the support of the UN Secretary-General, will resume as soon as possible.

We remind that the Cyprus problem is the result of foreign intervention and imperialist aggression. The 1974 coup d’état planned by CIA, NATO and their allies and staged by the Greek junta and their local fascist collaborators EOKA B, served as the pretext for the materialization of Turkey’s expansionist plans in Cyprus.

We reiterate that through its solution the Cyprus problem must resolve the international illegality of foreign invasion and illegal occupation, and restore the relations between the two communities of Cyprus.

We reiterate that the agreed solution is the bicommunal, bizonal federation with political equality, as this is prescribed in the relevant UN resolutions, on the basis of the High-Level Agreements, of International Law and the principles upon which the European Union is founded.

We recall that the united federal Cyprus will be one state, with a single sovereignty, a single international legal personality and a single citizenship, a truly independent state whereby no third parties will be able to intervene; which means that the anachronistic Treaty of Guarantee of 1960 must be terminated, exclude any right for foreign interventions and the occupying forces of Turkey be withdrawn. The solution must guarantee the human rights of all Cypriots, individual and collective.

We underline that the status quo entrenches the long- term aspirations and objectives of Turkey against Cyprus and the permanent division of Cyprus and its people. We also recall that the comprehensive solution of the Cyprus problem, is a necessary prerequisite for the demilitarisation of the island, for common class struggles and a future socialist transformation.

The Communist and Workers’ Parties signing the present Statement: Express their strong support for the resumption of the direct negotiations as soon as possible, on the agreed basis and from where things were left off at the last Conference for Cyprus in Crans Montana in July 2017. To this end, the leaders of the two communities in Cyprus have a crucial role to play.

Calls on Turkey to commit itself to abandoning its long-standing intransigent stance against Cyprus and commit to the withdrawal of its army from the Republic of Cyprus and the abolition of foreign guarantees and of any rights for foreign intervention, as prescribed in the Framework of the UN Secretary-General mentioned in his recent reports towards the Security Council.

Demand the solution of the Cyprus problem on the agreed basis and according to international law and the UN Security Council resolutions, the soonest possible. The perpetuation of the status quo or departure from the bicommunal, bizonal federation as agreed, will lead to the permanent partition of Cyprus.

Call on the international community to stop tolerating the continuing illegality that is taking place in Cyprus, and exert its influence on Turkey in order to terminate its divisive policies on the ground and take concrete steps for the solution of the Cyprus problem on the agreed basis.

Express their solidarity with and support to the struggle of the Cypriot people for the liberation and reunification of its country.

THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF AKEL – NOVEMBER 2018

Communist Party of Australia Communist Party of Azerbaijan Progressive Tribune, Bahrain Communist Party of Bangladesh CP of Belgium Communist Party of Brazil Brazilian Communist Party Communist Party of Britain New Communist Party of Britain Communist Party of Bulgaria Socialist Workers’ Party of Croatia Communist Party of Cuba ΑΚΕL Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia Communist Party in Denmark Communist Party of Estonia Communist Party of Ecuador Communist Party of Finland French Communist Party IB 2019

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German Communist Party Unified Communist Party of Georgia Hungarian Workers’ Party Communist Party of India Communist Party of India (Marxist) Tudeh Party of Iran Iraqi Communist Party Communist Party of Kurdistan -Iraq The Worker’s Party of Ireland Communist Party of Israel Italian Communist Party Communist Party (Italy) Jordanian Communist Party Socialist Movement of Kazakhstan Party of the Communists of Kyrgyzstan Socialist Party of Latvia Socialist Party of Lithuania Communist Party of Luxemburg Party of Congress for the Independence of Madagascar (AKFM) Communist Party of Malta New Communist Party of Netherlands Communist Party of Norway Communist Party of Pakistan Palestinian Communist Party Palestinian People’s Party Paraguayan Communist Party Portuguese Communist Party Romanian Socialist Party Communist Party of the Russian Federation Russian Communist Workers’ Party - Communist Party of Soviet Union (RCWP-CPSU) Communist Party of Soviet Union UCP-CPSU New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Communists of Serbia South African Communist Party Communist Party of Spain Communist Party of the Peoples’ of Spain Communist Party of Sri Lanka Communist Party of Swaziland Sudanese Communist Party Syrian Communist Party Communist Party of Ukraine Communist Party USA Communist Party of Venezuela

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Communist and Workers’ Parties’ Statement of Solidarity with Cuba On the second anniversary of his loss on 25th of November 2016, we commemorate comrade Fidel Castro, a heroic revolutionary, a patriotic popular leader, and a dedicated communist. Today, Fidel is among us, in ourminds, thoughts and in our struggle.

As in the words of Cuban youth, Fidel will always live!

We address that, despite the ceaselessly encountered challenges and attacks, the 60 years of experience of Cuba, at a very close distance to the bastion of the world imperialism, is the living proof of the historic allegitimacy of socialism against capitalism.

In these 60 years, Cuba has established a participatory social system on the basis of equality and justice and has been able to cover the essential needs of all citizens, with out any single citizen being left unprotected. Exceptional developments in education, health, culture and science has been accomplished, which have in many ways enlightened and benefitted peoples of the world. Cuba not only inspired but also supported the liberation struggles and just causes of people who rose up against imperialism.

As the communist and workers’ parties who participate at the 20th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties in Athens, we hereby declare that we salute the memory of comrade Fidel with respect, admiration and Revolutionary feelings.

We are standing in solidarity with the Communist Party of Cuba and the Cuban people against the imperialist aggression and fully condemn the unjust blockade of the USA against Cuba.

Long live the Cuban revolution!

Hands off Cuba!

Communist Party of Albania Algerian Party for Democracy and Socialism Communist Party of Argentina Communist Party of Australia Party of Labour of Austria Communist Party of Azerbaijan Democratic Progressive Tribune Communist Party of Bangladesh Communist Party of Belarus Communist Party of Belgium Communist Party of Bolivia Brazilian Communist Party Communist Party of Brazil New Communist Party of Britain Communist Party of Britain

Communist Party of Bulgaria Party of Bulgarian Communists Communist Party of Canada Socialist Workers’ Party of Croatia Communist Party of Cuba AKEL, Cyprus Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia Communist Party in Denmark Force of Revolution Communist Party of Ecuador Communist Party of Estonia Communist Party of Finland French Communist Party Communist Party of Macedonia German Communist Party Unified Communist Party of Georgia Communist Party of Greece Hungarian Workers’ Party Communist Party of India Communist Party of India (Marxist) Tudeh Party of Iran Communist Party of Iraq Communist Party of Kurdistan-Iraq Communist Party of Ireland Workers Party of Ireland Communist Party of Israel Communist Party, Italy Jordanian Communist Party Socialist Movement of Kazakhstan Workers Party of Korea Party of the Communists of Kyrgyzstan Lao Peoples’ Revolutionary Party Socialist Party of Latvia Lebanese Communist Party Socialist Party, Lithuania Communist Party of Luxembourg AKFM Communist Party of Malta Communist Party of Mexico Nepal Communist Party New Communist Party of Netherlands Communist Party of Norway Communist Party of Pakistan Palestinian Communist Party Palestinian People’s Party Paraguayan Communist Party Communist Party of Poland Portuguese Communist Party Romanian Socialist Party Communist Party of Soviet Union Communist Party of the Russian Federation RCWP-CPSU Communist Party of the Soviet Union IB 2019

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Union of Communist Parties - CPSU Communists of Serbia New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Communist Party of Slovakia South African Communist Party Communist Party of Spain Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain Communist Party of the Poeples of Spain Communist Party of Sri Lanka Sudanese Communist Party Communist Party of Swaziland Communist Party of Sweden Communist Party of Turkey EMEP Communist Party of Ukraine Union of Communists of Ukraine Communist Party USA Communist Party of Venezuela Communist Party of Vietnam

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Support for and solidarity with the just cause of the Workers’ Party of Korea and the Korean people We, participants in the 20th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties held in Athens, Greece on November 23-25, 2018 express full support for and solidarity with the just cause of the Workers’ Party of Korea and the Korean people for realizing an independent and peaceful reunification of Korea and maintaining peace and security on the Korean peninsula.

We welcome the new phase of peace and reconciliation being opened up on the” Korean peninsula thanks to the proactive efforts of the Workers’ Party of Korea and the Korean people, aimed at improving the inter-Korean relations, establishing a permanent peace regime on the Korean peninsula and terminating the U.S. hostile policy toward the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK).

The just cause of the Workers’ Party of Korea and the Korean people to defend the peace and security of the Korean peninsula and build a powerful socialist country constitutes an active contribution to the struggle of Communist and Workers’ Parties to secure international justice and peace and victoriously advance the cause of socialism on the global scale.

We resolutely oppose and reject the imperialists’ interference in the internal affairs of the Korean nation and their unjust policy of sanctions and pressure against the DPRK,and strongly demand that the U.S. withdraw its policy ofhostility and military threats against the DPRK once and for all.

We hope that the international community will respond positively to the measures taken in good faith by the DPRK toward the ease of tension and reconciliation on the Korean peninsula and call upon all Communist and Workers’ Parties and progressive organizations of the world to intensify the international solidarity movement for the just cause of theWorkers’ Party of Korea and the Korean people.

November 25, 2018 Athens, Greece Initiated by the Hungarian Workers’ Party Algerian Party for Democracy and Socialism Communist Party of Argentina Communist Party of Australia Party of Labour of Austria Communist Party of Azerbaijan Communist Party of Bangladesh

Communist Party of Belarus CP of Belgium Brazilian Communist Party Communist Party of Britain New Communist Party of Britain Communist Party of Bulgaria Party of the Bulgarian Communists Communist Party of Canada Socialist Workers’ Party of Croatia Communist Party of Cuba AKEL, Cyprus Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia Communist Party in Denmark Communist Party of Denmark Communist Party of Ecuador Communist Party of Estonia Communist Party of Macedonia German Communist Party Unified Communist Party of Georgia Hungarian Workers’ Party Communist Party of India The Worker’s Party of Ireland Communist Party of Israel Communist Party (Italy) Socialist Movement of Kazakhstan Workers’ Party of Korea Party of the Communists of Kyrgyzstan Socialist Party of Latvia Lebanese Communist Party Socialist Party, Lithuania Communist Party of Luxembourg Communist Party of Malta Communist Party of Mexico New Communist Party of Netherlands Communist Party of Norway Communist Party of Pakistan Palestinian Communist Party Palestinian People’s Party Paraguayan Communist Party Portuguese Communist Party Romanian Socialist Party Communist Party of Soviet Union Russian Communist Workers’ Party Õ Communist Party of Soviet Union (RCWPÕCPSU) Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) UCP-CPSU Communists of Serbia New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Communist Party of Slovakia South African Communist Party Communist Party of The Peoples of Spain Communist Party of The Peoples of Spain Communist Party of Sri Lanka IB 2019

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Communist Party of Swaziland Communist Party of Turkey Communist Party of Ukraine Union of Communists of Ukraine Communist Party USA Communist Party of Venezuela

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Kosovo is an integral part of the Republic of Serbia The Party “Communists of Serbia” is asking for support from Communist and Workers’ Parties of the world to support Kosovo as an integral part of the Republic of Serbia, which has been under occupation of NATO since 1999 and a subordinate regime of Albanian separatists.

Party of Labour of Austria Communist Party of Azerbaijan Communist Party of Belarus New Communist Party of Britain Socialist Workers Party of Croatia AKEL, Cyprus Communist Party in Denmark Communist Party of Estonia German Communist Party Unified Communist Party of Georgia Communist Party of Greece Hungarian Workers Party Tudeh Party of Iran Workers Party of Ireland Communist Party of Israel Communist Party (Italy) Socialist Movement of Kazakhstan AKFM Madagascar Communist Party of Malta Communist Party of Mexico Communist Party of Norway Communist Party of Pakistan Palestinian Communist Party Palestinian Peoples Party Paraguayan Communist Party Communist Party of Poland Romanian Socialist Party Communist Party of the Russian Federation Russian Communist Workers’ Party Õ Communist Party of Soviet Union (RCWPÕCPSU) Communist Party of the Soviet Union UCP-CPSU New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Communists of Serbia Communist Party of Slovakia Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain Communist Party of Sri Lanka Communist Party of Swaziland Syrian Communist Party Communist Party of Turkey Union of Communists of Ukraine Communist Party of Venezuela IB 2019

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Statement in support the Communist Party of Ukraine

Portuguese Communist Party Romanian Socialist Party Communist Party of the Russian Federation UCP-CPSU The Parties-members of the XX International Meet- New Communist Party of Yugoslavia ing of Communist and Workers’ Parties express its Communists of Serbia support to the Communist Party of Ukraine and de- Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain mands that the Ukrainian authorities immediately Communist Party of Sri Lanka stop persecution and terror againstParty members, Communist Party of Swaziland stop persecution of dissent, falsification of history Sudanese Communist Party and glorification of Nazi collaborants from the OUN- Communist Party of Ukraine UPA, divisions and battalions of the Wehrmacht and Communist Party USA the SS. After the armed coup d’état in 2014 fabricated criminal cases were lodged against the Communist Party and the Communists of Ukraine, the Party was excluded from participation at the elections and is subject to acourt trial aimed to ban it.

For almost five yearssearches of the offices of the Communist Party, attacks on its members and supportersare ongoing only because of the oppositional position of the CPU against the power.

The parties-members of the XX International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties call on the Communist and workers’ parties of the world to urgenationalgovernments and parliaments to stop supporting the Nazi militarists of Ukraine,topush the ruling regimeofUkraine to stoptheconflictintheEastofUkraine,to stop police and gang violence against Communists and dissidents and glorification of Nazi collaborants.

Hands off the Communist Party of Ukraine!

Party of Labour of Austria Communist Party of Belgium Brazilian Communist Party New Communist Party of Britain AKEL, Cyprus Communist Party in Denmark Communist Party of Estonia Communist Party of Finland French Communist Party Unified Communist Party of Georgia Communist Party of Greece Tudeh Party of Iran The Worker’s Party of Ireland Hungarian Workers’ Party Socialist Party, Lithuania Communist Party of Malta Communist Party of Mexico Communist Party of Norway Communist Party of Pakistan Palestinian Communist Party Palestinian People’s Party Paraguayan Communist Party

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The struggle against fascism is not the past, but a task of today The Communist and Workers’ Parties, participating in the meeting, support the antifascist struggle of the working people of Donbass, against which the current Ukraine regime, with the support of US and EU imperialism, uses any method of repression, up to physical annihilation by open war operations. The Communist and Workers’ Parties express their firm protest against the nazi revival and their firm readiness to fight this brown pest.

Moreover, Communists know well, that putting an end to fascism is possible only by putting an end to capitalism.

To this fight, we dedicate all our efforts and lives.

Proletarians all over the world, unite!

Algerian Party for Democracy and Socialism Party of Labour of Austria CP of Belgium Brazilian Communist Party New Communist Party of Britain Socialist Workers’ Party of Croatia Communist Party of Estonia Communist Party of Macedonia Unified Communist Party of Georgia Communist Party of Greece Hungarian Workers’ Party Socialist Party, Lithuania Communist Party of Luxembourg Communist Party of Malta Communist Party of Mexico New Communist Party of Netherlands Communist Party of Norway Communist Party of Pakistan Palestinian Communist Party Palestinian People’s Party Paraguayan Communist Party Communist Party of the Russian Federation Russian Communist Workers Party Communist Party of the Soviet Union UCP-CPSU New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Communists of Serbia Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain Communist Party of Sri Lanka Communist Party of Swaziland Syrian Communist Party Sudanese Communist Party Communist Party USA Union of Communists of Ukraine

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Statement regarding the Secretary of the Central Council of the UPC-CPSU, Oleg Olegovich Khorzhan The authorities of the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic on June 6, 2018 arrested the Secretary of the Central Council of the UPC-CPSU, the leader of the Communists of Pridnestrovie Oleg Olegovich Khorzhan. This happened after several of our comrades had already been detained.

Against the Chairman of the Central Committee of the Pridnestrovian Communist party, a Deputy of the Supreme Council of the PMR, a completely absurd sentence was passed to Oleg Khorzhan, who is known for his courageous and uncompromising struggle for law enforcement, and who is occused of attacking law enforcement officers. In this way, the authorities are trying to intimidate all independent-minded citizens and to extinguish the growing discontent in society with the growth of social problems.

The political regime of Transnistria, calling itself democratic, arranges shameful persecution of opposition politicians in the interests of the oligarchy. In fact, there is a repression of the whole family of Oleg Khorzhan. In pursuit of Communists, the political regime is going the way of the Nazi “forest brothers” and “S.Bandera’s forces”.

Last year, the entire planet celebrated the 100th anniversary of the Great October. 132 delegations came to Russia from all over the world. It was decided to fight collectively and vigorously against the fans of Hitler, Pinochet and all manifestations of neo-Nazism. And the leadership of Transnistria allows itself tricks in the spirit of those whose ideas and actions have long been condemned by the world community.

The Union of Communist parties, the people’s Patriotic forces are indignant at the pressure on our like-minded people. Genuine Marxist-Leninist parties always stand on the position of protecting the right of the nation to self-determination. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the right of the Transnistrian people to self-determination was violated by the authorities of bourgeois Moldova. The Communists were at the forefront of the defenders of freedom and independence of the young Transnistrian state. Many of our comrades and friends gave their lives for peace and tranquility, for genuine democracy and social justice on the Transnistrian land.

We strongly protest against political provocations

and express solidarity with the Transnistrian Com- 329 munists. We demand the immediate release of Oleg Khorzhan and all the illegally detained!

We officially warn: the President of PMR V. Krasnoselsky and the Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Republic, S. Scherba, are personally responsible for the life and health of political prisoners. We will take all measures to free our comrades and stop the tyranny. We will use all the necessary measures of legal protection and hope for broad support of the progressive forces of the planet.

We demand the abolition of the sentence on trumped-up case! We demand an end to the political violence! Freedom to Oleg Khorzhan! Hands off the Transnistrian Communist party!

New Communist Party of Britain Communist Party of Bulgaria Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia Communist Party in Denmark Communist Party of Estonia Communist Party of Finland Unified Communist Party of Georgia Hungarian Workers’ Party Party of the Communists of Kyrgyzstan Socialist Party of Latvia Communist Party of Malta Communist Party of Norway Communist Party of Pakistan Palestinian Communist Party Palestinian People’s Party Paraguayan Communist Party Romanian Socialist Party Communist Party of the Russian Federation UCP-CPSU New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Communists of Serbia Communist Party of Sri Lanka Communist Party of Swaziland

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Statement of Solidarity with the Yemen people We, who participate in this International Meeting of the Communist and Workers’ Parties, raise our voice.

No to the crazy war in Yemen, no to the massive genocide and the hunger of its people and the killing of children and innocent civilians,which is carried out by the Arabic reaction leaded by Saudi Arabia and with the full American and Zionist support. It was our duty as the Palestinian CP to demand from here an announcement and for everyone to sign itto stop the war against the people of Yemen and to find a political solution without resorting to war and external intervention, to destroy a country such as Yemen.

Communist Party of Albania Communist Party of Argentina Communist Party of Australia Party of Labour of Austria Communist Party of Bangladesh Communist Party of Belgium Communist Party of Bolivia Brazilian Communist Party New Communist Party of Britain Communist Party of Bulgaria Party of the Bulgarian Communists Communist Party of Canada AKEL, Cyprus Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia Communist Party in Denmark Force of the Revolution, Dominican Republic Communist Party of Estonia Communist Party of Finland French Communist Party German Communist Party Unified Communist Party of Georgia Communist Party of Greece Hungarian Workers’ Party Tudeh Party of Iran Communist Party of Iraq The Worker’s Party of Ireland Communist Party of Ireland Communist Party of Israel Jordanian Communist Party Socialist Movement of Kazakhstan Workers Party of Korea Lebanese Communist Party Communist Party of Luxembourg Communist Party of Malta Communist Party of Mexico

Nepal Communist Party New Communist Party of Netherlands Communist Party of Norway Communist Party of Pakistan Palestinian Communist Party Palestinian People’s Party Paraguayan Communist Party Romanian Socialist Party Communist Party of the Russian Federation Russian Communist Workers’ Party = Communist Party of Soviet Union (RCWP=CPSU) Communist Party of the Soviet Union UCP-CPSU New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Communists of Serbia Communist Party of Slovakia Communist Party of The Peoples of Spain Communist Party of The Peoples of Spain Communist Party of Sri Lanka Communist Party of Swaziland Sudanese Communist Party Labour Party (EMEP) Communist Party of Ukraine Communist Party USA

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Statement of participants of 20th IMCWP on Georgia Заявление участников 20-ой Международной Встречи Коммунистических и рабочих партии Грузия переживает очередной политический кризис. На фоне постоянного углубления социальноэкономической ситуации, в последние два года в стране наблюдается резкое урезание демократических прав. Вновь усилилась давление на левую оппозицию, вновь появилась агрессивная антикоммунистическая, антисоветская и русофобская риторика на самом высоком официальном уровне. Действие закона под названием «Хартия Свободы», запрещающий советскую символику и советскую идеологию не было приостановлено. Наоборот, Единая Коммунистическая партия Грузии регулярно получает предупреждение от Службы Безопасности Грузии о недопустимости советской пропаганды и применения советской символики с целью этой пропаганды. Предупреждение партия получает в том числе и в письменном виде. Левые, социалистические силы практически не имеют свободу политической деятельности, а ЕКП Грузии вообще загнано в подпольное, нелегальное положение. Особенно активными стали репрессивные меры устрашения, примененные против членов ЕКПГ, после парламентских выборов 2016 года, когда ЕКПГ провела яркую предвыборную кампанию, разоблачающую антинародную суть политики властей. На акциях, организованных коммунистами Грузии, регулярно устраиваются провокации со стороны неконтролирующих фашиствующих группировок. Последний такого рода инцидент произошел в столице страны 9 мая этого года во время митинга, организованного партией в связи с очередной годовщиной победы над фашистской Германией. Правоохранительные органы Грузии не пресекают агрессивные действия и явные нарушения закона со стороны провокаторов. Более того, за действия в защиту своих прав осуждаются члены компартии. К примеру, Председатель ЕКП Грузии, Темур Пипия был неправомерно осужден за вполне законные действия в защиту прав членов партии провести съезд и митинг в рамках одной из предвыборных

331 кампаний. Мы, участники 20-ой Международной Встречи Коммунистических и рабочих партии отмечаем резкое усиление незаконного давления со стороны властей Грузии и систематическое ущемление прав членов Единой Компартии Грузии свободно выразить свою позицию и общественно-политические взгляды и реализовать законные политические цели. Мы осуждаем вышеописанные незаконные действия властей, также действующий закон (так называемый «Хартия Свободы»), запрещающий советскую символику и советскую идеологию, как закон, нарушающий всемирно признанные принципы демократии и прав человека.

Афины, 24 ноября 2018 года

Algerian Party for Democracy and Socialism Party of Labour of Austria Communist Party of Belgium New Communist Party of Britain Communist Party of Bulgaria Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia Communist Party of Estonia Unified Communist Party of Georgia Communist Party of Greece Hungarian Workers’ Party Socialist Movement of Kazakhstan Party of the Communists of Kyrgyzstan Socialist Party of Latvia Communist Party of Malta Communist Party of Mexico Communist Party of Norway Communist Party of Pakistan Palestinian Communist Party Paraguayan Communist Party Romanian Socialist Party Communist Party of the Russian Federation Russian Communist Workers’ Party = Communist Party of Soviet Union (RCWP=CPSU) Communist Party of the Soviet Union UCP-CPSU New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Communists of Serbia Communist Party of Sri Lanka Syrian Communist Party Communist Party of Ukraine

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Participants List

Communist Party of Albania Algerian Party for Democracy and Socialism Communist Party of Argentina Communist Party of Australia Party of Labour of Austria Communist Party of Azerbaijan Democratic Progressive Tribune Communist Party of Bangladesh Communist Party of Belarus Communist Party of Belgium Communist Party of Bolivia Brazilian Communist Party Communist Party of Brazil Communist Party of Britain New Communist Party of Britain Communist Party of Bulgaria Party of the Bulgarian Communists Communist Party of Canada Communist Party of China Socialist Workers’ Party of Croatia Communist Party of Cuba Progressive Party of the Working People - AKEL Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia Communist Party in Denmark Communist Party of Denmark Force of the Revolution, Dominican Republic Communist Party of Ecuador Communist Party of Estonia Communist Party of Finland French Communist Party Communist Party of Macedonia Unified Communist Party of Georgia German Communist Party Communist Party of Greece Hungarian Workers’ Party Communist Party of India Communist Party of India (Marxist) Tudeh Party of Iran Communist Party of Iraq Communist Party of Kurdistan-Iraq Communist Party of Ireland The Worker’s Party of Ireland Communist Party of Israel Communist Party (Italy) Italian Communist Party Jordanian Communist Party Socialist Movement of Kazakhstan Workers Party of Korea Party of the Communists of Kyrgyzstan Lao’s Peoples’ Revolutionary Party Socialist Party of Latvia Lebanese Communist Party Socialist Party, Lithuania

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Communist Party of Luxembourg Party of the Congress for the Independence of Madagascar (AKFM) Communist Party of Malta Communist Party of Mexico Nepal Communist Party New Communist Party of Netherlands Communist Party of Norway Communist Party of Pakistan Palestinian Communist Party Palestinian People’s Party Paraguayan Communist Party Communist Party of Poland Portuguese Communist Party Romanian Socialist Party Communist Party of Soviet Union Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) Russian Communist Workers’ Party - Communist Party of Soviet Union (RCWP-CPSU) Union Of Communist Parties-CPSU Communists of Serbia New Communist Party Yugoslavia Communist Party of Slovakia South African Communist Party Communist Party of Spain Communist Party of The Peoples of Spain Communist Party of The Peoples of Spain Communist Party of Sri Lanka Sudanese Communist Party Communist Party of Swaziland Communist Party of Sweden Syrian Communist Party Communist Party of Turkey Labour Party (EMEP) Communist Party of Ukraine Union of Communists of Ukraine Communist Party USA Communist Party of Venezuela Communist Party of Vietnam

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Red Links after the 20th IMCWP

Albania, Communist Party of Albania (+355) 382274111 (+355) 4251271 gjonbruci5@yahoo.com Algeria, Algerian Party for Democracy and Socialism http://www.lien-pads.fr (+331) 46637607 (+331) 46772082 (+331) 42537882 (+331) 42537882 (+331) 46637607 pads.dz@laposte.net Argentina, Communist Party of Argentina http://www.pca.org.ar (+54) 1143040066 (+54) 1143040068 (+54) 1143040068 rriipca@pca.org.ar jkreyness@yahoo.com Armenia, Communist Party of Armenia (+37) 410541917 comparty.armenia@mail.ru Australia, Communist Party of Australia http://www.cpa.org.au international@cpa.org.au cpa@cpa.org.au Austria, Communist Party of Austria http://www.kpoe.at international@kpoe.at Austria, Party of Labour of Austria http://www.parteiderarbeit.at (+43) 6643520469 international@parteiderarbeit.at Azerbaidjan, Communist Party of Azerbaidjan (+99) 412441753 (+99) 412948937 Azerbaidjan, Communist Party of Azerbaidjan (+99) 4503253256 (+99) 4556138749 (+99) 4503165853 nurullayev@mail.ru kommunist-az@mail.ru hasanov_1951@mail.ru Bahrain, Democratic Progressive Tribune IB 2019

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http://www.altaqadomi.com/ (+97) 317780007 (+97) 317780006 fa.almenbar@gmail.com Bangladesh, Communist Party of Bangladesh http://www.cpbbd.org/ (+88) 029558612 (+88) 027172845 (+88) 029552333 cpbinter@gmail.com info@cpb.org.bd Bangladesh, Workers’ Party of Bangladesh (+88) 029567975 (+88) 029558545 wpartybd@bangla.net Belarus, Communist Party of Belarus (+375) 172934888 atamanovgp@tut.by Belgium, Communist Party of Belgium http://www.particommuniste.be/ (+32) 25376681 (+32) 25376681 international@particommuniste.be bureau@particommuniste.be Belgium, Workers’ Party of Belgium http://www.ptb.be (French) http://www.pvda.be (Dutch) (+32) 25040139 (+32) 25040141 international@ptb.be Bolivia, Communist Party of Bolivia http://www.pcbolivia.net/ (+59) 12423252 (+59) 22770535 marxmil@hotmail.com pcb.rrii@gmail.com Brazil, Brazilian Communist Party http://www.pcb.org.br (+55) 2122620855 (+55) 2122620855 pcb.partidocomunistabrasileiro@gmail.com eg_serra@yahoo.com.br pcb@pcb.org.br Brazil, Communist Party of Brazil

http://www.pcdob.org.br http://www.vermelho.org.br http://www.resistencia.cc/ (+55) 1130541800 (+55) 1130541822 (+55) 1130541821 (+55) 1130541848 internacional@pcdob.org.br Britain, Communist Party of Britain http://www.communist-party.org.uk (+44) 2086861659 international@communist-party.org.uk office@communist-party.org.uk foster631@btinternet.com Britain, New Communist Party of Britain http://www.newworker.org (+44) 2072234052 party@ncp.clara.net Bulgaria, Communist Party of Bulgaria http://comparty-bg.com (+35) 929816093 (+35) 929816093 comparty@abv.bg Bulgaria, Party of the Bulgarian Communists (+35) 98961133 (+35) 9898322455 (+35) 924702573 bcp.gd@mail.bg bcpgd1949@gmail.com Canada, Communist Party of Canada http://www.communist-party.ca (+14) 164692446 inter@cpc-pcc.ca dgarvie@cpc-pcc.ca Chile, Communist Party of Chile http://www.pcchile.cl/ (+56) 27295700 (+56) 27295714 internacional@pcchile.cl China, Communist Party of China http://www.idcpc.org.cn http://www.china.org.cn/english/index.htm http://english.cpc.people.com.cn/ (+86) 1083907267 (+86) 1083907268 info@idcpc.org.cn

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yuliagustavo@163.net Colombia, Colombian Communist Party http://www.pacocol.org (+57) 13203204 (+57) 12854188 (+57) 13384742 jaimecaisedo@gmail.com sergiodezubiria@gmail.com notipaco@pacocol.org Colombia, FARC-EP http://www.farc-ep.co http://www.pazfarc-ep.org (The peace delegation in Spanish ) http://www.farc-epeace.org. (The peace delegation in English ) cominiternacional.farc@gmail.com Costa Rica, People’s Vanguard Party (+50) 622258300 (+50) 622810484 vanguardiapopularinternacional@gmail.com partidocomunista1931@gmail.com Croatia, Socialist Workers’ Party of Croatia http://www.srp.hr (+38) 514835340 (+38) 912219036 (+38) 14835340 srp@srp.hr vladimir.kapuralin@pu.t-com.hr Cuba, Communist Party of Cuba http://www.pcc.cu/ (+53) 78605678 (+53) 78593047 europari@cc.cu vjdri@cc.cu Cyprus, the Progressive Party of the Working People - AKEL http://www.akel.org.cy (+35) 722761121 (+35) 722761574 (+35) 722764725 interbureau@akel.org.cy Czech Republic, Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia http://www.kscm.cz http://www.kscm.cz/english (+42) 0222897111

(+42) 0222897207 info@kscm.cz leftnews@kscm.cz jaroslav.roman@kscm.cz Denmark, Communist Party in Denmark http://www.kommunisterne.dk (+45) 38882833 (+45) 38882433 Kpid@Kommunisterne.Dk Denmark, Communist Party of Denmark http://www.dkp.dk (+45) 33916644 dkp@dkp.dk int@dkp.dk Dominican Republic, Force Of The Revolution www.fuerzadelarevolucion.com (+80) 93336585 Jgomez20@gmail.com r.alvarezc@hotmail.com ofic.rdrifr@gmail.com Ecuador, Communist Party Of Ecuador http://pcecuador.org/ http://pcecuadorcc.blogspot.gr/ (+593) 22909454 (+593) 42401462 (+593) 422248643 (+593) 997195448 ccentral@pcecuador.org winstoncamp@yahoo.com mariomendoza2004@yahoo.es inter.pcecuador@hotmail.com Egypt, Egyptian Communist Party http://www.cp-egypt.com (+20) 101078617 (+20) 223921315 cpegypt@gmail.com El Salvador, Communist Party of El Salvador elsalvadorpc@hotmail.com Estonia, Communist Party of Estonia (+37) 23591174 (+37) 23591174 gungerburg@mail.ru narvaSRG@rambler.ru FYROM, Communist Party of Macedonia IB 2019

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(+389) 23177248 (+389) 23177248 cpmmkd@gmail.com Finland, Communist Party of Finland http://www.skp.fi (+358) 977438150 (+358) 977438160 skp@skp.fi France, French Communist Party http://www.pcf.fr (+33) 140401293 (+33) 140401286 (+33) 142404027 international@pcf.fr interpcf@gmail.com Georgia, Unified Communist Party of Georgia (+995) 599917987 tpipia@rambler.ru cpgeo@narod.ru Germany, German Communist Party http://www.dkp.de (+49) 2011778890 (+49) 20117788929 pv@dkp.de (Ε-mail of the Central Committee) inter@dkp.de (Ε-mail of the International Relations) Greece, Communist Party of Greece http://inter.kke.gr (+30) 2102592111 (+30) 2102592298 cpg.kke@gmail.com cpg@int.kke.gr Guadelupe, Guadeloupean Communist Party (+59) 0821945 (+59) 0836990 dc500009@exchange.france.ncr.com Guyana, People’s Progressive Party http://www.pppguyana.org (+592) 2272095 (+592) 2274301 (+592) 2274302 (+592) 2272096 (+592) 2278765 gensecppp@gmail.com Hungary, Hungarian Workers’ Party

http://www.munkaspart.hu (+361) 7814226 (+363) 09443520 (+361) 7808306 international@munkaspart.hu thurmer@yandex.ru India, Communist Party Of India (Marxist) http://www.cpim.org https://www.facebook.com/cpimcc (+91) 1123344918 (+91) 1123747435 (+91) 1123747436 (+91) 1123747483 cc@cpim.org intl@cpim.org India, Communist Party οf India http://www.communistparty.in/ (+91) 1123232801 (+91) 1123235099 (+91) 1123235058 (+91) 1123235543 internationaldept@communistparty.in cpiofindia@gmail.com Iran,Tudeh Party of Iran http://www.tudehpartyiran.org (+44) 7790277770 (+49) 303241627 mardom@tudehpartyiran.org navid.shomali@btinternet.com Iraq, Communist Party of Kurdistan-Iraq http://www.regaykurdistan.com (+964) 7504513184 (+964) 7504492282 info_kcp@yahoo.com info_kcp@yahoo.com Iraq, Iraqi Communist Party http://www.iraqicp.com (+44) 2086422981 salamsaadi@hotmail.co.uk icpinter@yahoo.co.uk info@iraqicp.com Ireland, Communist Party of Ireland http://www.communistpartyofireland.ie (+353) 16708707 cpoi@eircom.net Ireland, The Workers’ Party of Ireland

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http://www.workersparty.ie (+353) 18733916 (+353) 18748702 wpi.international@gmail.com wpi@indigo.ie

(+996) 312624999 (+996) 312660401 mars40@list.ru

Israel, Communist Party Of Israel http://www.maki.org.il (+972) 36293944 (+972) 36297263 info@maki.org.il interelations@maki.org.il

Korea, DPR, Workers Party of Korea http://www.kimsoft.com/dprk.htm (+850) 23815855 (+39) 0654220749 (+850) 23814657 (+39) 54210090 wpkint@start-co.net.kp dprkembroma@outlook.com

Italy, Communist Party (Italy) http://ilpartitocomunista.it/ internazionale@ilpartitocomunista.it nazionale@ilpartitocomunista.it

Laos, Peoples’ Revolutionary Party (+856) 21414042 (+856) 214140423 party.relationsdep.la@gmail.com

Italy, Italian Communist Party https://www.ilpartitocomunistaitaliano.it (+39) 3319203447 international@ilpartitocomunistaitaliano.it

Latvia, Socialist Party of Latvia http://www.latsocpartija.lv (+371) 67555535 (+371) 67555535 latsocpartija@inbox.lv

Italy, Party Of The Communist Refoundation http://www.rifondazione.it/ (+39) 06441821 (+39) 0644182207 sitoprc@rifondazione.net esteri.prc@rifondazione.it Japan, Japanese Communist Party http://www.jcp.or.jp http://www.japan-press.co.jp/ (+813) 54748421 (+813) 37460767 intl@jcp.jp

Lebanon, Lebanese Communist Party http://www.lcparty.org (+961) 1739615 (+961) 1739616 (+961) 1739617 lcparty.lcparty@gmail.com omar.deeb@gmail.com Lithuania, Socialist Party https://socialistupartija.blogspot.com/ (+370) 67117212 socialistinislf17@gmail.com

Jordan, Jordanian Communist Party http://www.jocp.org (+962) 64624939 (+962) 64624939 jcp@nets.com.jo jcplive@umniahlive.net

Luxembourg, Communist Party of Luxembourg http://www.kp-l.org (+352) 44606621 (+352) 44606666 kpl@zlv.lu aruckert@zlv.lu

Kazakhstan, Communist Party of Kazakhstan http://www.komparty.kz/ (+772) 72911400 komparty@list.ru

Madagascar, Party of the Congress for the Independence of Madagascar (AKFM) (+261) 202227065 (+261) 202226828 aakfm@netclub.mg antokonykongresyakfm@gmail.com

Kazakhstan, Socialist Movement Of Kazakhstan http://www.socialismkz.info/ socialismkz@gmail.com Kirgizia, Party of the Communists of Kyrgyzstan

Malta, Communist Party of Malta IB 2019

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http://communistpartymalta.blogspot.com/ (+35) 621223537 communistpartymalta@gmail.com Mexico, Communist Party of Mexico http://www.comunistas-mexicanos.org (+52) 7343425838 internacionalpcm@gmail.com Mexico, Popular Socialist Party - National Political Association , Mexico http://www.pps.org.mx (+52) 55330816 (+52) 55330817 (+52) 55330818 ppsprens@infinitummail.com ppsdn2003@yahoo.com.mx jaogazp@hotmail.com Mexico, Popular Socialist Party of Mexico http://www.ppsm.org.mx (+52) 556722057 (+52) 556091896 ppsmexico@gmail.com amezcua910@yahoo.com.mx

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Pakistan, Communist Party of Pakistan http://www.cppak.org (+92) 222654531 (+92) 222654531 cppk1948@gmail.com Palestine, Palestinian Communist Party http://www.pallcp.ps (+97) 92515830 (+97) 22267055 (+97) 222267644 (+97) 92515075 palestinian_cp_alqam@hotmail.com info@pallcp.ps Palestine, Palestinian People’s Party http://www.ppp.ps (+97) 22963593 (+97) 22963592 taqazaqel@yahoo.com

Panama, Party of The People http://www.elpartidodelpueblo.org (+507) 2259025 (+507) 2272194 Moldova, Party of Communists Of Republic of Mol- partidodelpueblopa@yahoo.com dova elpartido@elpartidodelpueblo.org http://www.pcrm.md/ (+373) 22249441 Paraguay, Paraguayan Communist Party (+373) 22233673 http://www.pcparaguay.org/ info@pcrm.md (+595) 21225116 pcrmcc@gmail.com (+595) 972624390 (+595) 21621836 Nepal, Communist Party of Nepal (UML) inter@pcparaguay.org http://www.cpnuml.org rrii@pcparaguay.org (+977) 14378055 (+977) 14015980 Peru, Communist Party of Peru (Patria Roja) umlcpn@gmail.com http://www.patriaroja.org.pe/ (+511) 4262366 Netherlands, New Communist Party of the Nether- (+511) 99386928 lands pcdelp@patriaroja.org.pe http://www.ncpn.nl partidosec@yahoo.com (+31) 703603676 amorenor@speedy.com.pe (+31) 206825019 (+31) 206828276 Peru, Peruan Communist Party manifest@ziggo.nl http://www.pcperuano.com ncpn@ncpn.nl (+511) 4331634 (+511) 4715399 Norway, Communist Party of Norway unidad@ec-red.com http://www.nkp.no contacto@pcp.pe (+47) 22716044 pcperuano.rrii@gmail.com nkp@nkp.no Philippines, Philippine Communist Party [PKP-1930]

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http://www.pkp1930.org (+632) 3590201 parisantonio2001@yahoo.com philcompar@yahoo.com

http://skpkpss.ru/ (+74) 956921769 (+74) 956925476 inter.ussr@gmail.com

Poland, Communist Party of Poland http://www.kom-pol.org (+48) 228334288 int@kompol.org kompol@o2.pl beata_karon@o2.pl

Serbia, Communists Of Serbia http://www.komunistisrbije.rs/ (+381) 113514478 komsrb@open.telekom.rs

Portugal, Portuguese Communist Party http://www.pcp.pt http://www.pcp.pt/en (+351) 217813800 (+351) 217969824 internacional@pcp.pt Romania, Romanian Communist Party (+40) 216423615 pantazipcr@yahoo.com Romania, Socialist Alliance Party http://www.pasro.ro (+40) 212522887 (+40) 314057078 (+40) 314057077 (+40) 214133354 contact@pasro.ro gheorghitazbaganu@yahoo.com

Serbia, New Communist Party of Yugoslavia http://www.nkpj.org.rs (+381) 112400628 (+381) 112400640 int_nkpj@yahoo.com Slovakia, Communist Party of Slovakia http://www.kss.sk (+421) 244644101 (+421) 244362540 sekr@kss.sk South Africa, South African Communist Party http://www.sacp.org.za (+27) 113393621 (+27) 113393622 (+27) 113394244 international@sacp.org.za alex@sacp.org.za

Spain, Communist Party of Spain http://www.pce.es Russia, Communist Party Of The Russian Federation (+34) 913004969 (KPRF) (+34) 913004744 http://www.kprf.ru internacional@pce.es (+74) 956927646 comitecentral@pce.es (+74) 956925685 inter@kprf.ru Spain, Communist Party of The Peoples of Spain zabirov@duma.gov.ru www.partido-comunista.es international@partido-comunista.es Russia, Communist Party of Soviet Union http://www.cpsu.by Spain, Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain cpsu.msk@gmail.com www.pcpe.es internacional@pcpe.es Russia, Russian Communist Workers’ Party - Com- pcpeinternacional@gmail.com munist Party of Soviet Union (RCWP-CPSU) http://www.rkrp-rpk.ru/ Spain, Communists of Catalonia (+78) 122742772 www.comunistes.cat (+78) 122748073 (+34) 933184282 (+78) 122742818 (+34) 933180011 rkrp-ck@yandex.ru internacional@comunistes.cat Russia, Union Of Communist Parties-CPSU

Sri-Lanka, Communist Party of Sri-Lanka IB 2019

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http://www.communistpartyofsrilanka.org/ (+94) 112695328 (+94) 112691610 compartysl@gmail.com Sudan, Sudanese Communist Party http://www.midan.net (+42) 0233555668 (+42) 0233555668 alilad47@hotmail.com Swaziland, Communist Party Of Swaziland cpswa.org@gmail.com Sweden, Communist Party of Sweden http://www.skp.se (+46) 87358640 skp@skp.se Syria, Syrian Communist Party (+96) 3114455048 (+96) 3114422716 syriancommunistparty@gmail.com osamah.almaghout@gmail.com Syria, Syrian Communist Party [Unified] http://www.syrcomparty.org/ (+96) 3114410264 (+96) 3114422383 scp@scs-net.org scp@syrcomparty.org Tadjikistan, Communist Party of Tadjikistan http://www.kpt.freenet.tj (+992) 372232953 (+992) 372351482 (+992) 372232292 lulush@mail.ru communist_party@mail.ru talbakov-555.@mail.ru Turkey, Communist Party Of Turkey http://www.tkp.org.tr/en (+90) 3124172968 int@tkp.org.tr Turkey, Labour Party (EMEP) http://www.emep.org http://en.emep.org http://es.emep.org (+90) 5393281323 (+90) 2125875686 international@emep.org

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USA, Communist Party USA http://www.cpusa.org https://www.facebook.com/cpusa/ international@cpusa.org Ukraine, Communist Party of Ukraine http://www.kpu.life/ (+38) 0442380506 (+38) 0442389986 interkpu@gmail.com Ukraine, Union of Communists of Ukraine http://un-comm-ukr.ucoz.ru/ (+38) 0442906225 (+38) 0442906228 razvitie017@gmail.com Uruguay, Communist Party of Uruguay http://www.pcu.org.uy/ (+59) 829242697 (+59) 829247056 pcuinternacional@montevideo.com.uy partidocomunista@adinet.com.uy profdcoira@gmail.com info@pcu.org.uy Venezuela, Communist Party of Venezuela http://www.pcv-venezuela.org http://prensa-pcv.blogspot.com/ https://prensapcv.wordpress.com/ (+58) 2122566386 internacional.pcvenezuela@gmail.com carolus1111@yahoo.com Vietnam, Communist Party of Vietnam http://www.cpv.org.vn (+844) 8436278 (+844) 38234514 (+844) 8045657 perc@fpt.vn cpvic@cpvic.org.vn

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IB 2019

www.solidnet.org